Afr.j. polit. sci. (1998). Vol. 3 No. I. 104-118 
Mechanisms of Community Reception 
of Demobilised Soldiers in 
Mozambique 
Irae Baptista Lundin* 
Abstract 
The paper addresses the problem of rehabilitation of demobilised soldiers which 
is a neglected aspect of peace and reconstruction initiatives in societies emerging 
from conflict. Using the case of Mozambique, it discusses the problem of rehabilitation 
at the individual and community levels; and argues that successful rehabilitation 
depends on a deeper knowledge of the customs and traditions of the 
community; because, as shown by the Mozambican experience, a mechanism of 
community reception plays a crucial role in ensuring the successful rehabilitation 
of ex-soldiers. 
Introduction 
Mozambique is a former Portuguese colony situated in Southern Africa, with 
eleven provinces, a land area of 799,380 square kilometres, and a population of 
about 17,5 million, consisting of some twenty ethnic groups (all of Bantu origin), 
which are also distributed throughout the territories of neighbouring countries. 
There are also groups of European and Indian origin as a result of colonisation. In 
1962, a nationalist movement was created by Mozambicans in Tanzania to liberate 
the country from colonial rule. After countless diplomatic efforts to reach independence 
by peaceful means, a military struggle was launched in 1964 lasting ten years 
when an agreement was signed in Lusaka in September 1974 between Portugal, the 
former colonial power, and the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique - Frelimo 
- in the name of the Mozambican people. An interim government was formed with 
Mozambican and Portuguese politicians, and in June 1975 Mozambique became 
an independent country. 
The signing of the Lusaka Agreement signified the end of colonial rule in the 
country, but unfortunately it did not bring lasting peace. In 1976, military unrest 
1027-0353 © 1998 African Association of Political Science
Community Reception of Demobilised Soldiers in Mozambique 105 
developed in regions close to the border with former Rhodesia, and in a couple of 
years conflict exploded and was transformed into an armed confrontation in all but 
a few parts of the national territory. A movement was created outside the country, 
(he Mozambican National Resistance - Renamo, which gradually became the 
military instrument for destabilising the government of Mozambique. 
In 1984, as a result of the Nkomati Accord, a change of direction from the 
socialist model adopted in 1975 was initiated. This was followed by the adoption 
in 1987 of a structural adjustment programme; a decision that was partly domestic 
in origin and partly the result of external pressures (primarily from the Bretton 
Wood institutions). A process of political liberalisation was also initiated, and in 
1990 a new Constitution was introduced, giving constitutional basis to economic 
liberalisation, and at the same time political pluralism and separation of powers. 
From 1988, realising that the armed conflict could not be settled by military 
means, attempts were made by certain individuals and forces in civil society, the 
Catholic Church and various religious groups included, to establish contacts with 
and initiate negotiations between the warring parties. In October 1992, a peace 
agreement was signed in Rome between the Government of Mozambique and 
Renamo, through the mediation of the Catholic Church and the Italian Government. 
The process of initiating an end to armed conflict is difficult and complex, and 
involves many levels of activity. However, an issue that receives scant attention is 
the situation of the ex-soldiers. What should happen to them at the end of the 
military conflict? These are individuals trained in the art of war, often with little 
or no education or job skills, hardened by a bitter and often mindless war that made 
nodistinction between combatants and non-combatants. It did not matter that these 
individuals themselves often had no clear commitment to the struggle, and little 
choice as to whether to leave it or change it. Once demobilised from the army they 
lose not only their corporate identity and sense of belonging, but their social status 
as well, and may feel lost and disoriented in civilian society. 
There is also the problem of how the community would see these demobilised 
soldiers, many of whom may have committed atrocities. Social reintegration is 
thus critical for peace maintenance, but is often neglected in signed agreements. 
Brito & Mussanhane (1997: 3) define reintegration as follows: 
we understand social reintegration as the reinsertion in the family and 
community, and the mental elimination of the perception of being (member 
of) a specific group; by economic reintegration, we understand the involvement 
in sustainable activities producing revenues, and the elimination of 
special material needs (to be provided by others). 
In Mozambique, a good deal of emphasis was placed on economic (re)integration 
with the development of training and occupational skills programmes, but little. 
if anything at all, was officially done to address the psychological needs of the ex-
106 Irae Baptista Lundin 
combatants, and prepare them for a return to civil life. Secondly, peace agreements 
do not provide a comprehensive basis for reconciliation, which is apparently not 
considered an "essential" part of peacekeeping mechanisms. For a communitystate 
like Mozambique, where social order within community life and between 
neighbouring communities is important for the social reproduction of the existent 
mode of life, healing and reconciliation after a conflict, between individuals, social 
groups, and communities, is not only important but essential. 
Resettlement After Demobilisation 
After the signature of the peace agreement in Rome, a process of demobilisation 
was launched in Mozambique. Soldiers were gathered in selected assembly areas, 
given severance pay, subsidies, food, and assistance with transportation to a place 
of choice. There were altogether about 92,000 soldiers from both sides, and 49 
assembly centres (29 for the Government and 20 for Renamo). The majority 
resettled in their place of origin (see Table 1), reflecting continuing attachment to 
those particular communities even after years of killing, rape, pillage, ironically 
often occurring in those very places of origin. However, many soldiers mainly from 
Table 1: Percentage of Total Demobilised: Origin, Place of Military 
Service, Resettlement 
Province Region of 
Birth 
Cabo Delgado 
Gaza 
Inhambanc 
Manica 
Maputo 
Nampula 
Niassa 
Sofala 
Tete 
Zambezia 
City of Maputo 
No Information1 
9.07 
6.65 
10.19 
8.01 
1.76 
13.70 
9.81 
12.11 
6.89 
10.14 
1.67 
00,00 
Total 100.00 
Source: Barnes; 1997:12. 
Resettlement Military 
Unit 
5.35 
5.52 
5.31 
7.91 
7.21 
9.65 
9.31 
18.15 
8.17 
14.36 
9.06 
00.00 
7.30 
5.10 
7.08 
9.73 
4.20 
12.99 
9.26 
13.75 
5.90 
16.64 
7.97 
00.00 
100.00 100.00
Community Reception of Demobilised Soldiers in Mozambique 107 
Renamo's army, were unable to return home and resettled elsewhere. Ex-soldiers, 
settled in the province of Zambezia and interviewed by Mbilana (see Baptista 
Lundin etai, forthcoming), mentioned the existence of a 'clause' (in the peace 
agreement?) forbidding return to their original homeland, possibly as a result of 
atrocities committed there. 
Forgiveness and reconciliation is part of the African cultural heritage. Not 
surprisingly, therefore, these values are being recovered and reinforced in 
Mozambique today. Knowing the importance of the principle of reconciliation, the 
religious leaders who played a key role in initiating the peace process held an 
ecumenical service in public in 1993, i n the two most important cities - Maputo and 
Beira - in order to celebrate the first anniversary of the peace agreement. The 
Churches also had "peace education programmes" which functioned at community 
level. The most significant activities, however, were those organised by the 
communities themselves. Rituals of (re)integration in the various places where exsoldiers 
chose to settle, were conducted by the communities as part of the reception 
extended to these individuals. These rituals sought to reconcile the individual in 
three stages: first, with him/herself, to purge the spirit of war and aggression from 
the heart and soul of the ex-soldier, a kind of exorcism to reorient the former 
combatant socially and psychologically; second, with the community and community 
life; and third, with his/her former enemies. 
Reintegration in the Communities 
There are community mechanisms of reintegration in rural and urban zones, with 
particular characteristics for different regions and localities. At all sites these 
mechanisms functioned autonomously, as "cultural elements of reintegration" 
dispensing with financial help from outside the community.2 The evidence 
suggests that these mechanisms worked better in rural areas than urban centres. 
Rural Areas 
Although the rural space still belongs to different communities, local tradition 
allows strangers and others to settle on community and lineage land, a practice 
undertaken to strengthen the local capacity for social reproduction. Strangers may 
settle in new places often through marriage, but the process of settlement always 
involves adoption by a "godfather", who will answer for the social behavior of the 
newcomer. This tradition is still in force in spite of the impact of "modernity"- 
These traditional practices allowed ex-soldiers, regardless of origin, to settle and 
farm in any rural community throughout the country. Because the traditional work 
in rural areas consisted of agriculture, hunting and fishing, no special training was 
required to enable an ex-soldier to fit into the rural occupational structure. 
Reintegration was also facilitated by the fact that the majority of demobilised 
personnel had a rural background and had passed through initiation rites to adult
108 Irae Baptista Lundin 
Table 2: Educational Background of the Demobilised Soldiers 
Schooling' Total Number 
of Demobilised 
26,434 
16,863 
None 
Primary, 
4th Grade 
Primary, no 
specification 
6th Grade 
7th Grade 
8th Grade 
9th Grade 
8,528 
12,057 
4,921 
3,087 
3,689 
534 
1,536 
10th Grade 
11th Grade 
12th Grade 127 
271 
185 
14,659 
Superior 
Other 
No Information 
Total 92,881 
Source: Barnes; 1997:13. 
life. These were crucial considerations, since the average educational level of the 
ex-soldiers was very low (see Table 2). The percentage of total soldiers demobilised 
with no schooling was 31.79%; for ex-Renamo soldiers, the percentage was much 
higher, 41% (Barnes; 1997:44). 
Subsistence in rural areas is primarily based on agriculture, with every family 
having a collective right to cultivate a plot of land. Cash economy is not yet a 
regular pattern of economic life. During the war it became even less so, with money 
almost disappearing from some areas of the country. After demobilisation all 
soldiers received subsidies, cash provided by the Reintegration Support Scheme 
(RSS). However, the programmes funded by different agencies favoured the 
demobilised with higher education, who tended to stay in urban/peri-urban areas 
(Barnes 1997: vi), the reason being perhaps that some international agencies feared 
greater risk of explosion of conflict in these areas. Also, such programmes 
benefited ex-Government soldiers proportionately more than ex-Renamo (Ibid.: 
Adjusted 
% 
% of the 
Total 
31.79% 28.26% 
21.56% 18.16% 
9.17% 
12.98% 
5.30% 
3.32% 
3.97% 
10.89% 
15.41% 
6.29% 
3.39% 
4.72% 
0.68% 
1.96% 
0.16% 
0.35% 
0.24% 
0.57% 
1.65% 
0.12% 
0.29% 
0.20% 
15.78% 
100.00% 100.00%
Community Reception of Demobilised Soldiers in Mozambique 109 
44-45). In a report prepared for the UNDP, Barnes observed that: "DS [demobilised 
soldiers] spend most of the cash subsidy within the district where he/she resides"; 
funds were used in acquiring "basic utilities, housing, agricultural inputs/animals 
[and] supporting small business" (Ibid. :27). However, such payments did not have 
a substantial impact on the local economy. Disbursement of funds in small 
tranches, and difficulties in collecting payment owing to distance and scarcity of 
transportation, and the problem and expense of dealing with bureaucrats as well as 
different banking agencies, diluted the impact of these payments (Baptista Lundin 
etal., forthcoming). Much of the money was spent with no substantial improvement 
in the life of the communities or the ex-soldiers themselves. The most 
important reason for this subsidy apparently was not development, but to keep the 
peace; and peace was indeed kept! 
In the rural areas, donor assistance tended to take a different form, focusing 
more on development projects that were meant to benefit the community as a 
whole. But these projects were often on a minor scale and yielded poor results. In 
these rural zones, where socio-economic differentiation between the host community 
and ex-soldiers tended to be minimal; given the pervasive poverty, similarities 
in economic circumstances and shared concerns about immediate survival functioned 
to diminish the risk of major conflict between ex-soldiers and the local 
population. Agriculture and rural life will most probably remain, at least in the 
immediate instance, the most sensible and secure alternative for ex-soldiers. 
According to Coelho & Vines (1996:58), agricultural activities have provided an 
economic refuge for "those who do not know what to do in the future, or are 
uncertain of the opportunities they will get in life ... many demobilised excombatants 
started cultivating small plots (or encouraged some of their relatives 
to cultivate) while searching for other opportunities". However, land disputes have 
already become a problem in certain areas of the country, although these do not 
always involve or affect the demobilised. There have been cases of refugees and 
displaced people returning home to find their land occupied by those who stayed 
behind during the war. Economic reforms have also opened up land to urban 
elements and foreigners, giving rise to another source of conflict between rural 
communities and outsiders. The new Land Act approved in July 1997 by the 
Mozambican Parliament, states clearly that land belongs to the State, while giving 
local communities certain rights. It is doubtful, however, that this protection will 
be adequate. 
Urban Zones 
The situation is different in the urban areas (even though these are not without their 
own forms of community solidarity), primarily because the rapid transitions which 
Mozambique is undergoing (particularly in the economic arena) are most clearly 
reflected here. The economic situation in Mozambique is critical, owing to the
110 Irae Baptista Lundin 
armed conflict, as well as drought, floods and the effects of bad management. A 
process of privatisation launched since 1991 has also aggravated the urban 
unemployment situation, as new owners of privatised enterprises, many high in the 
party or government, have laid off labour, either because the new owners lack 
adequate capital and management skills to resuscitate the business, or, as is 
frequently the case, because the former state enterprises were hopelessly overstaffed. 
Hence, openings in the formal sector are extremely limited, particularly for 
people without marketable skills (such as most demobilised soldiers) and so rapid 
(re)integration through formal employment and official channels is almost impossible. 
Assistance provided by a well-connected relative may be the only alternative 
to breaking into the formal sector (public or private). Self employment and the 
informal sector are virtually the only avenue open to this group. In addition, 
salaries are very low in Mozambique. To illustrate: a member of Parliament draws 
an official salary of about US$800 per month, and that was considered a 'scandal' 
at the time it was approved, given that the minimum wage is around US$30 per 
month (in May 1998), and a University teacher earns no more than US$500. The 
GDP per capita in 1996 was US$96.40. But there have also been occasional breakssuch 
as when a big soft drink company offered demobilised soldiers access to a 
licence to sell its product in 1997, together with one hundred push carts to transport 
the product. On the other hand, private security companies created after the peace 
accord, drew on the pool of ex-soldiers. In November 1997, there were 47 security 
companies operating in the urban centres, mainly Maputo, Beira and Nampula. 
These ex-soldiers have also been known to trade, for instance, in small weapons, 
and participate in the organised crime that is now prevalent in Mozambique. At the 
other extreme, there is a process of conversion of military skills to civilian 
occupations: in urban areas, ex-soldiers are working or training in activities where 
skills acquired in military life are valued by the civilian sector, such as the case of 
engineers, pilots, electricians, nurses, medical doctors, and so on. 
A brief description of survival strategies in the City of Maputo will help to 
illustrate the difficult economic situation obtaining there at present: 
Because of the difficult economic situation of the last two decades (full 
employment with scarcity before 1987 - when structural adjustment was 
initiated - and a situation of plenty with high prices and unemployment 
from 1987 onwards), local society in Maputo has developed strategies of 
survival, using community mechanisms developed probably during colonial 
times. To deal with the crisis, the population has come to depend on 
forms of solidarity and social networks based upon kinship (real or 
fictitious), which perform the function of caring for its members in the 
urban environment in much the same manner as in the village context. 
However the urban situation isdifferent; because of the absence of land and
Community Reception of Demobilised Soldiers in Mozambique 111 
agricultural products, the focal point of survival strategies was transferred 
to other productive sectors and activities. What happens is that: the 
individual may steal or "liberate" goods or service from the place of work, 
take bribes, or otherwise misuse private or public resources. There is also 
much favouritism, nepotism, and influence-peddling at higher levels of 
government and private corporations, where opportunities are given to 
relatives or close friends, bypassing proper procedures. These ties of 
dependency that allow the less privileged to "eat" off their connections with 
the powerful are captured in the local phrase "baby goat-ism", which is used 
to express the (cynical) expectation that, much as a goat will be expected to 
graze around the area to which it is tethered, so public and private 
employees will feed off their jobs, the "baby-goat" more modestly, of 
course, than the "goat". Even so, not all persons connected to someone 
important in politics can hope to gain access to full employment in this 
manner (Lundin, forthcoming). 
In the urban environment, the majority of the demobilised are being reintegrated 
through family groups, which in turn function within the limits of the system of 
networks based on real or fictitious kinship. 
The Role of Ceremonies in Social Reintegration 
Ceremonies and rituals, provided or conducted by the communities specially for 
the demobilised soldiers settling in rural areas, have been the major avenues to 
healing. Local religious institutions, mostly of syncretic faith, as well as Catholics, 
Protestants and Muslims, are also engaged in the process of reconciling individuals, 
social groups and communities. Testimonies from ex-soldiers help to give 
some idea of the influence of such mechanisms for reintegration into community 
life.
Coming back after the war, my father took me to a traditional doctor. And 
that was done because in my zone there is a tradition saying that "when 
someone leaves the military life,... coming home,... in the first place,... 
before eating anything, ... your father has to take you to the house of a 
traditional doctor to treat your head, so it may stop going round as it used 
to do when in the army"... a ceremony has to be performed, in order to slow 
down the rhythm the heart used to beat when in the bush, to make it normal 
again.5 
These rituals of social reintegration, arranged privately by an individual or 
family but carried out in public and witnessed by the whole community, are 
performed with the help of a traditional healer. The ritual is divided in three parts
112 Irae Baptista Lundin 
(and may take the form of three separate functions conducted at different times, or 
a single ritual with three distinct parts). The first part is designed to help the exsoldier 
overcome his acquired identity as "a killing machine" and regain a civilian 
identity after which he "becomes a person again".6 This ceremony is meant to 
cleanse both physically and spiritually, so the individual first takes a steam bath, 
and then washes afterwards in water fortified with various herbs. The second aspect 
of the ritual is the propitiation of the spirits, to announce to the dead relatives that 
the "lost sheep" is back home. In this ceremony, thanks are given for the protection 
that made possible his safe return home. The third and last part of the ritual, is the 
reconciliation with the spirits of dead persons killed by the ex-soldier, a symbolic 
"encounter" with his victims.7 In this last moment, forgiveness is requested, and is 
backed by a show of remorse. Compensation usually requested by "the dead", 
speaking through the traditional healer, comes in the form of cash or goods.8 This 
ritual of cleansing includes sessions where former enemies, in person or represented 
by relatives, are brought together and put through rituals in order to 
reconcile them. In some regions, a collective meal is served, and everybody eats 
together as a sign of reconciliation. 
The significance attached to the ritual of reconciliation, can be illustrated by an 
incident (or set of incidents) that apparently occurred in the district of Inhassoro (in 
the Southern province of Inhambane), situated about 850 km North of the city of 
Maputo. There, a group of ex-combatants' had settled after independence, far 
from their original home.'" The group was called back to arms during the 
subsequent conflict with Renamo (1976-1992), and on one occasion a commander 
killed a traditional doctor who, it is reported, was helping the rebels. Time passed 
by and no ritual was performed, not even at the end of the conflict. After a time, one 
member of the group died, followed by a few others in succession. So many deaths 
in peacetime was not considered normal by the community, and a traditional doctor 
was consulted for explanation." The old man attributed the deaths to the nonfulfillment 
of ritual obligations which were considered necessary if the social order 
was to be restored. When a ceremony was eventually performed, the spirit of the 
dead asked for a child born from a family of an ex-combatant to take his place, to 
be raised by a relative. It also asked for money and a baby goat to sacrifice to 
propitiate the spirit of the ancestors. This was accepted, and the ceremonies duly 
performed. 
This episode probably has a rational explanation, considering the precarious 
health of members of this group many of whom were advanced in age and living 
under difficult conditions. However, few people alluded to these obvious facts, 
because of the social importance attached to these rituals. The story is one more 
illustration of the critical role of rituals in sustaining the social order of rural 
communities where people live in close proximity and in relations of dependence 
on the spiritual world. These are people who live in very isolated communities.
Community Reception of Demobilised Soldiers in Mozambique 113 
Rituals reinforce collective sentiments of solidarity and social integration that the 
classical scholars like Durkheim (1912) and Radcliffe-Brown (1922) have 
emphasised. In fact, in these communities, ceremonies have to be performed after 
the resolution of any conflict, and only then the dispute is considered settled.12 
The individual may, it is believed, experience psychological problems if a ritual 
is not performed. In fact, bad luck and failure in life (disgrace, misery, an accident, 
or some misfortune), is connected by many with non-fulfillment of such cultural 
obligations. An ex-soldier offered the following testimony: 
when I came back from the war, I made aceremony to make everyone know: 
"I'm back from the military service". My parents propitiated the spirits in 
order to say: "Our son is back home". I went to the (traditional) doctor for 
treatment, and my body became clean again ... I could leave the thoughts 
of war out and regain homely thoughts. At the time of the war, we had just 
one thought, to kill people every day. Not anymore." 
In the psychology of the people the rituals are of vital importance in re-creating 
social harmony in community life. By its nature, the ritual reaffirms the principle 
of togetherness and tolerance, making possible a life of harmony for former 
enemies who have to live together side by side . 
The Role of Marriage in Social Reintegration 
An institution that plays an important role in social reintegration, specially in rural 
areas and for male soldiers, is marriage. By tradition, after the settlement of a 
conflict, the opposing sides marry into each other's family and establish trading 
relations. It is a tradition still used to establish political alliances. Marriage is a 
ritual of passage that both eliminates mistrust and transforms the image of the exsoldier; 
a man with in-laws is considered a respectable person, because, according 
to the local saying, "only a respectable individual has in-laws". Once the first child 
is born the alliance with the in-laws is sealed, and the bellicose spirit is seen to have 
subsided. To sum up, marriage signifies an investment in the community and its 
mechanisms of reproduction. A married man is viewed as a full citizen able to love 
and respect others, capable of giving advice, mediating in conflicts, and interceding 
on behalf of neighbours in need. In the eyes of the community he is regarded 
as a respectable chief within his own domain: the family. 
The Process of Disarming Minds and Hearts 
The (reconstruction of a civilian identity, is of fundamental importance for 
the ex-soldier and the society at large. And this new civilian identity will 
depend upon the capacity of each and everyone; it is a collective act 
(Mozambican Peace Accord, Rome 1992).
114 Irae Baptista Lundin 
After the signing of the Mozambican Peace Accord in Rome in October 1992, 
hostilities ceased in the field of battle. However, a state of insecurity and mistrust 
remained in the psyche of the people. The fact that the war had been so cruel14 and 
did not distinguish between combatants and non-combatants, made civilians 
apprehensive of what ex-soldiers would do in time of peace. These fears were 
reinforced by the constant intimidation of civilians by soldiers, particularly in the 
urban areas, and the threat that they might take up arms again. The general mistrust 
among the civilian population, occasioned by the brutality of the war, naturally 
persisted after the conflict, leading people to consider demobilised soldiers in 
general as a menace to society. 
The reality, however, was that the demobilised were themselves often suffering 
from war fatigue and wanted no further part in violence. The majority hoped to be 
reintegrated into society, and longed for a quiet and normal existence. Nevertheless, 
the general fear of violence and civil unrest was justified, as was the 
apprehension about what might happen if society failed to reintegrate the exsoldiers. 
Studies carried out by Creative Associates into this problem pointed to the 
risk that ex-soldiers, "not feeling adequately reintegrated would revert to theft and 
fraud, upon the cessation of the RSS program" which had provided them with a 
minimum of resettlement assistance (1996a: 20). There was the perception that 
lack of programmes to deal with the psychological trauma of war, disenchantment 
at unfulfilled promises, and the lack of reward for service to the motherland 
(voluntary or coerced), compounded by the frustration of their own lack of formal 
education and job skills, and the impossibility in some cases of returning to their 
place oforigin made theex-soldiers potentially volatile. In March 1997, NOTICIAS 
[21 /03/97: 2], articulated the perception of demobilised soldiers as "creatures with 
a feeble and weak psychic structure, who have lost, many times, self-confidence 
and self-control". The weakness (and indeed non-existence) of state institutions in 
Mozambique magnified the danger that ex-soldiers would utilise their knowledge 
of weapons and military skills to solve individual or collective problems,'5 and 
thereby disrupt the fragile climate of peace. This fear was buttressed by the 
prevalence and growth in urban and rural areas of violence and assaults on road 
travellers that can be linked to the end of the armed conflict. 
In spite of this, there is an incipient optimism. Firstly, sections of civil society 
are contributing actively with programmes and actions to maintain peace. For 
example, a programme to transform weapons into ploughshares (or hoes), an idea 
developed and implemented by the management of the Christian Council of 
Mozambique, has also contributed to reducing the number of weapons in the 
service of crime in the south of Mozambique, and has also encouraged members 
of different communities to reveal the existence of weapons caches. Secondly, 
demobilised soldiers, at least the majority, already consider themselves civilian," 
and signs of their reintegration into civilian life are indeed visible.
Community Reception of Demobilised Soldiers in Mozambique 115 
The fact that Mozambique is a community-state makes community life important 
for individuals and social groups. For this reason, the role of community 
actions in the process of reconciliation is of vital importance for different segments 
of Mozambican society. Community action performed by local traditional elites, 
reflecting traditional customs and rituals, is bringing peace to the minds and hearts 
of individuals, reinforcing a collective culture of peace, reviving it in some places, 
reinforcing and recreating it as required in others. 
An important lesson to be drawn from the case of Mozambique is thus the 
critical role that a suffering but committed community can play in healing the 
wounds of war and reintegrating individuals in community life. Social reintegration 
is a difficult process, but the existence of a mechanism of community reception has 
played an important role in the Mozambican situation. Community mechanisms 
that encourage demobilised soldiers to see themselves as citizens belonging to 
communities are an important asset. It is also important to think about community 
development when considering programmes to reintegrate ex-soldiers into civilian 
life: in a situation where social life and physical infrastructures have been 
destroyed, many groups (refugees, returnees, and vulnerable groups in general) 
will need help, and discriminatory treatment will not benefit the process of 
reconciliation. 
Finally, the regional situation is of particular importance in the context of peace 
in Mozambique, since it had constituted part of the terrain of conflict. A report from 
the OECD observes that 'political circumstances in (the) neighbouring countries 
can have a major influence in the success and credibility of national demobilisation 
efforts, which must then be viewed in the wider context of political and military 
relations at regional level' (OECD; 1997:61). Hence, the overall regional context 
of peace in spite of internal problems of South Africa, Swaziland, Zimbabwe and 
Zambia, has had a positive effect on the growth of peace and stability in 
Mozambique. 
Notes 
* Research Fellow, Centra de Estudos Estrategicos E Internacionais, Maputo, 
Mozambique. 
1 This refers to a group of about 16,000 soldiers demobilised before the 
UNOMOZ operation was initiated. 
2 NOTICIAS, "Como reconstruir a identidade civil dos desmobilizados de 
guerra" (How to Reconstruct a Civilian Identity for the Demobilised). 28/4/97. 
3 Grades 1 -5 > Primary Education; Grades 6-9 > Secondary Education; 10-12 > 
p. 3. Maputo. 
High School. 
4 "Superior education" refers mainly to officer training received while in the 
military.
116 Irae Baptista Lundin 
5 A demobilised soldier, 25 years old, in NOTICIAS (Maputo) 28 April 1997 
p. 3 Maputo. 
6 As expressed in the words of an elderly man, following a ceremony in 1992 on 
the outskirts of the town of Dondo in the province of Sofala. 
7 This ceremony may be compared with the "Shona ritual" described by Gelfand 
in cases of "death of a person who was lost and whose relatives are unaware of 
the site of the burial" (1959: 198). The reference is to the Shona of Zimbabwe, 
the sameethnic group living in twoof the fourcentral provinces of Mozambique. 
8 Interviews with demobilised soldiers in Cabo Delgado, Zambezia, Nampula, 
Tete, Manica and Inhambane. 
9 The term "ex-combatants" is used to describe the combatants from the struggle 
for national liberation (1964-1974). All soldiers demobilised in 1993/1994, are 
called by contrast "demobilised soldiers" or ex-soldiers. 
10 This pattern of resettlement differs from that following the last conflict when 
almost all demobilised were sent back to their region of origin. 
11 By tradition, a traditional doctor is always called upon to explain the cause ol 
death, regardless of its nature. And ceremonies are required to propitiate the 
spirit of the dead and "cleanse" close relatives. 
12 As the Vacopi (a people originally from the South of Mozambique) would pu 
it, kutimela makala, extinguish the fire and bury the ashes [of conflict]. 
13 NOTICIAS, 28 April 1997, p. 3. "Demobilised, 29 years old, Mueda am 
Mossurize, 3 August 1996." 
14 In the central province of Tete, Ngozi (Armageddon) - a word of Shorn 
origin - was often used to refer to the armed confl ict of 1976-1992. (Ironically 
the identical word in Ibo means "blessing"s). 
15 However, a study carried out by Creative Associates in September 1996, using 
a group of ex-soldiers in a so-called "high-risk" sample (demobilised (re)settle< 
in groups in zones of high political tension), reported that "no evidence couli 
be found in any visited areas, to link DS to crime" (1996b: 24). 
16 In a study carried out in 6 provinces, involving interviews with 176 DS ii 
September 1996, Creative Associates Inc. reported that "82% consider them 
selves civilian". In many villages, when elders were asked to identify ex 
soldiers to be interviewed, they would sometimes respond: "We have in th 
village only sons and daughters and in-laws. Don't talk about war (with them 
any more. Leave it out of their hearts!". 
References 
Ball, Nicole 1995 "Mid-term Evaluation: Demobilisation and Reintegration Sup 
port Project" (656-0235). Mozambique (submitted to USAID. Oversea 
Development Council, Washington DC. Maputo. 
Baptista Lundin, Irae "The Role of Kinship in an Urban Context - a Study c
Community Reception of Demobilised Soldiers in Mozambique 117 
Survival Strategies - the Case of the City of Maputo. Forthcoming. 
-—, 1996 "Political Parties - the Ethnic-Regional Reading of the Democratic 
Process"; in B. Mazula (ed.) "Mozambique, Elections, Democracy and 
Development". Maputo. 
, et ai, "The Impact of Demobilisation in Mozambique", A Joint publication 
to be edited by K. Kingma, Bonn International Institute for Conversion. 
Bonn. Germany, (forthcoming). 
Barnes, Sam 1997 "Reintegration Programmes for Demobilised Soldiers in 
Mozambique". Prepared for UNDP/RSS. Maputo. 
Brito, Miguel de & Eduardo Mussanhene — "Relat6rio sobre a Integracao de 
Desmobilizados". Draft para discussao. Projecto "War Torn Societies". 
("Report on Integration of Demobilised". Draft for discussion). Project 
WTS. UNRISD. Maputo. 
Coelho, Joao Paulo & Alex Vines 1996 "Desmobilizacao e Reintegrac.5o de Ex- 
Combatentes em Mozambique". ("Demobilisation and Reintegration of Ex- 
Combatants in Mozambique"). In ARQU1VO No. 19. April. Maputo. 
Creative Associates Inc. 1996a "Study of Demobilised SoldiersFacingDifficulties 
in the Reintegration Process". Final Report; prepared for the International 
Organisation for Migration by CAI. Washington D.C. February, (urban and 
peri-urbana areas). 
-—,1996b "Study of Demobilised SoldiersFacingDifficulties in the Reintegration 
Process. Report prepared for the IOM by CAI. September, (rural areas and 
"risk areas"). Draft. 
Durkheim, Emi le 1912 "Les Formes Elementaires de la Vie Religiouse: le Systeme 
Totemique en Australie". Presses Universitaries. Paris. 
Gelfand, Michael 1959 Shona Ritual. Juta & Co., Ltd. Cape Town. 
Kuyeri, Raul Mourinho 1995 "Guerra e Estrutura Social: Nyungwe em Tete: 
Impacto Socio-Economico e Rerspectivasde reconstruct 1962-1995. ("War 
and Social Structure: Nyungwe in Tete: Socio-Economic Impact and 
Perspectives of Reconstruction 1962-1995). Maputo. 
OECD 1997 "Development Assistance Committee Guidelines in Conflict, Peace 
and Development Co-operation". Paris. 
Radcliffe-Brown, A. Reginald 1922 "The Andaman Islanders". Cambridge 
University Press. England. 
UNOMOZ Technical Unit 1993 "Movement of Military Personnel in Assembled 
Areas". 
Other Sources 
NOTICIAS, a daily published in Maputo. 
TVM, The Television of Mozambique. 
RM, Radio Mozambique.
118 hae Baptista Lundin 
Interviews 
_ with demobilised soldiers, in the provinces of Niassa, Cabo Delgado, 
Nampula, Zambezia, Tete, Manica, Inhambane, and the city of Maputo. Other 
interviews were by Guilherme Mbilana. 
— members of communities with (re)settled ex-soldiers. 
Abbreviations
Mozambican Association for the Demobilised Soldiers AMODEG 
CAI 
DS 
FRELIMO 
IOM 
IRS 
MONAMO 
RENAMO 
RM 
RSS 
TVM 
Creative Associates Inc. 
Demobilised Soldier 
Mozambican Liberation Front 
International Organisation for Migration 
Information and Referral Service 
Mozambican National Movement 
Mozambican National Resistance 
Radio Mozambique 
Reintegration Support Scheme 
Television of Mozambique 
Transformation of Weapons into Hoes 
United Nations Development Programme 
United Nations Operation in Mozambique 
United States Agency for International Development 
The War Torn Societies Project 
TWH 
UNDP 
UNOMOZ 
USAID 
WTS