48

AKAN VISUAL  ART AND THE CULT

OF THE  ANCESTORS

by

A.K, Quarcoo;*--

The Phenomenon  of  Death  and  the  Ancestors

Death,  the  final  crisis  of  life, continues  to be a

puzzle  to man but it seems  to have been  fully  accepted
in many  of  the philosophies  and  religions  of the world
as  a way  to a world  beyond  this  physical  one.  As a re-
sult  of  the mystery  surrounding  it, we  have a number  of
theories  and  beliefs  about mortuary  rites  and their sig-
nificance.  In  this paper we  shall  confine ourselves  to
recent  insights  we have  had  from  the  study of  a few of
the mortuary  figures  we  have  collected  for  our visual
art  room  at Legon.

According  to the material  we have, death, it would
appear,  is basically  understood  in the societies  of our
•finds*  as  a translation  into  another phase  of  life.  That
life  to which  death  thrusts  man's  spirit  is similar  to life
on  this physical world, except  that the  'being' is not
space-bound  and  is nearer  the greatest  ancestor-God.
Natural  death  is believed  to be  the  true way  to a blissful
world  beyond.  Premature  death, and  death  caused  through
sorcery,  or violence  of  any  description  except  through
valour  in war  or  in defence  of  a good  cause, is bad.
Consequent  upon  the belief  that natural  deaths, though pain-
ful  to the  living, are  inevitable  openings  to another type
of more  elegant  life, they  are expressedly  accepted  in that
spirit  by  the  living.  In  the  life and  thought therefore,
of  the Akan  from  whose  area most  of the mortuary  figures
come,  this philosophy  is expressed  in  the  funeral observan-
ces .  When  a person  dies,  the  corpse must be properly des-
patched  into  the other  world.  The details  of  specific
funerals  may  be discussed  in the  subsequent  comparative
paper.  For  the present,  the rites, as we may note  from our

*  Senior  Research  Fellow, Institute  of  African Studies.

49

illustrative  material  in  this paper, suggest  that
the  status  of  the deceased  tended  to be  reflected
in his  funeral  observances.  Indeed, no  serious
view  is taken  of people  who, in the opinion  of the
living  relatives, would  not qualify  as good  or
benevolent  ancestors.  For  the purpose of  this
paper, we  only  draw  attention  to  the general at-
mosphere  of  life during  funerals.  The corpse is
spoken  to  and  asked  to convey messages  to particu-
lar  ancestors '.who 'have preceded  them  into the un-
seen  but. live--. world, • Normal  life  goes  on even
as deep mourning  proceeds.  There  is singing, drum-
ming  and  dancing,  drinking  and  eating.  Eating  when
and  if done  is always, of course, away  from the
corpse.  Singing  or  drumming  groups  from  the vici-
nity  of  the deceased, -may be  invited  to lighten  the
heaviness  of  the  atmospehere  that  tends  to surround
the event  of death.  The dead must  go  joyously  into
the new  situation  and  give news  from  the  living who
are  their kith  and  kin.  The conduct  of  the whole
events  of  the  funeral  rites  is geared  to underscore
the belief  that  the dead  live.  They may  even return
to  this physical  world  again.  Death  is  therefore
simultaneously  new  life.  Death  is never  an abysmal
end  of  life but  the dawn  of  another  life.  Hence the
ancestor  cult we  examine here  is about  the concern
that  is shown  for  the dead  in visual artistic  activity.

Essentially  the  cult  of  the ancestors  is a function
of  the belief  in  the spirits  of the dead  and  thei?: re-
lationship  with  the  living.  Some  of  the  so-called
major  religions  in the  literature  talk of  their  departed
saints. J  It seems evident  from  the literature  that th<?

In  the simple, concise  and  readable  article on the
ancestors  in his book, Ghana  in Retrospect: Some
aspects  of Ghanaian  culturey  the Rt. Rev. Akwasi
Sarpong, Catholic  Bishop  of Kumasi, suggested  from
analysis  that  the ancestors  are not  necessarily
worshipped.  He  therefore  called  what has been  desi-
gnated  ancestor worship, ancestor veneration.  This
accords with my own  findings  and view expressed  in i
number of places.  I have  called  the  act of cult,
the cult of ancestral  or ancestor  reverence.  Essen-
tially  this  is the same  idea  that is explicitly put
by  Bishop  Sarpong  See p.33.

50

belief  in ancestor's  and the awe they get  from  the
living  is not particularly  restricted"to  any period
of liistai?}!.  or  any  society.  Christians do not wor-
ship  their  saints  and  it is known  that Mohamed  is
also  not worshipped  in the  religion  of Islam.

Our material gives  further weight to propositions

we have made  elsewhere  that most  ancestors  in Akan-
land  are not  worshipped  but certainly  given a lot
of reverence  or veneration  as Sarpong  chooses  to call
i t.

In  the past, only  adults, married  people who had
children,  could  qualify  as  ancestors.  Recently, many
more categories  of the  dead  in Akan Culture  have been
accepted  into  the compass  of  the ancestors.  Young man
who become  leaders  or  chiefs may  after  their deaths
qualify  as ancestors  if they do not have  sufficiently
long  lives  to have  children.  People who died ±gnoBii:n±o.iis
or  tragic deaths were disqualified  from being smxsfestors
worthy  of veneration.  There  is still belief  in the
power  and  significance  of names  and now  as in the past,
such unfortunate  people did  and do not usually have
people called  after  them.  Not only  'bad  deaths' but
people who  die,from  bad  diseases  like  leprosy, epile-
psy, or madness may  not be remembered  as ancestors
worthy  of mention.  The spirits of chiefs  and people
who  end  their  own  lives  should  not be venerated.

Others who  should  not be  given  reverential

the  indolent, the  coward, the wicked,  sorcerers, the
acutely  disobedient  and  trouble makers, men who bring
only  strife  and discord  wherever  they  happen  to be.
They  cannot, it  is believed, be among  the good dead
people.  They  therefore  do not deserve mention  nor
honour  and  such  treatment may  subject  them  to one of
the most dreaded  occurrences  after  physical  death in
Akan belief which  is the Owuprenu  - the second death.

51

Art in Ancestor  Reverence

In Akan  culture, objects of art may be group

insignia  or objects having politico-social  relation-
ships  or  art for  dramatizing  values, media  for ef-
fecting  socialization  or social control  generally,
are used  in the pult of the  ancestors.  We  record
that  funerary  art are among  the most striking  forms
of Akan  art.  Such objects  of  funerary  art  include
stools, terra-cottas, obusuakuvuwa  (family  pots),
busts  in wood  or clay of ancestors  and other  family
relics.  Associated with  such visual art  objects
are normally  specific  contextual verbal  art, music,
dance or drama.

Funerary  art  forms part of  the  complex  of be-

haviour  directed  towards  the activ&tion of  the pre-
sence of  the ancestors and which may be  described
as  the  cult of  the ancestors.  In our  context here,
cult means  care  for, activation  of, or  the presence
of,  and  adoration  of  the ancestors.  It is a system
of belief  and  ritual.  This belief  and ritual, of
course, may be  concerned  with deification of some-
thing.  It must be mentioned  that  the word cult is
however  defined  by  other writers  as a  form of  reli-
gion  and  a system  of religious  observance.  This de-
finition  tends  to be  confusing  except  the  fact of
religion  and  religious  observance is also defined  to
make  the  statement meaningful.  Another meaning of
cult,  is, of  course, the concept of extravagant devo-
tion to a person  or  thing.  The extent of the extra-
vagance  necessary  to convey  an exact meaning  poses a
problem.  In the  cult of  the  ancestors  the whole
funeral  rites  -  the specific  observances, the cere-
monies  after  the obsequieses, the later  feeding  and
pouring  of  libation  to  the dead  - may be  considered
to be more  of reverential  behaviour, invocation  and
acknowledgement  of  the presence, link with, and
influence  of, the departed  on  the  living, than  the
care  of  and  regard of  them  as gods worthy of the
worship  due  to God  or  even  leaser deities.  In Akan
practice,  for  example, there appears  to be a dis-
tinction between  the  cult of  the ancestors  and the

52

worship of deities, although this is not clear
cut in the literature.  We suggest that in the
belief  system, the ancestors appear to be in a -
separate category and not in a place in direct con*
nection or line with God and other deities.  They
are related  to God  in so. far as God is regarded
as the greatest ancestor  and father of all.

By reverence'of  the ancestors we suggest a
situation and a feeling which has in it awe and
affection or veneration.  Great respect, affection
and veneration in themselves do not necessarily
constitute worship per ee of God or Gods.  Venera-
tion of the ancestors  is belief in spiritual beings
but belief  in these beings may not be regarded, as
a matter of course, to be worship of these ancestors
as deities.  This belief in the continual existence
and vigilance of the ancestors  is, as we see, very
wide spread in West Africa.  Being spirits, the
ancestors are higher than the physical men who are
limited  to the earth.  These ancestor spirits are
believed  to be able to intercede for the living
relatives  for they know the living who are their
kith and kin. They  continue  to fotfppart of the
family since the family continues to be composed
of the living and the dead.  They have a kind of
respect which has been usually known as ancestor
worship because  they are believed  to be guardians
of the unwritten  laws and customs of the communities
and so taken very  seriously.  Busia writes:

"In every Ashanti village stories are always
circulating  about  the ancestors.  The ancestors
are believed  to be the custodians of the laws
and customs of the tribe.  They punish with
sickness or misfortune those who infringe them.
Constantly before the Ashanti, and serving to
regulate his conduct is the thoughtthat his
ancestors are watching, and that one day, when
he rejoins them  in the world of,spirits they
will ask him to give an account of his conduct,
especially of his conduct towards his kinsmen."
(Busia 1958 p. 24-25).

Jr\

The belief provides great social sanctions

on morality.  Aaase wo Nananom - the land belongs
to the ancestors.  They passed  the land on to the
living.  It is this idea that is often expressed
in Akan oral tradition, as the land belongs to a
stool.  Lands are for lineages or lineage  stools
and oman.lands - national  lands are  lands vested
in the stool of the Sman,  As a result of the
great belief In tVie world hereafter, the world
of the dead, in the mind, of the living, is a real
but invisible  other world  for the spirits of the
departed.  When people put or drop some food on
the ground before  they  eat, they  are acknowledging
the ever presence of the dead.2  The living has
continuous  relation snd interaction with them.
This belief is. akin to the Christian firm belief
in the presence of the saints and hence the com-
munion of saints which include the living and the
dead.

Among most ethnic groups in Ghana only  a good
ancestor, as we have observed, is remembered or at
least given reverence  and regarded  as being  a good
ambassador to the living  in the unseen world of
spirits.  In addition  to the general conditions
that qualify  the dead  for ancestor reverence are
natural deaths or deaths met in defending one's own
community  or state, or death  resulting  from defence
of principles  cherished by the society to which one
belongs.  Some informants suggest that one cannot be
ancestor unless one died  an adult.  If male, he must
have married  in his life time and have had children.
This proviso was thought to be a serious one when it
was regarded absolutely necessary  for men to have
children  to extend  the lineage.  Having qualified as
a good ancestor he is constantly an inspiration to

2.

Quarcoo,'A,K. i,A.S, Research Review vol.3 No.2,
p. 29 1967.

5 4

the  living  'Isi-neage ancestors ' among  the  Akan  are,
as  a  r u l e,  honoured  by  the  lineage  members  through
the  lineage  head.  H o w e v e r,  the  supreme  Akan  rever-
e n ce  for  the  ancestors  is  often  seen  in  the  state
Adae• 
S o c i o l o g i c a l l y,  the  royal  ancestors  who
become  the  e m b o d i m e nt  of  the  collectivity  of  the
other  ancestors  are  honoured  by  all  the  p e o p l e.
The  p h i l o s o p hy  which  under-pins  this  is  that  the
royal  ancestors  are  heads  of  single  units  and  they
represent  or  embody  the  other  ancestors.  For  a
chief  who  is  d e s t o o l ed  is  not  often  remembered  by
the  act  of  consecration  of  a  stool  to  his  memory
after  his  d e a t h.  This  serves  as  formidable  and
serious  social  sanction  on  c h i e f s,  for  indeed,  it
m ay  w e ll  be  expected  that  all  normal  chiefs  dp  d e-
sire*  to  be  remembered  as  worthy  ancestors  after
their  d e a t h s.  The  word  normal  may  even  be  regarded
as  u n n e c e s s a r y,  for  a  chief  has  to  be  normal  in  the
estimation  of  the  p e o p le  to  be  made  a  chief  at  a l l,
and  if  a  chief  should  by  accident  become  not  n o r m a l,
he  m u st  be  d e p o s e d.

In  Akan  s o c i e t y,  t h e r e f o r e,  there  are  lineage
ancestor  cults  but  the  national  a n c e s t or  cults  are
the  m o st  s p e c t a c u l ar  and  i m p o r t a n t.  Specific  objects
of  art  or  symbols  are  utilized  in  the  ceremonies  of
the  c u l t.  P r i n c i p al  among  the  objects  as  m e n t i o n e d,
is  the  stool  -  the  symbol  of  o f f i c e.  In  studying  the
social  and  p o l i t i c al  history  of  Akan  communities
through  their  m a t e r i al  c u l t u r e,  the  importance  of  a
chief  living  u n d er  the  law  and  not  above  it  becomes
a p p a r e n t.  We  have  observed  that  they  are  very  much
remembered  and  revered  who  lived  w e l l.  The  chief  who
was  an  excess  biber  «vf  alcholic  d r i n k s,  or  took  other
p e o p l e 's  wives  from  them  by  virtue  of  his  p o s i t i o n,
or  delighted  in  disgracing  p e o p l e,  even  his  own  ser-
vants  in  p u b l i c,  a  cowardly  p e r s o n,  a  person  who  did
not  respect  his  predecessors  was  forgotten  for  he
forfeited  his  right  and  opportunity  to  be  remembered
socially  and  p o l i t i c a l l y. 
To  concretise  this  d i s-
approval  he  got  no  blaok  stool  and  no  terra-cottas
w e re  made  to  commemorate  him.

55

Funeral Art

The fact of ancestor cult begins with  funerals
which must be such  as to make  for suitable despatch
of a deceased  into the world  of the ancestors.  The
ceremony  of eommital  is solemn or frantic depending
on the society  of the dead or his  social  standing.
The burial of a man who lived well or a man of great
substance  is grand and  really  functional  to the life
he lived.  A week after  the burial of a deceased
adult, he is remembered  and arrangements are effected
for a forty-day  ceremonial  and funeral.  Those close
to him often put on mourning  cloths  in black or red,
or wine or other  dark colours, for a whole year
before  they remove  this visual evidence of their
reverence  to his memory.  The colours therefore are
symbolic  of specific  emotional situations of people.
So twtii&uloualy is this custom  followed  that it becomes
a serious point of the cult of the ancestors.

Normally,  the dead are given the grand funeral

ceremonies  to which we have alluded  to despatch them
properly  into the land of the dead.  It was believed
that appropriate  ceremonies  are required  if they
should be welcome  in the world beyond.  Later, as in
other circumstances  like  the death of chiefly or pri-
estly  ancestors  or very influencial men,  terracottas
may be commissioned  for their  commemoration  and these
may be displayed  during  their  funeral often celebrated
after one year.

In fact, not much funeral  art is displayed during

the initial celebrations except the colour  symbolisms
and a few sceptres and drums which may be present in
appropriate  circumstances.  We notice that some funerary
art we may expect at final funerals of chiefs and poten-
tates are terracotta heads, funerary pots, wooden effi-
gies and stools and  some  items of the stool complex.

Funerary  Terracottas  and Pots

For purposes of visualising  the dead whose funeral

are being  celebrated, terracotta  heads may be made.
This was a popular practice  in such Akan lands as Kwahu,

56

Nzima and Sefwi Wiaso, Assin, Denkyira and Akwamu.
There is evidence of this also in many other places
in Ghana.  For example, there is the tradition of
terracotta heads in Eweland, Dangme and parts of
the Northern and Upper regions of the country.  Most
terracottas we have seen in Akanlahd are in baked
clay but they could also be absolutely unbaked.  They
range from purely  stylised  figures to highly naturali-
stic ones.  The Institute of African Studies Visual
Art room at Legon has a representative  number of such
terracottas.  Whilst in Assin and Kwahu terracotta
heads  are usually made for people of chiefly status,
in Agona, terracottas may be made for ordinary people -above
the age of fifteen.  These naturalistic, as well as
stylised  types of terracottas have been found  in and
on graves and shrines."

The practice of making  terracotta heads some-

times together with  funerary pots with  anthropomorphic
figures continues  to be an honoured tradition  in rela-
tion to royal ancestors.  These heads are made, as a
rule, by  specialists.  The pieces are usually costly
in terms of money.  Recently, a chief  in the Ass in area
attempted  to persuade his people  to use a life-size
photograph of his mother's brother for the final funeral
rites of this man - whom  he succeeded  as Omanhene.  The
disapproval was unequivocal and he had to yield  to the
tradition of providing  an Nkua  (terracotta head) from
an old specialist  in Kwahu area.  The piece that was
made cost not less than £200.00.

There is still an emotional attachment to these
terracotta  figures which  are displayed  and or carried
around  during  the end of final funerals.  These are
regarded  as honoured  practices.  After funerals, the
heads may find their way into stool rooms, or private
rooms of the ancestors who have been  so honoured.

The process of initial reverence and the con-

sequent libation or remembrance of the dead with the
terracotta heads as a visual aid, is part of the ph#no-,
menon of ancestor reverence.  This, of course, we may
remember, includes various  rituals, rite's, and songs.

57

The art invokes behaviour patterns which are
solemn, serious and often restricted.  In the
case of public figures  and chiefs, part of the
ceremonies  are restricted whilst part are public
and grandiose.  Grandeur  in ancestor cult has a
socialising  dimension which may not always be
manifest.  We present a few examples of funerary
terracottas  and figures which were used in honour-
ing some specific ancestors.

The figures  1.65.90 a-b represent  typical  •

funerary  group  types that might be used at the final
funeral of a chief or queenmother.  This group con-
sists of representation  of the deceased, his attend-
ants, a stool carrier  and an dbueuakuvuwa (family
communal pot).  On one of the final obsequieses, the'
main figure was dressed and  adorned with rich orna-
ments befitting  the status of the deceased.  The
objects were placed  in a large brass pan or wooden
bowl  stuffed with rich kente and silk.  The figures
were carried  to the yenue of the funeral and placed
in view on" a decorated bed, or seat on a raised plat-
form.

In Kwahu  and Assin, such figures  are later con-
veyed to the cemetry and placed  on the grave of the
dead.  Alternatively, such figures of art may be kept
in the stool room of the community.  The figure 1.67,18
for example, was  retrieved  from a royal stool room in
Kusa Adansi near Fomena.  It was used  during  the funeral
of Nana Amoaben who was the sixth on the ancestral stool.
Nana Amoaben  is believed  to have  lived around the period
1824-1838.

The heads  1.64,228 a-b were collected from the

royal mausoleum  in Twenedurase  , in Kwahu.  The heads
were used  in 1926 for the funeral of Nana Kwabena
Kumnipah II  (1902-1926).  The heads continued to receive
honour but we got them  since the lineage head replaced
them with others .

The figure  1.66.38 i,s the most classical naturalistic

terracotta head that we have  in the Institute  of African
Studies.  This came to us from Assin Nyankumasi near Foso,

1*45*90 a

-w

I- 45

T '

60

I- C7-I8

• 

.»,, 

•.'iv;

61

J

iV  *

•

•

*"

6 2

. 9"

63

64

in the Central  Region of Ghana.  It was used in
the funeral observance of Nana Kusi Boadum of Assin
Nyankumasi,  1807-1I866.

Other examples  are:  (a) 1.65.106>;  This is an

Agona figure usually  used for the funerals of elderly
women who are often stool occupants.  Its local name
is ahode,  0n_ a Friday preceding  the  final Saturday
of a funeral,'the Ahode specially made  for the occasion
was dressed  and carried  about in the town, but deposited
in the cemetry  the following Saturday.  Together with
the Ahode was often  food in earthenware pots.  This
particular  funerary  figure was used in the cites of Nana
Yamfo Asuoko III.

Figure  1.65.107 is another mortuary figure of a

chief.  It was commissioned  for his last funeral.  We
obtained it from Adwoa Nkroma  and the potter of this
piece was Adwoa Owuayam of ;;^one Asafo.

Pots, as objects of art are also used in the cult
of ancestors.  Figure  1.65.87 was obtained  from Abusua-
panyin Asare of Akumenin  royal lineage.  It was origi-
nally used for the funeral rites of Nana OpoJtu Ware,
Kwabenhene.  After the funeral, food was served  in it
and placed on the grave,  The mudfish  figure on the
pot signifies the feeling of the people.  They wish
their chief were with them in flesh because of his
industry  and leadership, but they were helpless in the
matter,  (enye nea adwene pe ne se oho egya so.  Crt is
not a particular wish of the mudfish to hang* on live-
coal.)

The Abusuakuruwa, IE.33.69  from Mampong Asante,

was used in the time of Owusu Sekyere  in the last
century.

Our.final example of pots  is from Atwidee of

Asante Akim, Figure f.65.92.  It is ;a pot which was
kept in the family stool room.  Wine for libation was
poured  into it on festival days when the dead chiefs
were  remembered.  The tortoise  and snail signify peace .
which is an emblem of the royal lineage.

r 

• > • *.

-£•

I- G5-I07

67

1-65-87

68

y:<j«

70

Wooden  Effigies  As  Funerary  Figures

Two examples  may  serve  the  purp.ose of  illustra-
ting  how  wooden  figures  may  also be used  in  the  cult
of  the  ancestors.  Figure  1.65.65 was  collected  from
Begoro.  It was  a piece  commissioned  by  Osommongyawa
Ababio  for  the  funeral  rites  of his  predecessor,
Kwabena  Asied.u who  died  in  1965.  The  figure  was  half
hurried  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  grave  after  the
funeral  obsequies.  To begin  with, the warrior  status
of  the dead  was  signified  in  the  warrior  figure  and
posture.  The  objects  of  'war1  which  he  carried  on
him  of  course, are  complementary  to  the  idea  the
figure  was  meant  to portray.  Usually  such  a  figure
may  be  kept  to  the memory  of, the  ancestor  and periodi-
cally,  libations  and  other  rituals  performed  to  invoke
his  presence  and  activate  the  inspiration  t-'tie spirit
the  figure  represents.

1.164.296"is  a  figure  which  comes  from  the  Upper

Region  of  Ghana.  It was owned  by  Lure  Kanton  III.
This  particular  one was  meant  to  represent  the d<»ad
half  pair  of  twin  brothers  or  sisters.  This  practice
is  common  in  Eweland  and  the Western  region  of Ghana.
This  continues  to be  a form of  the  cult  of  the dead
which, is  common  in other  parts  of  Ghana.

In  all  the  cases, we  have illustrated  the  figures

were  never  objects  of  religion  or worship.  In other
words,  they  were  normally  never  intended  to be  deities
to be  given  the  regard  due  to gods.  They  were  objects
to which  reverence  was  given  ordinarily,  and  such  were
the  practical  issues  of  that  reverence  that  was  seen
as worship by  some  observers  who have written  about
them.  The  exercise  involved  in  the process  of produc-
ing  the  object  and  the behaviour  patterns  that  they
activate,  constitute  what we  designate  as  ancestor cult,
Our  experience  is  that any  time  the people  were  con-
fronted  with  the  objects  of  art, a feeling  of  deep
reverence  was  aroused  in  them,  and  a disposition  and
attitude  of  thankfulness  and worship  to  God who  gave
them  their  lives.  We  record  that  on many occasions  a

*• 

•

71

72

i.

73

number of those who engage in the cult suggest that
they are  led, in communion with the living by the
message of the objeots to adore God.

Ancestral Stools  .•

Stools of lineage heads were  im-

The evidence we now have reveals* we think, that
among  the Akan, the most  revered object in the 'cult'
of  the ancestors  is the ancestral stool.  We know that
in the paat, every Akan was  traditionally expected to
possess a stool.  Children, women  and men had their own
acescdwa  type of stool.  They  form part of the house-
hold  furniture. 
portant*  Accounts have been given about how lineage
stools become  oman Stools by Danquah,3  Rattray,4  W.G.
Sekyi,* and a host of tthers who have studied the Akan
Stool Polity.6  The"important  thing  to note  in the
points  they made about  stools  include the  fact of the
elaborate  cult  that exists  around  the object of the
stool which  is the principal  symbol  of a chief's office.
Successive blackened  stools  of chiefs  are normally added
to an original  stool or  'gudwa' in a stool room.  Stools
that qualify  to be kept  are, of course, those of good
chiefs i and good  chiefs  in this context,  are those who
respected  their oath of office.  I have suggested

3. 

Danquah, J.B. Dr. 1928.  Akan Lax) 8 and Cue torn a and
the Abuakwa Constitutional Law. p. 144 Routledge s
Kegan Paul.

4. 

Rattray, R.s. Cap. 1923. Aehanti. Oxford  University
Press, 2nd  Impression, 1955.

5.  Sekyi, W.E«G. ed. argued the handing down of

political, religious  and general authority may
be compared  with  the case of the Oly Some of
Hungary.  To him it was similar to the idea
of apostolic  succession.  It is believed or
rather supposed that the ancestors eat their
part of the food  in spirit.  Living men being
part of the  family  could communicate  with them
by eating  the rest.

6. 

Busia, K.A.  1958. Position of the Chief in Modern
Political Systems of Aehanti. p. 2 oxford  University
press.

74

elsewhere  that  such.stools  become  charters  of  his-
tory.  Periodically,  these  stools  are  revisited  by
those  to whom  tradition  has  assigned  that  privilege
and  duty.  These  officials  pour  libation  to  the
stools  and  symbolically  'feed'  them.

The  feeding  takes  the  form  of  sprinkling  before,

or fin, the  stools,  so^e, m,a,sh,e.d y^m, or plantain  or
simply  placing .the'food  In  earthenware  pots before
the  stools,  After  a  stipulated  period  the ffooa could
be  removed  and  eaten  by the  living^  The  food  is there-
fore  always  eaten  after  the  ancestors  have  had th.eir
•fill1'. 
The  essence  of placing  the  food  before  the
stools  is to  acknowledge  the presence  of the  ancestors
and  to  remember  then*  -It is  also  an  act  of  invocation
of  their  presence  which  presence  has  a  socialising
influence.

This  cult  is  also  a serious means  of  promoting

social  solidarity  and  cohesion.  The period  of som or
nanahotn sow (service  or  service  of  the  ancestors)
is  one  of  cleansing  and  renewal  of vital  social rela-*
tionships.  It  is  time  for  regeneration  of  the  being
in men.  There  is  cleansing  which  involved  putting
right  social  relationships.  The  comparatively  simple
cult  of  the  ancestors  in this particular  way tends  to
activate  a number  of psychological  and  social  feelings.
We  have  suggested  that  the  cult  does  not  raise  reli-
gious  feelings  toward  gods  or  GOD because  the  ancestors
are  spiritual  beings.  The  stools  are  not  deities but
they  may  inspire  the  feeling  which has  been  seen  as
religious, by  some  observers.

7. 

Quarcoo, A.K. 1975. Socio-political  Relevance of
chiefship in contemporary  Ghana.  A paper read
at  the  Sociological  Conference  held  in Kumasi.

Quarcoo,  A.K.  1970,  Akan  Stools  and  their  Social
Context  in unpublished  thesis, Edinburgh  University,

75

We do not apologise to repeat that roost of
the festivities help the release of spontaneous
fraternal  feelings and foster social solidarity
and a sense of oneness.  The sense and the im-
portance of upholding  the values of the society
are also reactivated.  Through the public gather-
ings often referred  to in the literature as durbars,
and group interactions, definite enfoldment of his-
tory and culture ,is transmitted from one generation
to another.

Stool Complex  and the Cult of Ancestors

The stool as an object of art and a symbol of
chiefly office is central to other  art objects and
even personnel  in relation  to the stool offices,
Functionally, these objects and insignia,of royalty
help not only to legitimize  and enhance a chief's
authority but they help to inculcate  in him politi-
cal and social values of the ancestors.  Within the
complex  of which  the stool  is central, are all the
court regalia.  Stool carriers and other court
officials related to the stool ceremonies may be
included in this complex.  Hence, some state swords
or state sceptres, treasure boxes, drums, horns or
linguist staffs, may be objects of ancestor  cult.
In Kwahu and Old Tafo the ceremonial pots we have,
seem to have been part of the complex.  When on a
ceremonial day a chief radiantly  clad  in his regalia,
the ancestors are in a definite way  invoked.  The
Mamponghene  on a private ceremonial day had the
following  on him.  He wore a particular adeweneasa
kente called  tikovo nko agyina.  Adweneaea is of
course a style of the Asante kente which Is compli-
cated.  In it, the weft and waft occur in complicated
weaves.  Adw&neasa literary meaning  is, I have ex-
hausted myself.  So it represents the  'master' of
designs.  Tikova nko agty-ina  reminds both the weaver
and his people of a social ya^ue of the ancestors yh.o
are being  remembered.  The <j£fca futuvo Cgol4 dust}
background  of the cloth was symbolic of the tr«d.i:tiona,l
affluence  and greatness of Mampong,  On his head, he wore
a  fillet studded with gilded motifs - the stars and the

76

moon.  They were meant to tell of the peace and
the harmony  that existed in Mampong.  Over his neck
was a gold pendant attached to a combination of
necklace of gold, red and green cord - the ayanee,
The asadee another gold chain, lay across his breast.
Gold bangles  and gilded banseve  (telisman) ornament
decorated  his arms.  Priceless beads were part of •
his adornments,  in his left hand he held a horse
fed.1 • whisk - symbolic of the bravery of his ances~
tors.  His le,gs were covered with gold ornaments
and his sandals were  large.  His fingers had big
rings - one signifying  tihe radiant sun,' the source
of the king's vitality and vigour.  He was sitting
on the silver ceremonial stool of Mampong  and behind
him stood the hwedom tea (narrow faaedom\ chair).  on
the ceremonial aaeaedwa were the big silver bells of
Mampong.

Each time the chief bedecks himself this way or

even when he changes into the battle smocks of the
state, he is in actual fact, engaged in a form of
the cult of his ancestors with the people under him.
He is not only dressed in a particular way but he is
actually re-living the presence of his ancestors by
reviving  the social personality  of those he has in-
herited.

Since stool complex  here  refers to all the

court regalia." and treasures of the court, the stool
houses| linguist staffs may also be used in the cult
of the ancestors.  Hence the linguist! staff 1 .66.03
from Akim Oda was an item in their ancestor cult
until we got it.  It is called aeempa ye tia (truth
is short).  It Is supposed to have been made during
the time of the aboriginal leader, Nana Frimpong at
Denkyira-Mmrayen, and consecrated  for Okyeame Sakyi.
The linguist staff was used  in running diplomatic
errands especially  in time of wars.  Tradition has
it that this staff was used by Okyeame  Adu Korkor in
negotiating  an alliance with Assin Attandansu in the
invasion of the Akwamu who lived on the Nyanawa hill.
This staff was  replaced by a gilded one by Nana Attafua
I but the aeempa ye tia was left in the stool room as
part of the relics and libation was poured to every-
thing there including  this staff as part of the cult.

%

"^

•

«-

77

i:

libation and other Visual Acts in the Cult of
The Ancestors 

_•

A rite present in the useages of any of the

few objects of art we have presented in this paper
is libation.  Libation in this context is a rite
in which a kind of liquid is poured on the ground
or object and incantations, prayer or a spell said.
The pouring of the liquid does not entail the wor-
ship of a creature as God.  Writing, maybe, with
Christianity  at the back of his mind, Sarpong the
Roman Catholic Bishop of Kumasi observed that:

"Libation  cannot be idolatry in any of its
ramifications because in it no creature is
worshipped  as God.  Neither  the ancestors
nor the deities are divinized.  In the case
of the ancestors the same respect is accorded
them as the Ghanaian gives to his elders.
Again  libation cannot be divination  as it is
not poured with a view to knowing  the future
or the occult.  However it seems to be tainted
with vain observance  as from the prayefs it
appears as though favours are often expected
from  the ancestors  and gods, when  objectively
such have no power of granting them.  But this
cannot be a reason why libation should be pro-
scribed.  Its significance, as explained al-
ready  is manifold; and  if in one respect it
is found  to be faulty, all that need be done
is to transform  it, give it a new dimension,
and thus make it acceptable all and sundry.,.."
(Sarpong P. Bishop, 1971.)

Admittedly, the definition of what constitutes
religion has been, rather unwieldy.  This is to be
expected  as the fact of religion has been approached
from different angles by different disciplines.
Psychologists, philosophers, theologians and socio-
logists, see religion  through their own glasses and
what they all say, we suggest, are only parts of the
whole  truth.  It is in view of the various interpreta-
tions of religion  that, the particular cult of the dead

79

Which  we  hay©  attempted  to discuss  has. been  called
worship  of  the  ancestors  by  some  scholars  who have
studied  the  phenomenon,

We  are  in  a dilemma  and  the  dilemma  derives

from  our  philosophy,  psychology  or  sociology  of
religion  or merely  from  linguistic  twists.  The
ethnographic  material  that  is presented  in  this
paper,  however,  is  an  attempt  at  a  reappraisal
of  the  concept  of  ancestor  worship  with  particular
reference  to  the  societies  from which  the  exhibits
referred  to originate.  For  the present  we  suggest,
that  although  the practice  may  in  certain  circum-
stances  be manifestly  deification  and worship  of
the  objects, what  is  factually  Involved  in  the
practices  is more  reverential  awe  to, and  veneration
of  the  ancestors  who  continue  to be  part  of  the  com-
munity  of  their  'saints'.  The  dead  are  asked  to be
benevolent.  But  they  are  expected  to  be  so  not
through  their  own  power  but  through  their  interces-
sion  for  the  living.  Their  effigies  and  the monu-
ments  raised  to  them  are  in  their  remembrance  and
glorification.  They  inspire  the  living  and  act  as
sanctions  on  their  social  behaviour.

80

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Busia, K.A.  1951  Position of the Chief in th« Modern
Political System of Ashanti.  oxford
University Press.

Clark, E.

Colson, E,

Crooke

1954  The Aahanti in African World

Ed, Daryll Forde.  Oxford University
Press, London, N.Y., Toronto.

^930  Sociological Significance of Anoestor
Worship. Afrioq 3, 4, 1930.  pp. 4 3W
71.

1958  Ancestral Spirits and Social Structure

among the Plateau Tonga,  Int. Arch.
BtKn. 47, 21-68.

1908  Ancestor Worship and  the Cult of the
Dead.  Encyclopaedia of Religion and
Ithics?  edited by James Hastings, New
York.

Danquah, J.B.1928  Akan Laws and Customs and Abuakwa

Constitution.  London, Routledge and
Kegan Ltd.

'-ff'Z

Field, H.J,  1937  Religion and Medicine of the Ga

People pp. 196-205.  Oxford  University
Press.

Garret, T.S. 1953  Christian Worship.  London, Oxford

University Press.

Goody  J. 

1961  Religion  and Ritual.  The Definition

Problem.  British Journal of Sociology,
12,  14-64.

Cults of the Dead among the Mayars
J. Aner Folklore, 71, 446-78.

1962  Death Property and the Ancestors.

Tavistock Publications Ltd. 11 Fetter
Lane, London, ECA.

81

Hertz, R. 

196Q A Contribution  to the Study of the
Collective  Representation of Death
and the Right hand.  Translated by
Rodney  Clandia, Glencoe III, Free
Press, London,

Idowu* E.B. 

1961 God in Yoruba Belief,  Longmans.

Kyeremateng  A.A.  1969  The  Royal  S t o o ls  of  A s h a n t i, 

Africa
v o l.  x x x i x,  No'.1.  J a n.  1969,  p p.  1-10.

Mbiti John S. 1969 African  Religions and Philosophy.,

Heinemann, London, Bibliography.

Meyerewita, L.R.  1951  Concepts of the Soul among the Akan
of the Gold Coast. Afvioa, 21st January
1957, 24-51.

1951 The Sacred State of the Akan. London,

Paber.

1958 Art and Anthropology  among the Akan,

Weat Afrioa,  22nd October, 1955.
p. 987,

O*dea  Thomas, P. 1966 The Sociology  of Religion, Prentice

Hall, Inc. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey.

Quarcoo, A.K. 1970 Akan Stools and their Social Context.

Unpublished Thesis.  Edingburgh.

A Note on the Ancestor Cult.
Institute of African Studies Research
Review, vol. 3 No.1, 1966 pp. 74-78.

Ethnographic Finds, Research Review
vol.3 No.2, 1967, pp. 7 7-82.

The Lakpa - Principal Deity of Labadi.
Research  Review vol.3 No.3, 1967 pp.2-43

A debut of Ghanaian Traditional Visual
Art into the Liturgical Art of J Christ-
ian Church of Ghana.  Research Review
vol. 4 No.3, 1968, pp.66-80.

<•**-

82

Radin,

1930 Ancestor Worship  (in Encyclopaedia,
:  of Social Sciences  II),  pp, 53-55,

Mew York,

Rattray, R,S. 1927 Religion and Art in Ashanti^  London,

Oxford University  Press,  1927,

Sarpong, P., Bishop  1971 The Sacred Stools of the Akan.
Ghana Publishing  Corporation, Tema.

The Theology at the Ancestors.
Insight and Opinion.  I.A.S.

1974 Some aspects of Ghana Culture, Ghana

in Retvoapeot. pp. 20-43. Ghana Publish-
ing Corporation, Tema.

Triminghand, J.S, 1959 Islam in West Africa.  Oxford

University Press, London.

Williamson, S.G.  1965 Akan  Religion  and the Christian
faith.  A comparative  study of the
impact of two religions?  edited by
Kwesi A. Dickson,  Ghana  Universities
Press, Accra,