106

THE  ASPECT  OF  CAUSAT2VITY  IN  NZEMA

• •• 

•

'. 

• 

• • • '• 

, 

' 

• 

• 

by 

. 

' 

•• 

:

::-

.

-, 

..

Isaac  K.  Chinebuah*

. The deacriptive  term  'aspect'is  notlonally defined by

Quirk, ft. at al.  (1972s  90) as -the manner in which the verb
action is regarded or experienced" such  that "the choice of
aspect is a comment on or a particular view of the action".
And in many  languages the term  refers to a variety of notions
which  includes  completion,  duration and similar concepts.

A grammatical  category  such as aspect may be expressible

in notional  terms as in the above quotation but as a category
of grammar it is established on formal, not on notional grounds

In my previous  paper on "The Aspect of Stativity In Nzcma",

it was mentioned  that of the three  interrelated  aspectual
features of t. Ingressivity, 2. Stativity and 3. Causativity
that may be set up for a description of the verb phrase, the
first is unique in being  characterized by the presence or
absence of a specific morpheme or prefix  (i.e. 1. ka  'to
go
.1 or 2. ba 'to come {In
(in order)
order) to.
') in the verb word.  This
paper  deals with the formal  characteristics of causativity
as an instance, other  than  stativity, of an aspectual  feature
that is not exclusively  expounded by a specific porpheme.

'to eroaud
come and.

to.

or
'to

or

The aspectual  feature of causativity, with its two terms:

causative/non-causative, is set up to handle pairs of verb
words  that may occur in related  pairs of (A) complex  semi-
transitive and semi-transitive  clauses, (B) ditransitive and
transitive  clauses and (C) transitive and intransitive  clauses
Such pairs of verb words may be (a) verbal forms  morphologica1
ly  and/or  phonologically  related,  (b) identical in shape or
(c) different  lexical  items.

(A) Complex  semi-transitive and semi-transitive  clauses

The two pairs of verbal  forms 1. fold 'to make climb\/fo
climb 'a*d2.benla 'to sit'/cfe  'to be sitting' illustrate
of  the ways in which  corresponding  (a) comp(lex) semi-

•to
one
transitive and (b) semi-transitive  clauses may be related
by means of the aspect of causativity:

*  Senior  Research  Fellow, I.A.S., University of Ghana  Legon

-r-

•>•••

-3©

107

(1a)  \4fei/e  £dVq^ Kofi  ^

ne azo
(Akyc  ttiakes  Kofi  climb  on  to
the  table)

(comp. semi-transitiva,
causative, dynamic)

(1b)  Kcefl. £& zkponle  ne  a no

(Kofi  c"iitabs  on  to  the  table)

(semi-transitive, non-
causative, dynamic)

.(2a)  Akyc
(Akyt

Kofi  i'k\onl& ne azo
Kofi on the table)

(comp. semi-transitive,
causative, dynamic

(2b) Kofi He tkponle ne aso

(Kofi is sitting on the table)

(semi-transitive, non-
causative, stative)

In the above examples, the clauses in each pair are
syntactically  (as wel! as semantically) related in such a
way that the object  noun phrase  (denoting the affected
participant) in each  (a) complex  semi-trangltlve  clause
recurs as the subject noun phrase.(denoting the agentive
participant) in the corresponding  (b) sami-transitive clause.

The verbal forms in the (b) clauses, which may be re-

garded as the verb steins, are morphologically  related by
suffixation to the verbal  forms occurring in the correspond-
ing  (a) clauses.  And in the case of (2a-b) the verbal form
in (2b) is additionally  related phonologically by stem-initial
consonant mutation  (i.e. t/d) to the verbal form in (2a).

In respect of the number of places requisJid by the verbal

form in each pair, the suffixed  verbal form occurring in each
complex  semi-transitive  clause requires three places, whereas
the corresponding verbal form occurring in the related semi-
transitive clause is a two-place verb  stem.

It is further to be noted  that the suffixed verbal forms

occurring in the (a) clauses are of dynamic  aspect, whereas
the verb stems occurring in the corresponding  (b) clauses may
be either of dynamic aspect as in (1b) or of stative  aspect
as in (2b) .

And semantically, we might say that there obtains a

cause-and-effeet  relationship between the (a) clauses and
the (b) clauses such that the verb actidn of the (a) clauses
implies or results in the verb action of the (b) clauses.

'•V

of-

A

»•*

v=

*

*•

108

On  these  'morphosyntactic' as well as semantic
grounds, we account the three-place, suffixed verbal
forms occurring in the  (a) complex  semi-transitive
clauses as causative, in contradistinction to the two-
place verbal  forms occurring in the  (b) semi-transi-
tive clauses  which are  regarded  as non-causative.
And we shall  term  the causative  relationship fexempli-
fied in (1-2  (a-bjjabove  which is characterized by
the morphological process of suffixation  as morpholo-
giaal aaueativization. . 

.

Other pairs of morphological  causatives capable

of occurring in complex  semi-transitive  and  semi-
transitive  clauses that may be related in terms of
the causative/non-causatiye  distinction  are:  (1) dwuta
•to make descend'/dxSu  'to descend' and  (2) gyinla 'to
stop'/gyi  'to be standing*, of which both members of
the  first pair are dynamic, whereas those of the se-
cond pair contrast in terms of the  dynamic/stative
distinction•

By analogy with  (1-2(a-b))above, the dynamic

(i.e. kenda  'to hang up')/stative  (i.e. henda 'to
be
hanging') pair of verbal  forms occurring in the
ing .pair of clauses between which the same syntactic
(and semantic) relationship holds may be handled in
terms of the causative/non-causative  distinction:

follow-

(3a) Akyi  ehenda  zdanli ne nyimd ne dzo

(Akye has hung the  cloth on the
line)

(3b) edanli ne hSnda nytmd ne dzo

(the cloth is hanging on the
line)

(coup.
semi-transi-
tive,  causative,
dynamic)

Csemi-transit
tive, non-
causative,
stative)

It is to be noted that the pair of verbal forms

are  identical  in morphological  shape but that the non-»
causative, stative verbal  form in the  continuative
tense occurring in (3b) is phonologically  related by
stem-initial  consonant mutation to the corresponding

•

**

109

causative, dynamic, verbal  form  in the perfect tense ocur-
ring  in  (3a).  By contrast with the cases of;morphological
causativization  exemplified  in  (1-2  (a-b)) , the causative/
non-causative relationship manifest in such instances as
(3a-b) is" provisionally  termed as pho'ho logical causativiza-
tion .  And  it is a characteristic  feature of phonological
causativizatidn  that the perfect tense form of the causa-
tive, dynamic verbal form  implies the continuative  tense
form  of the non-causative, stative verbal  form and that
this  relationship  of implication  or cause-and-effect re-
lationship  is phonologically  marked by the common feature
of  stem-initial  consonant mutation.

In. other  instances of phonological  causativization,
the causative  verbal  form may be a verbal group  (e.g. fa
fea  'to take and hide') of which  the principal  (or first)
member  is usually  the agentive verb fa  Ito take' and the
auxiliary  (or second) member  (i.e. fea  'to hide1) is the
dynamic  verbal  form of the phonologically-related, non-
causative, stative verbal form  (i.e. yea  'to be hidden'),as in

(4a) Akyt %va edanlt ne zvea esumi ne 'abo (comp. semi-
(Akye has hidden  the cloth under  the  transitive,
pillow) 

causative, dynamic)

(4b) tdanlt ne vA<L eeumt ne abo 

(semi-transitive,

(the  cloth  is hidden under  the pillow) non-causative,

stative).

We shall also  find pairs of verbal  forms, identical in

both morphological  and phonological  shape, between which
the same syntactic  (and semantic) relationship holds in
corresponding  complex  semi-transitive  and  semi-transitive
clauses, as  in the following paired  examples involving
the verb  stem  tu  'to expel from/to  leave' :

(5a) Hana jdu  Akyi 'sua ne azo
(the chief has expelled
Akye  from  the town)

(comp. semi-transitive,

causative, dynamic)

Akye £du eud ne azo
(Akye has left the  town)

(semi-transitive, non-
causative, dynamic).

1 10

•ft.

Such  instances may also be handled, by analogy with
such previous  examples as  t1-2(a-b)), in terms of the
causative/non-causative  aspectual opposition.  And
in relation  to the cases of morphological causativi-
zation exemplified  in  (1-2Ca-b)),such  a causative
verbal  form  as that in  (5a) may be regarded as de-
rived  from  the corresponding  non-causative  verbal
form  in  (5b) by means of a morphological process of
zero-modification  and  9uch  instances as  (5a-b) are
distinguished  as zero oausativization.  And  as in
the case of morphological  causativization, the causa-
tive/non-causative  verbal  forms  in the case of zero
causativization  may be both dynamic  as in  (5a-b)
above or contrast  in terms of the dynamic/stative
distinction, as  in  (6a-b) below:

(6a) Akyt  zgrua  edanlE ne ckpd'nle ne azo  (comp. semi-

(Akye  has put  the cloth on the 
table) 

transitive ,
causative,
dynamic)

( 6 b)  zdan11  ne gua  skponl«-he 

a so

(the cloth  is  (lying) on the
table)

(semi-transitive,
non-causative,
stative)

The above  examples  (1-6(a-b))  illustrate the

various ways  in which pairs of verbal forms, different
or identical  in shape, between which the same syntactic
(as well  as semantic) relatii6nship holds  in correspon-
ding  complex  semi-transitive  aftd semi-transitive clauses,
may be handled  in terms of the aspectual  feature of
causativity. 

,

We  shall, however, also attest, in corresponding
complex  semi-transitive  and  semi-transitive  clauses,
pairs of different verb words between which the same
syntactic  (and  semantic) relationship  obtains.  The
causative/non-causative  distinction may  also serve to
relate  sudh cases, which  are exemplified  in:

(7a) Akyt  z?,ie ky-znze  ne. zkponle ne azo  (comp. semi-

' 

' 

•

t 

> 

' 

' 

* 

(Akye has placed  the.pan•on  the 
table) 

transitive,
causative,
dynamic)

111

(7b>  Kycnne ne gyx tkponle ne a'zo (Bemi-transitive, non-

causative, stative)

(the pan in (standing) on the
table)

and

(8a)  Akyt  t^cfeyelc'  ne  z'kponle  ne  dzo 

(comp.  semi-trahaitive,

(Akyc  has  put  the  hat  on  the  table  causative,  dynamic)

(8b)  kytlt  ne  la  ekpo'nle'  ne  a'zo
(the  hat  IT. (lying)  on  the
table)

(semi-t rans itive ,  n'on-
causative,  stative)

'to  place*  (7a)  and  to  'to  put/place1  (8a)  occurring

As  in  the  previous  examples,  the  causative  verb  stemsi
aie 
in  the  complex  semi-transitive  clauses  are  dynamic,  wfcjsre-
as  the  non-causative  verbal  forms:  gyi 
on' 
corresponding  semi-transitive  clauses  are  stativei  and
such  stative  verbal  forms  may  have  dynamic  verbal  forms
( i . e.  gyinla 
which  may  be  causative  in  a  complex  semi-transitive  clause.

'to  be  (standing)
'to  be  (lying)  on'  (8b)  accurrinq  in  the

'to  stand1  and  da  'to  lay1  respoGtivelyl

(7b)  and  la 

The  dynamic  causative  verb  word  in  such  cases  may  be

a  verbal  group  ( e . g.  fa  Hula  'to  place  i n ' ):

(9a)  me fa  eua' ne  mew u la  e  ed  nu  (comp.  semi-transitive,

(lXF.  I  place  the  house  in  causative,  dynamic)
your  hands/care. 
the  house  to  you)

I  entrust

(9b) eua ne wo t ed nu

(semi-transitive, non-

causative, stative)

(lit. the house is in
your hands/care.  The
house is entrusted to
you)

The causative/non-causative  relationship manifest
in such instances as (7-9 (a-)) is lexicalized in the
pairs of different  lexical  itemsJ  eie/gyi (7a-b)i to/la
(8a-b) and fa wula/wo  (9a-b) and, by contrast with the
other cases, is distlnguisihed as Usteal  oaueaUviBatvon,

• : • » *•

1 12

ix Hi0" thl b a SiS °f t hS a b°Ve  ttnalvsi8'  ^ ur main groups
(A-D) may be set up among  verbal  forms which are related
in  terms of causative/non-causative in corresponding com-
plex  semi-transitive and semi-transitive  clauses.  Group
A consists of morphologically-related  causative/non-
cauaative verbal forms or morphological  cauaatives
Within oropu A, two sub-sets  (l-n) are set up on the
formal basis of whether the non-causative  verbal  form is
dynamic  (A.I) or stative  (Aii)<  this distinction  correlates
with the varfant causative  suffix in the causative verbal
form. '•'  ;

Group B consists of pho&ologically-related  causative/

non-causative  verbal  forms, i.e. of phonological causatives.

Group e consists of verbal forms of identical shape which

are related in terms of causative/non-causative, i.e. sero
cauaatives; two-  sub-sets  (I-II) are distinguished on the
basis of whether the non-causative verbal  form may be
specified as dynamic or stative.

Group D  consists of examples of lexical causatives.

Group A» Morphological  causativization

Group A.I;

Causative

dynamic

Non-causative

dynamic

Causative

.  suffix

1. fola/fOla

Tto make  climb*

2. dwula/gywula /

'to make  descend*

Group A. II:

3. tenla/ttnla /

•to sit*

4. gyinla/gyinla.

•to stop«  stand*

fo/fO  /
•to  climb*

dwu/gywu  /
•to  descend*

te  /  tt  /
'to  be  sitting*

/  gyi 

gyi 
'to  be  standing*

/

/-la 

/

/-la 

/

/-nla  /

/~nla

Group Bt Phonological  causativization

Causative  dynamic

Non-Causative  stative

5.
6.

kenda
kiea

'to  hang* 
'to  lean  against' 

henda1to  be  hanging
his a  'to  be  leaning  against/

**•

4»

113

Causative

dynamic

Non-Causative

Btative

<idt

'to lay'

la  'to be lying on*

8.  fa fea 

'to hide1

v?a 'to be hidden*

9.  fa tua 

'to stick in'

dua  'to be stuck in'

10.  fa Qia 

'to stick in/

Group Ci  Zero  causativiaation

under'"

zia 'to be hald In1

Group  C.I

Causative

dynamic

Non-causative

dynamic

1 1.

1 2.

1 3.

int

•to expel*

tiu 

'to 

leave'

1 to strike down*

fce  *to  hit

'to strike down'

^ 

• to  hit

C . II
Causative
dynamic

14.  bea 

'to lay across-1  $<sa  'to be lying across1

15.  butu 

'to overturn' 

butt* 'to be lying ?*°+

16.  gua 

'to place/put on1 g»M«  'to be lying on*

17.  wone 

'to turn down-
ward'

'to  be
downward*

Group Pi Leaeical causatlvigation

Causative
dynamic

18.  Bie

•to place on*

stative

*to be  (atanding).on1

1 9•  to 

'to put on' 

la 

'to be (lying) on1

20.  fa wula  'to place  in'  wo 

'to be in'

(B) Ditransitive and Transitive  clauses

qausative/noii-cavaative  eiatinction is set up

to handle such differences es tho3e between the morpholo-
gically- related pairs of verbal forma occurring in the
following  syntactically-  (and semantieally-)  related
pairs of ditransitive and transitive" clausess

(1a)

(Akye makes Kofi drink
breast milk)

(d.i transitive,  causative,
dynamic)

(lb) Kofi''JZQ  nyzfonlt

(Kofi drinks breast milk)

transitive,  non-causative,
dynamic)

(2a) Akyz>£gh Kofi'ky tie

(Way4 makes Kofi put on
a hat)

(ditranaitive, causative,
dynamic)

tBb) Kofi! zd kytlt

(transitive, non-»causative

(Kofi is wearing a hat)

It is to be noted that in (2**»b) the non-causativn, stative
verbal  form »o He be wearing*  (?.b) is both morphologically
related by suffixation  and phonologicully  related by stem-
initial consonant mutation to the causative, dynamic verbal
form eoa' • to. put on1 (2a). Th«s causativ*/non-causative  rela-
tibnShip in'- (1-2  (a-b)) above exemplifies  morphological
causativization.

And also by analogy with  the morphologically-and*
phonologically-^jrelatecl pairs of dynamic/stative verbal
forms in (2a-b), tha dynamic/atativ« pair of phonologically-
related  verbal forms > between which th«S same syntactic (and
semantic) relationship hold3 in the following  corresponding
ditransitive and transitive clauses, may be dealt with in*
terns of the causatlve/non-caueative  distinction:

* » . •.

2**.

115

(3a)  gqn-eW JLg'<fa  4fct/e* efotntV 

(Saneba  malces  Akye  put
on  cloth)

( d i t r a n s i t i v e,  causative,

dynamic)

(3b)  AkueJbeda  i'dante

(Akye is wearing  cloth)

{transitive, non-causative

stativa)

(4a)  Saneba kyf Akye: fa'lt '

(Saneba makes Akye put
on a belt)

(ditr^nsitive, causative,

dynamic)

(4b)  Akye  hye 

fate

(  Akye  is  wearing  a  belt)

(transitive, non-cauaativ«,

atative)

The above instances  exemplify  phonological  causativization.

Pairs of causative7non-cauaative  verbal forms occurr-

ing in corresponding  ditransitive and transitive cjausea
may,however, be Identical in phonol*gical  shape and*
therefore, exemplify  zero caueativization.  The verbal
forma may be simple vejbbs  (e.g. Wula *to put on/to be
wearing/' and gua ' to ilnhaleM i *» in C5r6  taHbO feeiovi

(5a) Akye wula Kofi iiladei

(Akye makes Kofi jput on

a dress)

(ditran»ltiv«t  cau»ativ«,

dy naming

(5b) Kofi mla ttlad&i

(Kofi is wearing a d»«s»)

Ctransitive, non-^causative,

atative) 

*

(6a) Akye egua Kofi;

(Akye has made Kofi inhale
medicine)

dynamic)

causative

(6b) Kofi Jsua_ayile

(Kofi has inhaled medicine) 

(transitive, non-^catisative,

dynamic)

The verbal forma may also be complex  verbs; (e*g» feye ahone
•to starve/to  fast*), as in(7a-b) below»

(7a) Akye fiyel& Kofi'eh one

(Ak  'starved jcofl)

(transitive, non*causative,

dynamic)

\  <*

(7b) Kofi

ttyone

y
fasted)

(transitive, non«r«s*«8ative,

dynamic)

1 15

It  is  to  be  noted  that  with  the  simple  verbs,  the  verbal
form  in,the  non-causative  transitive  clause  may be  dyna-
mic  or  stative.  Awith  verbs  of  adornment  (e.g..  wula)  it
is  characteristically  stative  as  in  (5b) ,  whereas  with
verbs  of  medication  (e.g.  gua)  it  is  dynamic  as  in  (6b).
In  the  case  of  complex  verbs,  the  verbal,  form  in  the
non-causative  clause  is  usually  dynamia  as  in  (7b)..

•

.

'

.

'

•

•* 

.

•

•' 

•• 

• 

•' 

• 

. 

• 

. 

•

/

•

••

On the basis of the above description*  three main

groups  tA-C) are distinguished among verbs which may be
related in tdrma of the causative/non-oausative  opposition
in corresponding  ditransttive and transitive clauses.
Group A consists of morphologically-related  causative/non-
causative verbal form* - i.e. morphological  causativest
two sub-sets  (I-II) are further set up within Group A on
the basis of! whether the non-causative  verbal form may
be specified as dynamic or stative.  Group B consists of
phonologically-related  causative/non-causative  verbal
forms - i.e, phonological causatives.  Group C consists
of zero causatives which are sub-divided according to
whether the non-causativej verb is dynamic or stative,
and are further grouped  into simple and complex verbs.

Group A» Morphological  oausativiieation

Group A.I.

Causative

dynamic

Non-causative

dynamic

1 to make drink•

no

>to drink'

Causative

suffix

/-wa /

Group A. II

2. soa /

1 to put on1

•to  be  wearing* 

/•

,

Group  B:  Phonological  causaHviz^tibn  Cye*b»  o*  adornment);

Causative

dynamic

iNon-oausative

stative

3.  kye 

' to  pulb  on  Cbelt)'

to  be

117

4.  keda

•to put on (cloth)1 

heda 'to be wearing*

G r o up C; Zero  cauga t ivizat i o n

Group  C.I  (Verbs  of  adornment.)

Causative
dynamic

Non-causative

stative

5. 

bo 

6.  mo 

' to  ties,  put  on

fturban)•

' to  t i e,  put  on

(loin  clothJ  f

7.  wula 

' to  put  on  (dress)  '

to  be  wearing1

bo

mo

wula

Group  C.tl  C»)  Simple  verbs  (of  medication)

Causativei  dynamic/non-causative,  dynamic

8.

9.

bia
tua

gua
seta

1 0.

11 .

1 2.

•to  wash'

•to  insert  (in  anus)'

•to  inhale1

' to  give  enema'

• to  daub'

(jroup  C.H  (b)  complex  verbs

13.  kye 

thone 

' to  starve*  to  fast1

14.  kye  nvoninli 

' to  take  photograph  o f 'j  to  htM
photograph  taken*

15.  bo  anyiemgba 

' to  disgrace;  to  be  dis«rrao#tf'

. . « *.

I • **

J

•4*

,4

~ .&

-s-

16.  bo  boeea

' to  give  loan,  lendi  to  tak«
borrow'

17.  bo kakt

to impose  fine;to pay costs'

1 18

Group C.fl (c) Verbs of cognition

18. 

kakye 

'to remind) to remember1

(C) Transitive and Intransitive  Clausea

We  shall  also  find  pairs of morphologically-related

verbal  fotnvs between which the causative/non-causative
relationship  holds in corresponding  transitive and in-
traWitive  classes.  The following  illustrative pairs of
clauses are in* the positive perfect  tense and involve
the verbal  forms  (1) nua/nu 'to put out'/to go out1 and
(2) eea/ee 'to make pass/to pass1:

(1a) Akyi

ponle' ne

haa  put °ut the

>( transitive, causative,
dynamic)

( 1 b) 

8&nli••n&r'i^ili..-'••••':•.•*.

(the fire has gone out)

(intransitive, non-causative,
dynamic)

(2a)  4feijfe  ^.3^^.  eyeuoie  ne

(Akye  has  mad#  £h«  gues*
pass)

(transitive, causative,
dynamic)

(2b) eyzvole ne {jze_ 

(intransitive, non-causative,

(the stranger has passed) 

dynamic?

In the above  examples, the causative  verbal forms

occurring  in the (a) transitive  clauses are morphologically
related by suffixation to the non-causative  verbal forms
occurring in the corresponding  (b) intransitive  clauses,
and the causative/non-causative  relationship here exempli-
fies morphological  causativization.

Other morphologically-related  pairs of causative/non-
causative  verbal  forms in corresponding  transitive/intran-
sitive  clauses are (3) stake- 'to make return'/a&z  'to
return1  and (4) benle  'to make  invalnarable'/be  'to become
invulnerable*.

« , > • >•

- * • *.

*'

« * -.

* 

•

1 19

The  variant  causative  suffixes  which  mark  the  causa-
tive  verbal  forms  in; the  various  examples  cited  above  may
well  represent  remnants  of  morphological  processes  of  the
formation  of  causative  verbal  forms  that were historical-
ly more  or  less  productive.  The  occurrence  of  each  suf-
fix  with  a particular  verb  stem  is, in general, determined
by  the  sub-class  of  the  verb  stem.  For  example, with
directional  verbs  such  as  (1) fola/fo  'to make  climb/to
climb*  it  is  realized  as  /-la/,  as  /-nla/with  locational
verbs  such  as  (2) gy'inla/gyi 'to  stand, stop/ to be  stand-
ing1  and  as / - UA  /with  verbs  of medication  as  in  noa/no
*%o make  drink/to  drink1.

By  analogy  with  the  previous  examples  {1-2* (a-b)i

we* teay Also  handle,  in  terms  of  the  causative/non-causa-
tl^re ^opposition, pairs  of  verbal  forms  of  identical  shape
wfcieh can  occur  in  corresponding  transitive/intransitive
clauses.  Such  verbal  forms  may  be  either  simple  verbs
(e.g*  tunwu&  "to wake  up1)  as  in:

(3a) A'kyi £jluw^{<L-$yS'V6'lz  ne 

(transitive,  causative,

(Akyc "Has woken  up  the 

dynamic)

stranger)

C3b£  kytvSlt  he  e'dunwue 

(the  stranger  has woken 

(intransitive, non-
causative,  dynamic)

up)

or  complex  verbs  (e*g.  tu >ahon'le  'to  frighten1)  as  in:

(4a) Akyt  ditte Koft  aJicjiU? 

(Akye  Frightened  Kofi) 

(transitive, ca.nsar,.iye,
dynamic)

(4b) Kofi  Sthonle dule... 

(Kofi became  frightened) 

(intransitive, non-
causative,  dynamic)

By  contrast  with  the  cases  of morphological  causati-

vizatlon  exemplified  in  H~2(a-b))  above,  the  causative/
non-causative  relationship  in  such  instances  as  (3-4  (a-b))
may  be  regarded  as  exemplifying  what we  have  distinguished
as  zero  causativization,  The  term  'efgative*  is  now
generally  used  to distinguish  such  verbs.  And  according
to one  kind  of  transformational  analysis  suggested  by
Lyons,  J.  (1968)  352)  "the  subject  of  an  intransitive  verb
•becomes'  the  object  of  a corresponding  transitive  verb.

120

and  a new evgative subject  is introduced  as the  'agent1
(Or  'cause) of the action referred  to.  This suggests
that a transitive  sentence, like  (3) John moved the
atone, may be derived  Syntactically  from an intransi-
tive sentence,  (\) The etone moved,;  by means of an erga-
tive, or aaueatives  transformation."

It is to be noted  as a characteristic  feature of

ergative  verbal forms occurring  in corresponding transi-
tive/intransitive  clauses, that such verbal forms are
dynamic  In either  transitivity  clause-type.

The above examples  (1-4  (a~b)) illustrate the

possible ways  in which pairs of verbal forms which can
occur  in corresponding  transitive/intransitive olausea
may  be handled  in terns of the  causative/non-causative
aspectual  distinction;  On the basis  of the above analy-
sis, two main group*  CA-B) may be distinguished  among -
such verbal forms.  Group A consists  of morphologically-
related  eausative/non-causative  verbal forms  exemplifying
morphological  causativization  and Group B consists of
ergative verbs  exemplifying  zero oausativization.

Group Ai Morph.olbgioally-»related- verbal' forms

(Morphological causatiyization).

Causative
dynamic

Non-causativ«

dynamic

-Causative

suffix

J. sea /e($)ja  / 

,
'to allow to pass1

00 
f
•to pass1

i

a

n

e
'to make to turn back'

y/

e

/

3. benU/blnlt /

to  mak«'invulnerable 

[eia/aya/
1'to turn back'
be A?  /
'to  become  Invulnerable

nua  /nwaa 
/
•to  put  out

hu /nu '/
!»to go out1

/-wa /

It should be noted that*  in a transitive  clause, item*
(1-3) may take a definite animate-object noun phrase which,
by definition,  is pronominal 1 zable.  Item  (4) Is- different

3*>

121

in  requiring  an inanimate  object  noun  phrase  arvtf belongs
to the sub-class of transitive  verbid  whiii!^ faVbiir'jardT-
nominalization  of their  definite  inanimate  object  noun

p

h

r

a

s

e- 

' 

• ' ' • -. 

• • . • ' • . ' • , • • • ••

Group B:  Ergative  verbs  (zero  causatlvizatlon)

Group B.1  (a) Simple  verbs  which  take an animate  object

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

boda
tunwue

bia

geke

sokoe

noun  phrase

'to

injure>  hurt'

•to

waKe up *

'to

wa,sh'

'to

spoil,  pamper*

•to

help set down  load*

(b) Simple  verbs which  take an object  noun  phrase

which  is a genitive  construction  consisting of
an  animate  nominal  as the possessor  and a body-
part  name as the possessed  nominal
'to  cut  (somebody's  hand)1
'to extract  (somebody  *Ts«'s  tooth)1

pe

6,

7,

(c) Complex  verbs  consisting  of a verb  atem  plus

body-part  name  (which may be an inalienable
noun as in (8-9) or an alienable  noun as in
(10-11) such  that  in a transitive  clause the
object  noun phrase  is a genitive  construction

8.

9,

10.

11.

tu
tu

ahonle
bo

•to

frighten1

'to

exhaust'

die

cnyelc

'to

entertain1

U

tbolt

•to

harass, bother'

- 

• **

4

122

Group B. II:

(a) Simple verbs which  favour the prono-
minalization  of their definite inani-
mate object noun phrase

1 .

bo

2.

bu

•to break1

'to break down, demolish1

bondo

•to dent1

'to loosen, untie  (parcel)'

'to melt'

'to spoil, destroy*

•to tear'

•to tear1

•to burn1

•to soak1

'to burst'

'to hole, make a hole in1

•to make  ta.ngled  (threadI '

'to fade  tcloth) *

•to lose'

•to stop'

V.:

**-»
<*•."*«

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

tulu

koto

Btke

te

Bua

yela

10.

doa

11 .

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

kpuke
fiti

tenda

eolo

minli

gyinla

Verbal Adjectives with dynamic  use

17.  tenvt 

'to straighten,  to become straight1

18.  kyea 

'to bend*  incline, to become bent1

19.  kpo 

'to bend,  to become bent1

123

Group B. ii: (b) Simple verbs which do not favour the

pronominalization of their definite
inanimate object noun phrase.

20.  80 

'to light1

21.  tU 

'to untie  (loin  cloth)'

22.  buke  'to open  (door)'

23.  tukue 'to open  (box, door)'

24.  eianyi  ' £o untie  (belt, load)1

Group B. II: (c)

Complex verbs consisting of a verb
stem plus an inalienable noun, such
that in a transitive clause the nomi
nal object is realized as a genitive
construction  ' 
••_

25.  to nuhua

'to close, shut1

26.  *U

*to exhaust*

In conclusion, we may summarise the characteristic

features of the aspect of causativity as follows:

1.  pairs of verb words, which are relatable in terms pf

the causative/non-causative  aspectual distinction
can only occur in corresponding pairs of clauses of
different  transitivity  types which are restricted
to (A) complex  semi-transitive and semi-transitive
clauses, (B) ditransitive and transitive clauses,
and  (C) transitive and intransitive clauses, and
such pairs of verbs words may be:

(a) verbal  formswhich are morphologically and/
or phonologically  related, (b) identical in
shape, and (c) different lexical items only
in the case of corresponding  complex  semi-
transitive and semi-transitive clauses^

124

II. 

of the pair of causative/non-causative  verb
wprds  the causative member  requires r\ , places,
whereas  the other non-causative  member  requires

_  n-*1 places»

III. 

IV: 

» 

V« 

the causative  clausea  involving  the p-place verb
word  and the  corresponding  non-causative  clause
involving  the n-1-place  verb word are syntac-
tively  related  in such a way that the object of
the causative  clause  recurs as the subject of
the non-causative  clause  (or the subject of
the non-causative  clause become* the object of
the causative clause  in which  .1 new subject
occurs as the causer  of the verb  action);

the causative  clause  and the non-causative clause
which  is correspondent  to it are also  semantically
related  such  that a cause-and-effeet  relationship
holds between  them; that  is, the verb action
referred  to in the causative clause  implies or
results  in the verb action of the non-causative
clause;

.. .  .  .

the aspectual  feature  of jcausativity characteris-
tically  combines with the aspectual  feature of
stativity  such that the causative  verb word
characteristically  occurs with  dynamic aspect,
whereas  the non-causative  verb word may be of
either  dynamic or stative  aspect;

VI: 

four sub-types of causativization  are distin-
guished  namely,

1. morphological,
2. phonological,
3. zero, and
4. lexical  causativization;  and  eofresponding

a. complex  semi-transitive  and  semi-transitive

clauses exhibit  all four sub-types.

b. ditransitive  and  transitive  clauses exhibit all

but  lexical causativl«ation, whereas

•c. transitive and  intransitive  clauses exhibit only

morphological  and  zero  causativization.

125

REFERENCES

1.  Anderson, J.M.  (1968).  "Ergative  and Nominative  in

English."  Journal  of Linguistics,
4.  1-32.

V **

2.  Anderson, J.M.  (1971), The  Grammar  of  Case:  A  Looalia-

tio  Theory.  Cambridge.  Cambridge
University  Press.

3.  Chinebuah,  I.K.  (1974), "Tihe Aspect  of  Stativity  in

Nzema".  Transactions  of  the
Linguistic  Circle  of  Accra.

4.  Cruse, D.A.  (1972),  "A Note on English  Causatives",

Linguistic  Inquiry, vol. HI  No.4
5 20-5 28.

5.  Lakoff, G,  (1970),  Irregularity  in Syntax.  New  York:

Holt,  Rinehard  and Winston. .

6.  Lakoff, G and  Ross, J.R.  (1972).  "A Note  on  Anaphoric

Islands  and Causatives".  Linguistic
Inquiry, vol. Ill  No.1  121-125.

Lyons, J.  (1968>

Introduction to Theoretical  Lingui-
8 tios.  Cambridge: Cambridge  Univer-
sity  Press.

Quirk,  R., Greenhaum, S.,  Leech, G. Svartvik, J.  (1972).

A Grammar of Contemporary English
London: Longman.

,-V'W.