21

SOCIO-POLITICAL  RELEVANCE  OF  CHIEFSHIPX

IN  CONTEMPORARY  GHANA

A«K«  Quarcoo

xx

It is pertinent  that a sociological conference  concerned

at this time with the institutional  challenges of contemporary

Ghana should  elect to consider the subject of chieftaincy.

Chiefship of course, is by no means restricted to Ghana but the

type of chiefship which I have elsewhere referred to as the__skin

become peculiar to the country.  It is a

system of government which has grown  around the use of stool or

skin as a symbol of office*  We suggest it is a socio-political

organization in which the government is essentially of the people,

2
by the people for the people.

Democracy and balance of forces appear to be significant

features of the stool polity  type of government.  It has not been

static but dynamic.  Nonetheless it appears it has been a drag in a

way, to political advancement at different  times in Ghanaian history.

Basically, however, the history of chiefship  indicates that it has

proved to be a tried socio-political  institution^ which as far as

records show^  continues to be seriously linked with the total life

and  culture•

JTirst delivered at a Sociological Conference in Kumasi, March 19?5»

xx

Senior Piesearch Fellow, I.A-'»S., University  of Ghana, Legon.

1. See Quarcoo, 19?3: The Stool Polity - a kind of Political •

Organization IX Internation Conference on Anthropological and
Ethnological Sciences, Chicago.

2»  That is, democracy as defined by the famous American President,

Abraham Lincoln*

22

Significantly, ever since the. attainment of independence

from colonial rule in 195^»  the place and significance of chief""

ship has always been a topical subject.

There is a lot of literture on the constitution of chiefship.

All serious documents on chiefship outline the place of the chief in

the political structure*  Busia has pointed out that chiefship tend

to be based largely on lineage system and this continues to be so.

Each lineage in Ashanti polity he studied v/as essentially a political

unit and its head represented that lineage on^ the council which is

governing body*  A chief is nominated, j3lecte_d and initifjbed into

a stool office and' then becomes at once a ,-judici_al_ o_f_fiper, a

commander~in""chief, the legislative, jejcecutive and administrative^

jiead of his people.  In parts of the Northern and Upper Regions, the

chief is initiated into a skin office since the skin is the equiva"*

lent of the stool in these regions*  The leader so installed was

bound by custom to act only with the assent and on the advice of his

elders.  A chief who resorted to arbitrary acts, disobedience to the

elders or disrespect for the constitution of the stool, v/as destooled.

The chief spoke normally in public through linquists and the lin-quists

in turn should relate what their chiefs say in court in appropriate

language to the people.  Chiefs must not speak uncouth language, as

they are basically regarded as the first among their people and also- links

between the dead and the living.  Even now, the chief continues in a

large measure to be the hub of unity for separate lineages,—villages

and sub-divisions.  The ideals embodied in the political and social

dimensions are basically the same today.  The form of political

organisation which we are calling chieftaincy required that the

person regarded as the most suitable for the position at any

particular time should be invited, persuaded or .coerced to take the

office.  The grave responsibilities attached to the office made some•

people shy away from it.  A few, however, in the past as it is the

..- ,»f lobbied or even bought their way to it or engaged in

^longed litigations to get the office.

chief and some .limits on legitimized authority ,.

Zons ti tut iottally,

lominated and elected chief is ritually
installed into office-*  Grand public  ceremonies, which include, .
taking of the oath of office complete the investiture*  A  chief duly
. installed becomes the leader and  'grandfather' of the people.  .If
the chief abused his privilege and ceased to command.the respect of
his people, he was removed from office but not J2^J
he must be impeached and he must in fact be proved-guilty before he
could be.rejected*  The essence of the stool or skin constitution, is
that the  chief is. under the law and not above it. ,-H.e is a leader and
not an overlord* 

' ,-•

. 

-. 

There are a'number  of examples in past and.  contemporary history

of Ghana when  chiefs suffered or do suffer destoolment  when1they
disregarded the advice of their eiders or behaved in unseemly manner*
Gluttony, drunkeness, taking the .law into one's own hands, and dis-
crimination against.citizens in the realm on the basis of their origins
are among the serious- offences which demand the removal of the  chief
from office*

Kofi Karikari I8?«.f and Osei

Bonsu 1800 were-destooled.  Kofi Karikari did not give-his elders
enough respect and arbitrarily removed gold from,the Bantama mausoleum
without permission.  Osei. Kwarae clashed with some' of-his'constituent
chiefs .when he embarked.on his  centralization policy, without approbal*
Chiefs Kwabena Boagye of Asumegya. Kwame Braku and" Kwasi Ten were
destobled'for-excessive, .drunkenness*  Kwase Asotfiane of Bekwai suffered
destoolment for being a "'glutton'- while Kwarae Asona was destooled for
dealing  in charms and noxious  medicines*  In Juabeng, Akuamoa Panin
was removed  from office for his abusive tongue and persistent dis-
obedience of his elders*  The chief of Kokofu, Osei law, suffered
destoolment for being addicted  to disclosing the origins of his
subjects*  Note that putting people at a disadvantage because of their
social origin was abhorred even- in old Asante which had many people of
varying statuses in the extended realm.  Tribalism per se has therefore
been always abhorred in Akan Ghana*  The same is, to a largo extent,
true of all Ghana•

24

In the past, the chief was the recognized supreme judicic

military, political and sometimes religious or ritual authority

within the confines.of his geographical boundaries.  On the whole
the election and the processes of making chiefs involved the parti""1
cipation of the whole society*  He sat upon the stool or skin of

the ancestors and assumed the social personality of. the royal

ancestors*  He was therefore accorded reverence as their successor

and he performed sacrifices on fcehalf of the living.  His 'judicial'

functions included the restoration of broken relations occurring

from religious as well as social offences*  He was regarded as 'sacred'

and had supreme prestige although he had constitutional checks and

balances on how he. used his authority.  He was not to be a despot for

he had to govern with the aid of his councillors who consisted of

elected heads of lineages who made up the different divisions in the

society*  This provision made each member of the council a direct

representative on the council on the basis of kinship*

On formal assumption of political authority over his people,

it was the duty of a chief and his council to maintain peaceful

relationships within a given community and make war on aggressors

or even neighbours who, in the opinion of the community .must,

advantageously, be attracted or attached to it»

Chiefs were guardians of the laws and customs" of'their people*

In this exercise some past Ghanaicm chiefs came against some of the
earlier converts to other religions Iik#:;Sh£istianit;? ^-and •lilara.  The
chief was ubiquitous in the life of the people, but the colonial rule

steadily affected and spelt out areas where they could not operate*

The effect was that there was, as might be expected, disarray in

•several departments of the ethos of chiefship.

25

The chief 'today'

The first vital change that came With the colonial rule

is that it took most of the legal and political sovereignty of

the chief in council*  Chiefs, of course, continue today to be

made through the processes of nomination, election and installa""

tion«  The  "kin qualification also continues to combine kinship

with the principle of popular election*  However, a complex of

factors, namely,- the loss of sovereign power, the effect of the

long history of nationalist movements, and the economic power of

the chiefs 'which has continued to decline give us a different

portrait of the Ghanaian chief of today*

A chief today, therefore, is nominated and elected by his

people in accordance with customary usage and- so acquiree legiti-

mized authority within a specified area to perform functions derived

from tradition. .To he able to exercise his functions as required by

custom he must be gazetted by the central government.  He is neither

a military nor necessarily, a spiritual leader, and his judicial

functions are also circumscribed.  He,can arbitrate but the two
people :or factions must normally agree to have the arbitration in
his court before he could actt as the arbitrator*  Indeed this

provision is-valid even in towns and Tillages whose population are

fairly homogeneous»  experience however shows that even now, many

people find it advisable and convenient to submit to the 'courts'

of the chiefs*

In the stool polity, are grades of stools and stool offices with

graded political competences.  Only higher grades of chiefs need to

be gazetted by government.  Others are recognized through the apex

of chiefs of the country.  In this regard the lower chiefs rather

operate under the former powers of the stool polity constitution*

Until today, a typical traditional council may have an apex chief

usually called a paramount chief•  Under him may be divisional chiefs

who are often chiefs of districts.  Divisional chiefs also usually

have  village; chiefs under  them*  Occasionally, a paramount  chief

may have  some Tillage  chiefs directly under him.  .The reason for

any particular  arrangement  which  does not  conform to the orthodox

pattern is often historical*

The hieracfay of stool is an index to the hierarchy  of •: •. ,

stool offices and political power in the realm*  Right  from the.

Tillage level each  chief has a council of elders with whom he

administers  the village, town or division*  A  citizen can move  a

case from one  court to another at his own will, by  swearing  the

oath of the  court  to which he desires  to go*  There is also an

arrangement  whereby  one  could  appeal, to a higher  court*  One  should

have good reasons to attempt to move" one's ease from a lower  court

to a higher one, since penalties at higher  courts tend to be  severer

than those at lower courts*

Although  these .arrangements do still exist, British rule

essentially  took away most of the legal and.political  sovereignty

of the  chief in council and subsequent  changeG have  continued.to

persist in. contemporary Ghana*  As we have  observed earlier  on. a

chief may be elected by a people, but  the  central government  should

gazette this  chief to  'consummate' installation.  We observe .that

factors that have helped  to undermine the authority  and  effectiveness

of the institution  of chiefship,  are  complex*  Chiefship since the

colonial era has tended to be an arm of the  central government*

Indeed, it has been suggested  that the concept  of indirect rule

had as its objective, progressive  adaptation  of the Institution  to

modern  conditions.  Modern  conditions, probably refer  to government

as envisaged by  the  colonial administration*

Historically, it is known that  there were many instances when

the colonial regime  that was established  paradoxically  often supported

the  chiefs against  their people*  This phenomenon rather weakened the

position of the  chief.  Records show that after  the laa Asantewaa war

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In the stool polity  system of government  therefore, there

definite political  competences and obligations, and delegated respon"

sibilities«  Constitutionally, no stool officer has absolute power*

The wing .chiefs are  checks, and at the  same time important  ancilliary

agents in the government  at every level*  The pattern of the  stool

polity  of Asante Union was one in which  the  'state  chiefs* becaifc wing

chiefs of'the  whole union .government.  This pattern is what has been

described as concentric  circles of political, power*

The.Jatodl Polity and Develo-oreent

National development  which was the theme  of the 19'?ti Ghana Sociologi™

cal.Conference  tcay be-taken  for the purposes of this paper to mean advance*

merit to a guided goal,  for example^  of obtaining  the things .which aret  in

contemporary timesT  generally regarded  as desirable landmarks and  styles

of life prevalent  in the so—called developed countries*

In, the case of Ghana, we may list items of progress to include an ••

extensive exploitation and use of our natural resources and the develop"

went  of agriculture  inclu " "..rig animal husbandry*  Apart from these, national

development rnoy ino!---"- -mch  conditions as mutual respectability^  plenty

for all, stability, peace  and predictability  in national political orga*~

nization»  National deveO opront, it would seem,  cotu 1 iheier<r^  t-,pi ceed
better in an atmosphere  of trust and understanding*  * t  u  •:. fk-rl no

scientific law of progress has been established but 11  >  ,T> *, n'..liy seem

to know what they mean when they talk about it*  Ihf-'"'1 i.  • ?,n,e  ;-i i.tiicn

we may think of progress in. terras of evolution*  Ori N.. i\ \,>j±ci  i  ^o,\<^d>;6

as progress from folk or iural existence is not necessarily, r,  r?j ti w
agree, development*  Development we suggest must involve the  ,«ih ,n >  r  \  •

culture»

With the  imposition of  colonial government  came a new type

of political education.  Among  its salient  ideas was that of

"territorial units" which needed  cooperation, between  aggregate

native  authorities  for the? purpose  of providing social services•

This in'effect  fostered a new  conception of government.  The

spirit of giving  grants to native  authorities towards development

projects, and  the establishment  of treasuries was encouraged*

Native  authorities made grants  for public education,  sanitary and

general, public services^  Government made provision for a  centralized

native administration  to  cater  for services.

Thus the  seeds of getting  an organization to  cater  centrally

tor public services were deliberately  sown although in Ashanti for

example, that kind  of  centralization brought  its own problems,

especially as regards the relationship between  the  Confederacy

Council and the regional  or  constituent  state-Bt  In  the main,

however, the principles enunciated  for example  tl'irough the  style

of indirect rule largely  enforced  or adopted  the  customary  practices

of indigenous political institutions which existed before the

colonial experience»

The  chief's financial resources in modern Ghana.

In the past the  chief was financed in every  aspect of his

private  and public responsibilities by the people  and from the

resources of his realm.  He was entitled, by virtue  of his stool

office, to  complete dependence  on his community or state for every-

thing.  Most l8th or 19th  century Ghanaian  chiefs of the  centralized

political communities were therefore  fairly  'affluent'.  That position

began to  change long before the  end of the  colonial era in iy5?»  A

chief  continued  to inherit  the  'spirit1  and social personality  of

his predecessor but his personality  can BO longer be said  to merge

with his office in every way*

31

How the chief may have some property which he may call his

own apart from the property of the stool*  He does not, in fact,

receive tributes and gifts from his subjects as .of the past*

His entitlements to certain parts of game hunted within the

confines of his jurisdiction are no longer seriously regarded*

As a result of the curtailment of these advantages of office, a

.chief is unable to be a beneficiary of his realm as required by

custom.  Chiefs may'not levy taxes without approval from the

central government and taxes levied must"be accounted for strictly*

Most chiefs receive stipends approved by the central government*

The effects on the maintenance of the supporting institutions of

the .stool office are obvious.  As a result of that state of

financing their respectability and social standing, as the first

among their people, have suffered*

The stool polity type of government required that a chief should

keep the peace within his realm and jealously guard the boundaries of

his territory as well as defend his people against external aggression*

The maintenance of political order entailed operations in other spheres

of the social organization*  The chief was the care of unity, the

grandfather of his people and the epitome of the culture*  In.the

context of•the present national state of Ghana, the chief is still

likely to be useful in fostering unity*  This may seem paradoxical

since it has been the case that some contemporary politicians have

used or tried to use the institution to bring about segmentation of

the country.  Hence some argue that the institution appears to be

predisposed to sectarianism*

As we have noted earlier on, it is on record that some

occupants of stools in the past as well as nowf  sometimes either
became drags on progress or betrayers of the trust imposed in them*

32

In spite of these social facts, successive governments before

and after independence in 195*7 continue to -feel that the

institution* is indispensable in the overall-political and social

administration of-'the country*

Indeed, contemporary Ghana is rural in many places and the

stool polity appears to have been most effective in such places.

Even at a time in the recent past when the judicial powers of chiefs

were rigidly curtailed, rural folk preferred and continued to'seek

arbitration from chiefs.  For various torts and even crimes, •'

the arbitration of chiefs was preferred to litigation in law

courts which, among other things, are sometimes considered remote.

We have indicated that sociologically the overall political

influence of chiefs has changed and their financial resources,are

not only limited but in some cases not guaranteed*  It is a fact

that both casual as well as serious observers have questioned the

wisdom of retaining contemporary chiefs.  People have- wondered- why "<

candidates even continue to agree or litigate for the office of

chiefship at all* "It would seem reasonable to expect that, under

normal circumstances, it should be difficult to get incumbents

for vacant stool offices in contemporary Ghana*  This is not so*

Very affluent and respectable individuals-are making themselves

available for'most of these offices that become vacant*  In some

cases candidates get involved in protracted litigations for the

*

places*  The future of personnel' for stool offices seem to be  ...:'

assured and the quality of such personnel in terms of education  :•

also promises to be high.  V/e will have to examine- the factors

promoting this trend of affairs carefully to see what is'happening*

However, we observe that not only are most villages and towns

anxious to have educated chiefs to meet the. demands of contemporary

conditions, but that a number of enlightened.people think the stool

polity type of government has something to offer the present and

future of Ghana.

'  The  evidence;  ef  thia  coftter.t~L  n  I.KJ Vie  seen  in  a  numb«r

of  thiRr^f?  they  do  in  the  pvlitic?.!  ,aV  eecial  reconstruction  of

the  nation  raid  st  ,tw  of  Ghan:.*  A.raonr  ther-e  i::  tb:.  c a ll  to  chiefs

to  help  strenrn~line  custvmary  laws*  tc  mako  them  t r u ly  aBeimiln"

table  into  the  ^enerril  law:?  <-f thr  country.  The  body  of  customary

laws  of  Ghana  ie  of  c~>urr-c  already  recognised  ac  part  of  the  law

of  the  country  but  the  d i v e r s i t i es  in  the  laws  on  very  similar  or

identical  issues  make-  it  nocorsrxv  for  seme  revision.':  to  bo  done.

iicsidec,  some  of  the  usa^en  afc  obsolsto  and  ill"T>uited  to  modern

conditions  and  life»  Helcronce  has  only  tf-  be  wads  to  the  various

A<its  urni  decrees  ainciu  I960  to  notice  trw  trend  of  the  HcciaT and

o.tTiciol  t'overnmt'iital  thought  to  which  we  havo  referred*  Act  3^0

>'x  19?1  went  v  j.on^  w^y  to  specify  the  ?rr?>nttomont  of  sections*

?h^i-f  '•••r to  b<  -)  .ia+icnnl  House  of  Chiefn  with  five  chiefn  from

uvory  rsij'i'va  of  Uhrji\,  elected  frcm  chiefs  of  tht,  regions*  Article

13:1.  of  tin  Cow>txtuticii  ueioforred  en  it  specific  functions  but  it

WHS  ale:-, &i,itci  that  lh<.  (louse  would  be  required  to  deliberate  on

m.-<ttGiT,  ri'i'errc-tl  to  ii 

fron*  time  to  timo  by  the  Kational  Central

goTernm.'nt.  Xhit  tionhv  w;u,  required  to  ndvi^.c  on  chieftaincy  and

jruvermvnt  or.  a  vi^i.  tv  of  n'^t^er^  inc'indi/i:*  tin.  fin^l  revision

of  cuFt.-m?ry  UBbgBP  nivl  ~1I~M*  F ,rt  Two  ft"  the  Act  nstablishod

rcr.L'-Tiai  Houses  >. t

  rhh*ff\  ;Kich  w*  not  vory  <.  ifferent 

.Frnn

Provincial  Council  of  i-hie^r  "1" the  pact* 
House  of  Or.i,-f8  could  L^  ccnT>._iJ*C''i  with  fliy  <j'-.int  Prov
Council  o'C chi  it-  w)"itch  had  Dc dowah  _;B i ts  moctinf;  place
uiffcroace  4jr.  mainlv  ir  the  ccroositicv  an;  th J  r e e p o n s i b i l i t l es

Indeed,  thi.  national

7

c.2 the  ne\" Fouse.  Pnrt  II  dealt  with  lv  ditiomil  Councils  and

the  duties  of  p-riv*;it"  +e  c^rr-^L.^  thi  c  uncil.-«  The  Cc-ljowinjj  'ere

other  f-artp  ef  that  : c t. 

\ct  IV  de-ut  -nth  IH^i.-ieual  Councils,

Part  V with  Procer-dinps  affect  in-  tlu  Inf.tituf  i->ri  i t s e l f,  Part  VI,

Btcol  Property  ""Part  VIJ,  ;'-u •> ternary  Liv,  P-irt  VT11  'loalt  with  who

fr;s  not  renre.-e^t ~

34

Is a chief and categories of chiefs, enstoolrnent and destool™

merit of chiefs.  The current decree of the. N*R-»C. government

has accepted the main principles of the Act 3^0 of 19?1 which

it has revised*

As a matter of fact the whole of social development is to

be one of the foremost concerns of the institution of chiefship*

Hence the traditional ways and means of socialization like

festivals, periodic calls back home, and specific organization of

projects to improve the conditions of the people, towns and

villages, are to be exploited by chiefs*  Fortunately experience

has proved that the traditional rulers would be useful in preserv

ing the desirable aspects of 'a distinctive Ghanaian culture*

At this point it may be useful to mention some of  the efforts

the government itself is making to examine the challenges of con-

temporary Ghana in the sphere of culture*  Rightly, it has been felt,

we suggest, that the challenges to Ghanaian culture require dis-

passionate and scientific study of the institutions like marriage

and -family inheritance -and chieftaincy.  The study of chieftaincy

exposes us to the study of all those institutions listed before it.

The national concern to embark on the project of studying this has

already been concretely demonstrated by governments preceding the

N*R»C«  However, there has been a formal launching of it by the

N.R.C. government*

As far back as 19fo0f even the late Kwame Nlcrumah, who at a

point during the struggle for independence felt that the chiefs -

were obstructing the way and that they should be dispensed with,

seemed to have disabused his mind of this and favoured the

guaranteeing of 'the place of chiefs in the 1st Republican Consti~

tution*

,.  haV'--  \i-.cii  tr-~i*i, 

4'c  r,  vii.ni. 

'•'>-.  i r -f  -.tutiori  of  c h i e f t a i n cy  and

.1  r<  -t  "ar  ;o  I:,  cori  r-n'por-i  7  Ghana*  Although  we  did  not

i.no". . n K i ' Hi 
• 

i ts 
tr 
ami  1  <tan^u 

if\.  K ri  *r-,  in  ;u-.v  .1^1 <dI  in  fcri-  J  t-->  Iraw  a t t e n t i on 

to  the  checks

ithnro'^t 

in 

it"  ml  v. "irt-.Tu  t.i1,/'  !: 

i ts  derao<-"  t ic  ^ r i n c i t lc  ~«

Th>  supronie  I'ove",  H»I  E- <vt  ^^.ii'ci]  in  t>v. 

';c  -(1»  and  they  "cul<'  r ° i c ct  n

c l . j t * 1" 

v'5'e'.i  ho  o t \ - -.  td 

!o 

i t i lc 

i j-  ->>*e;>r\u-jic< 

'  T t '1  t h' 

3 ' - ' /p 

r - i'  h h c;  p n o p lt

who  1 et*5 "* jmi-r^ .1  h i" 

to-'\r»

I'IC  u^rri-i*1 

-jit ? l ei  \ 

fen;*!  t  _r-u. 

rn 

changes  in  ^ht*  pov/ci*s  of

the-  <•; .L  1  nut  Hud  o t"  M<>  o«  <r] <. •  h'%  t  II-UJ  *L  .?ra  and  g-sver*'"ei't  •jrf'  taast.

Suf.t.tquently  p o v u l . r l ,'  "l^c'tHJ 
he '.v  t'-i^p'"1  11-c  r.-ik"f'  •*  >r  .r»u,!'i:' 

.^i^i'^v-.i  ^ e ' -(, n r e n ts  or  m i l i t a ry  councils
I  d;fii.  i'c - fc t i m e s.  E\ridence  shows

t h nt  ^ ' v ^ r w i i t 'i 
th  >t  ill' 

iu  3t t t u t i ou 

ti"  «..'( 

J •! 

, 

t^.-K'i 

indenciL  *rr..'e  o»'  ih^na 

^'c-  ••11  f e lt

,  '  •- .Lv f »vit 

'on) iwK  --  tv> 

j 

loi-i^'l 

..  ih«  p o l i U c al

ar.d  p o o i al  aumini^tiTtti  "  o>'  •Hv>  •••tm'try* 

r?i>  before 

in  t h e ir  own  ways,

th<=>  fiovcrm*  v hr  hiv«*  "ou  -hi 
th 

r  •^r^tolun^  c,

t«.  - u.n-  ^tt-« 

in
., |  v>l>/ d.i •>}•' i" do this  b ut they  -call

tb,-  'J-ice  of  the  i n s t i t u t i on 

upon  oti.-'v  li'iey

in :n tit'-iiv-r  ;«• •».*1

1  L»  i'1 ; task  of  r e c o n s t r u c t i o n.

Tho  mnst  -vci •"•4* Ho\»» > jpinf  I ii- > tle  reiT> ,vi.a,J ion of H o u s es  of. Chief s and
nsti,ip-il "• v ? r ca  j-i or<\-i?cri ,i t.% ^, . U H. t-tn  '•r^ditional  customs  and u s a g es

of  ttu- v'v-ivntt'/ a^ ,i ^h'^v* 

• •

This down, to earth attitude to study the basic  indigenous

institutions of the country dispassionately  seem to be a step in

the direction which we may call scientific*  The results, we -hop.e,

should be revealing and useful.in  forging  future governments which

may be better based on the soil of culture.  Culture of course ir

dynamic and obviously  cognizance would haire to be taken of thai in

the study*  This means it would be necessary  for us to be pain.-i

in our researches in order to J >>\d'~  tti<  'i-t-JL and resilient at ny

of the culture*  Our final ohs'ep« •*: i-.n ' ^ H. ,t it is not unlikely

that something fruitful may evolve from the study which is

currently being done on chiefship*  If this proves to be so,

we would hope, that the institution would be put to greater

and better use in the social development of the country*

REFERENCES

ALICOL THOMAS;  1951

The evolution of Gold Coast Chiefship*
The Sheffield Telegraph and Star Ltdf
Kemley  House, Sheffield.

ARHIN KWAME

No»2 of Ghana. Today, Information Services
Department Ghana*

BUSIA, K.A.  :  19C

DANQUAH, J.B-.  1928

Position of the Chief in Modern Political
System in Ashanti»  International African
Institute^ Oxford University Press*

Akan Laws and Customs and the Abuakwa
Constitution, London Kentledge and
Kegan Paul*

KYEREMATEN,A.A.Y 19&L

The Panoply of Ghana*  Longman Green and
Co. Ltd., fl-3 Grosvenor Street, London ¥•!.

QtJAHCOOy A.K*

1972

RATTRAY.. R.S.

1923

1927

SARBAH,  J.M. 

• 1897

The Stool Polity — a kind of political
organization IX International Conference
on Anthropological and Ethnological
Sciences.  Chicago, Moutcn Press*

The Ash an tlf Oxford University Press.

Religion and Art in Ashanti, Clarendon
Press, Oxford.

Fanti  Customary  Laws  *~ a  brief 
to  the  principles  of-Native  Laws  and  •
Customs  of  the-Fanti  and  Akan  d i s t r i c ts  of
the  Gold  Coast  with  a  report  on.  some  cases
thereon  decided  in  the  Law 'Counts.  Frank
Cass  and  Co.  Ltdr'1968.

introduction

37

SEKIXf W.E.G.-:  Comparison cf English and Gold Coast Allan

relating to Absolute rights of individuals,
Archives, Cape Coast Ghana*

SMITH, M.G. 1956  Segmentary Lineage systems, J.I.R. LXXVI '

(1956)  Part 2, pp.5^-55, "*67»