70

AXIM KUNDUM: A PRELIMINARY SURVEY

J.K. AGOVIX

Introduction

Every year between .September and October, the people of Nzema

celebrate their Kundum Festival*  It is estimated that a total of

about 15&,000 people  from Dutch Sekondi to Half~Assini, a distance

of about 300 kilometres, take part in this festival.

Not only are all these people (which include the Ahanta, the

Svalue and the Jumoro) united by the Kundum festival,'but, with

very minor dialectical differences, they are also united by a common

language ~ Nzema.  The Ahanta spread from Sekondi to Agona with their

traditional capital in Busua-  The* Svalua which mainly refers to the

Nsein~"Axim traditional area stretch beyond the Ankobra to include

Esiama and Atuabo.  Beyin, the traditional capital of Western Nzema

or the Jumoro, completes the- picture*

2

Among tho Nzema speakers of the West, the festival is known
as fAbisa! •  But from Atuabo to Dixcove in the Ahanta district,
the festival is called 'Kundum1•  Although  throughout my enquiries no
one was able to tell me exactly what "Kundum" means in the Nzema

language, one reliable informant told me (and this was later confirmed

by one of the JKundum  Elders)  that the word Kundum was rhythmically

Editor, Publications Officer and Assistant Secretary
Institute of African Studies, Legon*

19*70 Population Census of Ghana, Special Report "D"
(Census Office, Accra""  ^ /) "'

2«  Nowadays the word 'Kundum' has spread to Western Nzema,

and is used to refer to the festival as a whole*  The
word 'abisa' however, is boing used in the context of
the festival to refer to the creative artists —
musicians, singers, drummers and dancers "~ who motivate
the festival*

71

3

derived  or inspired by the sound of the Edomgbole,  the most
important drum in the Kundum ensemble.

In this article, we shall focus attention primarily on how

Kundum is celebrated in the Nsein~Axim'  traditional areaj and

as far as possible, we shall also attempt to tr: ce the origin

of the Axim Kundum, underline its social and historical importance

and finally describe its significance as a major cultural event

among the Nzema of that area*  In the course of our analysis we

shall endeavour, where appropriate and applicable, to make comparisons,

contrasts and provide evidence to substantiate the points we ioake

Most of the material for this paper was collected at first hand

when I went bn a research trip to Aj&im during the celebration of the

Kundum festival in September 19^3*  In August 1 9 ^, I spent a week

in Axim to verify the information I had already collected-  Gn both

occasions, the Amanhene of Nsein and Lower Axim and various elders

associated with the celebration of Kundum in that area were inter"

viewed on tape.  Various people and informants also volunteered

information which was recordedj and photographs were taken and

important rituals, ceremonies and events were observed*

AXIM KUNDUM FESTIVAL

Anyone travelling from Takcradi towards Axim will not fail

to be impressed by the luxuriant growth of trees and dense forest

which seems to guard the tarred road all the way to Axim.  All at

once, one is in the area with the highest annual fainfall in Ghana.

3*  There are four drums in the Kundum iiinsemble: Kuukuu, Apasoo,

Adenhenle and Sdcmgbole.  Each is distinguished by the sound it
contributes to each performance*

*u  The average annual rainfall in the Axim area ranges between
8O~85 inches.  The heaviest Monsoon rains are experienced between
May-July.

Located between Latitude 4-  *~ 3  above the Equator and

Longitude 2'' "3"  West of the Meridian, the Axim-Nsein traditional

area has a luxuriant rain forest which contains not only timber,

but itjso gold .and diamond*  The -area is anted for the production

of coconut, rice, cassava, plairttain and cocoyam*  By the middle

of August the heavy monsoon rains leave of f, . giving way to:- a

relatively dry spell, which marks the beginning of the main

harvesting and fishing season*  It is at this time that the

Kunclura Festival is celebrated.

As we shall see, the very special timing of the festival is

significant in itself.  For, the immediate occasion for the festival

secure when there is plenty to eat from the sea, farms and rivers of

the area*  But although there is this outward material bounty there

seems to be a spiritual, void in the society*  The attempt to close-

this seeming 'spiritual void* may therefore be seen as the primary

motif of the Nsein~Axim Kundum*  As we shall see, through a system ..of

organised dramatic symbols, events, ceremonies and rituals (which make

up the sum""total of the festival), the Nsein~Axim society attempts to

dramatize the reconciliation of spirit and matter in the celebration

of their Kundum •

Origin

In the course of our research, it became clear that there was

common agreement about the origin of the Kundum Festival*  Among

the Nzema speakers of the West, the festival is believed to have

originated from Ahanta Aboade, a village on the Tarkwa~Takoradi

road*  According to tradition, it is in this village that the

legendary palm tree associated with the origin of the Kundum

festival is supposed to exist. The primary legend has it that

in the old«a days this palm tree used, to ripen once in a year*

With time this period became a symbolic calendar in the lives of

73

the people.  In other words the 'ripening of 1$he palm tree became:
the signal for the festival to bdgin.  This explanation is so
widely accepted that the Evalue and tKe Ahanta themselves acknow-
ledge the historical"and  6ultural significance of this village of
Aboade•

However,  .  in both Axira and Neein, Kundum Elders and various

informants, wero a.t pains to underline  the. fact, that the Kundum or
Abisa- was brought into, these areas' by a particular  family or Abusiiaj
and, thai; this Abusua did not  (and still does not) belong  to the
ruling  chieftaincy Abusua.in these areas.  Thus it is believed that
it was the Nvavile  clan who introduced the secrets of the Kundum to
Western Nzemaj and that their totem ~ the Palm tree and.the Parrot *~
bears eloquent testimony to their control and custodiailship of the
festival.  In Axim, we fburid but that' a branch of "that- family ,is
? called«the M J O RI "family"* J' ivxJe'ording to 'our tnkiri ;inforraant^ 'M
Kobinabar bf;Lower 'Town/' Axiiiri, it yas- her:'i^^k^^i%pe^r'
called Akoto Nyanzu who brought Kundum  to that area.  A hunter by
profession, Akoto Nyanzu went to hunt one evening and was not seen
again till three months later.  He returned,with Kundum.  He asked
his family to make drums.  The drums were  made and the Kundum was
first celebrated for three months.  It proved difficult' to spend
this length of time, so it was reduced to one month.  Later on,

.the one month was further broken, down into two phases I phase one
lasted three weeks when artists, drummers, performers and old men
versed in the art of Kundum isolated  themselves to learn new songs,
new dance forms, body movements and generally plan the artistic
course of the festival.  The second phase of one week sees the
actual celebration of the festival.

Fbr-above account two impressions soem to-stand out:  the first;

is the very interesting discovery  that the Kundum festival was

5»  The major ruling families in the whole of Nzema from Nsein

to Beyin traditional area, belong to the AHWEA  or DOG CLAN.  In
Nsein, the Omanhene's crown is inscribed with the symbol of a dog
with fire in its mouth.

74

originated by a family which is completely unrelated  to the

families which rule or occupy the stools in these areas.  In

the words  of a member  of the Majori  family in Lower Axim, it

is his family "which is responsible  for the actual  celebration

of the Kundum festival with tho Jaelp of the Omanhene"•

(Emphasis mine)*  Infact, throughout the  celebration  of the;

festival, it was noticed that all the four drums used  for the

festival were always deposited, at the end of each clay's

activities,  in the household  of the Majori  family*

This situation reveals aspects of the  complex balance of

power within the political system  of the area*  Given the tradi-

tional power structure  of Amanhene, subchiefs, Court elders, clans,

interest groups Oisafo Companies, Stool Custodians, V/omen's guilds

etc.),  it was very interesting  to find that  one family  or clan  ~

the Majori — emerge as the  custodians or  'arbitrators' of the

course of the festival^ .and further, as a result  of their  historical

claims in relation to the festival, gain considerable  political

authority  during the  festival*  By exercising supervisory  powers

over  the main instruments  of the festival, i*e*  drums (of which  they

are believed to be  originators)•  -ghe Majori family seems to direct

the  festival in the sense  of seeing to it that the festival is cele-

brated  in accordance with established historical protocol*  It crji

be said however  that although these considerations •are acknowledged

and the Majori family in particular  is tenacious of its prestige and

power  deriving  from its principal role in the festival, it was very

difficult not to realize that the festival has been transformed,

into a  completely public affair involving  the whole  community*

The second  impression is  that the Kundum festival is a well""

planned activity.  It was obvious that a lot  of skill and intelli-

gence had gone into the planning  of the  festival*  I was groatly

impressed by  the way in which people acted out their roles without

75

introduction prompting or stage"ifright.  Ho where was there

a hitch.  Everything was smooth and orderly.  Drummers, dancers,

singers and performers were there when expected and lived out

their roles to everyone's expectation* Clearly, there was an

organizing mind behind such a complex cultural activity*  We

found out that such a mind existed in a group of people known as

Kundum Elders who were responsible for the planning of the festival*

Although in principle these elders are responsible to the Omanheno

they are in fact independent of Court since they are mainly artists

whose primary objective is to see to the artistic direction of the

festival*  They therefore owe their ultimate allegiance to the
festival hence their name ~ "Kundum Elders11 •

i\ better insight into how well the Kundum is a planned

activity will have to begin with the "preparation stage" of the

festival.  As indicated earlier^ although the actual celebration of

the festival takes only one week, the total time spent on the reali~

zation of the festival covers one calender month from »id-August to

the end of October, in each year.  During the period between August

and October, each Kundum centre in Nzema and Ahanta land is at liberty

to select one month convenient to the community so as to prepare and

celebrate the festival.  The selection of the appropriate time is

done by the Omanhene in consultation with Kundum Elders and the

family which is recognized as the Custodians of the festival*

6.  This situation of course further complicates the political

relationships at the festival.  The interesting thing here is
that, the principle of diversity of roles in unison obtains.
Political entities and various Kundum performance-groups seem to
know their limits during the festival, and so skilfully is this
done that one is not immediately aware or even conscious of the
highly volatile nature of social relationships which infact obtain
at the festival.

76

Three weeks of the selected month is usually set aside as

the preparation period*  Kundum Elders, artists and people with

acquired knowledge of the festival go to live in isolation*

This period of isolation from the community is appropriately known

as "Eyele nu" or "Cold weather"*  Outside the community, in a place

where no one other than those involved would know of their activities,

they learn the relevant repertoire of songs and various dance move*"

ments which add beauty and artistic dimension  to.the festival*

In addition, new songs are composed, new dance movements which add

beauty and artistic dimension to the festival*  In addition, new

songs are composed, new dance forms initiated, old drums are repaired

or replaced and costumes for various occasions are discussed in detail*

Almost .'.simultaneously, drumming and blowing of horns as well as any-

thing which generally involves the use of musical instruments is

banned*  It is believed that if this ban is violated before the

Kundum is outdoored, the legendary "Afakye" (who is believed to

symbolize disese in the speciety) will come prematurely to plague

7
the society with disease*

Outdooring

The first Sunday of the fourth week (of the appointed period of

one month) is the occasion for the outdooring of the Kundum*  In Axim,

as we witnessed, it'was a dramatic occasion*  The time was about 8*3Op*m-

There is darkness everywhere, but the brilliant moon in the sky clearly

reveals a beautiful stretch of sandy shore in Lower Town Axim*

7*  It is on the last day of the festival that according to

belief, "Afakye" is actually expected*  At midnight of this last
day, the festival is literally "hooted out" or "Afakye is hooted out"
symbolizing the spiritual emancipation of the society from disease and
bad omen, at least for the ensuing year*

77

gather-  on  the  beach.  Everybody  is  carrying  a  huge

The  waters  of  the  sea  had  receded,  giving  r i se  to  a  beach "line
which  shone  in  the  moonlight.  A large  group  of  women,  men  and
children 
bundle  of  flame,  made  of  coconut  fibres*  Meanwhile,  the  four  drums
are  >poised  on  the  *heads  of  four  stalwart  men.  Suddenly  the
Edoragbdle  drum  sounds*  '.Three  smaller,  ones  join.  Men's  voicei''are
joined  together. 
torches,  move  a's' on«e man  towards  the  town*  Their  song  is  simple  arid
to  the  point:  *.the^  sing  of  the  origin  of  the  Axim  KuncMm:

.The *whole  mass  of  people  carrying 

huge

It  happens  today
Gyanewac'

^ o1  Wyan';zuv Bring  your

- to  celebrate  Kundmm*.;.,.

i  ,^he-;pr:pce5siori,;; moves; iia  majesty. along'  a? well rtle fined
r9Ui;§::,.oh • ;^thertykach,.,|"oj?oabout  lour  ;hundred;:yards5  tho&r th%  pri>cessdon
meves ;$v-er;; the. wall  • on4the  beach: into•: t^wn'' and  i^^iichedr'Mrbnei$p6t-
V/ith  the  drums  in  the  centre, 
in  a  c i r c l e.  What  was  interesting  was  that  there  was  no  attempt 
carry  the  procession  through  the  town. 
which  from  enquiry  was  the  household  of  the  Majori  family, 
who  t r a d i t i o n a l ly  is  believed  to  have  originated  'the  Kundtimi.  The
drama  of  song,  music  and  dance  continues  for  about  two  hours.  But
the  point  has  been  made:  Kundum  has  been  outdoored.

the  whole  throng  dance  and  sing  around
to

It  was  localized  at  one  spot,

the  clan

Monday:

Nothing very much happens in the morning. But towards evening,

every household becomes busy.  Three heavy logs of firewood are

8«  Gyanewa was the wife of Akotoko Nyanzu who brought the Kundum.

9*  The symbolism of this flame in the festival is complex.  In
its practical use, the flame.serves to heighten the dramatic entry
of the Kundum into the society.  But in a more important way, the
flame suggests the conflict between fgood! and 'evil* (darkness
and light), a regeneration of a new type of energy and life force
in the society, which are the most important recurrent themes of
the festival*  Finally, tho symbolism oi" the flame recalls the
political totem of the ruling, family in the state-the AHWEA (DOG CLAN)
whose totem is "dog with flame in its mouth.  Symbol of power and soverei'
gnty.

78

arranged in the open courtyard of each household*  This is:.b.bliga~

tory.  By four o'clock in the evening, every household we visited

had already made this arrangement in its courtyard.  About-?.00p.m.

or when it is .sufficiently dark, the three amanhene  in the Nsein"*

Axim traditional arear and their divisional chiefs perform the

ceremony of setting fire to the prepared firewood.  Libation is

first poured after the logs had been set on fire*  Thereafter, all

households surrounding the amanhone and their divisional chiefs are

free to light their logs or go to the Ahenfie to gather the flames

from there to their house.  The logs so lighted will constitute a

kind of "perpetual flame", which will be used throughout the

festival in every home.  All kinds of cooking both during the day

and at night, v/hich normally are done in the privacy of the kitchen,

will, from henceforth, be done on the perpetual flame.  In reality

all meals cooked during this time are expected to be done in the

open so that any  member of the public who wants food can just walk

in and help himself to the food on fire.  For, it is a time of plenty

when charity and hospitability abound.  A deep sense of hospitality

which is so much at the core of the way of life of the people is

therefore given dramatictand<symbolic expression throughout the
festival in this way*

Afcout  8 p.m. a gun is fired.  It was now time to mourn those

who had died in the course of the previous year*  However, the

privilege to mourn was restricted to only families,or households who

had actually lost members during the course of the year.  We visited a

few of such households and we noticed that the families concerned had

organized funeral dirges to be sung in memory of their deceased.

What was interesting was t.Uat all. the mourners wore black costumes

and actually wept, and the atmosphere was like a live funeral*

In effect, the "realism" of the occasion was symbolically'

commemorative'being a dramatic expression of each household's sense

of spiritual continuity with its ancestors and the dead.  The overall

79

drama, thus embodies the symbolic gesture of renewing the society's

• 

• 

. 

• 

• 

.' 

.

.

." 

• 

* 

i 

•

sense of continuity with the past; affirming the relevance of the
past (and therefore of history) to present and future developments*

"This is given concrete expression in the libation texts and dramatic

acts which are enacted on this occasion*  Of special interest perhaps

was our discovery that the dirges were being sung in Ahanta "" a fact

which emphasises tha Ahanta origin of the Kuridum*

Tuesday

Early in the morning on Tuesday, all "black 'stools" in various

householdsrand families ar^> outdoored.  There is no mourning or. open
weeping this time, bui the ancestors are* remembered.  In the secret

enclosures erected in" these households for this purpose*, ••family elders

p©"u>* libation-to their ancestral stjools*: 'l^a^eXs^'^g^sa'^d^^s'ne'ep^is

^laiifh|ered mdc JowlrS' sacrifieqdf rMomb^s; of •,t:he ^familycwho, had'
travelled home for the festival as'well as those who had stayed

behind are given the chance to once again renew their sense of

identity with the ancestors by providing drinks for texts of prayer

to be said for them*

Immediately afterwards Kundum groups of children, youngsters

and elderly women parade from household to household*  These groups

have no drums and they do not use any of the Kundum drums*  For., they are

mainly singers and dancers who move from house to house singing the

praises and genealogies of well-known families*  Accompanying their

songs were cymbals, dumbbells, rattles, gourds and whistles*  The use

of these musical instruments definitely gave dramatic intensity to the

songs and dances being performed*  But it was their costume which

attracted me: the performers wore beads on their hands, necks and

chests*  Each also wore a white singlet from the top.  The whiteness

of the singlets was emphasised by the white powder which was liberally

daubed on their faces, necks and chests*  Immediately below the'waist

were short-, red or crimsoned tunics which were heavily studded with

80

dumbbells.  The red recalls the memory of the ancestors and white

the joy of the living*  Put in symbolic terms the two colours

together seem to emphasise the people's belief in the continuity

between the world of the ancestors and the human world of the living*

The occasion therefore has a total religious significance in that it

expressed the fact that the ancestors are a vital part of the world

of the living community*

Wednesday:

Like on Monday, nothing significant happens on Wednesday morning.*

About two o'clock in the afternoon however, a major event takes place*

The venue is the Axim Castle.

By 2 'p.m., the Omanheno of Nsein and all his Divisional chiefs

were ready at the boundary of Lower Town to proceed to the Castle*

The Kundum drums were infront followed by the Divisional Chiefs,the

Omanhene and members of the public.  The procession was magnificent

in colour and majestic in movement.  On reaching the entrance of the

Castle, the Omanhene was lowered from his palanquin and, together with

his retinue (for members of the public were forbidden), he entered

the Castle.  The main event here was the pouring of libation on a

grave in the Castle*  In the accompanying text he recounted the history

of the state,, prayed to the ancestors and pleaded for unity and

prosperity among his people.  As the Omanhene later confirmed in his

interview "with us, his visit to Axim Castle was symbolically political.

Long before, the arrival ^of the Whiteman, all the lands of Axim belonged

to Nsein and it • was the Elders of the stool of Nsein who gave the land

to the Whiteman to build the Castle on.  It was therefore necessary

and appropriate on this occasion for the Omanhene of Nsein to go to

the Castle,in his splendour and majesty to recount history, straigh~

ten the records and in that symbolic procession, affirm his sovereignty

over all the lands in Axim.

11 • Built originally by the Portuguese in the first half of the l;6th
century, Fort. St. Anthony seems to dominate the Axim landscape. Later
in the same century, the castle was captured by the Dutch who sold it
to the English in the l8th century.

81

In addition, the occasion was also a unique opportunity for

all the Seventeen Divisional Chiefs of Nsein to renew their political

allegiance and to assure the Omanhene that there is still unity

among all the stools of the state*

12

Thursday and Friday

Thursday and-Friday are mainly days of rest-  No event of any

importance happens except that in the evenings, all the Kundum

groups in the area come together at one spot where they drum, sing-

and dance traditional Kundum dances.  These occasions are important

to the youngsters both male and female•  In. practical terms, it

provides an opportunity for the young to socialize, and it is not

unheard of for prospective marriages to begin from here*

Saturday

Saturday, the last day of the festival is significant*

Usually, there is a durbar of chiefs in the morning but this really

depends on which government official is willing to come.  From 2 p.m»

onwards, there is continuous drumming, singing and dancing at the

Town Square.  All the Kundum drums are fully exercised*  Between

9 p.m. and midnight, the whole mass of people still in their festive

mood ••: 

begin to move towards the outskirts of town, this time

carrying no torches.  Instead, each one carries either a-piece

of stone, stick or wood, just anything he can readily throw away.

On reaching the outskirts of the town a signal is given;  the

singing stops*  _»  Drumming ceases too.  Then, all of a

sudden there  a stampede, everyone ancious to run back*  Sticks,

stones and sand will flow into the outer darkness.  No one looks

back*  Amid shrieks and shouts all run back swiftly to their

respective homes*  The Kundum has been "hooted out"*  Afakye, the

symbol of disease and bad luck in the society has been expelled,

and he goes away with the evils of the society cleansing and

82

purifying it for the coming year*  This symbolic gesture therefore

brings the Kundum celebration to an end*  There is no more Kundum

drumming, dancing or singing till the following year*

Conclusion

Unlike the Aboakyir festival of V/inneba and the Homowo of

the Ga people, Kundum is not a festival which primarily emphasises

the people's migrational history or reveals their agricultural

success in a newly settled area.  Kundum is primarily a cultural

event, although there are observable socio-political levels as well*

It provides occasion for artists and performing groups within the

community to display their talents in diverse ways.  It also provides

the opportunity for the community to dramatise its way of life and

reveal the social and religious values within it*  In the end, the

festival reveals that the people of the area cherish .hospitality-as

a way of life, an.d value their relationship with their ancestors;

and just as a sense of history is important to the survival of a

people so also is a .sense of unity and political stability important

in the Nzema culture of the Nsein~A.xim traditional area*