RESEARCH REVIEW (NS) VOL.8, NOS. 1 & 2, 1992

THE CHANGING ROLE OF QUEENMOTHERS

IN THE AKAN POLITY

Nana Abayie Boaten I

INTRODUCTION

In the Akan cosmogony women were said to be the founders of the various clans:
for example, the Tena/Bretuo clan was said to have been mothered by a woman by name
Asiama Guahyia at Ayaasi in Adanse, Rattray (1925). The Asona Clan which originated
at Sodua in Adanse descended from a woman who was said to have emerged from the skies
just like the mother of the Tena, Agyeman-Dua (1963); Daaku (1972); Boahen (1966).
Since the Akan  lineage  is maintained  through the matrilineal  line these  women

leaders came to be recognized as Queenmothers, or heads of the clans.

They  were  repositories  of knowledge and wisdom, therefore  complicated  issues
were referred to them forcounselling. Thus the concept of: Yenkobisa Abrewa that is, "Let
us seek counselling from the old lady" evolved and still persists up to today.1 The word
Abrewa  did not just mean an old lady, in this context it meant the Good Old Lady. She
was referred to as "good"  because she was always able to give very good counselling
leading to amicable settlement of issues for which men counsellors alone often  messed-
up, sometimes leading to unrest and wars in the olden days.

Who then  was this  important  feminine  socio-political  figure?  And how did she

function  in the cultural milieu in the past?

THE  TRADITIONAL ROLE OF THE QUEENMOTHERS

It is not very clear how and when kingship/chiefship and for that matter queenship
emerged in the Akan society. However, with the formation of the first Akan forest State,
that is Adanse2 and with Awurade Basaas the last known chief, (Daaku 1968; Adu-Boahen
1966), his female  counterpart's  (who was his mother) position, as the caretaker of the
female population, was established. Again the history of the Tena Clan which migrated
from Adanse and founded the Mampong-Asante State, clearly stated the leadership role
of the mothers of the migrant leaders: Barfuo Antiedu and Boahen Anantuo,( Agyeman-
Dua 1964). The Oyoko tradition of Kumasi clearly stated that while Opemsoo Osei Tutu
was the chief of the united states of Asante (1694 -1728), his mother Manu Kutusii was
known as the Asantehenmaa.  The history of Akwamu state indicates that their  famous
Chief, Agyen Kokobo, ruled with his mother as the Queenmother; (Adje 1981). Therefore,
as every state/community/settlement  had a chief so did they have their Queenmothers.
"Homes  are made by the wisdom  of women.*'  (Proverbs  14:1). So these  female
leaders  built  and  established  homes.  (Rattray  1923 and  Busua  1968) claimed  that
traditionally females were more important than men in matrilineal societies. Asonomaso-
Kwagyanso tradition vividly recounts the role played by the female leaders: Nana Ago
Mansa  and her  daughter  Akua  Fosuaa  in the establishment  of that  community. The
Queenmother of Asonomaso, Nana Yaa Frempomaa, was instrumental in the founding of

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Safo; a settlement which now has a population of over four thousand (4,000) inhabitants.
The Queenmother, therefore was the female ruler whose role complemented that of
the male ruler or the Chief.(Arhin 1983). Indeed, she was directly in-charge of the female
affairs of the community. The Akan word for the term Queenmother was Ohenmaa. This
word was the shortened form of the mother of a Chief; Ohene (chief) maame (mother).
Since the Akan tradition is emphatic about the motherhood of the female leader to the chief
(and therefore the Stool), this explanation appears plausible, (Boaten 1991). (Others had
explained the word simply as the female ruler).

SELECTION OF THE QUEEN MOTHER

Traditionally the selection of the Ohenmaa or the Queenmother or the Stoolmother3
was the prerogative of the incumbent chief. When the female stool became vacant it was
the sole responsibility of the chief to select an elderly female member of the royal lineage
to occupy the stool.  In some cases the selection was obvious. In the case of the Akua
Fosuaa Stool of Asonomaso-Safo the succession of the female stool went from mother to
daughter, for example:

AGO MANSAH
AKUA FOSUAA
YAA FREMPOMAA
NANA  AMPONSAA I
NANA AMPONSAA  II

In each case, however, the incumbent chief did the selection.  In modern context
when the selection may not follow such a neat pattern as indicated above, the incumbent
chief  would  be  obliged to  select  a candidate  from the direct  lineage  of the  founding
mothers) of the community. Since the chief was the sole Queenmaker, the selection and
enstoolment of Ahenmaa in Akan areas were not characterized by the acrimony which
often accompanied that of chiefs where many people, the so-called Kingmakers, were
involved.

FUNCTIONS OF THE STOOLMOTHER

As the traditional mother of the chief perhaps her first function was her role as the
principal advisor of her son. She was the only personality among the courtiers who could
openly advise the chief or even rebuke him., She had the responsibility to counsel the chief
in the do's and dont's of chiefship.4

B.  She had to make sure that the royal lineage remained intact. This aspect of her
work was extremely important, since a particular royal lineage remained so long as female
progeny  existed  in the  lineage.5  This  was  because  with the  extinction  of the  female
progeny a royal lineage ceased to exist. For this reason deities were often consulted before
young spinsters (in the lineage) hands* were given in marriage. It was her responsibility
to make sure that the females married from good homes to ensure good quality progeny
into the royal lineage.

C. 

It was her duty to control and advise the female population. She controlled the
female population by announcing and supervising the nubility rites for teenage girls in her
community. Should a girl fail to allow these rites to take place before she became pregnant

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then it was the onerous duty of the Stoolmother to make sure that the culprit went through
the Kyiribra  rites,6 (Sarpong  1972).

D.  The most significant role of the Ohenmaa probably was the part she played in
enstoolment of a chief. It was her singular prerogative to select or nominate a candidate
to be made a chief. As the head of the matrilineal group she knew those who had the pure
royal blood.7 The Stoolmother was however enjoined by tradition to perform this function
in conjunction  with the Abusuapanin, the head of the royal lineage. (See Arhin, op. cit.).
Unfortunately, her role ended with the nomination and the acceptance of the candidate by
the Stoolelders. (These were wrongly referred to as Kingmakers). Should the Stoolelders
find fault with the stoolmother's nominee she was obliged to select another candidate. The
Akan tradition gave her three chances, after which the stoolelders should nominate their
own candidate, of course, from the same royal lineage. In the olden days, the stoolmothers
were so respected that their  nominees  invariably  became chiefs;  unless the candidates
were known to be social misfits,  such as drunkards, thieves etc.

E.  The Stoolmother was obliged to attend all durbars where she sat at the left hand
side of the chief. Even though tradition did not give her the right to openly take part in the
deliberations of the court, she could speak (on-point-of-order) and her contribution should
be final; a typical example was the famous Yaa Asantewaa  War, the last Britanico-Asante
War  of  1900.  Again  at  court  a  "wise"  condemned  criminal  could  appeal  to  the
Stoolmother for a reparation; should the Stoolmother speak on behalf of the criminal, the
chief was duty bound to accept the plea of his mother.

F. 

In time of war she held the home front and organized the womenfolk to pray and
keep vigil and if possible defend the community while the men were away campaigning
(Boaten 1991). The women sang dirges, (Nketia 1955) Twe Mmomome for the safe arrival
of the menfolks.

G.  Like the chief she had her blackstools.
From the discussion so far it could be seen how important women were in general
and the Stoolmothers in particular in the Akan polity. Perhaps a profile on the position of
Asantehenmaa, the Stoolmother of the Golden Stool, may help to clarify the position of
the Stoolmothers.

ASANTEHENMAA

Discussing the concept of Ohenmaa, a closer look may be taken at the institution
of Asantehenmaa.  Among the Akan, she was the one who had the largest  following of
Ahenmaa  and Mmadnpaninfoo; that is to say, all the Ahenmaa under the jurisdiction of
the Golden Stool of Asante were under her.

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.RCHICAL COMMAND IN THE STOOLMOTHERSHIP IN AS ANTE

Asantehemaa

Ahenrnaa of
Amanhene

Ahenmaa of
Amanhene

Mmaapanin of

Abrempon of KTC

Minaapanin of

Abrempon of KTC

Minaapanin of

Sub-Chiefs

Minaapanin of

Adikrofo

Mmaapanin of

Adikrofo

Mmaapanin of

Adikrofo

Traditionally, the Asantehenmaa  was the embodiment of motherhood for not only
the  occupant  of  the  Golden  Stool,  but  occupants  of  all  other  stools  in  Asante.  Her
relationship with Asantehene was one of a good mother to a dear son. For example, it was
the duty of the Asantehenmaa to cut the hair ofAsantehene,  (Abayie Boaten  1991). Apart
from mothering the Asantehene, she ceremonially followed the Asantehene at all durbars.
She  had a court  which  settled  cases  involving  women,  as well  as matters  concerning
disputes in lineages, (Manuh  1988). It was her prerogative to select a candidate from the
royal lineage to occupy the Golden Stool. Even in contemporary times we cannot imagine
how the Asantehenmaa  could insist on her nomination or choice at the face of: (1) Kumase
Abrempon  (Chiefs  of Kumasi)  and (2) Asanteman  (Paramount  Chiefs  of Asante). Her
position as Asantehenmaa  enjoined her to respect the tenets of our traditions of which she
was the mother custodian.

HER  RELATIONSHIP  TO THE CHIEF

From  the typical  example  of the Asantehenmaa  and her son the Asantehene, the
Stoolmothers  related to their chiefs  as real mothers and sons. If this relationship  broke
down beyond  reconciliation  the chief could  destool  the stoolmother.  Traditionally the
Stoolniother could not cause the destoolment  of the chief. However, she could  ferment
an under-ground trouble to cause the destoolment of a chief. To avoid all these unhealthy
developments, the relationship should be extremely cordial; with the Abusuapanin always
ensuring this cohesion.

This was the state of the position of the Stoolmothers in the AScan areas. However,
with time some significant changes in their role have been recognized. We would see how
these changes came about and how some of the negative effects  of the changes could be
ameliorated.

93

THE MODERN STOOLMOTHER

Today a great deal of external influences have affected the role of the Ohenmaa in
the Akan polity. In discussing these changing roles we have to take cognisance of Western
education, the world-wide women's liberation and the whole concept of gender issues.
These influences are affecting the positions of the stoolmothers irrespective of their so-
called assigned traditional roles or position. For example, these mothers claim that their
position in the traditional set-up has been marginalized by their male counterparts because
often  the  chiefs  do  not  consult  them  on  several  issues  as  demanded  by  custom.
Furthermore, they claim that when the chiefs "eat" they forget the Stoolmothers.

1.  WESTERN  EDUCATION AND THE EDUCATED STOOLMOTHER

As the traditional administration becomes more and more complicated which often
demanded "scientific" solution, many educated women are being enstooled in the Akan
areas.  Now  it  appears  quite  remote  to  enstool  an  illiterate  as  a  Stoolmother.  The
communities  always  demand  someone  who  could  read  and  write.  With  this  new
phenomenon,  the  education  standard  of the  Stoolmothers  range  from  Middle  School
Leaving  Certificate  through General  Certificate  of  Education to the University  level.
These educated traditional female administrators have brought in new dimensions in the
role of the Ahenmaa.

Most of the educated Stoolmothers see themselves as next-in-command to their male
counterparts. They argue that if the first stools in any community were: (1) the male and
(2) the female stools, then they do not see how this should not mean that in actuality the
common structure should not take notice of the Stoolmother as the second-in-command
to the chiefs. Indeed, they do not see how sub-stools, created by their own sons should
supercede  their own.  They  assign  this to  the usual  male  domination.  Logically,  this
perception is right, however it is at variance with male dominated tradition.

Busia,  (ibid.)  indicated  that  traditional  histories  from  Mampon,  Dwaben  and
Wankyi as well as other Divisions claimed that women were the early rulers. However,
their  roles  as  rulers  were  hampered  when they  were  in their  menstrual  periods.  On
menstruation and women's leadership role Assimeng (1990) wrote:

In Africa generally  various myths; taboos, customs and traditions had historically
assigned women to a ritually (and therefore socio-politicalfy)  inferior status. One
principal  cause of this discrimination  has been menstruation, seen as both spirit-
change and polluting  at the same time.

Some scholars interested in gender issues do not see how menstruation should debar
women from assuming the roles of men. However, a large number of Stoolmothers accept
the fact that menstruation actually hampers their traditional functions. This argument of
•whether menstruation should be a limiting factor in the leadership role of women appears
to be the direct result of the influence  of Western Education,

B. 

In spite of their physical disabilities, (Busts 1951; Rattray 1923) the educated
Stoolmothers are demanding recognition and greater say in the affairs of their traditional
areas. They no longer accept the peripheral position which had characterized their status

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for a long time. This is manifested at places where the Stoolmothers are more educated
than their chiefs  (and their elders).  The clamour  for recognition  led to a call  for the
acceptance of Stoolmothers into Regional and National Houses of Chiefs. This call had
been so strong that the Constitution for the Fourth Republic of Ghana has said that there
was no need  for  special  seats to  be created for  the Stoolmothers  in those Traditional
Councils; (Constitutional  Committee of Experts,  1991; Consultative  Assembly,  1992;
Constitution,  1992).

C.  The Stoolmothers are using their unique role as the' 'defender of the rights of
kin-ship" to press home their recognition. The rights of kin-ship simply means that the
question of any candidate's legitimacy to a stool must be confirmed by the Stoolmother,
(Busia ibid., p. 20). Educated Stoolmothers see this role as a unique opportunity to make
their presence felt  in their traditional  areas whenever their male stools become  vacant.
These days they insist on their selected candidates. They, in fact, become stronger when
the Abusuampanin  favour their choices. The Stoolmothers have realized that the so called
King-makers  or  Stoolelders  get  corrupted  during  the  enstoolment  of  chiefs;  so  that
especially  in  Asante  wealth  has  become  a  major  criterion  for  the  selection  and  the
enstoolment of chiefs. 8 This unfortunate situation is being challenged by the Stoolmothers
who  insist  on their nominations,  when  if closely analyzed  are devoid  of any  monetary
reward  for the old ladies concerned.

These developments are regarded by the men as usurpation of their legitimate rights
by the  Stoolmothers.  They  claim  the  stoolmothers  are now  making  chiefs,  a  function
which should be performed  by them.

The present  writer sees this as a new phenomenon which  is likely to persist  if the
women leaders are not given wider powers than they have hitherto enjoyed. The idea that
they are demanding a greater say in the affairs  of their traditional areas may have to be
accepted by the male.

Some scholars of gender studies have argued that since in Ghana women form over
51 per cent  of the population  their traditional  leaders may be accorded  wider  political
powers by the men. We however think that in this particular instance the women leaders
have their assigned  duties for which they should not be  disturbed.

INFLUENCE OF WESTERN  EDUCATION

While the educated  Stoolmothers  are using the knowledge acquired  in the  formal
education  to  influence  their  localities  positively,  it  appears  there  are  some  negative
influences whreh may eventually change the main tenet of our culture. The acceptance of
the Christian culture fashioned in the Western civilization appears to be the first inhibiting
factor.  A few  examples  will  suffice  to explain the above claim: (1) The neglect  of the
nubility  rites  had been the  direct  result  of the  influence  of Christianity.  On this  issue
Sarpong (1991) wrote; "Can we wonder that the values associated with the nubility rites
are fast becoming a myth with the disappearance of and the disrespect on the part of the
youth for these rites in Kumasi? The irony of the situation is the part that Christianity has
played in killing interest in and respect for the rites. Yet Christianity is preaching the very
values that the nubility rites dramatized and inculcated into the youth with such vigour and
effectiveness.  The situation we find ourselves in is like doing all you can to promote an
occupation while at the same time prohibiting the use of the tools purposely manufactured
for that particular occupation." (Also see Rattray 1929). The educated Akan regard these
rites as unchristian, an attitude which has been counter productive.

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2)  Pouring of libation which is central to the Akan tradition is highly objectionable
to Christianity and Western culture generally. Some educated Stoolmothers are known
not to perform this singular rite, with the pretext that it is against their religious belief. Do
we have to  allow this  attitude to  obliterate  the central  theme, the ancestorship  of  our
culture?  Should this new attitude succeed where will our traditional heritage be? These
and other such searching questions may be addressed by the Stoolmothers'  Associations
in our bid to safeguard  our culture from  foreign  domination,  we concede that a culture
should be a dynamic phenomenon, however in its growth the central theme should not be
lost else the culture dies, (Boaten  ibid.).  We would  like to point  out that the educated
Stoolmothers should be careful  not to supervise the demise of our rich cultural heritage
based on the veneration of our ancestors who are, more or less, our traditional saints.

QUEENMOTHERS'  ASSOCIATIONS OR AlIENMAA  KUO

(In  this  paper  these  associations  shall  read:  Stoolmothers'  Associations),  the
formation  of these associations  appears to be a reaction to the apparent  neglect or the
peripheral position the Stoolmothers find themselves. It is a platform on which the female
leaders hope to press home their rights. These association are spearheaded by the well
educated among the Stoolmothers.

The first known association  was formed  in  1983 at Cape Coast in Central Region
known  as the  Queenmothers'  Council.  It was  formed  by the  Stoolmothers  from  that
Region who resided in the Cape Coast Municipality. The Council was opened to the non-
resident Stoolmothers  from  the Central Region.9

The aim of this association was to think about the welfare of the Stoolmothers and

how best to enhance the institution of  chieftaincy.

The  same  Stoolmother  in  1988  organized  the  Stoolmothers  in  Abora,  Asebu,
Kwamankese  District  to  form  Stoolmothers'  Association.  Presently,  there  have  been
spate of inaugurations of Stoolmothers' Associations all over the country. The best known
are the Stoolmothers of Kwabre District, Ashanti Region, Greater Accra Region, Volta
Region and Central Region.

The main aims and objectives of these associations may be summarized as follows:

1)  To ensure the welfare of Stoolmothers and the institution of Stoolmothership.

2)  To ensure the maintenance of good traditions and to eliminate those that are
inimical to the good of the society. In this regard the Stoolmothers la Asante
are seriously considering the re-introduction of the bragro ceremony, (nubility
rites)  while  at  the  same  time  they  are  opposing  the  practice  of  female
circumcision by some Northern tribesmen who reside in Region.

3)  To work out good working relationshipwith the chiefs under whom they serve.

4)  To  advise the  female  population  on  issues  such  as  family  planning,  home

management etc.

We think that the formation  of these associations  is at the right direction, what is
needed now is the education which the Stoolmothers will have to go through, in order to
be effective. While on this platform, the Stoolmothers will know their privileges, through

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*ae same way they will learn to appreciate their responsibilities.

CONCLUSION

The new educated Stoolmothers may revolutionalize the institution of Stoolraothership
by making sure that the female population which is directly under them accept the dangers
of teenage pregnancies and dropping out of school before the end of the basic education.
It should be their responsibility to educate the population on the need of spacing of births,
especially on health grounds which affect  their kind, the mothers.

On the point of recognition of Stoolmothers we want to suggest the  following:

a)  Stoolmothers  themselves  should  allow  the creation  of  female  stools  for all
known male stools, for  example Krontihene - Krontihenmaa; Adontenhene  -
Adontenhenmaa;  Nifahene  - Nifahenmaa  etc. These  should  meet  under the
leadership of the Stoolmother and deliberate on issues that affect the community
especially the womenfolk. Furthermore, on this platform they could effectively
influence the male court on relevant issues.

b)  These  women  councils  could  be  formed  at  thetraditional  level  where  the
women would discuss issues affecting their traditional areas. It seems to us that
if this  suggestion  is adopted, the  female  leaders  will  exert  more  significant
influence on their male counterparts. We envisage a situation where the men
will  have  to  refer  decisions  on  issues  such  as  litigations  on
enstoolment of chiefs to these female councils.10 We hope that by this way their
voices  may  be heard  more  loudly than  when they join  the male  dominated
Traditional  Councils.

Finally, the male rulers should encourage and give every assistance to their female
-nterparts in this direction; If this is not done, then the men should expect a more stiff
position from  the women in the near  future.

FOOTNOTE

1)  Today the concept of Yenkobisa Abrewa is highly abused. The men counsellors
when going to consult the "Old  Lady" only meet in-camera and reach their decision by
consensus.  In*actuality  they  physically  do  not  consult  the  "Old  Lady".  Now  it  is  an
imaginary concept. May be because most of the Queenmothers are young and inexperienced.
Since it is a desirable concept,  it should be practiced by the traditional  administrators.

2)  The n&me Adanse appeared on the Dutch map of 1629 as a territory rich in gold.
Archaeological  evidence on Adanse  area indicated that  it had been inhabited  by people
well over one million years, Anquandah (1980).

different 

the  Queenmother 

3)  This is the first time any scholar has used this term: "Stoolmother"  inplaceof
Queenmother. I consider this term appropriate since the English word Queenmother has
a 
in  Western/
Eastern Monarchies are not rulers and are invariably mothers to the Queen or King, in our
context she is a ruler and a mother (traditionally) to the Chief. Here she rules with the chief
especially taking care of the female population under her.

connotation;  while 

97

4) 

In her role as the chiefs top counsellor, the Stoolmother did it as a true mother,
but not in a way to jeopardize the position of her  "son".

5) 

ft is equally significant to make sure that good quality males existed in royal
homes. Many a home had lost their hold on stools because at one point or the
other they could not offer acceptable candidates for their stools.

6) 

In the olden days failure to allow the Ohenmaa to announce one's  nubility
period  led to the traditional  rites known  as  This ceremony  put a  pregnant
woman  through  some  humiliating  rites  with  her husband  (of course);  after
which the two of them were banished from the locality until after the birth of
the baby.

7) 

In the olden days if a woman married a man from a non-Akan tribe, especially
the Northern tribes, their children could not be regarded as people with pure
royal blood.

8)  Thesedevelopmentsareasunfortunateastheyareuntraditional.  It is unfortunate
because some non-royals or persons with doubtful royal parentage have bought
their way to occupy stools as against rightful owners. This is untraditionai and
therefore soiling the name of the institution of  chieftaincy.

9)  The  brain  behind  the  formation  of the  council  was  Nana  Ekua  Sasa  I,  the
Stoolmother  of  Abora  Nsafona.  This  stool  is the Obaatan  (Mother)  to the
Abora  State. Nana Sasa I was trained at Achimota College as a teacher and
holds a Diploma in Nursery Education from the Haggai Institute in Singapore.
She  retired  from  Ghana  Education  Service  as  an  Assistant  Director  of
Education. She was a member of the Consultative Assembly which  drafted
the 4th  Republican  Constitution  and currently a  Member of Parliament  for
Abora.

10)  ft is hoped that in this way the concept ofYenkobisa Aberewa will become more
relevant; we envisage that through these associations the female leaders will
learn  more  about  their  roles  as  against  the  extension  of  the  world- w;
women's  liberation  idea which  is  now agitating  the  minds  of the
Stoolmothers.

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1981

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tfceOdwira  of 

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Rediscovering Ghana's Past. Burnt Hill, Longmans/Sedco,
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Arhin, K.

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"The Political and Military Roles of African Women" (ed.)
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"Women  in  Ghana:  Their  Interaction  in  Socio-Economic
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The Position of the Chief in the Modern  Political System
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