RESEARCH REVIEW (NS) VOL.10, NOS. 1 & 2 (1994)

THE EFFECTS OF KENTE AND ADINKRA INDUSTRSBES IN KWABRE

DISTRICT OF ASHANTI: A STUDY IN INDUSTRIAL SOCIOLOGY

Kofi Ohene-Konadu

Introduction

This is a study in  sociology of industry.  Its main  concern does not include the historical
development of Kente and Adinkra industry or the origin of the industry. This has been dealt
with by Rattray (1927); Danquah (1968) etc. It is an investigation into a traditional rural indus-
try to find out the net-work of relationship which exists between the industry and lthe commu-
nities in which it operates.

One of the major reasons for movement of labour from rural areas to the urban centres is the
lack of employment avenues. It is generally believed that the rural areas are susited to agricul-
ture so there is the call for people to go back to the land instead of roaming about in the cities in
search of jobs which do not exist. We seem to lose sight of the fact that agriculture does not offer
full solution to the problem of underemployment and unemployment in the rural areas and the
feet that it is not everyone who can undertake farming venture. Corolary to this is the fact that,
it is not everyone who wants to go into farming that has access to land because of the compli-
cated nature of the land tenure system. It is herefore necessary to look for alternative sources for
earning a living in rural areas and to increase social productivity.

One of the important ways of providing job openings for the rural  labour is through the
expansion of non-agricultural employment opportunities in rural areas. This brings to fore the
importance we have to attach to rural small-scale industries such as the Adinkra and Kente
manufacturing industries. Industries result In industrialism and can transform rural social struc-
ture from  stagnation and technological  regression to one of social change and development.
The question of change iS crucial since to some degree change creates strains and tension that
stimulate or provoke further  changes or open up new perspectives that encourage innovation
and a drift from conventional practices and established relationships.

This study seeks to investigate the social consequences of the Kente and Adinkra industries
of the Kwabre Disdtrict of Ashanti and their impact on the individuals and the social structures
of the villages concerned.

The Problem

It is regrettable that indigenous rural industries are not given much attention by the planners
of many developing countries. The result is the brake on the expansion or development of such
industries. In this scenario the existing technology suffers stagnation and in some cases actual
regression.  This state of affairs  has affected,  to a large extent, the industrial "development of
such countries.

Why should the traditional Kente and Adinkra industries engage the attention of a sociolo-
gist? What are the physical effects of the industries on the communities in which they operate?
Do the communities feel  the effects  of what is happening in  the industries? If so, will the

32

fortunes of the industries determine the prosperity or decline of the villages? These  pertinent
quostions constitute the embodiment of the problem.

The Fieldwork

The fieldwork was carried out from November,  1990 to March, 1991 in the Kwabre area of
Ashanti Region in Ghana, an area which lies north of Kumasi, the regional capital.  The vil-
lages covaed in the study, were Ntonso, Bonwire and Sakora Wono. Each of the village had a
population less than five thousand inhabitants.  To delineate the sample  units and to  get  ac-
quainted with the problems that were likely to be  met,  it was decided that a  pilot  survey be
The villages under studys were visited to identify the target groups. The random
\wfciffl 
sampling technique was used to select the respondents. At Ntonso, eighty-two Adinkra makers
were selected. At Bonwire and Sakora Wono, fifty-five and  fifty-nine  Kente weavers  respec-
tively were selected.  In addition the Headteachers and  some elders in the  villages were  also
identified for discussion.

h

g

It is obvious that in indigenous rural kindustries, most of the workers are illiterates or semi-
literates. In view of this, it was found necessary to use the interview method as the major tool
for data-gathering. However, the observational method became an indispensable tool for data-
gathering to supplement the interview method.

The fieldwork went through some interruptions as a result of funerals which took place in
the locality. In all one hundred and sixty-eight out of the one hundred and ninety-six  people
identified, were interviewed. The remaining twenty-eight were not available for interview.

The Study in its Theoretical  Perspective

The primarily agricultural character of the rural areas leads some scholars and  technical
advisors to seek developmental change solely within an agricultural context.  Much as it would
be improper to deny the importance of improved agricultural  technology  and productivity  it
should be recognized that industrial activity is equally important in the life of the rural inhab-
itants and should therefore be developed since industry plays a supportive role to agriculture

Why is it important to have the indigenous rural industries improved? It can be  recognised
that the indigenous rural industries evolved over a period of time  and  were  moulded  by the
environment. They are not alien industries and are not financed by foreign capital.  According
to Hoogvert (1976:74) export of capital from the 'centre' to the 'periphery' which was much a
dominant feature of the colonial period, and one which helped to tie the colonial  economy to
that of the mother country continues today. Walter Rodney(1974:  112) points out that  in the
fifteenth century European technology  was  not totally  superior  to that  of  other  parts  of  the
world. Europeans relied heavily on Indian cloth for resale in Africa,  and they also purchased
cloths from several parts of the West African coast for resale elsewhere.  In essence they were
not manufacturers but primiarly long distance traders. Yet by the time Africa was ushered into
the colonial  era,  Europe was concentrating  almost  entirely  on  the  export  of  manufacarured
cotton cloths. This remarkable reversal is tied to technology advance in Europe and to stagna-
tion of technology  in Africa owing to the very trade  with  Europe.  Rodney  argues that  doth
manufacture in the world went through a stage of handlooms and small-scale craft production.
Up to the sixteenth century, that was the general pattern in Africa, Asia and Europe.  European
traders eventually, succeeded in putting an end to the expansion of African cloth  manufacture.
Developing countries must free themselves from technological arrest or stagnation and look
back to their past technologies and make frantic effort to develop them. As rightly pointed out
by the Five Year Development Plan (1975/76 -1979/80) of Ghana, the concentration of indus-

33

tries in the urban areas tends to encourage the drift of population especially the youth, from the
rural to the urban centres and thereby exerting unnecessary pressure on the physical infrastruc-
ture and social facilities in the urban centres as well as contributing to some of the economic
and social problems like unemployment, crime, destitution and child delinquency. However,
the Five Year Development  Plan which appeared promising, voted 4.3 spercent of the total
budget to the promotion of manufacturing  industries in the urban centres and there was no
mention of the indigenous rural industries.

The emphasis here on the indigenous rural industries stems from the fact that their encour-
agement will foster development and the use of indigenous systems of knowledge. This will
lead to the promotion  of self-reliance  through the utilizations of local talent and  leadership
which will generally bring about promotion of economic well being through employment, in-
come generation, income distribution, use of local resources and the provision ofsocial ameni-
ties.

In studying the Kente and Adinkra industries, we are interested in their social organization
of production. It is a fact that industrialism contributes to change in a community. It is in this
light that Miller and Form (1964: 83 - 84) hold that industry and community, like all segments
of the society, are interdependent  and that a basic axiom  of industrial sociology  is that the
workplant, community and society, as social organization, cannot be understood without refer-
ence to each other, for changes in one area facilitate changes in another. It is in the light of this
that the traditional rural industries must be seen.

Again that industry shapes the growth patterns of the community, affects the total land-use
pattern and influences  community character cannot be disputed. In short, industry has many
wide and pervasive effects in moulding the form and function of the communiiy. The products
of industry become part of the impetus to change in the daily activities and styles of life of the
people. The moot point, however,  is: to what extent can industrialism,  resulting from tradi-
tional rural indusdtry modify the social structure of the rural areas?

Among the Asantes, one can identify  a number of indigenous industries like Adin!rra cloth
making, Kente weaving, soap making, wood carving, pottery, sculpture, basketry etc. but for
the purpose of this study we wish to isolate the Adinkra cloth making and the Kente weaving
industries for an analytical study.

Social Characteristics of the Industrial Workers

The Adinkra and Kente industries are mainly the monopoly of males. Little room is given
to women in this indigenous industry. The exclusion of one sex from some particular economic
activities is characteristic of most Ghanaian indigenous or traditional rural industries.

In the Adinkra and Kente industries, women suffer  some disabilities which are embodied

in the taboos associated with the industries, (Rattray 1927).

Age Composition And Religion of Workers

The Adinkra and Kente industries are woven into the community life of those settlements
and that every male, aged five years and above, is more or less connected with the work. As

34

t * kl  indicate*,  t t e c o ^^

Tkbk  1:  Religion of Workers by Age Groups

-.————
Religion

_^_—^——
Christianity

.
Age
Group

10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
Total

-

•

Islam

.^—
No.

%

2
2

1.2
1.2

No.

%

4
20
44
24
18
10

4
4
4

2.3
12.0
26.3
14.4
10.9
6.0

2.3
2.3
2.3

Trad. Afr.
Religion

How

Affiliated

No.

%

Abs

%

4
4
2

2
4

2
18

2.3
2.3
1.2

1.2
2.3

1.2
10.5

4

2.3

2

6

2

1.2

3.6

1.2

14

8.3

4
20
52
30
24
10
8
8
6
4
2
168

2.3
12.0
30.9
17.9
14.5
6.0
4.8
4.6
3.5
2.3
1.2
100

132

78.8

4

2.4

The aee structure is broadat the 20-24age group, and tapers towards the top.  Outoftheone
hundred and sixty eight workers those between the ages  5 - 1 4 ^ ^ 2 . 3 ^ ^ . 1 ^ 5 , 1^
number of workers in this category was due to the fact that the group was made up of elemen-
tary school pupils, and at the time of  the fieldwork they were at school  The pupils  P*mde
active wage labour force during holidays. Those in the age group 15 -19 formed  12 percent of
fee respondents The highest concentration of the labour force (30.9 percent) lay within the 20
- 24 ageeroup  From this point the number declines for the subsequent age groups. Those in the
25 to 29 age group formed  17.9 percent. It dropped to 14.5 percent for lthe age group 30 - 34.
The trend continued to its lowest point (2.3 percent) at the age group 60 and above.

Like all industries throughout  the world, the  majority  of  the  workers  in  tlie  Kente  and
Adinkra industries are drawn from the labour force between 20 to 34 years (this is the period
when men are most active in labour). 

„ „ „ . _ ,.

This trend, coupled with the fact that the average age of the workers was 38.9, indicates that
it is the younger population of the community which plays active role in the traditional  rural
industries under study.

35

Marital Status And Educational Attainment of Workers

Table 2 shows the marital status and educational attainments of the industrial workers.

Education

^None
Primary
Middle
Secondary
Comm/Tech
Teacher/
Training
University

Single
%
2.4
2.4
20.2
11.9
-
1.2

No.
4
4
34
20
-
2

Married
%
No.
22
13.1
6
3.6
52
30.9
5.9
10
1.2
2
4
2.4

Divorced
%
No.
2
-
2
-
-

1.2
-
1.2
-

-

Widowed
No. %

Separated
%
No.
-
-
-
-

-

-

-

-

4

12.4

-

-

-

-

-

-

Tbtal
%
Abs
28
16
10
6.0
52.3
88
30
17.8
1.2
2
6
3.6

4

2.4

Early marriages were very common among the traditional industrial workers. Out of the one
hundred and sixty-eight workers, 40.5 percent were single whilst  57.1 percent were married
with  children,  2.4  percent  were divorced.  Most  of the  marriages  stemmed  from  premarital
sexual relationships which are not frawned  upon these days among the Asante in the locality
under study. There is room for permissivensess and premarital intercourse is not treated as dark
secret among the people.

With regard to workers educational attainments,  16.7 percent did  not receive any  formal
education. Six percent had primary school education and did not go further. The largest number
of workers (52.3 percent) fell into the category of middle school level. The high concentration
of workers in this groups was partly due to the fact that the youth after  middle school, were
motivated by monetary incentives the industry offered  and therefore did not have the urge to
further their education.

The self-employment opportunity which the local industries offered, the middle school leavers,
there was no  need for  them  to migrate  to  the  urban  areas  for  the purpose  of finding jobs.
Usually, there had been the tendency for the youth in the villages around Kumasi to migrate to
the  city;  however the  industrial  villages  under  study  had  relatively  a  high  concentration  of
people since the middle school leavers who formed the bulk of the migrant labour force found
instant employment in the villages.

Seventeen percent of the respondents were students and past students of secondary schools.
(At the time of fieldwork, second cycle institutions and above were on holidays). Apart from the
secondary school level where some workers were full-time workers, the remaining groups of
workers could be described as part-time workers. They were students from  Commercial/Tech-
nical institutes, Teacher Training Colleges and the University. They constituted 4.8 percent of
the workers. The rural  industry  is a source of income for the students during holidays. One
interesting feature about the student workers is that some were married. Students involvement
in marriage re-inforces  the fact that in these industrial villages there is a high propensity to
marriage among the youth.

36

Child-Parent  Relationship And  Attitudes  to  Marriage

In  the  first  place  an  aspect of social change  worth  considering  can  be  seen  in  the  child-
parent  relationship  in  the Kwabre  Rente  and  Adinkra  industrial  areas  In  these  areas,  the
Ghanaian maxim, that a child should be seen and not heard is hardly tenable  The  respondents
were very firm on the grounds that children's participation in the industry  has affected  parent-
child  relationship  to a  large extent.  To them children  are  rude,  disobedient,  self-reliant  and
disrespectful  because they are financially self-sufficient.  Almost everybody  claimed  that  with
money in the hands of children parents have lost control  over their  children.  The  elders  and
teachers contacted confirmed this state sof affairs.  To them the children  in the Kwabre  District
have deviated from their traditional role and are behaving like adults. This  pattern  of  changes
are making the elders unhappy since it is their belief that the society  is getting  rotten.

The elders complain that the youth have acquired  wealth  and  with  their  economic  power,
they do not accept what the elders say without questioning, criticising and attacking -  situation
denied by gemeinschaft-like  society. It is in this light that the elders see the youth  as  disobedi-
ent and disrespectful.What  is happening in the indigenous industrial villages is that  the society
is becoming  more  and  more differentiated.  It  is  moving  from  gemeinschaft-like  society  to
gesellschaft-like society in which knowledge is validated by rational and empirical testing. The
rational validation requires questioning, criticising, attacking and substituting.  In every  social
system, there  is an  institutionalized  range of toleration,  so that  conformity  does  not  need  to
mean  absolute uniformity  of behaviour - along with  prescriptions  and  prohibitions,  there  are
also permissions. This process of rationalization is the general directional  factor  in the  change
of social system, especially on belief system. Permissive measures are now  espoused  by  many
parents yielding the child or the youth a good deal of freedom.  This  is misconstrued  by  some
elders as rudeness, disobedience and disrespect to parents and the aged. They  regard  this sort of
freedom as a departure from confirmity to the normative standards which  have come  to be set
up as the common culture.

The youth are becoming self-reliant and self-sufficient  because they began  to work  earlier,
worked  harder  and  achieved earlier economic maturity  and  independence.  The  trend  in  the
locality has been that children contribute financially to the running of the home and  the  main-
tenance  of the  &mily, and  in some cases to pay  for  their  school  expenses  themselves.  With
acquisition  of wealth,  the youth  have assumed  important  adult  responsibilities  in  the  home.
This element of "flexibility" points to the fact that there is no one set of role-expectations  which
every individual who starts at a given status-point  must conform  to.

Many parents confirmed that their children make financial  contributions towards the  main-
tenance of the family. Such contributions include: payment of basic rates for their mothers and
aged fathers, purchase of clothes for mothers and siblings, payment of school fees, purchase of
some food items and funeral donations.

As a result of the new roles the youth play, the  relationship  that exists between  parents and
children-is sone of peer group. Children are allowed participation in decision  making on  some
important issues. This situation is just a reversal of the authoritarian  role over children  which
parents  perform  in  the  traditional  societies.  Children  are  now  encouraged  to  develop  their
lmtiative,  to  express their own interest  and personalities.  Hence  less  stress  is  placed  on  the
obedience  of  children  who are required  to do fewer  domestic  tasks  so  as  to  enable  them  to
pursue theu- economic activities without undue interruptions.

One  other  area where  changes  are  taking  place  is  the  marriage  institution.  There  is  an
increasing tendency to many at an early age among the industrial  workers.  Since  marriage  is

37

an important social institution whether it takes place early or late, is a subject of sotiotogjcsl
interest because age at the time of marriage usually affects family sue. Besides, marriage pro-
vides the young industrial worker not only with a wife as an assistant, but also with children,
especially boys who provide an unpaid labour force to the father. It is a known fact that  fertility
is more closely related to age than to any other demographic factor.

In an  answer to the question  'What  are the attitudes of boys towards marriage?, all the
respondents claimed that boys in the area have great interest in marriage and emphasized the
tendency to marry at an early age among the youth. It is commonly said that the elders in the
area married later but now the reverse is the truth. Generally, it is a social fact in the country
that high cost of living these days has compelled a lot of men either to postpone marriage or to
give it a little consideration. It is against this background that the desire among the youth in the
industrial villages to marry at an early age makes an interesting study. It is interesting also to
note that the normal procedure laid down by custom to contract marriages is being gnored by
the aspiring young men. The elders who were interviewed on this issue expressed great concern
about this deviation from the normative pattern and described the situation as moral degenera-
tion. According to them, premarital sexual relationship is the order of the day and is practised
without receiving the full rigour of the traditional sanctions that characterized such behaviours
in the past.

There is a strong urge for marriage among the youth in the area owing to their economic
status, parents and elders complain that girls are impregnated  at an early age which  affects
their education. Out of the twenty elderly women selected for interview on this subject, seventy-
five percent confirmd that their daughters did not complete middle school before they became
impregnated and therefore  had to abandon their course.  Asked whether or not the situation
emanates from improper socialization, one woman complained bitterly that "Ntonso township
in particular, is not a good place to bring up girls.  The boys will not allow them to grow, they
are too aggressive".  This breakdown of sex taboos without payment for the cost of deviance in
sanctions, leads to more sexual intercourses before marriage and this, in turn, may increase the
incidence of teenage pregnancies and early  marriages  since most of the marriages were the
result of premarital sexual intercourses.

It is not only the question of increasing tendecy to marry at an early age that we are con-
cerned with but there is also the tendency to marry more than one wife. Out of the ninety-six
married workers, a third were cohabiting with other women.  Though some of the workers did
not regard such partners in cohabitation as wives, they were spending money on them; the girls
in turn were rendering services like preparing meals and washing of clothes etc. for the men.
When respondents were asked to assign causes for such attitudes, the leading facts regarding
the extent of early marriage that emerged were: increased income, lack of interest in  formal
education among the youth and low rate migration of the boys to the urban areas where urbani-
zation and its associated problems delay marriages.  The commonest answer to the question
'What do you think are the causes of such attitudes?' was that 'Because they have money and
thiiuVthey can do whatever they like'.  The available data show that children begin to work for^
money in the early stages of their lives because the Kente and Adinkra industries do not require
any long apprenticeship and high cost of training. This opportunity enables the youth to achieve
earlier economic maturity which results in accumulation of wealth.  It is only natural to think
that an increase in income would encourage earlier marriages, for many young men are de-
terred  from  marrying because they will not be able to support wives.  Hence if income are
increased, it is expected that more will get married.  In a similar vein, an unemployed male is
not likely te marry as one who has a job.  Consequently, if incomes are increasing and unem-
ployment is diminishing, as in the case of the Kente and Adinkra industrial areas, we should

38

expect more young persons to many.

The second factor which encourages early marriages among the youth is lack of interest in
formal  education. It can be stated categorically that the more formal  schooling a  man or a
woman has, the greater the chance of his/her not marrying early since schooling postpones
marriages. The reverse of this statement is true in the case of people who do not show interest
in education. Turning back to the educational attainments of the workers we notice that fifty-
eight percent had formal education ranging from  middle school to primary. The bulk  of the
workers did not pursue further education owing essentially to lack of interest. As to the influ-
ence of education on the age at which the people marry it is clear from the foregoing evidence
that lack of interest in education has its roots in the indigenous rural industry.

The third factor worth considering is the low rate of migration to the urban areas. Urbaniza-
tion with' its associated social problems such as unemployment,  underemployment  and ano-
nymity, does not encourage marriages. In the industrial villages the number of boys who show
interest in migration to the urban areas is very small. Most of the youth do not show any desire
to change their occupations. To the question 'Do you intend to stop this job and take another job
in the city?' only twenty-five percent answered in the affirmative but this group was made up of
people with secondary or higher education. Owing partly to low-educational attainments, the
youth do not show the desire to migrate to the urban areas to seek white collar jobs. Moreover,
since the cottage industries provide them employment  facilities, and relatively  good  income
and high social status, the desire to move away to search for jobs elsewhere is greatly mini-
mised.

The Industry Versus Formal  Education

A large proportion of the Government's budget is devoted to formal education. The impor-
tance attached to education makes it a right instead of a privilege. It is not necessarily desirable
that everybody acquires the highest educational standard but it is quite important that every one
is sufficiently  educated to eradicate illiteracy and its attendant problems from  the society. It is
against this background that child education should be given all the due attention in the Kwabre
area where the rural industry exerts great influence upon the lives of both children and adults.
Despite the high rate of illiteracy among the adult population the people appear to be par-
ticular and enthusiastic about elementary school education. Through communal labour and a
special levy, the villages have been able to provide for themselves formal educational  facilities
ranging from  Day Nurseries and Kindergarten  to Junior  Secondary  School.  At  the  time of
fieldwork the people of Ntonso, for example, were seriously constructing  a senior  secondary
school block to cater for the educational  needs of the increasing  number of children  in the
locality.

In view of this the elders and parents of the village expressed great concern about the shift of
emphasis from formal education to work among the children  in the villages. To the question
'some people believe that the traditional industry has affected the formal education of the peo-
ple in this area, is this assertion true?' Most of the respondents confirmed  that the traditional
industry  has had many effects  on the education of the children.  Almost  ninety-two percent
expressed the view that the industry has had adverse effects on the education of children in the
area, whilst 8.3 percent did not see any bad effect on it. The latter group based their arguments
on monetary benefits and claimed that "without  money one cannot go to school  and  that by
means of the industry, children obtain funds for their educational purposes or as a supplement
to their parents' efforts." On the other hand, most of the respondents pointed out the ill-effect of
the industry vis-a-vis formal education as follows: truancy, lateness and absenteeism, low aca-

39

demic performance  and felling of standards, lack of interest in school, semi-literacy, money
mindedness and insubordination to teachers.

Truancy and absenteeisms were well pronounced among the school children in the indus-
trial villages. Because of the immediate material benefits derived from work, children some-
times ran away from school and engaged in work at the expense of school. Sometimes they did
not report for school at all. It is not uncommon for children to work in the morning before going
to  school.  They become  so absorbed  in  work that very  often  they  go to school  late.  The
headteachers  in the villages confirmed  the existence of the problems pertaining to truancy,
asbsenteeism and lateness. Asked whether the problems were not common to both boys and
girls, the teachers exonerated the girls from the deviant behaviour.

Asked what the school were doing to control these problems, the teachers claimed they were
imposing sanctions on culprits but all were proving futile since the children's interest in work
and money surpassed their interest in school. They felt; punishing childrens with the view to
correcting their truant behaviour served as an excuse for some to stay away from school entirely
and this aggravated the situation. They had, therefore, appealed to the chiefs the elders and the
Village Development Committees and the District Assembly to help find solution to the prob-
lem.

Parents, teachers and community involvement could bring a lasting solution to the problem.
The headteachers reported that formerly the primary school children were not allowed to par-
ticipate in the industries during school days. But today, because of the increasing demand for
weavers and Adinkra  makers, the convention has been broken with the connivance of some
parents. This situation, according to the school authorities, has led to low academic perform-
ance and lowering of educational standards among the children whilst some of them abandon
schooling in favour of work, a situation which has led to an increasing number of semi-literates
in the villages.

Another problem confronting  the school is that of insubordination. Teachers attributed the
cause of insubordination to the economic power the children have achieved. They felt that even
primary school pupils had ample money to do whatever they liked. One teacher concluded with
a biblical quotation: "The love for money is the root of all evil".

Notwithstanding the fact that some parents have lost full control over their children because
of the economic roles the boys play in the family, and their acquiesccne of the situation, new
waves of ideas are moving through the workers; they have begun thinking about other avenues
for their children in the future. To the question: "Do you want your children to take kente and
adinkra  making as their  main occupation  in  the  future"?  respondents'  answers as to what
careers theys want their children to take arc interesting. About 36 percent of the respondents
would like their children to participate in the indigenous rural industry. However, the majority
of them 64.3 percent would like a change. This idea seems to be a threat to the future of the
indigenous industries since the attention of most of the youth may be diverted from these rural
industries. Most (67 percent) of the respondents were definite about the professional career they
would like their children to take: lawyers, doctors, teachers, engineers, soldiers, electricians
and fitters. 17 percent could not be definite but said that they would like their children to work
in the office that is to engage in white collar jobs. While 8 percent wanted their children to be
farmers, 6 percent claimed that they would give their children the option to pursue occupation
of their own choice other than any of the rural industries. Lastly, 2 percent wanted their chil-
dren to be church pastors, (especially at Ntonso where the Seventh Day Adventist Church is so
entrenched in the community).

Asked how they could achieve such laudable aims or transform their ideas into actualities,
the general opinion was that they would encourage and support their children to study hard at

40

school so that their dreams could be realized. This means that  most of the present  workers
would not allow their children the permsissiveness they obtained from their parents. This calls
into focus a new social value orientation in order to achieve the role-expectation pattern. Par-
ents are going to exercise control over their children to take definite directions. In this regard,
children will have to change their attitude towards the indigenous rural industry and concen-
trate on their education. Should parents succeed in this task, education could be a 'brake' on the
development of the cottage industries under discussion.

Craft Industries

At the outset the art of weaving kente and adinkra making were almost a hobby. Since the
craftsmen used the money from these craft industries to supplement their incomes. Gradually,
the products became commercialized and widespread all over the country. The products from
these craft  industries  got a booster when tourists became  interested  in  them.  Realizing  the
commercial value of the products, people began to relax their hold on fanning and the empha-
sis began to shift  from fanning  to the weaving of kente (Bonwire and Wonoo) and Adinkra
making (at Ntonso).

Agriculture can be a strong base  for  the development  of  industrialization  since  it  could
provide the  necessary capital  for  the establishment  of industries  and  food  for  the  industrial
area. It is therefore necessary that after the springing up of these industries agriculture should
continue to  receive all  the necessary  attention  to  provide the  needed  raw  materials  for  the
industry and food for the people. But today, in spite of the extensive arable land  in the area,
farming has given way to the industries as the major economic activities in the villages. Owing
to this shift  of emphasis food production  has been seriously affected.  Only  few  women  take
some active interest in  food production.  Consequently, a small  quantity  of  food  is produced
which cannot  meet the requirement of the increasing population. They have to rely on  food
supplies from the outlying areas. When there is interruption in the supply due to transportation
difficulties  or other factors, the villages suffer from food shortages.

These two industries have diverted a lot of people's attention from the land and have  influ-
enced the community character. They have affected  the moulding of the form and function  of
the communities which used to be predominantly  farming communities. In effect  these indus-
tries have alienated the people from the land.

The Industries and Village Development

One of the strategics for rural development is the encouragement and development of rural
industries to  provide jobs  for  the  increasing  rural  population  so as  lo  improve  their  living
conditions and to reduce the phenomenon of rural-urban migration  Since the greatest asset of
every society is its people, the development of the village which depends upon the inhabitants
themselves, must aim at improving the quality of their lives.

One of the greatest achievement of these indigenous rural industries is that they have con-
tributed significantly to the reduction of rural-urban migration  The youth who give impetus to
development  stay in the villages and contribute  their quota  towards the development  of  the
villages instead of migrating to the towns and cities in search of non-existing jobs.  Although
there is no magic wand which can stop the phenomenon of rural-urban  migration entirely, a
meaningful  development of rural industries can contribute immensely to the reduction of this
social canker.

41

To the question  'do you intend to stop this job and take another job in the city?1 seventy
percent of the respondents answered in the negative. They claimed that they did not have in
nrind the idea of abandoning their present jobs and taking another job elsewhere. Some claimed
that the income they derived from their work was more than what a lot of people received in the
cities.

Others argued that people move to the cities mainly for economic reasons and they felt they
did not have any problem with work and income while a good number felt they were so used to
the rural industry and the village life that they did not consider the need to live in the city. Only
thirty percent declared their intention to migrate to the cities with the aim of finding  more
lucrative jdbs and  to enjoy  the facilities  like pipe-borne water,  electricity,  medical care etc.
provided for city dwellers. Out of this number, twenty five percent were secondary school leavers
and students who, by their training, felt that they had to find more lucrative and more 'decent'
jobs in the cities; this indicates how formal education can be a threat to the rural industries and
encourage rural-urban  migration.  It is therefore  imperative to evolve an  appropriate educa-
tional system which would take cognisance of indigenous rural industries and develop them to
be more attractive and competitive to both literates and illiterates. With this innovation indig-
enous rural industries could not be crippled by formal education in the future.

However, the bulk of the people continued to show interest in the traditional industries and
would not leave their villages. The idea of self-help projects in the villages can only be realized
if the youth stay in the villages, undertake communal  labour and play a leading role in the
development of the villages. In the Kwabre industrial villages, the building of school blocks,
construction of latrines and street drains, provision of good drinking water and other amenities
like post office,  community centre, football fields etc. have depended upon communal labour
provided by the youth.

Besides, the workers make voluntary donation in cash and in kind during Easter harvests
organized by the  chiefs and the Village Development Committees for the well being  of the
villages. Workers attributed their ability to do this to the income from  the indigenous indus-
tries.

Some respondents by means of these industries, have invested in commercial vehicles, hous-
ing and large scale farming in Brong-Ahafo and Western Regions. One interesting thing is that
workers enjoy a standard of living comparable to that of city dwellers in the country. In their
work places, one could observe radio sets, record players and changers providing music whilst
they worked. This demonstrates the effects of cottage industries on the rural life of the people
and  how the development  of cottage industries can  improve the quality  of life  of the  rural
dwellers.  Indeed  with the funds  accruing from  the  industries they are able to sustain  their
economic development.

The Impact of the Local Industry on Women's Work Roles

Characteristically,  the workers engaged  in Adinkra  and  Rente industries are  invariably
men. Reasons for  excluding women from active participation of these industries can be seen
from the taboos associated with the making of Adinkra and Kente, (Rattray, ibid.)

The Adinkra and Kente industries have prohibitions which cut women away. Apart from
the supporting  services they render to the industry, women are forbidden  to take part in the
actual job. According to tradition, if they do so, they will lose their ability to reproduce. Women,
unlike men, have menstrual periods and menses is considered to be sacrilegious. Their involve-
ment in the industry, therefore, will desecrate it.

42

In the Asante traditional system a woman in the course of her menstrual period should not'
touch food meant for men in general and the husband in particular. If she happens to reside in
a  house where  'black stools' are kept, she has to stay outside the house for the period. In the
light of this a woman in her period should not touch a loom (a sacred object), if she does, her
reproductive organ will be rendered unproductive, (Rattray ibid.).

Behind the veil of every taboo is a hidden fact  which brought the taboo into being. In the
Asante traditional  system the rule of  'division of labour'  is strictly adhered to. "Women sell
garden-eggs but not gunpowder", so goes the wise saying. The reverse is a state of anarchy and
confusion.

Since the  establishment  of the  industries  in  the  Kwabre  area,  men  have  not been  taking
active role in farming  which they leave to women. However, farming  in this area is to a large
extent, at the subsistence level. The men must work hard to earn money to keep their families
going.  They therefore  stay at home and  concentrate  on their  industrial  activities, whilst  the
women take to farming to maintain the balance. Normally, the men do the clearing of the bush
and the felling of the undesirable trees and leave the women to do the rest so that the men can
concentrate on their jobs to bring in the much needed money. This division of labour is neces-
sary because if both men and women were to devote all their time on the industry food produc-
tion would be seriously affected.  Hence the need for a taboo to maintain the equilibrium. (This
idea is not to negate the spiritual aspect of this taboo).

Secondly, the elders believed that to have their women sitting in a loom with their legs in the
'pulley'  making alternate movements would result in indecent exposure of their private parts
since women would not put on pair of shorts or trousers like men.

Though women of today can remain  neat'  during their menstrual period using up-to-date
sanitary materials, and can put on pair of shorts or jeans to avoid exposisng their private parts,
they continue to be debarred from active involvement in the act of making Kente and Adinkra.
In the light of this, one can say that the underlying reasons for the taboo is the maintenance of
the traditional  system of  'division of labour'  which is still cherished.  Womens would not use
looms because weaving  is considered  to be  men's job,  and they believe  that  using the  loom
would render them infertile.  (In spite of these there are women weavers in the North and Ewe
land. These women use broad looms).

In order to get the Ghanaian  woman to develop her personality  to the full  and to take an
active part  in  adult  social  and  economic  life  within  the limits of the  individual  interest  and
ability, traditional  religious beliefs and institutions need to be critically examined.

Summary and  Conclusion

It may be said that the encouragement and promotion of indigenous rural industries should

form part of any package deal which is aimed at the development of the rural areas.

The significance of the Kente and Adinkra industries in the lives of the rural people cannot
be over-emphasised.In the industrial area, one's success in the industry determines one's social
power  in  the  community.  In  view  of this  laziness  and  lack  of  interest  in  work  are  features
despised by the people. The people are so much absorbed in the industry that farming  which
used to be a major  economic activity of the peopdle has been relegated to a lower position in
spite of the  extensive  arable  land  in  the  locality.  This  situation  has  seriously  affected  food
production in the area resulting in dependence on food supplies from the outlying areas.

Some  striking  features  of the  rural  industry  are its  indigenous use of materials  from  the
immediate environment and the gentle nature of the technologies on the environment  Nothing
is exhaustively depleted - everything is at hand - little is required to be sorted - all of it is hand

made. It can truly be said to be village technologies in that the technologiei and methods of
production are appropriate to the conditions of the people, i.e. they are cheap enough fbrjobs to
be provided and simple enough to be used and nwitaincd  by the rural population without
sophisticated technical or organizational skills.

The industry does not require a long period of training. Learning takes place m the normal
processes of socialization and, therefore, does not involve the expenditure of huge sums of
money. If one considers the fact that the technologies do not require any high  educational
attainment, one will appreciate the feet that the industries can provide jobs for a good number
of people irrespective of their educational background.  However, the new mode of thinking
among majority of the industrial workers seem to shift the emphasis to the attainment of higher
education for their children to enable them to take up professional appointments in the future.
One of the pressing social problems in the country can be seen in ihe phenomenon of rural-
urban migration, and in this area the industries have recorded a notable achievement. They
have contributed  in  no small  measure to the reduction of rural-urban  migration.  With  full
employment and substantial incomes offered by the industry, the youth stay in their villages to
contribute their quota towards the village development.

Another area of great sociological interest in respect of the social consequences of the indus-
tries in the community is child-parent relationship. Early involvement in work has enabled the
youth to achieve early economic maturity and independence. This has resulted in self-reliance
and self-sufficiency.  Thus the youth have assumed some of the important roles of parents in the
home.

One can anticipate a serious situation in the Kwabre community where the industry forms
sthe basis of almost their entire living. Since the industry provides the bulk of employment, its
principal products may fluctuate with the exigencies of the time and the fluctuations will have
repercussions throughout the entire community.

In spite of this, the indigenous rural industry has immense potentials for contributing to the
growth of industrial output and employment. It must, therefore, be accorded the priority atten-
tion it deserves. Such an industry must have easy access to institutional credit and other facili-
ties which will enable it to experience economic growth.

44

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abraham, J.H. 

1966  Sociology, The English University Press, London.

Danquah, J.B. 

196S  The Aluu Doctrine of God: a Fragment of
Gold Coast Etaki and Religion, Frank  Cass, London.

Hoogvelts AJMM.  The Sociology of Developing Societies.  1976

MacMillan Press, London.

Miller, D.C., and Form, W.H. 1964 Iadiutrial Sociology, Harper and Row,

New York.

Rattray, R.S.  1927  Religion and Art in Aihanti, Clarendon

Press, Oxford.

Rodney, W.  1974  How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, BogJe-L'Overture and Tanzania

Press Publishing House, London

45