129

-MM  QffXCAL  BEV1M.. 0?. HT3BAGTIQT

Addo-fening*

As  a  d i r e ct  r e s u lt  of  the  e x t e i a i ai  of  B r i t i sh  P r o t e c t o r a te  over  Akyem
i85Os  Missionary  s o c i e t i es  began  to  show  i n t e r e st  in  the  S t a t e.
the

Abuakwa  in 
In  the  middle  of  -j85i  Stanger  hinted  the  Basel  Mis si en  at  Akropongthat 
Wegleyans  were  planning  to  open  a  Mission  station  in  Akyem  Abr.akwa,  and  to
f o r e s t a ll  them,  Basel  Missionary  Suss  v i s i t ed  Akyem  in  January  -|852-  At
Qyandctfn  and  Ry&bi  he  was  well  received  by  Kotokuhane  Kofi  Agyeman  and  Okyen-
haae  A t ta  p a i in  respectively.. 
r.3ae  l a t t er  who  'had  been  to  a  Wesley an  school
h i m s e lf 
rfiowed  Suss  every  mafk  of  frioadship  and  requested  t h at  a  school
be  opsied  at  Kyebi.  He  expressed  a  strong  desire  for  Suss  himself  to  teach
him  to  read  aad  agreed  to  said  two  of  h is  sons?  Qyekye  and  A s r i f i, 
to  school
at  Akroponp. p a r t i c u l a r ly 

to  l e am  English. 

-

On  September  4  Su-ss  retuoned  to  Alcyem  to  found  a, Missicn  Station  at

Cyadam.  The  preference  for  Gyaaain  over  ftyew.  was  due  to  the  former's  g r e a t er
a g r i c u l t u r al  prosper!+jr  and  h e a l t h i er  environmait,  as  ?joll  as  the  proximiiy
of  i ts  vills^ges  and  the  gubmissiveness  of  i ts  King  to  the  European  governors
en  the  coast.  But  the  Gyadaai  war  of  March  -jtibO  made  the  p o s i t i on  of 
Basel  Mission  at  Qjradarj  iintene«ble. 
refuge  at  Kiicurantumi  where  they  established  t h e ir  temporary  headquarters*
.In  1861  the  Kyebi  Mission  Station  was  opened  and  for  many  y e a rs  remained  the
headquarters  of  the'Basel  Mission  in  Akyen  Ab-rk^n-'

the
the  Missionaries  took

Consequently, 

•Ehe  histoi-y  of  the  xel at ion. ship  betweoi  the  Basel  Mission  aad  the
t r a d i t i o n al  p o l i t i c al  a u t h o r i t i es  was  a  chequered  ones  with  periods  of
friendship  and  harmony  a l t e r n a t i ng  with  p e r i o ds  of  downright  h o s t i l i t y-  and

#Sen.ior  Lecturer  in  History,  Logon*

130

tension.  For  the  purposes  of  this  study  three  broad  phases  may  be  dis-

cerned:  1853-1868;  1868-1887  and  1887-1943*  These  phases  are  examined

in  turn,

i)  18^3-1.86.8  -  the  period  of  harmony

During  this  period  the  'Church'  enjoyed  the  goodwill  and  co-operation

of  the  Okyenhene  and  his  chiefs*  Zimmerman  described  a v i s it  to  Okyenhene

(the  Omanhene  of  Akyem  Abuakwa)  Atta  Panin  in  1852  during  which  the  King  not

only  accepted  the  gift  of  an  English  Bible  with  gold  l e t t e rs  on  the  binding

but  attended  a  service  with  the  Basel  Missionaries?  and  pressed  for  a  Mission

Station  'in  his  t e r r i t o r y ' .'  By  1854  two  of  his  sons  were  at  school  at

Q

Akropong.  Gkyenhene  Atta  Obuom  who  succeeded  King  Atta  Panin  in  1859  did

not  merely  maintain  friendly  relations  with  the  Basel  Missionaries  at  ICyebi

but  counted  them  among his  political  advisers.  On  15 March  1863 Revs.
Eisenschmid  and  Stromberg  were  awakened  from  their  sleep  and  invited  to  s it
with  the  Kyebi  Executive  Council  (Ankobea,  Ap esemaka  ne  Ky idom)  to  del Iterate
on  pressing  political  issues.  Again  on  3O March  tho  Missionaries  were
summoned  to  join  the  Okyenhene1 s:Council  in  hearing  a  message  from  an  envey
of  the  Asantehene.°  The  Basel  Missionaries  also  acted  as  advisers  to  the
Okyenhenes  and  peace  makers?  in  a  serious  and  acrimonious  land  dispute
between  Kukurantumi  and  Asafo  in  -] 86 5- ^  More  of ten  than  not  Obuom^paid
v i s i ts  to  the  Mission  Station  'riding  upon  one  of  his  men's  shoulders'. 11
During  Christmas  of  1866  he  and  several  non-Christians  visited  the
boarding  school  to  watch  the  celebrations. 12

It  is  true  that  Obuom  occasionally  showed  signs  of  hostility  as}  for

instance  in  1864  when  he  held  'himself  more  distant  than  before'  and  tried

to  interfere  with  Mission  work  by  ruling  that  boys  enrolled  at  the  proposed

Kyebi  Boarding  school  should  be  paid  $2.00  (0$/~)  each  in  addition  to  free

board  and  clothing,  and  also  imposed  a  general  ban  on  the  carrying  of  loads

by  his  subjects  between  ICyebi  and  the  coast. 13

131

Such  orders  were,  however?  issued  after  bouts  of  drunkaiess  and  might
therefore  be  viewed  as  an  aberration.  On  such  occasions  the  elders  usually
Obuom1 s  -|4-year
took  the  side  of  the  Missionaries  and  restrained  the  King. 
old nephew  and  successor,  Kwasi  Pan in,,  alias  Amoako Atta  I  (1867— 1887)»  came
to  the  stool  with  a  fund  of  goodwill  towards  the  Basel  Mission-  As  a  school
boy  at  the  Kyebi  Basel  Mission  school,  he  had  liked  the  Christian  religion
very  much*  He  attended  religious  service  every  Sunday  'and  paid  subscription
to  the  mission'. 15

Hie  reasons  for  this  happy  relationship  between  Church  and  State  are

not  difficult  to  find.  First  was  the  peoples'  fascination  with  western-
siyle  education  introduced  by  the  Basel  Mission.  Even  before  the  Basel
Missionaries  psttled  at  Kukurantumi,  they  were  being  importuned  by  Chief  Ampaw
to  opm  a  school  there?  with  the  promise  of  a plot  of  land  aid  house  for  a
Okymhme  Atta  Panin  md  his  successors  were  evaa  more  enthusias-
teacher• 
t ic  about  western- style  education  thai  Chief  Amp sew.  With King Atfca  Panin's
consent  Governor  Pine  sent  a  teacher  to  establish  a  school  at  Kyebi  in  M^r,
1857*  King Obuom  also  gave  active  support  to  the  Kyebi  Basel  Mission
school  whai  it  was  established  in  late  1861,  by  supplying  15 boys; 
Amoako  Atta  I  igaored  aa  appeal  made  to  him  in  1867  by  an  Qkomfoo  (priect)
of  Kyebi  to  dismantle  the  Kyebi  school  because  of  i ts  influence  in  spreading
Ghristianiiy. 
boarding-boys  at  the  end  of  the  year*.

Indeed  under  his  influence 

'the  school  increased  by  7

18

ifaile

19

i  20

Second,  the  Aky em Abuakwa publi".  appreciated  the  new  skills  like

carpentry,  masonry  and  bakery  introduced  by  the  Basel  Missionaries,  not
to  mention  new  economic  crops  like  coffee  and  mango  and  the  opportunities  for

21

But  by  far  the  most  important  reason  for  the  harmonious

wage  emplcymait. 
relationship  between  Church  aid  State  during  this  period  was  the  Church's
non-involvement  in  the  internal  polxtips  of  i*kyem Abuakwa.  The  Missionaries
went  about  their  work  cautiously  and  unobtrusively,  refraining  from  acts  of
overt  provocation  or  interference  in:  local  politics*  From  1868,  however,  the

132

Basel  Mission  threw  caution  to  the  wind  and  sowed  the  seeds  of  confrontation

between  Ghurch  and  State.

i i)  1868-1887  -  the  period, of  confrontation

By  1868  the  Basel  Mission  had  be^i  working  in  Akyem Abuakwa  for  fifteen

years  with  disappointing  results-  Mission  stations  and  Churches had  been

established  at  considerable  cost; 
of  neighbouring villages;

several  priaching  tours  had  beaa  made
and yet  the number  of  converts regained incom-

23

22

24

So  far  converts had  been  recruited  from  two main

maasurately  small. •
because  the  free-bom
categories  of  people: 
Akyem  taided  to  demand pecuniary  inducement  as  a  condition  of  becoming
Christians^ 
The potentialities  of  the  missioa  schools  as  a  source  of
recruitment  of  converts  were not  great  in  view  of  irregular!ijr  of  attendance

school  pupils  and  slaves, 

25

and  Instability  of  numbers*  Naturally  the  Church  was  tempted  to  cast  i ts
net  of  recruitmait  a  l i t t le  wider  and  even  into  'forbidden  waters'*

27

The  earliest  slave  converts  to  Christianity  had  beoa  recruited  mainly

from  the  ranks  of  redeemed  pawis  and  manumitted  slaves  or  from  among  slaves
Bit  from  1868  the  Missionaries  began  to
whose  omers  were  Christians' 
ccnsider  a ll  slaves,  including  those  of  the  royal  household,  as  potential
converts  to  Christian i1y  and  directed  their  religious  propaganda  indis-
criminately  towards  them  a l l.  Second,  the  Missionaries  seem  to  have
mcouraged  converts  to  the  Christian  faith  to  abandon  their  homes  in  the  main
towiship  and  settle  at  the  Mission  Statical  variously  called  ^alem,  Christian
village,  or  0 bur on ik 330m (white  man's  village)* 
Finally  the  Missionaries
became  less  discreet  in  their  attitude  to  traditional  society,  showing  con-
tempt  for  the  traditional  judicial  system  and  the  sovereignly  of  the  Qkymheie«
In  1868,  for  instance,  lissischnsid  intervaaed  to  shield  from  justice,  a
convert  called  Duko,  charged  with  assaulting  the  King,  by  threatening  to
report  the  Okyaihgne  to  the  Governor  for  punishmait  wif  any  harm  should  come
to  Duke**.-3

133

The  reaction  of  the  Okyaihene  aid  his  chiefs  to  these  growing  ten-

dencies  on  the  part  of  the  Basel  Missionaries  was  cne  of  alarm  and  indig-
nation.  The  encouragement  of  Christians  to  resettle  an  the  mission  stations
was  suspected  to  be  a  deliberate  attempt  to  reduce  interaction  between  the
nascaat  Christian  community  and  the  non-Ghristian  community  as  a  f i r st  step
towards  "the  evsitual  creation  of  a  dichotomy  betwegi  Church  and  State-
Indeed  the  people's  suspicion  had  beai  aroused  as  far  back  as  1863*  Stromberg
repor+ing  in  that  year  observed  that  there  was  an  assumption  en  the  part  of
the  local  people  that  they  ,/the  Miss ion ariej7  in tend  to  set  uj  a  state  within
a  state  -  withdrawing people  from  their  normal  allegiance* 
Bae  gicourage-
mant  of  c&e section  of  the  community  to  live  in  physical  isolation  from  the
gaaeral  comnunily  was not  only  alien  to  Akan  conception  of  social  organissa-*
tion; 
It  wag  also  intolerable  to  a  comnunlif"  that  found  security  in  greater
numbers 32

The policy  of  segregating  Christians  was  even  more  dangerous  in  so

as  it  applied  to  State  functicnar^&s* 
fhe*"e  was  a  genuine  fear  that  if  such
functimaries  were  allowed  to  be  baptised  th^y  migjit  be  enticed  to  reside  at
the  Salem  and persuaded  ta  give  up  their  normal  duties  at  court  in  connection
with  ancestor  worship  and  the  propitiation  of  the  gpds.  Okyenhgae Amoako
Atta  I  could  ill-afford  to  risk  the  loss  of  the  services  of  his  drummers!
hom-blowerss  stool  carriers  e tc  as  thsy  were  the  mainstay  of  the  politico-
religious  festivals  and  ceremonies  deemed  essential  for  the  stability  and
well-being  of  his  state*  Accordingly  he  decided  to  act  to  nip  the  threat
in  the  bud,  after  his  Council  had  tried  unsuccessfully  to  impress  upon  Bev»
Bass  that  it  was politically  inexpediait  to  baptise  royal  slaves  ca? pawns.

Early  in  1870  a  functionary  within  the  Qyaase  sub-division  at  Kyebi

called  Sakyi  was fined  two  sheep  by  his  psafohme  ^unit  commander)  for
•taking  baptismal  instruction  and  intending  to  be  baptised1*  An  appeal
filed  on  behalf  of  Sakyi  by  the  Missionaries  was  dismissed  by  the  Okym-
haae's  court-  Qraasehaae Kwasi  imoako  took  advantage  of  \\xe occasion  to
reprimand  the  Missionaries  for  giving  baptismal  instruction  to  his  slaves
without  his  permission  and  warned  that  he  would preveit  such  jnf.xin.gements

134

of  his  rights  in  the  future-  He  stressed  that  his  slaves  were  his  "sons" ,i
and  he  would  insist  on  their  obediaice  to  his  orders-  Most  of  the  King's
elders  spoke  in  the  same  vein«

Okyennaae Amoako  Atta  I  was no  less  determined  to  prevent  the

'seduction'  of  his  slaves  and  functionaries. 
enstoolment  as King,  he  publicly  rebuked  the  Basel  Missionaries  ""aid  declared
his  irrevocable  opposition  to  the  proselytisaticn  of  his  slaves  and  servants
because  of  i ts  veiled  threat  to  his  authority,  his  personal  prestige  arid
the  politico-religious  ceremcnies  of  his  state-  With  indignation  he  queriedj

Ibr  the  f i r st  time  since  his

Must  I  l et  my hoai-blowers,  my  drummers?  my pipers  •*•*• my
sword-bearers  and  executioners}  my hammock-carriers  etc-
become  Christians? 
my  • - -.  ceremonies,  nor  can  I  receive  foreign  embassies
worthily.  Whoever  has  an  obligation  to  serve  me will  never
"be  allowed  to  become  a. Christian*34

If  I  do,  thai  I  can no  longer  carry  out

Tftiaa  Kromer  accused  the  King  of  ingratitude  to  God  for  the  deliverance  of
Akyem  from  the  Asaite  yoke,  the  Okyaihms  retorted; 
'Do  you  mean,  Kromers
that  if  you  go  away  I  shall  have  to  carry  stones  from  Accra  to  Kumasi  like
35
my  fathers?1  He thai  got  up  aid  walked  out  of  the  court  in  great  anger-

Two  sigaificsnt  points  emerge  from  the  King's  speech.  First,  one  has

the  impression  evei  at  this  stage  of  a  growing belief  in  the  mutual
exclusive! ess  and  irreconciliability  of  Christianity  and  traditional Akyem
religion-  Second,  it  is  clear  from  the  King's  speech  that  he  was  not
opposed  to  the  ptoselytizatim  of  his  people  as  whole-  He  specifically
objected  to  the  conversion  of  State  functionaries  who performed  duties
considered  crucial  to  the  political,  social  and  spiritual  well-being  of  his
state-  Unfortunately  the  Missionaries  failed  to  appreciate  the  reasons
for  the-King1 s  concern-  In  their  ethnocentri Gists, they  insisted  that  there
must  be  freedom  of  religion  for  all  the  King's  subjects  irrespective  of
their  duties  to  the  state*

135

The  intransigaice  of  the  Missionaries  increased  hostility  to  Missionary-
work  in  the  state  from  the  end  of  1&70. 
itiile  the  Okyenhene  and  his  Elders
turned  a  deaf  ear  to  appeals  for  more pupils  for  the  Kyebi  Boarding  School,
"the  Akomfoo  (priests)  of  the  various  gods  prohibited  the  Basel  Mission
agents  from  preaching  in  several  villages* 
systematic  attempt  to  prevent  anyone,  slave  or  free,  from  beicoming a
Cnristian".  The .asafo  imposed  sanctions  in  the  form  of  a  fine  of  several
sheep  against  any  free  man  who  tried  to  become  a  Christian.  The  fear  of
being put  into  debt  effectively  curbed  the  zeal  of  prospective  converts  and
inhibited  the  growth  of  the  congregations  in  the next  two years*

Indeed  by  1872  there  was  wa

After  a  stalemate  lasting  about  four  years,  the  Church-State  controversy

that  accompanied  the  inauguration

began  to  simmer  and  finally  boil  over.  The  cause  of  the  renewal  and
escalation  of  -the  controversy  was  the  attempt  made by  the  Basel  Mission  to
hide  behind  the  proclamation  of  authority 
of  colonial  rule  in  -|874  to  achieve  the  same  objectives  that  had  been
frustrated  ly  the  Okyenhene  in  187O.  The  strategy  adopted  ty  Rev.  David
Asante?head  of  the Kyebi  Mission,  was  to  undermine  the  Okyenhetie's  authority
over  his  subjects  while  promoting  the  spread  of  the  influence  of  the
Colonial  regime  as  a means  of  advancing  the  cause  of  the  Church  in  Akyem
Abuakwa.  J i r s t,  David  Asante  gave  wide publicity  to  the  Slave  Emancipation
Ordinances  of  December  1874  and prompted  slaves  #10  visited  the  Mission
Station  to  seek  an  explanation  of  the  implications  of  the  Ordinances  to  make
good  their  freedom  tjy  severing  their  t i es  with .their  masters.  Some were
enticed  with  promises  of  employmeilt  and  er.:couraged  to  accept  baptism* 
slaves  were  told  that  they  no  longer  required  the  prior  consent  of  their
former  masters  in  order  to  become  Christians,  nor  did  they  have  to
about  the  invocation  of  customary  sanctions  against  them.

The

136

Gouldsbury's 

,  ,  •

42

"During Dr. 

v i s it  to  lyebi  in  February  i8?5  David  Asante
sought  and  obtained  'definite  powers'  to  report  for  prosecution  and  con-
vict ion'any  person  who  obstructed  the  saforcereent  of  the  Emancipation
Ordinance* 
Arxaed  with  this  -authority  he  frustrated  the  King's  attempts
to  secure  the  return  of  his  former  slaves  who  fled  to  the  Mission  station.
Time  and  again,  the  Okysih&ie  wait, to  the  Mission  Station,  in  the  spirit  of
the  Ordinance*  to  explain  why  a, particular  slave  had  left  his  household
• aid  to  request  Asarrfca  to  effect  a  reconciliation  and  persuade  the  ex-
slaves  to  return  to  l i ve  with,  him*  Bat  Asante  invariably  refused  to
oblige  and  rather  upheld  the  right  of  the  King's  ex-slaves  to  leave  his
household  to  seek  refuge  at  the  Mission  Station. 

He  evea  wrote  to  the

Civil  Commandant  of  Christiansborg  to  request  police  protection  for  ex-
44

slaves  at  Kyebi  against  alleged  molestation  by  their  former  masters* 
For
some  strange  reason  Asante  seems  to  have  singled  out  the  King  for  discri~
irdnation  and  embarrassment.  "While  he  consistently  refused  to  allow  the
King  to  take  back  any  of  his  slaves  from  the  Mission  Station  he  seems  to
have  occasionally  permitted  other  former  slave  masters  to  do  so.

The  second  strategy  of  David  Asente  was  to  tamper  with  the  loyalty  of

servants  "who were5 content  to  remain  in  the  King's  service* 
a  drummer  serving  in  the  palace?  visited  the  Mission  Station  to  look  for  a
job  to  aiable  him pay  off  his  debts  amounting  to"$9.00.<v  Asante  offered  to
laid  him  the  menqy  on • condition  that  he  declared  himself  free  arid  left  'the
King.  Gbrayeia  refused  and  made  a  report  to  the King.1  On  mother  occasion

In  1876 Ob ray oi a.,

46

mistook  Kwasi Ntow  of  Adadeaatam,  also  a  drummer»  for  a  slave  and
tried  to  instigate  him  to. leave  the  King's  household.  Htow  told  Asaate  he
was not  a  slave  but  a  relative  of  the  King  and he  was happy  to  remain  in  the
palace*

]|r  1876  Asante  had  succeeded  in  baptising  several  of  the  Kings

functionaries^  Among thai  were MfgaaaBoafQQ  (sword-bearers)  like  Johsrmes
Bosomtwe,  iisokwafoo  (hqmblowers)  lika  Noah  Dugdu,  Abrafoo  (Executioners)
like  Thomas  ligpadeefoo.  aid  Akyereaadefoo  (Druraaers)  like  Bumanuel Yaw

father  of  Uana  Sir  Ofori  Atta  and  Br»  J.B»  Banquah. 

Althou^.  many

of  the  above-mentioned  functionaries  seemed  willing  to  continue  to  perform
t h e ir  normal  duties  at  court,  Asaite  allegedly  put  pressure  on  them not  to
p a r t i c i p a te  in  aiy  ceremonies  associated  with  abosom  and  ancestor  worship.
Consequaatly  Emmanuel  Yaw  Boakye*  for  instance,  told  the  King  that  he

'could  not  join  in  aiything  done  in  honour  of  the  f e t i s h '.  Prom  then  on
he  refused  to  beat  the  drums  during  Sundays  aid  Adae« 
confirmed  the 
the  threat  posed  to  the  State  by  the  conversion  of  s t a te  functionaries"

fears  expressed  by  the  Okyenhoie  and  h is  Elders  in  187O  about

The  conduct  of  Asaite

49

On  h is  accession,  Amoako  Atta  appointed

'keeper  of  ^/jaijs/  Privy  Puy-sie'  with  a  claim  for  'a  portion  of  the

The  loss  of  Yaw  Boakye1 s  services  in  p a r t i c u l ar  was  a  b i t t er  piJ.l  for
Amoako  Atta  I  to  swallow.  Yaw  Boakye  had  been  Amoako  Atta'  s  'best  friend
before  he  got  to  the  Stool1  . 
h is  friend 
p a a a l t i es  on  breach  of  King1 s  oath'  * 
Boakye  was  also  entrusted  with
various  sums  of  money  and  conmissioned  to  trade  on  the  King's  behalf.
By  187O Yaw  Boakye  had  become  the  leading  s t a te  drummer  and  a  close  ccxi-
fidant  of  Amoako  Atta  I» 
In  appreciation  of  h is  loyalty  and  friendship
the  King  arranged  for  h is  cousin  Akosua  Bio  Qyankromaas  to  marry  Boakye.
The  conversion  of  Boakyes  apart  from  s t r a i n i ng  relationship  between  him  and
the  King,  l ed  directly  to  the  conversion  of  Odehyj|e  Gyaikromaa  in  1877  and
thus  opaied  the  way for  inroads  to  be  made  •/•  the  religious  solidarity  of
the  royal  family. 54

52

'

/•

Apart  from  the  'seduction'  of  the  Okyenhaae's  slaves  aid  trusted

aid  the  proclamation  of  British

servants}  David  Asaite  also  interfered  with  the  King's  j u r i s d i c t i o n.  Hie
Missionaries  had  made  no  secret  of  t h e ir  prejudice  against  the  traditional
Judicial  system  since  the  l a te  -]86Os; 
authority  raised  hopes  in  t h e ir  circles" of  imminent  abolition  of  the  Okyen-
haae's  court  and  i ts  replacement  with  a  British  Court. 
In  aatioipaticn  of
t h is  change,  David  Asante,  acting  on  h is  own  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y,  set  himself
up  v i r t u a l ly  as  a  r i v al  judicial  authority  in  the  state*  a r b i t r a t i ng  disputes
between  Ghristians,  advising  persons  wanted  for  t r i al  for  violation  of  the
King's  oath,  and  vsriting  l e t t e rs  of  reconmodatiaa  for  people  who  were
aggrieved  by  judgements  of  the  Okyenhdie's  court  aad  wanted  to  appeal  to
the  Supreme  Court  in  Accra*

The  cumulative  effect  of  Asante1 s  activities  between  -}874  and  -|877 was

138

political  and  economic  frustration  and  uncertainty.  First,  the  exodus  of  freed
slaves  from  Kyebi  reduced  i ts  population  drastically  and  worsened the  problem
of  scarcity  of  food  supply* 
Consequently  Kwawu and  Asante  traders  began  to

57

58

boycott  the Kyebi  route  in  favour  of  the  Kukurantumi  route* 
serious  than  the  economic  decline  of  Kyebi •  was  the  loss  of  authority  and  pre-
stige  suffered  by  the  Okyenhene *  Writ ing  to  his  superiors  in  April  i875»  David
Asante  remarked*  in  obvious  reference  to  the  Okyenhene?  that  rich  men who  counted
their  wealth  in  slaves  had  become  impoverished  by  the  Emancipation  Ordinance  and

Second,  and more

that  'even  the  power  of  sovereigns  in  the  interior  /had/become  almost  n i l' •

_  __ 

59

By  June  1877  the  forebodings  were  clear  to  Amoako  Atta  !•  Using  the  Colo-

and  in  the  process  was ur.dermining  the

nial  Power  as  a  shields  the  Basel  Mission  was  seeking to  resolve  the  Church-State
controversy  unilaterally  in  i ts  favour; 
foundations  of  Akyem  society*  Amoako Atta' s  reaction  was to  issue  an  order
banishing  David  Asante  from  his  state*  On  2^  September  he  had  Asante  brought
before  a  meeting  of  the  Kyebi  Executive  Councils  and  after  recounting  all  the
evil  things  he  had  cbne  during  his  four  years'  stay  at  Kyebi  caused  a  gong-gang
to  be  beaten  round  the  town  announcing  the  banning  order* 
Asante  defied  the
order  and  an  attempt  by  some nhenkwaa  led  by  Osenasehene  Oben  Akese  to  seize  and
forcibly  expel  him  resulted  in  a  fracas  during  which  Krs«  Date*  wife  of  Deacon
Nathaniel  Date*, was  assaulted.

At  the  request  of  Governor  ireeling,  Chief  Justice  Sir  David  Chalmers

held  an  enquiry  into  the  whole  affair  between  17  and  21 December  -]877*  The
Chief  Justice  found  as  a  fact  that  David  Asante  had  acted  injudiciously  and
provocatively  towards  the  King.  He  was  also  satisfied  that  Asante1 s  quarrel
with  the  Okyenhene  was  essentially  a  political  one  and  that  Amoako Atta  I  had

6?

no  intention  of  destroying  the  \?ork  of  the  Basel  Mission  in  his  State* 
view  of  the  provocation  which  the  Okyenhaie  and  his  chiefs  were  found  to  have
suffered  'from  the  injudiciousj  swaggering  and uhconcilia,tory  demeanour  and
conduct  of  Mr.  Asante,  Governor  Sreeling  reoommaided  that  he  'be  removed  and
at  once  to  aaother  District  not  under  King  Attain1 •  He made it  clear  that
if  the  Mission  kept  Asante  at  Kyebi  it.would  bear  full  responsibility  for  any
future  trouble  arising  from  his  tactlessness* 
Local  Committee  of  the  Basel  Mission  transferred  Asante  to  $maip&a  in
1878*65

After  a  fruitless  protest«  the

In

139

Sacouraged  ty  the  verdict  of  the  Chief  Justice  and  the  Governor's;

action,  Amoako  Atta  took  s^teps  to  curb  tho  pretaasiois  of  the  Basel
Mission  and  regain  the  political  initiativewhich  he  had  temporarily  lost.
In  the  next  few  weeks,  he  took  a  stern  and  disciplinary  action  against
Yaw  Boakye,  a  leading  member  of  -fche Kyebi  Congregation,  who had  collaborated
'with  Asante,by  auctioning  his  property  in  enforcement  of  a  Supreme  Court
decree* 
During  1878  and  1879  the  Christian  Connwniiy  in  J&yem Abuakwa
felt  a  backlash  from  Asarrbe's  caifronta+icn  with  tiie  Okymhaae  in  the  foim
of  popular  resaatment  against  them.  At Kyebi  people  boycotted  street
preaching  for  fear  of  incurring  -the wrath  of  the. King  and  his  Elders.
Elsewhere  the  .asafo  and  Akomfoo  settled  old  scores  with  the  Christians  in.
their  midst.  At  Asiakwa  four  baptismal  candidates  were  assaulted  for
fishing  in  a  forbidden  stream; 
at  Begoro  the  Missionaries  were  blamed  for
a  oyphoid'epidemic  which  killed  170 people'  in  December  1877  and  Jfohr  was
threatened  wi-In  expulson; 
at  Asunafo  a  demonstration  of  a il  the  .Akomfoo
in  A3syem Abuakwa  aided  in  the  destruction  of  the  local  Chapel.

The  mounting  threat  against  Missionary  work  in  the  State  compelled
the  Basel  Mission  to/turn  to  the  Colonial, Government  for  active  support*
In  1878,  for  instance.*  Hevo  Die  Rsrle,  President  of  the  local  Comnittee
of  the  Basel  Mission  on  the  coast  sought  GovemmaitVs  guaraitee  of  protection
for  Rev.  Mohr  and  other  Missicnaries  at  Bogoso.  " 
Bick,  head  of  the  Kyeb'i  LLLb-sicn,  travelled  to  Accra  to  persuade  the  Govern-
mait  to'  come  out  opmly  and  unequivocably  in  support  of  the  Basel  Mission1 s
cause*  He  called  for  legislaticn  or  proclamation  to  abolish  certain
customary  taboos  in  Akyem Abuakwa.  He  wanted  -fee  Government  for  instance,
to  legalise  the  cultivation  of  afase  (water  yam)  and  the  rearing  of  pigs,
argiing  that  this  would not  only  baaefit  the  Basel  Mission,  but  also  the

In  July  i879  Rev>» Karl

country  at  large  "by  increasing  the  food  resources  available  to  -fee  people*

Up  to  1B79  the  Government  had not  intervened  decisively  and

. 

70

vocably  en  the  side  of  the  Christians  thou^i  it  had  demenstrated  opea  bias
tov*:ards  the  Basel  Mission  time  and  again.  Owing,however,  to  i ts  growing
ccnvicticn  that  Amcj^co  Attars  conservatism  placed  • obstacles  in  the  way  of
civilizatLon  and.progress1 
the  Oo-J.cnia.1 Goir'sanment  began  to  identi^r 
itself  opeily  with  the  cause  of  -the  Basel  Mission  in  ^Jsyem Abuakwa*  3h
July  i879  Governor  Ussher  urged  ReV* Karl  Buch  to  bring  to*his  notice  for

.

. " •

:
'•• 

*-

• 

' • •• 

'

-

'• 

•

•

'

k 

'

7

-1 

• 

- 

'" 

.

•

•

.

..

•• 

" 

- 

• 

. 

v

• 

' 

' 

' 

appropriate  action, authenticated  cases  of  slave-dealing  and  slavery  alleged  to

be  persisting  in  the  State.

"•  ••"• 

' 

' 

:  72 

•

The Basel  Mission  did not  allow  such  an  cpportunity  to  discredit  the King
to  slip  by•  In  October  i879>  Buck  made  a  report  that  during  a visit  to  Anyinam
he  had  seen  'a  whole  row of  people1  either  being  sold  into  slavery  or  being
pawned  for  money  to  pay  fines  inflicted  on  the  town by  the King.  The law  officers
seem  to  have  found  l i t t le  substance  in  the  various  charges  brought  against  the
King,  but  apparently  anxious  to  find  a pretext  for  removing  iimoako  Atta  I  from
his  lawful  authority,  the  Government  invited  Rev. Bucks  by  a  letter  dated --jO
February,  ^880,  to  gp  to  Accra  to  assist  it  .-f in  making.a  sound  case1  against  .-
the  Okyenhene.  The Basel  Missionary  was aspired  that  h is  part  in  the  whole
affair  would  be kept  ' confidential1 •

73

Buck  did not  have  much  difl  iculty  in  gathering  evidence  to  build  up  ra  sound

case*  against  the Okyenhene.  Christians  with  an  axe to  grind  like  Yaw Boakye,
Joseph  Bo so mp em and Isaiah  Moafo,  a ll  former  servants  of  the King,  were  all  too
eager  to  take  revenge  for  wrings*  imagined  or real,  done'to  them  by  Amoako  Atta

The  charges  ultimately  TsrougSit  g a i n st  the  Okyenhene  at  the May Assizes
The  all-African  Jury  which  tried  the

I« 
were  arson,  siave-dealing  ancl murder. 
King  at  h is  request  returned  a verdict  of  'Not  Guiliy1  in  respect  of  the  charges
of  slave-dealing  and murder  but  convicted  him on the  'minor* charges  of 

75

;

• 

• 

• 

' 

malicious  arson1,  for  which  he  was  sentenced  to  five  years  penal  servitude*  On
14 May Amoako  Atta  I  was put  on  a  warship  bound  for  Lagos*

• 

• 

76

King Amoako Atta' s  detention  in  Lagos  lasted  from  May 2$  1880 to December

i834>  vdhen  Governor  Youn^c ^rou^at  him back  to  Accra  in  h is  steam boat. 
On 25
February  1885 the  Governor  sent  him back  to  Kyebi  in  the  company  of  C-D« Turton,
hi^a  Government  official,  who was to  be  i ts  representative  at  Amoako  Atta1 s

77

7ft

•re--installation  on  the  stool  of  his  forefathers1  • 
•.on ' 1 March  after  an  absence  of  over  five  years.

The King  arrived  at  Kyebi

Before  leaving  for  Kyebi  i\moako  Atta  I,  had  gathered  information

throu^i  conversation  about  his  state  7*hich  irritated  him a  grc^it'deal-  First
he. learnt  that  royal  authorily  was a  shamble; 
of  h is  oath  lay strangers; 
Joseph Bosompjsm,
and non-Christians  alike  and one had  died  of  abortion; 
a  Christian  whose  evidence  had help ad  to  convict  him  now  occupied

several  of  his  wives  had been  seduced by  Christians

frivolous  use was being made

79

141

several  members  of  the  royal  famify  had  been  con-
the .CfcaasG  stool  at  Kyebi; 
verted  to  Christianity  and  there  was  widespread  violation  of  customary  taboos
which  formed  the  essence  of  ancestral  warship,  the  sanction  behind  his  poli~
t i c al  authority.

In  a  fiery  speech  made  on  the  occasion  of  his  re-instalment,  Amoako  Atta  I

did  not  mince  words  and  left  the  Christians  in  no  doubt  that  he  was,  and  intended
to  remain,  the  sovereign  ruler  of  Akyem  Abuakwa*  In  Turton's  presence,  and  in
unequivocal  language,  he  re-imposed  the  ban  on  farming,  fishing  and  gold-digging
on  eacred  days  (nnabone)  and  warned  that  whoever  violated  it  would be  severely
punished.  When Assistant  Catechist  Yaw Boakye  rose  to  protest,  he  silenced
him by  pointing  his  right  finger  at  him  and  shouting  angrily: 
that  is  Boakyel  that  is  Boakye*M  Boakye  fainted  with  fright  and  had  to  be

"That  is  Boakyel

carried  away  unconscious*  Turton  looked  on  without  any  comment.

The  Okyenhene  later  told  Revs*  Weimer  and Hupperibaner  that  he  had  never
hated  the  Christians  and  that  it  was  rather  they  who had  sinned  against  him
by  ignoring  God1 3  injunction  to  them  to  honour  the  King  and  respect  a ll
authority •  He  continued;

80

The  Christians  do  not  honour  and  fear  me*  When  I
as  King,  to  whom &.11 lands  which your  eyes  see  belong,
who  can  do  and  order  what  he  wants,  when  I  order  that
the  Christians  should  celebrate  those  days  which  to  our
ancestors  from  olden  times  were  sacred,  theyggay  no;
that  we  do  not  do. 

I s n 't  that  di'sobedience*

Amoako  Atta  I  reminded  the  Missionaries  that  he  was  a  sovereign  in  his  own
right  and  as  such  he  could  'do  and  order1  what  he  wanted  in  his  country.  Then
referring  again  to  the  ban  on  work  on  sacred  days he  concluded  his  speech
thus:

These  days belong  to  my  stool  ••*•  so  I  cannot
allow  the  Christians  to  work  on  the  mentioned
days*  Whoever  watts  to  work  on  such  dsys  should
buy  himself  his  land.82

Amoako Atta' s  speech  revealed  the  polarisation  between King  and

Missionary,  while  the  former  and his  Chiefs  deemed  the  observance  of  the
customary  taboos  and  lawa  imperative  for  the  welfare  and prosperity  of  their
state,  the  Missionaries,  backed  by  the  Government,  considered  it  to  be
intolerable  to  the  Christian  conscience.  King  and Missionary  were  thus  set

1/-L2

on  a  collision  course-  Amoako  Atta  I  spent  1885  trying  to  re-establish
.'.:is  authority.  Pirst  the  ban  on  work  or.  sacred  days  was  rigoiously
enforced  throughout  the  State*  At Anyinam,  for  instance,  footpaths  to
farms  were  blocked  on  sacred  days  and  Christians  who  attempted  to  violate
the  ban  were  threatened  with  physical  violence* 
cases  from  being  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court  in  Accra  on  a  paan  of  banishment

Second,  the  King  stopped

aid  confiscation,  of  property. 
85
wives  were  severely  punished.  ^

Third,  those  found  guilty  of  seducing  his

In  October  1885 Emmanuel  Yaw  Boakye  was  forcibly  expelled  from  Asuom

when  he  tried  to  open  a  Mission  there  because  the  local  Obosom Apaatn

•dislike  (sic)  at  a ll  Christianity  in  our  village1.  With  the  encouragement
of  Hohr,  Christians  in  Akyem  Abu&kwa  subscribed  to  a  fund  to  send  a  deputa-

86  ————

tion  of  Asuom  Christians  to  Accra  at  the  aid  of  July  1886  to  prefer  charges
against  Chief  Foauh«ie  of  Asuom. 
Governor's  inclination  to  l et  'the  whole  thing  . . ..  l ie  in  abeyance1  by
pressing  for  the  prosecution  of  Yaw  Boakye1 s  assailants.

The  Basel  Missionaries  also  resisted  the

87

88

Jrom  August  1886,  the  Christians  of  Kyebi  took  to  preaching  on  the
public  streets,  outside  the  salem,  sr:a  in  a  nood  that  became  a  source  of
provocation  to  the  n on-Christ ions.  As  explained  by  Kwaku  Afum  later:

In  their  preaching  they  used  to  abuse  (sic)  the
living  a<=i well  as  the  dead.  They  speak  of  the
Kings  of  Akim who were  killed  in  wars  with  the
Ashantes  or  otherwise  betrayed  and  thereby  met
their  death  as  if  they  were  the  worse  (sic)  of 
all  Akims,  knowing  that  that  sort  of  preaching
will  only  i r r i t a te  the  people.°9

. .

Tho  conduct  of  the  Christians  predictably  led  to  a  steady  deterioration  of
relations  between  Christians  and non-Christians-  On  September  9,  for
instance,  Church  leaders  from  Kyebi,  Asiakwa,  Apa pam  and  Tete  informed  Mohr

about  ominous  signs  of  trouble  aid  called  for  Government's  protection.

90

On  15  and  16th  December  1886,  anti-Christian  r i o ts  broke  out  at  Kyebi

arising  partly  from  accusation  of  theft  made  against  Joseph  Bosompem,  ex-
Q,-aasehene  and  leader  of  the  Kyebi  congregation.  Bosompem  was  detained
with  several  other  Christians  for  one  week.  During  that  period  the  Chris-
tians  of  Kyebi  suffered  much privation  being  confined  to  the  Mission  Station
aid  denied  access  to  their  farms  and  the  rivers.  1  As  in  1877  the  Govern-

143

raent  intervened  by  sending  an  O f f i c i a l,  Mr.  Simons?  Registrar  in  the  Secreta-
r i a t,  to  bring  down  t he  King  and  the  accused  persons  to  Accra  for  a  enquiry.
Amoako  Atta  I  accompanied  by  some  of  h is  p r i n c i p al  Chiefs  and  the  Amantoomiensa
( s o l d i e rs  of  t he  Ofori  Stool)  l e ft  Kyebi  for  Acora  on  8  January 
however,  died  in  Accra  on  2nd  February  1887  from 
monia'  before  the  enquiry  could  be  h e l d.

'exhaustion  from  double  pneu-

i 8 8 7 -93  He,

94

The  K i n g 's  death  touched  off  state-wide  a n t i - C h r i s t i an  demonstrations.  At

Kyebi  and  Kukurantumi  pandemonium  broke  oat  as  hundreds  of  mourners  went  beserk
with  g r i e f,  bewilderment  and  vindictiveness  and  indulged  in  widespread  destruc-
tion  of  mission  p r o p e r t y.  Doors  and  windows  of  chapels  and  p r i v a te  Christian
the  harmonium,  a l t ar
houses  were  torn  off; 
and  p u l p it  in  the  Kyebi  chapel  were  b u r n t. 
At  Begoro  the  Christian  community
numbering  114  was  seized  with  fear  and  fled  into  the  bush  within  ten  minutes  of

l i v e s t o ck  of  Christians  were  shot; 

the  a r r i v al  of  royal  messengers  from  Kyebi. 
Kyebi,  T e t e,  Apedwa,  Asunafo  and  Abomogu  was  estimated  at  £468-7«6-

The  damage  done  to  property  at

97

To  safeguard  Christian  l i fe  and  property, 

the  Government  decided  on  a

military  occupation  of  Akyem  Abuakwa.  A  t o t al  of  -|39  men  including  two  Assis-
t a nt  Inspectors,  one  Assistant  Colonial  Surgeon  (Dr.  Quartey  Papafio)  and
seventeen  gunners  occupied  the  s t a te  from  February  1887  to, April  1887•  During
t h is  period  the  Commander  of  the  force,  Assistant  Inspector  j*rennan,  held  an
enquiry  and  imposed  a  fine  of  £500  on  the  si;ace  as  ooui)biS..^o^u  i or  damaged
Christian  property. 
In  addition  the  State  was  called  upoif  to  execute  a  bond
in  t he  sum  of  £-],000  as  a  guarantee  of  good  behaviour  towards  the  Christian

community,  and  to  exempt  the  Christians  from  the  obligations  of  certain  custo-
mary  taboos*  After 
remained  as  uncompromising  as  ever  in  her  determination  to  ban  t he  exiled

the  withdrawal  of  the  Hausas  from  the  S t a t e,  Akyem  Abuakwa

98

Christians  from  r e - e n t r y.

99

The  Church-State  controversy  in  Akyem  Abuakwa  influenced 

the  Govern-
ment's  decision  to  c o n s t i t u te  the  s t a te  into  an  air.ini.jj.i^ive  dlot_-.cJj  in
October  1887.  The  f i r st  D i s t r i ct  Conmissioner,  Assistant  Inspector
Lethbridge  arrived  at  Kyebi  to  assume  duly  on  November  1,  1887,  with  a
'Public  Announcement' 
on  November  3  to  a  p u b l ic  meeting  of  a ll  the  p r i n c i p al  Chiefs  and  the
Christians  imposed  an  a r b i t r a ry  and  d e f i n i t i ve  settlement. 
' it
r e c a l l ed  Christians  from  exile  under  a  Government  guarantee  of  proteotion,

issued  by  the  Governor.  The  p u b l ic  Announcement  read

I n t er  a l i a, 

Itltt.

abolished  the  taboos  considered  by  them  to  be  intolerable  to  the  Christian.
conscience1  and  guaranteed  the  right  of  access  to  all  rivers  'for  a ll  proper
purposes1  the  right  to  plant  and  eat  afase  (water  yam),  and  the  right  to
keep  pigs  en  oonditicn  that  they  stayed  in  styes.

i i i)  .188?-,1943:  the  period  of  rapprochement

Six  months  after  the  'Public  Announcement'  w&s read  at  Kyebi,  the

Bagel  Missionaries  reported  that  a  'deep  peace'  existed  between  the
Okyenhaie  and  1he  Christians* 
report  for  1889  stated  categorically:

Tweniy-one  months  later,  Ifohr' s  ainual

No  trace  of  aimiiy  remains  in  the  missionaries1
reception  in  Akyem toms  -  they  are  everywhere
regarded  as  friends*  12

The  'thaw'  in  relations  between  Christians  and non-Christians  was  due  to
several  factors.  The  f i r st  was  the  establishment  of  on  effective  colonial
presence  in  Akypra Abuakwa  from  1888.  The  increasing  acceptance  of  bsqptism
by  members  of  the  royal  family  at  Kyebi  and. elsewhere  also  changed  attitudes
towards  Christiani-ty.  The  spread  of  education  was  equally  important.  5y
the  189OS literacy  and  Christian  & 
were  fast  becoming  the  hall  marks
of  civilization  and  progress*

Amoako. Atta  himself  adopted  a  conciliatory  attitude  towards  the  Basel
Missionaries  from  the  i89Os*  Not  only  was he  dependent  en  the  Christians
for  the  conduct  of  his  correspendence  between  1888  and  i892»  but  also  he

felt  grateful  to  the  Presbyters  of  Kyebi  for  averting  his  destoolment  by

-104

the  Amantoo  miensa  in  December  i892« 
subjects  to  have  Europeen  Missionaries  return  to  live  &t Kyebi  with  a view
to  arresting  the  decline  of  Kyebi's  status  vis-a-vis  Pefpro • ' 
Indeed  by
the  turn  of  the  country  a  few Presbyters  aid  elders  of  the  Kyebi  Church

Above  all  he  was  as  anxious  as  his

1O6

had  been  admitted  to  membership  of  the  Okyenhene's  Council* 
the  rigidity  of  the  Church's  attitude  to  African  culture  remained  an  obstacle
to  total  Tor--"'ochement. In  a  memorandum presented  to  a  synod  of  the  Presby-
terian  Church  held  in  1941 Naaa Ofori  Atta  I, the  f i r st  Christian  King  of
the  State,  rightly  condemned  the  Presbyterian  Ghruch  for  i ts  segregation
of  Christians  into  'a  separate  community  in  each  town',  for  the  alooihess
of  i ts  members  from  the  State  festivals,  and  for  the  Church's  general
aitagcnism  'towards  Africatn  ways'*

However,

Can clu sicn

ia-5

The  main  conclusion  that  emerges  from  this  study  is  that  the  quarrel

Indeed  he  was

between  Church  and  State  in  Akyem Abuakwa was  essentially  political*  Amoako
Atta  did  not  hate  Christianity  nor  i ts  agents,  Missionaries. 
disposed  to  tolerate  Christianity  as  one  of  the  'faiths'  in  his  State  but
only  ag  lcng  as  it  did not  seek  overtly  or  covertly  to  destroy  the  spiritual
foundations  of  Akyem  Abuakwa  society.  Amoako  Atta  was  irrevocably  opposed
to  missionary  interferece  with  his  -undoubted  jurisdiction  over  his  own
subjects  in  his  State*  He had  an  abiding  faith  an,  aid  deep  respect  for,
the  customs  and  beliefs  of  his  fore-fathers,  and his  whole reigi  was  aae
laag  struggle  against  European  pretaisicns  to  moral  and  institutional
superiority.

Foot  Notes

"!•  The  first  attempt  to  aater  Akyem was  made  in  1839 by  Andreas

Kiis«  Kothing  came  out  of  i+.  <?oe M-A. Kwamena-Poh,  Government
and Politics  in  the  Akuapem  State  i73°--i85Qi  Longman  1973,  P«114«

2*  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts  from  the  Gold  Coast  Corregpcndence  of

the  Basel  Mission,  Balme  Library,  Legpn,  pp.  3 & 4,  Suss  to  Basel
3  Feb.T1852.

3«  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p*  14;  Zimnernsn• e  Quartel  Berioht

(Quarterly  Report)  dated  July  1852*

4»  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  4;  Suss  to  Basel  3 Feb.  1&52;  P»21
k  (Half  Yearly  Report)  from Dieterle  end  Christstller

R%lJ^.S?S.^k  ( 
84
concerning  the  Catechist  Institute  in  Akropcng,  20  Jan.  1854
5.  Paul  Jenkins*  Abstracts,  p.  6;  Widraenn  & Mader  to  Basel  23

0 

y 

p)

March  1852-

6. 

Ibr  details  of  the  Gyadam war; 
see  R«  Addo-Fening,  ^suaem
Ferry  Crisis  1888;  An Episode  in  Abuakwa-Kotoku  relations"
311  Ghana  Social  Sciaace  Journal  Vol. No.  4-},  May  1977,  pp«  80-81

7«  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  14;  Zimmerman's  Cmartel  Bericht

July  1852-

8.  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  21;  Halbjahr  Bericht  from  Dieterle
and  Christallor  concerning  Catechist  Institute  in  Akropcng  20
Jen.,  1854.

1/J-b

£S£^XJSi^lM-JJi-!i£.-Sfiife5^i£No.7j  July.  186 3»  pp<

Paul  Jenkins,  ^s.tr^;'::£»  p.  526;  C h r i s t a l l e r 's
March,  1866.

11-

Paul  Jenkins,  Abatragts,  p.  514;  Eismschmid  to
3 Hov.  1863.  ~ 

' 

•""

12*  Paul  Jcakins»

___ 

3,  p.  526;  Eiseaschmid's

for  1866  dated  jisn.  -\B§7 •
Paul  Jaakins,  Abstracts,}  p»  5i6|  Kroner  t©  Basel  1 Aug.
p.  515;  Eisaaschmid's  Re-port  for  1864  dattd  7'

Paul  Jaakins,  Abstracts,  p.  515;  Eismsdhmid* s
dated  7  Feb.*,  "1865* 

""  '

for  -j864

13-

14-

1f»  HAG,  SCT  2/4/12  Olyil  Record  Book Vol.  IV!.  jr*

Paul  Jaaklns,  Abstracts,  p»  46;  Avsr.  ReisAaricht  after

to  Q^ade-m da-ted  5 Mey,  1839.

Paul  Jenkins,  Abstoacts,  p.  35;
BAG. Adm. 

/ 7^

to  Bag®l  July

Paul  Jaakins,  Ab§_teacts  p.  511?  Eisaaschraid1 s  Report  for
schools  of  t h e - L i s t i ct  in 
Paul  Jaakins,  Abateapts,  p.  532;  Bigaasohmid's  Report  for  1866
dated  8  Jan.  1867.

;<v':-  dr:J;?<?.  ^8  Jan.  1SS4.

1?.

18.

19 •

20. 

I b i d.

21

22«

23«

24»

Paul  Jaakins,  AJbsteaets,  p.  30}  Suss  to  Basel  16 Oct.  1856}
p.  516  Eisenschmidts**l^<OTt  en  Schools, in  1864  dated  27  Deo
1864;  p.  525 -  Sisenschmid's  Report  for  1866  dated  8  Jan.  i867«

!Dhe  second  Mis si en  station  at  Gyadam  started  an  the  33ifedu  h i ll
near  Oaiho  was  e^^-'Tna + od  to  cost  C13O.  0.  0.  or  576 Thaler. "Stf
the  time  of  aLandaixig  Gya-dam  £51-  C'« .0 had  already  b-een  committed.
The Kyebi  Missicn- House  was  completed  in  1863  at  a  cost  of  about
£537«  0.  0.  See Paul  Jmkinsi.4&£fea££g,  p,  40,  Qradain  Station
Conference  Protocol,  2 Mey  1859,  p.  5O2  Kromer's  Rggort  for  3^'d
Quarter  -\860;  p.  5O9  Stromberg's  letter  dated  3 March  1862*

Paul  Jaakins,  ^bsteacts,  pp.  5O2 -  5C4«  In  1859  £50.  0.  0.  was
earmarked  for  travelling  expoases  alaie*  See  Paul  Jenkins,  p.  4^.

At Kukurantumi,  the  straagth  of  the  congregaticn  rose  from  12  in
1862  to  20  in  i868j 
See Paul  Jaakins,  Absfecacts,,  pp.  5O8,  511,  5-j8,  525i  535*

at  Kyebi  from  13  in  1863  to  42  in  1868.

25#

Paul  Jaakins,  ^bsteacts,  l i st  of  school  pupils  in  Korresp.  1885?
Also  pp.  39,  92,  99,  O°

147

26*  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts?  p.  43;  Hass  to  Basel  1 Dec  1859

27 •  Paul  Jenkinsj  Abstracts;  p*  3;  Hass  to  Basel  1 Dec*  1859;
p*  5°3  Stromberg's  Report  20  Jan.  1862;  p*  508 Report  for
Kibi  station  24  Jan.  1863,  p(  515 Eisenschmid1 s  Report  on
schools  in  1864  dated  27  Dec  1864.

28.  Paul  Jenkins?  Abstracts;  p«  3'3;  Suss  to  Basel  28  Dec*  1857;

p*  92,  Eisenschmid  to  Basel  3 Nov.  l863>  P*  522;  Eisenschmid
to  Basel  31  Dec  1865,  p.  523;  Nader' s Report  to  SEC*  19 Aug.
1865,  p.  525;  Eisenschmid1 s  Report  8  Jan.  -]867«

29*  At  Kyebi  Christians  were  encouraged  to  settle  on  the  Mission
Statipn  as  early  as  1861 •  At Kukurantumi  -the  Christians  took
a  decision  at  the  end  of  1865 to  r e s e t t le  themselves  on  Mission
land.  See  Paul  Jenkins*  Abstracts,  p*  504;  Stremberg's  Report
1  Nov  1861,  p.  5O7;  stremberg  to  Basel  2 Dec  1861,  p.  518;
Kromer's  Beliage  to  the  Kibi  Years  Report  concerning  Kukurantumi
15  Jan.  1866.

30.  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  pp •  538-539;  Eisenschmii' s  Report
dated  3O Oct.  1868.  Duko  was  accused  of  striking  a  blow  at
the  Okyenhene  during  a  night  brawl  involving  palace  functionaries*
In  customary  law  this  was  a  treasonable  offence.

31-  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  5O8;  Stromberg's  Report;  24  Jan.  1863.

32*  In  1879»  for  instance  Chief  Kwaku Buaben  of  Anyinam  made  it  a
condition  of  a  grant  of  land  for  a  Salem  that  it  "should  not  be
sited  too  far  away  from  the  town  as  this  might  ruin  the  town".  See
Paul  Jenkins,  Ab stractsa  p«  116;  Mohr  to  Basel  29  Oct.  i879«

33.  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts*  p*  554;  Lodholtz  Report  for  1st  Quarter

of  187O,  April  187O;  Rev*  Hass  succeeded  Eisenschmid  in  1869*

34.  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts*  p«  554;  Lodholtz,  Report  for  1st  Quarter  -

Emphasis  added*
Ibid*
Ibid.,  p*  559-

35* 
36. 
37*  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstract s*  p*  552;  Lodholtz1  Jahresbericht  fcr  187O

3  Jan.  -|871;  p-  565»  Jahresbericht  1871  dated  11  Jan.  1872,  p*  572;
Hass1  Report  15  April  -|872;  p*  57$,  Eisenschmid  to  Basel  2  Oct.  i873«

38.  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts*  p«  572;  Lodholtz  to  Basel  13 April  1872-

39.  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  572;  Lodholtz  to  Basel  13 April  1872*

40.  See  David Kimble,  A Political  History  of  Ghana,  OTJP  19&3*  P«  3°3«

41,

42*

43-

44*

45*

46.

47-

48.

49«

50.

51.

52*

53.

54.

55«

56.

57.

58.

59

60.

Paul  Jaikins,  Abstracts,  p.  585A;  Asante,  Ifohr  and  Werner
to  the  S.E.C  26  June  1875;  P«  585,  Eisenschmid  to  Basel  25
June  1875-  Also  Heideibote  No.  9,  1875-  Asante'3  Report  29

il 

i875-

Keidenbote  No.  9, 

i875-  Asante' s  Report  dated  29 April  i875«

NAG SOT.  2/4/12,  p.  529;  David  Assanti  V.  King  Attah.

Paul  Jaikins,  Abstracts,  p.  582;  Wldmann  to  Basel  1  July
1875-

NAG SCT.  2/4/12,  Civil  Record  Book,  Vol.  IV  B,  p.  529
David  Assanti  V.  King  Attah.

I b i d .,  pp.  53O,  542.

I b i d .,  pp.  530,

Ibid.a  p.  549;  Paul  Jaikins,  Abstracts,  a  Report  from
Deaccn  Nath  Date  1  July  1882*

NAG SCT.  2/4/12'  Civil  Record  Book  Vol.  4B,  pp.  513~515«

NAG SOT.  2/4/12  Civil  Record  Book  Vol.  4B,  p.  58O;  Paul
Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p«  630*  Huppenbaner's  Report  31  May  1882*

NAG SCT  2/4/12  Civil  Record  Book  VoT.  45,  p.  576.

Boakye  seems  to  have  been  Batahene,  also  (i»e«  head  of  the
royal  t r a d e r s ).

NAG  SCT.  2/4/12  Civil  Record  Book  Vol.  4B,  pp.  576-578.

Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  592;  Asante1 s  Report  for  1877
dated  28  Jan.  1875.  Gyankroma's  baptismal  name  was  Susanna.

See  Paul  Jaikins,  Abstracts,  pp.  508-9;  Eisenschmid1  s  Report
3  Oct.  1868;  p.  528,  C h r i s t a l l e r'  a  Report  1  Oct.  -]866«

NAG SCT  2/4/12  Civil  Record  Book,  pp.  527-531;  Paul  Jenkins,
Abstracts,  p.  607;  Asante's  l e t t er  to  Basel  4  Jan.  1878.

The  food  situation  was  already  serious  around  the  middle  of
1874  owing  to  the  influx  of  Dwabai  exiles*  See  Paul  Jenkins,
Abstracts,  p«  581;  Asante1 s  Report  for  2  Quarter,  ?874«

Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  55;  David  Asante  to  Basel  18  Oct.
1875;  E.  Reynold's  Trade  ajnd  Economic  Change  pp.  4 5-  46.

Heidenbote  No.  9,  1875;  Asante's  Report  29  April  1875*

Heidenbote  No.  2,  Feb.  1878;  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  544
Asante  to  Basel  20  Sept.  1877;  NAG  Adm.  i / 9 / i£  Asante's
statemen ts •

62.

63.

64«

65.

66.

67.

68.

69.

70.

72.

73.

74.

75

Heideabote-Ho.'',  Peb-487%  EAG SCT-. 2/4/t2  Civil  Record
..Book,  Vol.  4B,  pp.  492,  497-99•

MAG SCT.  2/4/12 

.Civil  Record  Book Vol.  4B, ..pp..  554-562

IAG Adm.  i/9/'2»  Governor  Freezing  to  Rev.  Dieterle  26  Dec
1877.
Paul  Joakins»  Abs_teacts_,  Pr«  Chr-  Dieterle  and  D«  Usenschmid
to  H.S.  Fueling*  3  Jav«  18785  NAG Mm..  i/9/2  Governor
Fresling  to  the  Local  Committee  of  BM3  16  Jan.  8&
Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  607;  Heidenbote  No.7  July  1878.

NAG SCT»  2/4/12  Civil  Record  Book Vol..4B;  p.  576;  SCT  4/4/13
Civil  Record  Book"  3°  Jvne~]ET9 -  6  Jan.  1882,  p«  66.

Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  608;  Eisenschmid  to  Basel  28
feb*  1878^

p 

Buck's  1 st  .ii

Ibid.
March  i878j  p.  1O4  Mohr's  Eg£Qrt  to " Basel  1O April  1878;
Heidmbote  No.  7?  viily  1878;  p»  6O93  Biqk* a  Report  for  1879
dated  3O/31  Dec  1&79-

ii£^^_^

from  Kibi  27

NAG Adm.  1/9/2  Freeling  to  Chief  Antshi  24 lar-  1878;  Paul
Jaakinss  Jb_s,"te_acts.5  pp.,  1O6-1O7.

Paul  Jeikin.3;  Abstracts,  p.  6-|0|  BUCK'S  Report  for  1879
' dated  30/31  De'o«  i879« 

.

HAG Adm.  1/9/2  H»T.  Ussher  to  King  Attah  .'c0 Nov..  1879.

Paul  Jenkins,  Abstrj^.+s,  p«  609;  Buck's  R^ort  for  the  Year,
i879s  dated  3OJ31  Deer

Paul  Jeikins,  AbstEf-otjis  P*  615;  Buck's  let.gr  to  Basel.  2
March  188O;  KAG* Adm.  1/9/2  H-.T.  Ussher  to  King  20 Nov.  1879j.'
Also  Paul  Jgikins<>  .Abs^ta^cts,  p«  618;  Dieterle1 s  letter  dated
12  ? e l j- 

•;?.?•:••

See NAG SOT.  2/5/1  Qriminal  Record  Book  2  Jsc.  1879  4  Peb.
1884  p.  1785  NAG SCT«  474/13  Oivil  Record  BoQ,  p.  66.

Paul  Jenkins.
NAG SOT  2/5/1

p.  568;  Hass  to ;Bellc.  21  July  i87i;

8 88

NAG Adm.  I1/1/1O96  Miiate  of  15  Sept.  1884.;  Paul  Jenkins,
Abstracts  p.  6155  Back  to  Basel  23 May  i880; 
letter  dated  28 May  11880.

.Ei^.schmidl's

77.  Heidaibote  No.  6,  fee  1886  p.  43;  NAG Adm.

Governor's  Minute  to  Col.  Sec  8  Jan.  1885*

150

78.  NAG Adm.  1i/i77O  Governor's  Interview  with  Jsyem  Chiefs;
18  Feb.  1885.  Also NAG.  Adm.  i/7/i2  Governor  A.G. Young
to  King  Qiamina  I b ri  -  25  Feb.  1885°

79*  HAG.  Adm.  H/1/1O96,  D.C  Allai  to  Hon.  Col.  S ec  4  Feb.

18851  NAG Adm.  11/1/1121  -  Petition  from  Banahaie  and
others  -]0 March  1885.

80.  Heidetibote No.  6  June  1886.  p.  44-

8i«  Heidaabote  No.  6  June  -)886,  p.  44«

82. 

Ibidc

83. 

Ibid,  pp.  44-45;  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  Esau  Ofori's
statement  to  Yearly  Report  29  Bee.  1806.

84.  Heidoabote  No.  6, 

June  1886.

85. 

Ibid.

86.  HAG Adm.  1 i / i /3  E-  Ofori  to  Ad.  Mohr  9  Sept.  1886;  NAG

Adm°  11/1/1094;  Hupp en ban er  Th.  Hosier  and  Ad Mohr  to  Local
Committee  of  Basel  Mission  2  Feb.  1886.

87. 

Paul  Jenkins?  Abstracts}  p.  672;  Mohr  to  D i s t r i ct  Prases
29  July  1886.

88.  NAG Adm.  n / 1 /3  Amoako  Atta  to  H»E.  9  Sept.  1886;  E-  Ofori

to  Mohr  9  Sept.  1886;  Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  682;  Mohr
to  Basel  3  Feb.  -|887-

89.  MAG Adm.  11/1/1095-  Amoako  Atta  II  to  Col.  S ec  1889.

90.  NAG Adm.  n / 1 /3  D-C  Accra  to  Ag.  Col.  S ec 

19  Jan.  i887•

91 •  NAG Adm.  11/1/3  Mohr  to  H.I«  16 Dec  1886;  Amoako  Atta  to
H.I.,  19  Dec.  1886.  NAG Adm.  H/1/1O94  ifeyem  Affairs  stated
by  Bmjamjja  Kwabsia  28  Dec.  1886.

92.  NAG Adm.  11/1/1O94  Extracts  from  Minutes  of  Executive  Meeting

20  Dec  1886.

93.  NAG Adm.  I1/1/1O94  Notes  taken  at  Meeting  at  Kyebi  en  28

Dec.  1886.

94.  -  NAG Adm.  1 i / i /3  Commissioners  to  H.E.  W.B-  Griffith  7  Feb.

1887;  Ag> Medical  Officer  to  Col.  S ec  2  Feb.  i887;  Paul
Jmkins,  Abstracts,  p.  682«

95. 

Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  683;  Mohrs Report  to  Basel  17
Feb.  1887;  p.  693  Mohr  to  Basel  23 Aug.  1887.

151

96.

97*

98.

99»

•jOO.

10-j.

1O2.

Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts,  p.  687?  Sitzler  to  JBasel  2
1.887;  NAG Adm°  1i/i/3  Rev.  Sitzlex  to  Rev.  Eiseischmid  11
Feb.  1887.

NAG Adm.  1 i/i/i°94 
B.  Akim  8 April  1887 •

Insp.  Brain an's  Rep cart  of  Mission  to

NAG Adm.  11/1./1094  Brennsn' s  R.ep,ori  8  April  i887-

Paul  Jenkins,  Abstracts?  p«  688;  Mohr  to. Basel  5 June  i887*
p-  693;  Bossier*3  Report  6 Oct.  1887 •

NAG Adm.  I1/1/1O95  Lethbridge  to  Col.  Sec-  4  Nov.  -]887
Oonf»  Ho.  3;  NAG Adm.  11/1/3  -  Decision  of  Government  upcn
various  matters  submitted  to  H»E«  11 0ot«  i887|  NAG Adm.
1i/i/i°94  General  Instructions  to  the  D»C«»  Eastern  Akim
11  Oct.  1887.

Paul  Jaikins,  Abgtreats,  (Supplement)  p.  9l  Mohr1 3 Report .
for  1st  g a r t er  of  1888,  8 Mqy  1888.

Paul  Jmkins,  Abstracts?  (Supplemait)  pp.  34-26;  Hossler's
Annual  Report  for  i8^0**dated  17  Feb.  i89n  p.  47  Annual
Reports  from  Xocal  Pastors  in  Akyem,  p.  57;  0foci*  3 Ani|tial
Report  dated  9  Jan •  1893,  p.  15;  Mohr's  Amual  Report  dated
13 Feb.  189O.

1O3.

See NAG Adm.  ii/i/29iA  Petition  from  Elders  of  Kwaben  to  H«E.
19 Dec  189O.

104.

NAG Adm.  11/1/3  Ad Mohr  to  Rottmann  29 Jan.  19O5.

IO5.

106.

107.

Paul  Jaikins,  Abstracts  (Supplemait)  p.  74; 
Basel  dated  6  April  1893,  p.  80;  J.  Mailer  to  Basel  4  Marcfa
1893-

J»  Millar  to

See NAG Adm.  11/1/3  F»T-  Ricketts  to
Dec  1900.

Irvine  31

See  G»G»  Baeta,  Missionary  and Humanitarian  Interests  1914-1960
in  £«H«  Gaon  andP»  Duigaar.  (edi.)  Colonialism  .in, Afripa  i870-
1960 Vol.  I I,  Cambridge  1970,  p.  441»