152

THE  BOLEOF  -iKS PRESBYTERIAN  glUECE  M

THE  ECCIIOMIc'l)?iyBI,OPMMT  OF GHANA

Kwame  Arhin*

Introductions

Subject  matter

It  is  well  knonn,  that 

For  the  purpose  of  t h is  papers,  I  e m s i d er  the  Presbyterian  Church  as  a
the  Scottish  .Mis-

coitirmation  of  the  Basel  Mission. 
sion  took  over  the  Presbyterian  Mission  in  -|9i8  when  the  Govemmaat  of  the
Gold  Coast  arrested  and  deported  the  Basel  Missionaries  in  1917s  and  t h a t'
the  Scottish  or  Presbyterian  Mission  became  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  1926
(Broksisha,  1966j 25;  Debrunners  1967J 294)• 
than  the  Presbyterian  Churchj  which  played  a  significant  role  in  Isying  the
foundations  of  s t r u c t u r al  changes  in  the  economy  of  the  Gold  Coast  in  the
l a st  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Bauer  has  defined  s t r u c t u r al  eco-
nomic  change  in  the  Gold  Coast  as  thes

It  was  the  Basel  Mission, 

r a t h er

process  which  « . ..  transformed  the  economy  of  the
Gold  Coast  from  a  t r a d i t i o n al  economy  based  en
subsistence  producticn  and  the  collection  of
n a t u r a l ly  occurring  products  into  one  dominated
by  a  cash  crop  which  has  become  a  major  s t a p le  of
i n t e r n a t i o n al  commerce. 1

The  cash  crop  wd-s  cocoa  and,  as  w i ll  be  seea?  the  Basel  Mission  was

instrumaital  in  bringing  it  to  the  Gold  C a s t.

I  define  'economic  development' 

in  t h is  context  as  quantitative  aid
q u a l i t a t i ve  changes  in  the  material  means  of  l i f e,  owing  to  corresponding
changes  in  the  management  of  n a t u r al  resources,  including  land,  aid  to  the
acquisition  of  new  s k i l ls  and  tools*  1  shall  suggest  t h at  certain  sets  of

Directors  I n s t i t u te  of  African  Studies5  Legcn,

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activities  of  the  Basel  Missicn,  particularly  in  south-eastern  Gold  Coast,
promoted  changes  in  the  use  of natural  resources  and the  acquisition  of
new  skills  and  tools,  which  were necessary  for  changes  in  the  material  meais,
as well  as  improvements*in  the  quality,  of  l i fe  of  the  south-eastern  peoples
of  Ghana  amcng  whom the  missions  established  themselves*

The  sets  of  activities  included  (i)  agricultural  experiments  and  the

( i i i)  the  introduction  of

( i i)  infra-structural  develop-

intinduction  of new  crops,  includfcg  cocoa; 
ments,  such  as  in  housing  and  communications; 
new  skills  and  tools  and  (iv)  changes  in  life  style.  But  before  describing
these  sets  of  activities,  and  showing their  relationship  to  the  changing
economy,  I  must,  firstly,  sketch  the  history  of  Basel  Missions, in  the  l a st
quarter  of  the ninetesith  caiitiry  and  also  say  a few  words  about  the  eharac-
teristics  of  the  missionaries  tha$ -cosld  be presumed  to  have  a  bearing on
eccnomic  development.  Secondly,  I  consider  it  necessary  that  I  sketch  the
economic  conditions  of  south-eastern  Gold  Coast  as  the  framework  within
which  the  changes  I  shall  outline  occurred.  The sketch  will  facilitate  ai
appreciation  of  the  impact  of  the  misgionaay  economic  activities*

i*  She n jn^teax th  century  Basel  Mission

2

The  story  of  the  Bas*l  Missions  in  south-eastern  Ghana begins  in  the

late  eighteenth  castury  with  Paul  Brdmain  Isert,  a Danish  physician  and
botanist. 
Isert  first  visited  ikwapim  in  1788,  aid  returned  to  Akr«pong in
July  1789 to  found  an  'utopian  colony*.  Jhe  colony  did not  survive  Isert1 s
early  death  in  Jaiuary,  1790*

Although  his  stay  in  Akwapim was  short,  I s e r t 's  work  bore  fruit  in

im«ng  those  influenced  was Andreas

influaicing  others  to  come to  ikwapim. 
Riis,  generally  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  Basel  Mission  m  the  G»ld
Coast.  In  1832 Hiis  joined  the Basel  Mission  which  had  been  established  in
1829  at  the  Daiish  settlement  at  Christianborg*  The Europeans  generally  felt
that  the  coast  was unhealthy  for  whites,  and were  m  the  look  out  for  suit-
able  location  for  the  missions.  JELLis visited  Akropong,  the  site  of  J s e r t 's

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,  en  25th  Jaauary,  1835,  finally  settled  there  en  March  9th,  1835»

worked  there  t i ll  his  death  in  1845*  He visited  Ktuaasi  in  1839-4-0 "but  the
v i s it  "bore no  apparent  ' f r u i t '. 
In  1842-43»  he  went  an  recruitment  tour  to
the  West  Indies,  in  the  belief  that  blacks  would  stand  the  climate  better
than  whites.  He was  able  to  bring  to  Akropoag  six  West  Indiaa  married  couples
aad  three  bachelors.  Of  these  the  best  known  was  John  Rochester  who,  together
with  D?;vid  Asante,  aa  Akwapim,  succeeded  George Widmaan  at  the  Larteh.  mission
in  1847.  By  the  tu.ni  of  the  nineteen.th  and  twgatieth  csaturies,  the  Basel
Missioa  had  spread  from  the  Christianborg  centre  to  Akropong,  Aisuri,  Larteh
aad  further  eagt  to Krobo Odumase,  Anum,  Ada Foah  aad Keta.

It  is  significant  that  the  Basel  missionaries  were  Galvinists  or Pro-

testants,  imbued  with  the  sense  of  callings  or  devotion  to  one's  chosaa  duty*
'Devotion'  was not  aa  emotionals  but  a  rational  matter?  implying  a  systematic
application  of  the  most  efficioat  meaas  to  rationally  determined  ends. 
In
the  early  days  of  capitalism,  members  of  the  Protestant  sects  are  said  to
have  distinguished  themselves  by  their  rational  pursuit  of  wealth  which,  whoa
acquired,  #as  a  sign  of  "grace"  or  acceptance  in  the  sight  of  God*  Dae
rational  pursuit  of  wealth  precluded  prodigality  or  ostentation  in  aae' s  l i f e-
slyle,  and  thrived  on  f r u ^ l i oj  which  Puritanism  enjoined  up en  i ts  practi-
tioners. 
It  is  the  rational  or  methodical  attitude  .to  one's  work,  c»upled
with  the  ascetic  manner  of  l i f e,  embodied  in  the  Protestant  ethic,  which  dis-
tinguished  the  Protestant  aitrepreneur  end  gave  him  aa  advaatage  over
Gatholic  and  other noa-Pxotestant  entrepreneurs  (Weber,  193^)*

In.  considering  the  relationship  of  ChrLstiaaiiy  to  the  early  development

of  cocoa  in  the  Akwapim  district,  Brokensha  states  thats

ChristianSj  in  their  specific  roles  as  Ohristiaas,  did
not  play  a  leading part  in  the  developmait  of  coo»a.
The pioneers  included  both  Christians  and naa-Christians,
aad  it  would be  idle  to  look  for  aay  sort  of  'Protestant
ethic'  in' the  development  of  the  cocoa  industry.  (Brokensha,
1966:17)

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jj

,/

But  it  seems to  me that  the  point  about  the  'Protestant  ethic1  relates  not
to  entry  into  the  cocoa  industry.  As he himself  points  outs  (t966;36)  the
people  of  Xartehj  .jwfth  whom he was mainly  concerned,  had become  used  to
trading  enterprises  for  four  centuries  before  cocoa  arrived  aamg  them.  The
fruitful  point  to  pursue  concerns  the  relative  success  of  the Akwapim
Christians,  as  entrepreneurs,  as  compared  with  n on-Christians-  Were the
Christians,  generally,  more  successful  in  the  pursuit  of  wealth  thai  non-
Christians  aid  what  were  the  factors  of  their  success?  Was it  possible,
for  example,  that  the  Christians  were more frugal  thai  others,  and  to  what
extent  was this  frugality  reflected  in  the  areas  of  social  life,  that
demanded more than  ordinary  expenditure,  such  as  the  occasions  of  the  rites
of passage,  birth,  marriage  and  death?

This  seems  to  me a worthwhile hypothesis  that  can  be  tested  in  such  a
small,  homogeneous  area  as  Akwapim.  It  appears  to  me likely  that  the  early
Christian  converts  were  influenced  in  their  outlook  aid  mode *f  life  by  the
Basel  missionaries  who,  like  other missionaries  in  Africa,  insisted  that
their  converts  should  imitate  their  style  of  life  (Ajayi,  19^5)»  Again,  it
is  likely  that  the  missionaries  prevented  the  converts  from  participation  in
the  rites  of  traditional  religion  whi.ch presented  obstacles  to  the  accumula-
tion  of  wealth.  Such  ritualistic  obstacles  included  prohibitions  en  work en
farms  on  certain  days  and  the  expensive  demands  of  traditional  deities  for
mmusu yie,  pacificatory,  supplicatory  aid  purificatory  rites,  sheep,  goats
and fowls*  Hiis  line  of  enquiry  should  reveal  a positive  relationship  of
presbyterianism  to  economic  development.

i i.  The Akwapim  eopnomy  in  the nineteenth  caitury

An  estimate  of  the  impact  of  the  Basel  Mission-an  the  economy  of  Ghana

must  be preceded  by  a  reconstruct!on  of  the  main  features  of  the Akwapim
economy in  the ninetemth  emtury*  By  'economy'  I  mem  the productim  aid
distribution  of-goods  and  services  in  a  gLvm  area.  But  there  is  no  material

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for  a  detailed  reconstruct ion  of  the  economy  and  die  is  bound  to  resort  to
generalities'about  the  Akwapim  econon^  which  was not  mlike  the  economies
of  the  coastal  forest  zaie  of  the  Gold  Coast.

Economies  may  be  broadly  divided  into  market  aid  non-market  economies.

A market  economy  is  cne  In  which  mm.'s  livelihood  depends  en  money  exchange,
so  that  a ll  the  factors  of  production,  land,  capital  and  labour*  are  for  sale.
A max  hag  to  sell  something  in  order  to  subsist  aid  the  market,  through  casil
transactions,  structures  prod-active  activities.  A non-market  economy  Is  the
reverse  of  this?  mm  produce  for  their  cm  use,  and not  for  exchange  and  the
factors  of  production  have  no  market.

The  l a t t er  iype  of  economy  has  been  called  a  'subsistence  economy1,  a

generic  term  which  has  embraced  the  economies  of  hunters  and  gatherers,
pastoralists  and  agriculturists  spread  in  communities  over  Africa  and  Asia.
Sahlinss  (1972:  1-39)  has  shorn  that  a  subsistence  economy need  not  meai  a
'starvation  ecmomy1  but  that  it  has  the  characteristic  of  iinder-use  of
natural  resources  and  labour  (Sahlins,  1972s  4i-74)>  f-com  the  observer's
point  of  view, 
of  natural  resources  and  labour?  which  puts  a  low  ceiling  on.  growth  in  the
material  means  of  l i f e.

liaderdevelopment  follows  precisely  from  this  under-employment

Hie  Akwapim  economy,  like  the  economies  of  the  Akan  peoples  »f  central

the

In  the  years  following  the  British  formal  abolition  of  the  slave

aid  southern  Ghana,  had  passed  the  stage  of  subsistence  economy; 
developmait  of  chiefship  had  led  to  intensification  of  production  and  since
1482  there  had  been  trade  with  the  Europeans  which  had  stimulated  productive
efforts* 
trade  in  1807,  the  people  rf  Akwapim,  like  others  in  southern  Gold  Coast,  had
substituted  trade  in  palm  o il  aad  kernels  for  the  trade  in  men. 
In  the  middle
of  the  century,  they  took  to  rubber  collection  aid  the  sale  of  cottai.  Pro-
duction  for  use  was  shot  through  with  production  for  exchange  in  order  to
acquire  European  clothing,  tools  and  drinksj  and money  in  the  form  of  cowries
had  penetrated  the  economy.

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Nonetheless,  production  for  use  was  the  dominant  feature  of  what  was
becoming  a peasait  economy-  Eccnomic  organization  was based  on  the  house-
hold  whose productive  activities  were  mainly  oriented  towards  own. use  rather
than  for  exchange* 
division  of  labour  and  most  people  were  in  fanning.  The  material-means  of
l i f e,  in  the  form  of  food,  shelter  and  clothing,  were not  much  altered  at
the  time  of  arrival  of  the  missionaries- 
Is.  what  follows  I  . shall  suggest
the  various  ways  in  which  missionary  activities  contributed  towards  the  change
of  the  Akwapim non-market  to  market?  economy-

!Ihere •• was  l i t t le  differentiation  beyond  the  se:xual

i i i •  Agricultural  e 32j3jimen_t £L_an d  th e_inj:rodu_ctjm  of i cocoa

Missionaries  in  Africas  whether  Protestant  or  Catholic,  ?/ere  expected

not  cnly  to  preach  the  Gospel  "but  also  to  promote  industry  among their  converts-
It  was  believed  that  in  order  to  turn  African's  from  the  temptations  of  the
Slave  Trade,  the  Gospel  must  be  accompanied  by  the  plough.  (Ajayi,  1965s  17);
aad  it  was urged  upon  missionaries  to  teach  Africans  new  skills  in  agricultures
in  addition  to  commerce*  The Devil,  it  was  said,  found  something  for  idle
hands  to  do.

On  the  Gold  Coasts  the  iaexhodis'ts,  under  itev.  '£•&*  iPreemaij  and  the

Basel  Mis si en  engaged  in.  agricultural  experiments,  creating  model  farms
around  their  missions  for  imitation  by  their  congregations-  The  Methodist
mission  had  cash  crop  -  ccii'ee  aid  cotton  -  p-u*roations  at  I-omanase  and Abura
in  the  Central  Region  in  -]841;  an  1842  they  also  purchased  a  coffee  and
cotton  plantation  called  'Napoleon'  near  Cape  Ccast  from  the  firm  of  F.  Swanzy
aad  renamed  it  B nil ah 

(Debrunner,  13^7 £ 13O)»

The Basel  Mission  agricultural  experini^-ti,  began,  after  the  arrival  of.

the  West  Ihdiea  missionaries  in  Akropong  in  -]84i.V43»  a^d.  advanced  pari  pasgu
through  south-eastem  Gold  Coast  with  the  establishment  of  the  mission  in  the
different  towns-  Thus by  the  i8?0's  the  Mission,  has  cafctai  plantations  at
Akropong,  Abokobi near  Accra,  ICrobo  Odumase,  at  I!pcng  en  the  Yolta  river  aad
Anum.

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'Secondly,  such  crops  as  coco-yam,  cocoa  and  the  mango  tree*  were new
Introductions,  which  spread  later  through  the  Gold  Coast  and  Ashantl.  Of
these  the  most  important  was  cocoa which  has  since  the  end  of  the  last
century,  shaped  the  economy  of  Qiaia*  $he Basel- Mission1 s  first  esqperiments
in  cocoa  growing  at  Akropcng,  with  cocoa pods  imported  from  Surinam  in  1859
were not  very  successful* 
In  -|866  only  a  single  tree  had  remained  in  their
plantation  with yields  which  were  distributed  to  the  Mission's  farms  at
Aburi,  Kanrpoig and Ivxooo Odumase  (Dickson,  1971:  165-166) •

Today,  Tetteh  Qaarshie  is  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  cocoa  industry.

But  it  ought  be  recalled  that  before  he  went  to  Fernando  Po,  he  had  leaant
•of  the  potential  value  of  cocoa  from  the  Basel  Mission,  aid,  that  it  was due
to  his  training  as  Goldsmith  by  the  Mission  that  he  secured  his  job  in
Fe&iancjo Po  (Debmsiner  19^7:  139)«  Therefore,  "the  contribution  of  the Basel
Mesial  to  the  development  of  the  cocoa  industry  i s,  in  the  f i r st  instance,
it  drew  the  attention  of  the  people  to  the  potential  value  of  cocoa,
twofold: 
aade  it  clear  that  the  soil  and  climate  were  suitable  for  i t,  aid  also  trained
the  migrant  Tetteh  Quarshie  who brought  cocoa  from  the  Seychelles  Islands*

Missicn  training  contributed  to  the  de"?clcpm.aic  of  cocoa  in  aiother  wqy:

Persons  educated  in  'the  Mission  schools  acted  as  secretaries  of  the  Akwapim
•land  purchasing  companies  (Brckensha  19662  17)  which,  Polly  Hill  insists*
contributed  more  than  small-scale  individual  farmers  for  the  growth  of  the
cocoa  industry-

Eie  early  effect  ox  cocoa  industry  en the  economy  of  the  Gold  Coast;

need  only  be  briefly  stated.  The  development  of  cocoa  entailed  more  intensive
use  of  a ll  the  factors  of  production  land,  capital  and  labour,  and  hastened
the  moietizaticn  of  life.' 
It  led  to'  an  increase  in  the  purchase,  and  leasing
of  land,  hastened  the  process  of  capital  accumulation  and  stimulated  labour
migration.  Far  more  than  the  production  and  sale  of  palm  oil  and  rubber,
the  production  and  sale  of  cocoa  was  responsible  for  gubsi&itial  changes  in

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the  material  means  of  life  aid  improvements  in  the  quality  of  life  at  f i r st

en  the  Akwapiai  ridge?  and  later  throughout  the  country.

Ihxxdly,  the  Mission,  through  the Basel  Mission  Trading  Factory,  which
it  established  in  1855*  traded  in  agricultural  products,  so  that  the  members
of  the  congregation  who grew  cotton  aid  coffee,  or produced  palm  oil  aid
kernels  at  Akropoig,  Larteh,  Abokobi,  Ghristiansborg,  Kiobo  Oduntapej,  Kpmg
aid  inum  found  a  ready  market  for  their  products.

One  cannot  state  in  any  precise  fashion  the  effect  of  the  agricultural

ejiperimaatSi  cocoa production  and  trading  in  cash  crops  en  the peoples  of  the
neighbourhoods  of  tne  missiois*  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  th^y  intgasified
the  induction  of  the  people  into  the  maricet  economy  and  stimulated  labour
specialization.

iv. 

Innpyatiaig. .in.  infra-structure

Quaititative  and  qualitative  improvemmts  in  the  material  means of  life

Ifae  major  changes  in  comnafiications

advaace  with  improvements  in  communications  which  enlarge  social  contacts
aid  widai  the  area  for  market  exchange. 
?si this  country  occurred  after  the  establishment  of  colonial  administration,
tfhi.M built  'administrative'  to  connect  regional  headquarters  and  tr,acle  roads
to  link  district  headquarters  to  the  regional  headquarters  in  the  first  half
of  this  cmtury*  Biese  replaced  the  bush  tracks  which had  served  for  roads*
But  the  Basel  Miss&oi  made  a  beginning  in  road  making  aid  introduced  other
means  of  porterage  than  humqn  beings  before  the  aid  of  the  caatury.  In  the
i860's,  it  begsa  fee  construction, of  a  road  to  link  Christiansborg,  the
Akwapim  ridge  aid  the Krobo  area  (Bebrunner,  1967s 132)*  Members of  the
nrtssioi  tried  horses,  muless  aid  asses  for  porterage.  Biough  their  efforts
were nullified  by  the  tsetse  in  the  closed  forests  whidii  in  the  afosmce  of
vertinary  services,  preyed  upm  the  pack  animals,  (Bixaicmsha  1966:21) the
demonstration  effect  was  salutary.

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Infra-structural  developing!ts  included  changes  in  house  building.  Riis

was  gained  as  Osiadan,  house  builder  (Brokmsha,  op.cit.  i87)«  Hie Basel
ffi.ssicnaad.es built  the  first  stone  house  at  • Akropcng  in  1846,  aid  by  the
end  of  the  csitury  the  Akwapim  ridge  saw many  fine  stcne  houses,  modelled
en  the  architecture  of  the  missionaries. 
It  may  also  be  presumed  that  in
both  the  separate  christisn  quarters  and  the  nor,-Christian  parts  of  the  towns
in  which  the  Mission  houses  were  situated,  attempts  were made  to  imitate,
not  oily  the  missions'  architectural  models  but  also  the  furnishing  of  the
rooms-  Later,  meney  from  cocoa production  was  to  enable  the  pioneers  in
the  cocoa  industry  to  erect  stately  mansions  which have  been  called  'monummts'
to  the  goldai  pod  (Brokensha9  19665  passim).  The  early  mission  houses  became
centres  of  diffusion  of  architectural  models.  The urge  to  build  such  houses
acted  as  incentives  for  "tine'search  for  wealth.

v*  The  introduction  of  new  skills  and  tools

Economic  development  is  both  facilitated  aad  measured  by  quantitative
aid  qualitative  changes  in  skills;  men  and  women  acquire  different  skills
and pursue  different  occupations- 
migration  to  centres  of  demand  for  different  l:inds  of  skills- 
the  emergence  of  a  labour  market,  and  therefore  considerable  monetization  of
the  material  means of  life,,  and  hence  significant  structural  changes  in  the
economy  (Szereszewski,  1965:59)«

IMs  developing t  either  precedes  or  follows

It  indicates

The Basel  Mission  contributed  to  the  developmaat  of  different  skills
through  their  formal  educational  institutions  and  artisan  vsorkshops.  The
Mission's  attempt  at  formal  education  began  at  Christiansborg  on  2?th
November,  1843s  atid. at  J&ropong  at  the  end  of  -)844«  Subjects  taught  an
Baglish  were  reading,  writing,  Biblical  history  3nd  singing.  The pupils  also
worked  on  the  mission  farms;  and  in  -]847  twelve  girls  at  Akropong were
learning needlework.  On  3rd  July,  1848  the  Mission  opaied  a  seminary  at
Akropcng,  which  as  the  rules  laid  dowi  by  the  missionary  field  cenferaace  for
seminaries  put  i t,  was  to£teachers  and  catechists*  In  1869  the  Mission

schools  were  categorized  as  follows;

i. 

Infant  schools  (kindergartsi  Aburi  and  Akropong.)

i i.  Primarj  day  schools  (3  classes):  Larfceh,  Maafe,
Tutu,  Abokobi,  Odumase,  Sra,  Kibi,  Kukurantumi,
Aburi,  (boys  cnly)  and Akropcng  (girls  only)*

in.

Primary  boarding  schools  (6  classes):  Akropcng
for  boys,  Aburi  girls*

Middle  boys'  schools:
(4 years)*

Christian sborg  and Akropong

v.  Seminary:  Akropcng  (3  years)*

(Debrunner,  1967s 147-151 )•

In  additicn  to  schools,  the  Missicn  also  establishod  workshops  at
carpsiters,  masons,  blacksmiths,

Christiansborg  for  training  a r t i s t s: 
shoe-makers,  potters  and  hat-makers*  In  -j857— 1859  they  brought  two  master
carpaiters,  specialists  in  house-building  and  furniture-making,  a  master
chariot~maker,  blacksmith,  masm,  shoe-maker,  potter  and  hat-maker,  (lbid:i37)*

Those  educated  in  the  schools  found  jobs  as  pastors,  teachers  or

catechists  at  the  mission  or  clerics  at  government  and  coranercial  establishments
1h*  worktshops  turned  out  skilled  men,  sawyers,  coopers,  masois,  carpaiters,
iraismiths,  gunsmiths,  organ  repairers,  shoe-makers  and  tailors  who  found
occupation  ?dthin  the  changing  economy  of  Ghana  (Biokai.sha,  1966:17;  Debrunner?
1967:29)*

Ihe  acquisition  of  new  skills  oitailed  the  acquisition  of  the  necessary

tools,  and  increase  in  the  technical  equipment  of  the  skilled  craftmai*

vi*  Hew  styles  of  life

Finally,  as Ajsgri,  (op.  cit*)  has  i t,  the  missicnaries  aimed  at

influaicing,  not  cnly  the  spiritual  outlook,  but  also  the  manners  9nd  customs
of  their  converts*  Maaners  and  customs  included  such  external  things  as mode
of  dress,  and  the  furnishing  of  houses*  I  have  already  suggested  (section  iv.)

162

that  missicnary  architecture  and  furnishing  influoiced,  first,  1iie  S&lems  or
Christian  quarters  andf  second,  non-Christ iaa  sections  of  the  towns  in  which
the  missions  were  located'

It  appears  to  me reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  early  Christians  took

the  lead  before  non-Christians  in  the  acquisition  of  dress  and  items  of
foreigi  material  culture  which  served  as  indicatims  of  their  new  way  of  l i f e.
Smith  (i966)  has  stated  that  the  modem  elite,  as  distinct  from  the  traditional
elite,  had  i ts  origin  in  Christianity  which  was  inseparable  in  the  early  d^rs
from  foaaal  education  Members  oj  the  elite  were  distinguished,by  their  style
of  life,  which  was modelled  oa  the  l i fe  of  the  missionaries*  The  link  betwem
the  change  in  life-style  and  economic  development  is  that  the neeu  to  acquire
the  material  symbols  of  Christian  or  elite  status,  like  the  need  to  ps§r  taxes
in  the  early  colonial  period,  acted  as  incentives  for  intensifying  productive
efforts,  in  fanning,  trading  or  as paid  labour.

Sumnary

Hie Basel  Missicn  contributed  to  the  development  of  the  economy  «f  the

prepared the  ground  for  the

Gold  Coast  in  the  following  ways.  By  means  of  i ts  experimental  fauns,  it
danoastrated  the potentiality  of  the  soil  for  a  greater  variety  of  crops*
In  showing  that  cocoa  would grow  in  Ghana,  it 
developmmt  of  the  cocoa  industry  which  has,  since  the  turn  of  the  century, 
dominated  the  economic  development  of  this  country.  The Missicn. produced
educated  and  skilled  men  who were necessary  for  the  developing  economy  of  the
Gold  Coast,  and helped  in  the  process  of  labour  specialization  which  is  a
feature  of  a maricet  eccnoiqy.  Ihe  Missicn  offered  a  model  of  life  the  imita-
tion  of  which  spurred  the neighbours  to  greater  productive  efforts. 
these  areas  the  Mission  made lasting  ccntributions  to  the  change  from  a non-
market  to  a market  economy.

.

In  all

163

Gen elusion

Based  as  It  Is  cnly  en  seccsn.da.ry materials  this  paper  has  beai  necessarily
sketchy.  But  I  hope  I  have  suggested  the  lines  en  \#iich  a  future  enquiry  into
the  subject  might  be  pursued*

164

N  o  t  e ...3

.  p.  Bauer

Preface  to  R.  Szereszewski*

This  secticn  is  based  mtirely  en
Brokmsha,  (1966),  Smith  (1966)
Debrtsiner,  ( ^7  )

See  Polly  Hill  (1963;  19?O)-

Refer® ces

Ajayi,  J.p.A.

1965

ChristianMission s  in Nigeria;
i84i~i£
ew
elite,

making of
s.

391? The
Lcngmsn

a

1

Brokaasha, D.

Debxunner, H.W.

Dickson, K»B.

1967

1971

Social

change

at  Larteh,

C

•U

•P

A History  of  Christianity  in  Ghana.
Wateiville  Publishing  House,  Accra»

A Historioal  Geography  of  Ghana.
C.U.P.

H i l l,  P.

1963

The  Migrant  Cocoa  Farmers of

Sahlins, S«

Smith, N.

Szereszewski, S«

Weber> M«

1972

1966

1965

193°

_Studies  in .Rural  Capitalism  in
West'  Africa.,  C«U«P.

T avi s to ck Pub li cati on s •

The  Presbyterian  Church  of  Ghaaa,
.189^-)960.  Ghana  Uaiversity  P r e s s,
Accra»

Structural  Changes ..in  t'.te Economy
_of_Ghaia<,  Weindenfeld  and Ni^olsoa,
London.

The  Protestant  Ethic  and the S p i r it
of  Capitalism.  Trans,  by T. Parsons,
Uhwin  University  Books-