RESEARCH REVIEW (NS) VOL. 14 NO. 2 (1998) WOMEN AND VERBAL ARTS IN THE OGUAA-EDINA AREA Esi Sutherland-Addy Introduction In the musical/literary universe of Oguaa and Elmina. typical oral and musical forms of the Fante people prevail as they have over many centuries. Definitions of art forms in Africa are still being debated in academia and there is no doubt that this debate could be applied to a discussion of musical/literary universe of the Oguaa- Elmina area. The debate has been wide-ranging bringing up fundamental questions on whether various forms of culture may be defined as art, and what the parameters of an African aesthetic really are. However for our present purposes, we will not enter into the aesthetist definition. A broad functional definition regularly employed by scholars such as Nketia is sufficient as it helps to situate the forms to be presented in their social contexts. The paper will examine the social function and status of the art forms concerned and seek to establish these functions as criteria for defining their nature. The following categorization could thus be made of musical/literary universe of the Oguaa-Elmina area: Forms associated with the state e.g. poetry of drums and horns (Mmenson and Mbombaa). Drums and songs associated with traditional mili- tia (Asafo); religious forms (traditional Akom, Christian Choral Music) popular rec- reational music ("band" or brass-bands, and ompe) are all part of this universe. Under these rubrics we can capture broadly, three lyrical forms which have been dominated by women as composers and performers. These are Adzewa, associated with Asafo (state) tradition, Adenkum, which may be placed primarily among the popular recreational bands and Ebibindwom, which is associated primarily with the Church. Extending the discussion of definition, the gender of performers and audience has been discovered to be a critical factor affecting the nature of particular performances as well as entire genres on the basis of composition, performance, organization, func- tion and audiences. We have chosen to compare and contrast the three forms of musical-literary art mentioned above to establish the contribution of women artists to the musical and literary universe of Edina and Oguaa. It is equally hoped that a discussion of the provenance, function, organization, performance and thematic con- cerns of the forms in question will establish their distinct status as separate genres with much complementarity among them. The history of the evolution of these forms will be provided as will an analysis of characteristic literary and aesthetic devices to establish the distinction between the 3 forms and thereby along with other factors, establish Adenkum, Adzewa and Ebibindwom as three distinct genres (agorof. It should be explained that the literary text is canied in the form of lyrics. Our major interest is in the use of literary devices for self-expression. Much will be done to explain the context in which this literary expression is presented but foe paper works on the basis that these forms, while involving music and dance, are also legitimately literary. Most of all however it is hoped that the fore-grounding of women in connection with the musical/literary arts will throw some light on a number of important ways in which the collective and individual view point and sentiments of women are ex- pressed. Research Approach and Methodology This research was begun in September, 1994 to investigate the objectives enumer- ated above. A number of background interviews were undertaken seeking to locate the most respected performers and the most knowledgeable people in the area of the arts in general. We were able to confirm that Adzewa, Adenkum and Ebibindwom were typical of the Oguaa-Edina and were indeed essentially performed by women. Our search for performance groups however, indicated a fairly alarming situation since many groups were said to have become defunct (e.g. Nkum wAAnarfo Adzewa groups). We were however directed by several sources to the OLA Bentsir Adzewa group as the most authentic, vibrant and popular group. In Edina also there was a consensus that Akonkar Adenkum group was the best and most authentic. Some of these groups were found to be very busy with various engagements. The Ebibindwom soloists in both towns were definitely the most difficult to interview. Their calendars were filled with engagements. One of them who is considered to be among the best in the area could not spend time with us until the end of March, 1995 even though she was approached in early February. After some difficulty, two solo- ists in Elmina agreed to be interviewed and to sing. We were led in all cases by persons closely affiliated to the performers. It was decided that the best thing was to hue a small ensemble from among the membership of each group and to have a propriotary performance. All groups were very co-operative and appeared to enjoy the idea of being associated with the Insti- tute of African Studies Research and the academic programme as was explained to them. In all 6 Ebibindwom songs } Have been 15 Adenkum songs 17 Adzewa songs } transcribed for this } paper Provenance and Evolution Adzewa: We have become acquainted with two very different versions or accounts of how Adzewa came about. In our own research, we were led to the OLA Bentsir Adzewafo (or group). The Bentsir group claims that it is through their female ancestor Kwaadua that Adzewa cametoOguaa. Their male ancestor 5a/oAe« Enudadze married Kwaadua from Asebu, a major Fante settlement inland and brought her to the Bentsir quarter in Oguaa. Judging fiom a song in the repertoire about Macarthy and Kwaadua one can date the ^provenance of Adzewa in Oguaa to just before the 1820s. Fante English Version 1. 1) Iyi menye den? Edom asee m 'adze a, ohiam ayee\ 1) What am I to do in this situation? The Warring hosts have destroyed the precious thing that I own, ayee! 2) Adwoa, daughter of a citizen of Asebu Chorus/refrain The warring hosts have destroyed the precious thing I own, ayee! Adwoa, daughter of the Whiteman Chorus/refrain The warring hosts have destroyed the precious thing I own, ayee! 2) Asebunyin ba Adwoa Chorus/refrain 3) Edom Asee ntadze a Ohiam ayee\ 3) Verse 4) Kwesi Bronyi ba Adwoa Verse 4) Chorus/refrain 5) Edom Asse madze a Ohiam ayeel 5) Verse 6) Kofi Dadze ba Adwoa Verse 6) Adwoa, daughter of Kofi Dadzie Chorus/refrain 7) Edom Asee madze a Ohiam ayeel Chorus/refrain 7) The waning hosts have de strayed the precious thing I own, ayee! Verse 8) Woye kokoo a, wonkyen Bronyi ba Adwoa Verse 8) Chorus/refrain 9) Edom Asee madze a Ohiam, ayeel Verse 10) Ayee, mbobor ee Chorus 11) Mbobor Enyaado ee Mbobor a 12) Obronyi se "Mbobor" a 13) Mbobor Enyaado ee 14) Edom Asee madze a Ohiam, qyeel Adwoa, however light skinned you are, you cannot be paler than a child of white parents. Chorus/refrain 9) The waning hosts have de stroyed the precious thing I own, ayee! Verse 10) Ayee! Lamentable one Chorus 11) Pity Enyaado2 ee; such a pity. 12) The Whiteman says "such a pity". 13) Pity Enyaado ee 14) The warring hosts have de stroyed the precious, ayee! Verse Verse 15) Eben adze a? Mddzea Ohiam o 16) Kwesi bronyi ba Adwoa 15) What is it? It is that which is precious to me. 16) Adwoa, daughter of the Whiteman Chorus/refrain Chorus/refrain 17) Edom Asee madze a Ohiam qyeel 17) The waning hosts have de strayed that which is pre- cious to me, ayee! Verse Verse 18) Ayee mbobor ee 18) Ayee lamentable one! Chorus/refrain Chorus/refrain 19) Mbobor Enyaado ee Mbobor a, 19) Pity Enyaado ee, such a pity 20) Obronyi se, "mbobor" ee! 20) The Whiteman says "such a pity" 21) Mbobor Enyaado ee 21) Pity Enyaado ee 22) Edom Asee madze a Ohiam ayeel 22) The waning hosts have de- stroyed that which is pie cious to me. The background of the song is that in the Macarthy War (1824), Kwaadua's husband took a number of warriors in a company to support Governor Macarthy. The Fames were decimated by the Asantes and none of Enudadze's men survived. Left with the burden of redeeming the lives of these men, as was the practice of the day, she compensated each of the 99 families with gold dust. This got to the ear of the Gover- nor, who came to greet her and offer his condolences. The connection between the Asafo and Adzewa has been corroborated by Christopher Erasmus Edumadzie in his 1992 study of the EffutuAdzewa Ensemble. Revealing that the EffUtus adopted Adzewa from the Fames hi their migration, he states that Adzewa players even though not warriors themselves form an integral part of the Asafo company. However, mere appears to be another account of the provenance of Adzewa accord- ing to the research undertaken by E.B. Smith3. The leader of the Boka Nworaba (Eastern Star) group based in Accra and her counterpart of the Oguaamba Adzewa group, told the researcher that after Moses led the Israelites across the Red Sea, a feast was held at which Emilia, Moses' cousin suggested mat the whole host of Israelites dance hi appreciation of God's kindness. All gourds tytfoba) containing water were emptied. "They beat and shook them in rapid succession creating a sort of music for the move- ments they executed" (Smith 1969:2). According to them therefore, the coming of Adzewa to the Fante coast may therefore be put at four to five hundred years roughly coinciding with the settlement of Europeans on the Coast While this latter tradition of origins is interesting, there does not appear to be much evidence to support it There is more convincing evidence to indicate mat on the Fante coast line (from Elmina to Winneba), Asafo is the association to which Adzewa groups are linked. Also a substantial number of songs sung by the Bentsir group invoke the names of ancestors or gods in the Asafo division to which they belong and recount wars and exploits4. Furthermore, in speaking about the function of Adzewa, it is said that women used to sing recitatives called Mnomombe as they awaited their husbands, brothers, lovers and sons gone to war in ancient days. This ritual known as yere twe mmomombe, ("we are dragging on the litany of vigil in battle") is traceable to Asante and further to Takyiman from which the fantes are said to have migrated. J.K. Fynn and O.H. Kwesi Brew confirm this ancient ritual5. This puts proto-adzewa possibly many years before the 1800s. It should be noted here, that we shall be talking about major thematic variation be- tween the Bentsir group and the Oguaamba/Boka Nworaba later on in the paper. Suffice it to say that a great affinity to Christianity is noted in the latter and that there appear to be grounds to postulate that the latter two groups evolved much later. Ebibindwom As indicated above, Christianity is a possible motivating force or context for devel- opment of new forms or variations of previously existing forms. We now turn our attention to Ebibindwom. Ebibindwom is acknowledged to have evolved in the Meth- odist Church of Ghana. Around the 1930s, the renowned Methodist Priest and Com- poser Father Gadiel Acquaah was one individual credited with the promotion of this music. Its name Ebibindwom (African Music) indicates that its mode of expression is the Fante spoken and musical idiom to enable the congregation, especially those who did/do not speak English, to participate more fully in the service. Associations were set up underthe umbrella of the Church. One of these, the Christ Little Band, was set up by Rev. Samuel Henry Brew Attoh Ahoma for illiterate women in the congrega- tion. Ebibindwom therefore may have its provenance from approximately the mid 1800s, when the Revered gentleman was at the height of his career5. Adenkum Adenkum presents us with an interesting historical perspective. Accoiding to Maame Saka, the present leader of the Akonkar Adenkum group in Elmina. This group has upheld a tradition passed on inter-generationally from ancient times. In his study on the same group (along with others) in 1963 the late B.A. Aning provides an elaboration of the origins of Adenkum7. Unlike my informant who was not specific, his informant (the leader at the time), indicated that the form originated in Elmina and that it had been played for over 100 years. Aning argues convincingly ihatAdenkum songs recorded from Asante refer to Atakora Kosum who hails from Mampong (Aning, 1964:5) as the founder of the form. J.H.K. Nketia is also cited as indicating that the dondo (hour glass drum which is a key instrument in Adenkum performance) was introduced into Asante from the Dagomba area in the north by Atakora of Mampong. This song form accompanied by slim-necked gourds appeared among the wives of the Asantehene Kwaku Dua in Kumasi. The form was used by his wives to praise him and to express their love for him. This puts the date of the origins of Adenkum before 1838. It may further be noted that there was an intensive flow of political and commercial activity linking Kumasi and Elmina. Thus, even though Adenkum is currently more wide spread among Fantes than Asantes, the oral traditions of the Akan, and other documented accounts on this interaction and migration, point to primary influences in a southernly direction rather than vice-versa. Organizational Structure and Performance Arrangements Before delving into questions of performance which we hope will establish the vi- brancy and particularity of each form, we provide a brief idea of the organization and performance arrangements of a prototype of each group. A typical Adzewa group in Oguaa/Elmina consists of a core of members who trace their ancestry back to leaders of one of the indigenous Military Organizations (Asafo). Oguaa is divided into quarters and inhabited, (with the arrival of the Fantes) by members of the respective Asafo companies. Oguaa has the largest number of com- panies that a Fante town might have and that is seven. These are traditionally ranked in the following order of importance based on the chronology of their establishment. Name 1. Bentsir l.Anafo 3. Ntsin 4. Nkum 5. Amanful 6. Abrofomba (Brofo Nkoa) 7. Ankrampa Colour Red Blue and White Green Yellow Wine and Black White White and Black. One of the appellations used by the Bentsir women for themselves is, Noma (number) one. These women therefore are an integral part of the hosts of the Bentsir Asafo group. The respondents spoke in terms of "our ancestors" implying that the members belong to the same stock through their fathers. They indicated that one is "bom into" the group. They thus expect their children and descendants to carry on the art form. While young persons in their twenties were observed during our research, the core of the group appeared to be over 40 years old with a number of them in their 70s. Respondents went on to add that affiB|g|on to the group could be sought by any one, especially women. Prospective affiliates could approach the group with a bottle of gin and a small admission fee and tender in their candidacy as affiliates. This done, such a member could request for particular songs to be played, or request the group to accompany her to funerals and other social functions. We observed that the OLA Bentsir group has a number of officers, namely: a) b) c) d) the Obaa Panyin or leader of the group. She has custody of instruments and takes care of negotiating fees as well as the distribution of drinks and money among members. The group also has a number of Ndwomtufo (or cantors - literary "raisers of the song") of ages ranging from about 50 to late 70s. These served as mouth- pieces of the group as regards the historical narrative and explanation of background to songs during research sessions. There is a committee of elderly women overseeing the group's affairs In- cluding accepting/rejecting engagements. There are male instrumentalists, one playing the aso or dcrwuru: the hoe- head percussive instrument. The other is the Dkyerema or drummer who plays the one apentsima drum in the ensemble. There are a number of other young men from the Asafo who join the womerMn clapping and singing during performances. Smith (pp. cit.) speaks of an interesting variation of the organizational structure de- scribed above which is attributable to influences periiaps from literary and other social societies which have characterized modern Ghana since the colonial period. The Oguaa Mba for example was reported to have officers such as: '"President, Secretary, Treasurer, Porter, Leader, Policeman and Patron. All these were elected by acclamation ", according to Smith. Their functions were clearly de- fined. For example, the Porter would arrange for benches and make sure they were returned at the end of the performance. He marked those who were present and noted absentees. The Leader composed and improvised almost all the songs, and the Pa- tron provided moral and financial support. He also settled disputes. Smith also speaks of the emergence of a "quack" Adzewa ensemble in the environs of Cape Coast set up by unemployed young people. They were said to be "spoiling the Adzewa proper." Ebibindwom According to Mena Adwoa Mansa and Mena Adwoa Boabema of Elmina, the Christ Little Band8, a voluntary group made up of women in the Methodist Church, are usually those who rehearse and sing Ebibindwom in the Church when requested. These days males also join the group and play instruments such as the dondo. Other benevolent organizations such as the Hope Society also have a tradition of singing Ebibindwom at their meetings and at funerals. While the Christ Little Band has its organization, the respondents indicated that a cantor could build up her solo reputation over the years and need not necessarily be a member of the band. Taking the entire church or gathering as her chorus she could break out in song and the whole gathering would take up the refrain, responding as performers rather than audience. Accoutrements for Performance We will look briefly at the ensemble of instruments and performers in readiness to play. Following that, the major aspects of performance of each form will be de- scribed. Adzewa Instruments used in the Adzewa ensemble: a) The Mfoba or Akor is the most important instrument of the ensemble. It is a gourd with a wide bulbous bottom section, a short wide neck and a smaller upper bulb which is cut open. There is therefore a circular hole at the top. There is no opening at the bottom. Several of these are used in performance. Some of them are enmeshed with beads/seeds and others are not. There are 3 sizes with the larger ones giving a more sonorous sound and maybe de- scribed as "stamping and struck idiophones". During the performance of 24th February, 1995, about 10 gourds of different sizes were used. These were played by holding the neck with one hand and hitting the side of the gourd with the other. They were also shaken and stamped against the thigh. The top was also cupped at times. The gourds are played with different well-blended rhythms making them a harmonious aspect of the perform- ance. They keep the basic rhythm of the song. b) c) The dawur (or aso), which is a hoe head struck with a thin piece of solid metal, provides percussion and a time line within the complex polyphonic context The apentsima (also referred to by the generic term for drum: kyen) is the only drum accompanying the Adzewa ensemble. This is corroborated by Edumadzie (op. clt.). It is held between the thighs of the drummer and tipped away from him. The waxed surface is used and the hands are cupped and flattened producing a complex rhythm. It is important to note that this drum does not provide the basic rhythm. It rather weaves a complex and highly distinctive strand of syncopated drumming into the musical sequence. The drummer interacts closely with dancers in a performance and indicates the end of a performance with a crescendo which ends abruptly. We further note that the ensemble described by Smith (1969) includes all instruments described above but also: i. ii. Hi. Wood clappers Ekyinba, Slim drum Akasaw, metal bowl with rings round its edges for rat- tling. Again this difference leads one to suspect that the groups spoken of by Smith are synchretic in the sense mat they have absorbed the characteristics of other forms and have added instruments such as the Akasaw from modem recreational bands and Ekyinba from the Asafo ensemble. b) In both cases however, hand clapping is of the essence for keeping the time line. It may be noted that the accompaniment to the singing is not melodi- ous but rhythmical. indeed as indicated above, the Apentsima from our observation takes up a kind of solo so that the singing is inlaid by drum music that does not keep time but acts as another distinct layer of musical activity which nonetheless blends into the perform- ance. The instruments apart from the drum, when not bemg played, are presented in a brass bowl with a red cloth on top, red signifying the colour of the Bentsir Asafo company. It is known as "lendza" (Danger). 10 Adenkum The Adenkum ensemble consists of a number of Adenkum rattles. These are slim- necked gourds with bulbs measuring about 4 -6 inches in diameter. The necks are about 10 - 14 inches in length with diameters of 1 - VA inches. These are also en- meshed with beads and contain tiny stones or seeds. There is often a small hole at the bottom of the bulbous end. There were about 16 of these used during the perform- ance we observed (25* February, 1995). These are played singly except that during the performance in question one player sitting hi the front row had two which she simultaneously hit against her thigh. She appeared to lead the entry of the Adenkum into the performance. Adenkum are the principal instruments of the ensemble. They are held by the neck and shaken in the air in a controlled fashion, struck against the thigh or struck by the base of the palm. Alongside the above is the Dondo9. The ensemble has two of these which are played in a duet While they may play rhythms that give a poly rhythmic effect, they stay quite close to the time line that is provided by the hand clapping and gourds. Ebibindwom It may be noted that Ebibindwom in its early stages was only accompanied by hand clapping. Today however, a number of instruments may accompany Ebibindwom such as: a) b) c) The frikyewa - iron hand castanets fixed onto the thumb and middle finger and played by one of the cantors. The dondo described above. Sometimes two dondo are played but usually there is only one. The dondo may play some verbally based pieces that acknowledge the recitative expertise of the cantor, but its rhythms keep close to the time line provided by the hand clapping and frikyiwa. We were informed that these days some groups are even accompanied by HxeKyen. Performance - Its Context and Nature Having attempted to give a brief insight into the organization of the three genres and their accoutrements for performance, we now find it necessary to discuss aspects of performances. The three genres share a number of contexts for performance but each has distinctive arenas as well. Such shared contexts include funerals. However, Ebibindwom is performed in more restricted circumstances such as church services and meetings of religious groups or benevolent societies. In the case of Adzewa and Adenkum, they maybe found at national and traditional state functions [(e.g. com- 11 missioning of official buildings, festivals, funerals, and social functions, (both joy- ous and sombre)]. The Adenkum originated as a social agora and used to be performed even at Euro- pean style dances held during the first half of this century. In contrast the Adzewa groups being linked with the Asafo see it as part of their function to move with the Asafo. Informants on Adzewa recalled oral tradition when their ancestors would sit at the shrine of the Asafo (siwdo) waiting for their husbands, brothers, lovers etc. and singing Mmomombe lyrics referred to as "fc> sa brajie"w(go to battle and return home). These were also referred to as Ndwom a oys awasa. Yetow a nna mbanyin hon "pawd" aba ("stirring and moving songs and recitatives when we sing them the men's power come to the fore"). These days Adzewa women continue the tradition of performing at the shrine on ritual occasions. It may thus be seen that Ebibindwom and Adzewa have some ritual functions which Adenkum does not. We have discussed the relative importance of pedigree in the membership of Adzewa and Adenkum where the core belongs to particular groups determined by patrilineal affiliation in the case of the former and matrilineal in the case of the latter, but which also have membership from other members of society. In the case of Ebibindwom, things are different as membership of particular church or benevolent groups is not in any systematic way linked with family background. Participation in performance may also be compared. In terms of gender, men are usually found taking up particular duties of instrumental accompaniment and partici- pation in the chorus. Normally Lead Singers are women in all cases. They may alter- nate as ndwomtufo, those who raise the song and mbodofo, those who take up the song before the full chorus (ngyedofo) come in. As we have said above, the performing chorus may consist of a number of a persons belonging to the group, often between ten and twenty-five, with the majority being women. Only members play the mfoba (about ten in the case of Adzewa). However, the audience is free to join in the singing (ngyedo), clapping and dancing. The most dramatic manifestation of this is the case of Ebibindwom, when sung in the church or at a funeral, where the entire gathering may join in. The lead singer(s) may perambu- late up and down the aisle, pace in front of the performers, or stand in the middle of the performing group and perform facing inward towards their colleagues. Anyone in the group may exclaim with joy and ecstacy at the sheer beauty of the perform- ance, or give encouragement, for example Ebei oye dew (Gosh - is it great/sweet or moving!). Dancing The dance is an integrated part of both Adzewa and Adenkum while Ebibindwom is characterized more by a swaying body movement, animated clapping and slight 12 movement on the spot. Adzewa has a distinctive graceful body movement With the body leaning forward the dancer makes small but rapid foot movements. The dance is in two or three marked stages and transforms into a vigorous dance with more hopping, pronounced foot movements and rapid swaying of arms. There is often only one dancer in the arena at a time. Even if there are one or two others, a particular dancer (usually from the group) is always the lead dancer. She coordinates with the drummer and ends the piece suddenly by a characteristic sweep of the arms and a sudden movement of the body. Dancers may be brought into the arena if a dancer or performer puts the red cloth (lendza) on him or her. Otherwise, adults and children dance on the fringes of the performance arena. Adenkum is very similar to ^tfeewa performance. However, many more Adenkum are distributed and played by the performers. Also the dondo drummers stand while in the case of Adzewa players of the kyen and dawur are seated. The dance is a gentle gliding movement accompanied by graceful arm movements and the waving of handkerchiefs, one in each hand. From our observation, three or four people could be in the arena at the same time. The ending of a song or session however, is completely different from adzewa, in that it is controlled by the lead singer and the drummers. The drummers begin to soften the timber of their perform- ance gently until it comes to a complete stop. Audience participation is the same as fox Adzewa. The audience may also participate by showing appreciation for various performers and giving them money. We ob- served that it is conventional for members and associates of the BentsirAsafo group to pay money when moved by a song charged with emotion, praising a parent or direct ancestor, or recollecting a really trying moment in the life of their particular family. Adzewa and Adenkum also share an important personality in the group who maybe designated as the Jester for want of a better term. This performer talks very loudly, cracks fahiy indiscreet jokes and loudly shouts her adulation of the group and its performance or performers. She dances in a highly exaggerated manner and adds to the drama with facial movements. She has no special time of participation and may suddenly decide to jump into the performance at anytime. This personality is quite common in Fante performance genres. They are commonly also found in Asafo and Anansesem (story telling drama). Her antics often amuse the group and the audi- ence. However, she may be asked to "shut up" or "sit down" in a rather exuberant but jocular manner, should she over step her bounds. 13 The Performance Structure and Context The performances of all three groups have a clear structure or pattern. We have shown the dements of performance above and shall now discuss the structure of a typical performance as well as the nature and broad structure of the lyrics in the various genres. EbUthubvom As this form is often embedded in a church service, its performance may be re- quested by officiants of the service. On the other hand a cantor, moved by the subject of a sermon or the pathos of a funeral may raise a song relevant to the context and mood. If there is a group meeting, after formulaic aphoristic call-and-response which is used for group identification, an invocationary song may be sang. In the predominant form otEbibindwom, a number of stanzas are sung in recitative form by the cantors. These are not necessarily repeated ftora the ndwomtufo to the mbodofo. There are also set lines that the chorus sing in response, consisting of repetitive, simple chorus lutes. Clapping, percussion and drumming join into a toud joyous throng. It is important to note that brief drum sequences of the dondo can be struck from time to time during the solo as a sign of encouragement aad admiration. The songs are brought to a dose by a gesture from me leader and the slowing down . of the tempo of her singing. The interactive relationship between the castors (indwomtufo) and the chorus {mbodofo) not only reflects the structure of song types bat more importantly reflects a dramatic narrative form. This will be described in a later section. Ebtbindowmas has been mentioned above is often sung as part of a church service or funeral gathering. Performances may consist of one or two recitaives only. However, when performed by a group at a meeting for example, a closing long may be sung. Adzewa performances are preceded by a pre-performance ritual: the pouring of liba- tion by the Dbaa panyin with gin usually provided by the clients. The text that we recorded requested the ancestors related to iheAsafo mid Adzewa groups, and die founders hi particular, to come into the gourds aad guide and inspire the perform- ance. Dbaa Panyin: 2. Libation Text "We implore you (God) Everything we do, we call you If we do not call you, If we do not call you, we cannot succeed So come and bless it for us. This event mat is happening. 14 Bless it for us So that it may go on peacefully Ah, people of Aboradze group The ancestors of the Aboradze family (We are standing hi me Aboradze compound) All of you come and take some and drink Old lady Kwadua, Murgua I implore you, you and all your elders Come, come into these Akor (gourds) Right now we are undertaking this in your names So you also must come. Dame, Mansa Dame, Ekua Gyaema you and your children All of you, come into iheAJcor (gourds) Come and fill them with your spirit. So that they will sound sweet, so very sweet. If we receive honour We give it to you. It is in your very names that we do everything. (it is true) So the Honour also goes to you. All of you come into the gourds. If there is an evil one coming Knock him/her away So that our event will go peacefully So mat our event will go smoothly." Members men take a sip of the gin. Interlocutor Dbaa Panyin: An identification call and response initiated by the leader is made as follows: 3. Fante leader chorus: Opon12 Ee Agyeko Ama ei Owuoyi a" Waqye hen bi o English door Oh, he who protects us hi war this death It has done us a lot of dam A set of songs then begins usually led by a song of welcome and self praise. It may be noted that once the singing begins, songs flow at the inspiration of die leading can- 15 tor, bat care is taken to make these relevant The song is raised and the gourds join in followed by the dapping and the dawwr in such close succession it appears almost simultaneous. The Apentsima men joins in. At the beginning of a performance ses- sion me lyrics chosen may be sang with no accompaniment or with just hand clap- ping. Recitatives maybe selected. This is also done daring performance, when the group is tired. The performance has typical closing songs such as: 4. Fftufe solo verse: Womma yenko hen siw yi do o mpantompanto wo ho refrain: womma yenko hen siw yi do o solo verse: Nona Anoma Apanto wo ho a refrain: Womma yenko hen siw yidoo solo verse: EewonktdaGuaena wonhwe hen siw yidoo Let us go unto this shrine of our (our god) mpantompmto is there Let us go unto this shrine of oars Is NamAmma Mpanto there? Let us go unto this shrine of ours Ee go and sleep in Cape Coast and see this shrine of ours refrain: oars. Womma yenko ken siwyo do o Let as go unto this shrine of Solovene: Adzewqfoahensiwyidoo refrain: Womma yenko hen siw yi do o solo verse: Bentsirfb a hen siw yi do o AdzewajKxtor shrine of oars this Let us go onto this shrine of oars Ah people of Bentsir this shrine of oars refrain: Womma yenko hen siw yi do o Let as go anlo this shrine of solo vase: Wonhwe Kweku Mpanto wo ha al Look here, isn't ***** Mpanto there? 16 Refrain: Womma yenko hen siw yi do o Let us go unto this shrine of ours. Adenkum The structure of ihc Adenkum performance follows very closely that of fheAdzewa. Libation is poured to ancestor-leaders of the group followed by the following appel- lation of the group. 5 Fante call: Wonyim response: yewoha English They know it We are here call: Ikyir hen a wonnkwe If you hate us you do not look at us Wonyim hen We are known Response: Yewo ha We are here A song of welcome is also sung. There appears to be a lead player of the Adenkum gourds who has two gourds which she strikes against her thigh. She is always the first to take up the rhythm and is joined by other players of gourds, hand-clapping and the drums. This order is not strictly kept but the untrained eye/ear may not be able to tell which started first. It is important to note that all the genres discussed above are performed on serious occasions of ritual, social or political importance. Women in these contexts perform at full throttle and with much confidence and assertiveness. They are in control of the entire performance and are obviously not mere support groups for a male domi- nated performance event. Poetic Form In seeking to establish the generic specificity of Adenkum and Ebibindwom, it is necessary to examine the texts of the various corpuses. As part of our field work, we solicited indigenous categorization of song types. The categories stated below have been assembled from random statements made about types. There are certain catego- ries which were identified within all genres. One particular category was identified only with Ebibindwom. 17 Performance Genre Category in Fante Translation AH Groups Ndwom a oye ctwasa songs which give goose Bumps; stir ring, moving Songs. All Groups All Groups "dadaw dze" Ancient ones "life dze" High-life ones Ebibindwom Wiadze ndwom Songs of the world. While we shall not strictly follow these emic categories, they are recognized as im- portant reference points requiring further investigation. This is all the more so be- cause they are not based on a comparative framework between genres. They are broad categorizations within genres. It is one's expectation that further research par- ticular through musicology would be required to establish an emic differentiation between the genres. The rest of our discussion on the poetic structure will thus be based on literary criticism as developed within the field of oral literature. The nature and poetic structure of the three genres appear to be mostly unique to each genre. One however notices overlaps in a few cases among the genres and these will be discussed accordingly. For example, some Adzewa songs appear to be styled upon a typical Adenkum me- lodic line. There are also overlaps with other genres to be noted. For example the Mboguo (interlude song) from the Anansesem tradition is picked up in Adzewa. Typical Adenkum and Adzewa melodies are provided on pp. 18a and 18b respec- tively. Ruth Finnegan in her Oral Literature in Africa (1970) takes a quotation from S.G. Williamson (1958)14. which may be seen to be in complete contrast to our findings. Williamson essentially regards the lyrics of Ebibindwom, as simple. Our research reveals a wide variety of poetic structures and stanzaic formulations within all the genres studies, Ebibindwom being the most complex. Although some similar tech- niques have been used, each genre has formulations that distinguish it from the oth- ers. In the following paragraphs, a few of the structured patterns from all three genres will be discussed to exemplify the variety as well as distinctiveness of patterns. While the melody and other musical traits contribute to this variety, we will be looking at the material mainly from the point of view of the stanzaic structure which is marked by the roles played by the lead cantor {ndwomtufo), the other cantors (mbodofo) and the chorus (ngyedofo). 18 A A A ±z± -M JL ^T-iv t r I txrr i r r.^^r Ebibindwom provides spectacular examples of this highly interactive mode which affects the poetic structure and makes room for both subtle and dramatic switches along die prosodic continuum of speech to song. The example to be provided below is a dramatic narrative presented in a speech-like chanted mode. The main narrative is performed in fiee style without accompaniment. There is a rhythmic melody closely following the melodic pattern of Fante syntax which appears to guide the cantor. Each line may be delimited as a breath group with a pause. It is however important to note that half lines are marked by a much shorter pause. Expressions like "indeed" (ampa) and other exclamatory particles may be used to ensure regularity of the pat- tern. The naixative is mterspersed by refrains that are ctoser to somj than to speech. Towards the end, the soloist brings in a change hi structure where the refrain is taken up hi a song-like chant This marks the end of the narrative. This section is accompa- nied by hand-clapping and climaxes the prosodic continuum from speech to song. 6. Saul's Conversion: Solo refrain: (lead cantor) Cleanse me and use me for your work. My God Almighty Both cantors: Cleanse me and use me for your work Solo refrain: (lead cantor) My God cleanse me and use me for your work, Saul the murderer. Refrain: Entire chorus: Cleanse me and use me for your work. Solo refrain: (lead cantor) Alas my God I am filled with your good 2"* Cantor Solo (lead cantor) (entire section repeat) Solo: (lead cantor) word But because I am a sinner. I cannot dp your work Saul I am a murderer, Cleanse me and use me for your work, Alas the man Saul indeed, He went to King Nebucadnczer, To get a warrant, He was going to Damascus to destroy die city, He was going to kill all the people of the church, Now as he was going: God revealed himself to the priest Ananias; there in Damascus; He said: there is a man coming to destroy this 21 land, so be alert. When he comes pray for him and forgive his sins completely; And so slowly slowly: the man Saul walks through this grassland, He is going to this land of Damascus, Right in the middle of his journey, A great light shone about him, and he fell to the ground, Behold he heard a voice saying, Saul, Saul, why are you hounding me, And there and then: Saul's head was bowed to the ground; He could not lift up his head. My father God I call to you Cleanse me and use me for your work. Saul I am a murderer, cleanse me and use me for your work. My God I am filled with your good word, but be cause I am a sinner I cannot do your work Saul I am a murderer. Cleanse me and use me for your work. Well then, the people who were walking with him, They took him to Ananias the priest, They said: "God says we should bring Saul to you" As soon as they took him there: Ananias the priest lifted up his hand High, he placed it on the top of Saul's head: He said to him: This very day you are called Paul (long pause) God says I should transform you right in the midst of your journey here; And at that moment, when Saul was transformed. And they called him Paul, What he told Ananias the priest was that. My Lord, I am transformed all together, This very day I have come to know God. Alas oh my God God did not allow me to die in my sinful state, Saul the murderer 22 Chorus refrain: Solo (lead cantor) Refrain (lead cantor) Both cantors: Chnis God did not allow me to go and die in my sinful state. Clipping begins)15 2"1 Cantor For I would have been guilty. Both cantors and chorus (sung) God did not allow me to go and die in my sinful state. In my sinful state. Solo (lead cantor) For I would have been guilty Chorus God did not allow me to go and die in my sinful state. Solo 2nd cantor For I would have been guilty. Chorus: Solo 2nd cantor God did not allow me to go and die in my sinful state. In my sinful state (sung simultaneously with cho rus) For I would have been guilty. Chorus: God did not allow me to go and die in my sinful state16. In the second example, the lyrics are in a sequence of two or more different sections marked by both a change in melody and a different set of lines. The following Adzewa song which speaks of a (1945) battle between the Benisir Asafo and Nkum Asafo, demonstrates this. First of all it may be noted that there is a call and refrain between the lead cantor and the chorus. At the fifth line the lead cantor in one line introduces the narrative which is taken up and reflected upon in the refrain. Thus the refrain is longer than the main verse. Also in the first four lines where there is a call and response, the chorus takes up part of the previous line. At the seventeenth line a new stanza is introduced by the lead cantor. This section is made more vigorous by a complete change in tempo and melody for the solo. The last line taken up by the chorus has the same melody as the ninth and eighteenth lines. 23 Swansi Aboano 7. Faurte solo: call English 1. Ao, Anamoamba worehwehwe waye hen Alas children of Anamoa, they are trying to do us in chorus: response: 2. Hwehwe waye hen solo: call 3. Sekyi Akomeamba worehwehwe woeku hen chorus: response 4. Hwehwe woeku hen solo: call 5. Daano memenda yi nso etur atow chorus: refrain 6. Henaraa 7. Etur atow Swansi aboano 8. Banyin wo hen o? 9. Etur atow Swansi aboano solo: call 10. Kwesi Awotwemba worehwehwe waye hen 24 Trying to do us in The children of Sekyi Akomea are trying to kill us. Trying to kill us The other Saturday too there was gun fire It is us indeed There was gun fire in front of Swansi stores Where are the men? There was gun fire in front of Swansi stores Children of Kwesi Awotwe, they are trying to do us in. chorus: response 11. Hwehwe ways hen Trying to do us hi. solo: call 12. Daano memenda yi nso etur atow The other Saturday too there was gun fire chorus: refrain 13. Hen ara a 14. Etur atow Swansi aboano It is us indeed There was gun fire outside Swansi Stores 15. Banyin wo hen o Where are the men 16. Etur atow Swansi aboano o There was gun fire hi front of Swansi stores solo: lead cantor 17. Wodze abasa woruwu e 18. Wodze abasa Swansi aboano 19. Banyin wo hen a Chorus: refrain 20. Etur atow Swansi aboano They have arms and yet they are dying They have arms in front of Swansi stores Where are the men. There was gun fire in front of Swansi stores. The third and final example of structural variation is taken from the corpus ofAdenkum songs based on the refrain being taken up as a call by the lead cantor. In the 3rf line the lead cantor calls in the chorus. Subsequently, the entire song consists of single line, sung hi a call and response fonnat, alternating between the lead cantor and the chorus. 25 8 Fante lead cantor/call/verse 1. Afowo Sdinassm da aban mu o 2. Afowo Cdinsem da aban mu 3. Aiowura Aata ee Chorus: refrain English I have taken up the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned. I have taken up the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned. I, Sir Arthur 4. Mowo Cdinasem da Aban mu o I have taken op the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned. Call/verse 5. 1Le Efua Nkoso ba Onoma Indeed I Onoma son of Efua Nkoso chorus/refrain 6. Mofwo Sdinassm da Aban mu o 7. Nkrofo a wode wonnkoko no na woredzidzi Chorus/refrain 8. Afowo Cdinasem da Aban mu o Call/verse 9. Nkrofo a wode wonnkoko no na woruguraa Chorus/refrain 10. Adbwo Cdinasem da Aban mu o 1 have taken up the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned. Isn't it those who said they would not go (and support) that are eat ing? I have taken up the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned. Isn't it those who said they would not go (and support) who are now bathing? I have taken up the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned. 26 Call/verse 11. Nsu a wonnom bi da, woako akonom Water that they have never drunk before, they have gone to drink it. chorus/refrain 12. Mowo Sdinassm da Abort muo I have taken up the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned. Call/verse 13. Edziban a wonndzii bi da, woako ekedzi Food that they have never eaten, they have gone to eat it. Chorus/refrain 14. Mowo Sdinassm da Aban muo I have taken up the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned Call/verse 15. Etam a wommfura bi da woako akofiira Cloth that they have never worn, they have gone to put it on. Chorus/refrain 16. Mwo Cdinassm da Aban mu o Ihavetaken up the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned Call/verse 17. Efiia Nkoso ba 'noma Qnoma son of Efua Nkoso chorus/refrain 18 Afowo Sdinasem da Aban muo I have taken up the case of the Edina State and I have been imprisoned It may be observed from this small number of examples mat there is a wide variety of poetic structures within and among the genres under discussion. The inter-play between verses and refiains especially as assigned to lead cantor, other cantors, and the chorus is aesthetically very significant The poetry is often dramatic for a number of reasons. Firstly it is often narrative. Even where only alluding to events, or reflect- 27 ing upon them, the personae are assumed by the performers. Direct speech is used in the narrative, and reflective aspects of many poems break into direct speech as well. Furthermore descriptions of events are vividly rendered but with a real economy of words. (See Saul's conversion). However, texts are also enlivened by intensity of instrumentation, changes in tempo and dramatic melodic shifts as described on (p. 25). It may thus be safely concluded that far from being simple, the poetic structure of all three genres is not only complex and varied, but also has an important role to play in effectively conveying the message and import of the content Further consideration of poetic devices will be provided on (p. 30). Composition It is necessary to say a word about composition as we have entered into the area of structure and will be moving to thematic concerns. Questions as to how much of the text is set and how much is improvised by the performers during performance comes up as well as the issues related to the evolution of the forms. This is ah area in which this researcher feels further work will be required. We have managed to elicit an assertion from the Ebibindwom singers and thsAkonkar Aden/cum group that although the older songs inherited from the "mpanyinfd" (elders) appear to be the most cherished ones, new ones are composed sometimes upon re- quest from those who need consolation. "Se obi n' as em bi ye no yaw a, ena odze aboto agoro no ma"11 We have also been given the impression that songs are composed by women. In a discussion during the Akonkar Adenkum recording session, a member of the audi- ence asked if the performers would not compose a song since Nana Kondua, the V had been dead since 1993. The elders responded "Well the funeral is not scheduled yet. We shall certainly compose one". As regards the level of improvisation in all forms, it seems reasonable to conclude that lead singers undertake interpretation during performance. This emerges from the number of times that the opening solo or call may be chanted/sung, the variation of tempo and pauses as well as the discretionary introduction of lines by the cantor especially with the call and response or verse and refrain structure. It would appear that with the complex structure discussed above, especially with the interactive role played by the various performers, these forms require previous preparation before performance. This was certainly true of the Ebibindwom performers who wished that they had "platis" (rehearsal/practice) with a few more colleagues for the performance. For all three genres. The refrains and responses are often not repeated verbatim as lyrics progress but are parallel with crucial changes 28 in phrases or entire lines. The custodianship of compositions is important to note. The role of the core mem- bership especially those who have been "born into the group" or who are "replacing their mothers" is key to maintaining the integrity of the heirloom of lyrics composed in earlier times. With respect to new or later compositions, account is taken of an Adenkum song which must have been composed around 1985 about Nana Kondua, the V of Edina. Like the African American tradition of the Blues, it is the integrity of typical poetic structure and melodic vein that are maintained. (This structure in Adenkum is illus- trated on p. 18b). This in no way suggests a tight structure of creativity since we are still, even with the small corpus collected, discovering more and more melodic vari- ations. Themes and Poetic Devices To address an important objective of this study it is necessary to look at themes and poetic devices. We have observed a number of details mat could be seen to provide a context for and contribute to the aesthetic and emotive effects of these poetic de- vices that are favoured in the presentation of these themes. It would be obvious from our earlier discussions that themes and content of the vari- ous repetoires would be different in some respects. For example, Ebibindwom has a predominance of themes from Christian sacred readings and liturgy which are inter- preted and intensely presented in the chanted mode using refrains to lay emphasis on particular aspects of Christian teachings. In the case of the Adzewa songs collected, the allegiance to the Asafo group can be perceived as the reason why a large number of songs would speak of the exploits of the Bentsir Asafo company. Panegyrics are raised as well as laments to men gone to war recalling the culture of Mmomombe. In the song "Egya oye nam, oye nam" a fierce Asafo captain, Kweku Abaka is praised for his fierce prowess in battle. De- picted metaphorically as a "sharp weapon of war" he is said to have, upon death, left Ms "sharpness" to his children thus negating the effect of death and, in fact, being very much alive through his descendants. Again, while depicting with poignancy the fear and loneliness of war, the song "M'egya Kegyam" has a jsall and response sec- tion where the cantor, taking on the personality of a wanWiacing battle, calls the name of various ancestor warriors asking each of them to "go and provide support". The chorus answers "in battle". 29 9 Fante English 1. call: M'egya kegyam o Prdy, my father come and accom pany me. 2. refrain: Dko no a in battle 3. call:' Barima kegyam strongman, come and support me. 4. refrain: Dko no a in battle 5. call: Amoosi kegyam 6. refrain: Dko no a 7. call: Obanyin Anamoa Amoosi come and accompany me in battle the man of stature, Anamoa 8. refrain Dko no a in battle In this brief extract, the call for support to the ancestors of the Asafa group empha- sizes indirectly the fact that these are the dependable ones on whom one can Si in times of war and travail. Tlie poetic and emotive force of this song is produced by a number of devices quite typical oi the aazewa corpus. Trie first is that Ihe collective takes on the persona of the individual who is usually tomentonghisAer loneliness or pitiable condition. The persona here pleads with a large number of ancestors to accompany him into battle, his cry is taken up by the cantor, and remforced by the chorus. These parallel, alternate calls, malte a full- £ £ ? £ £ 3 w ' ^ ^ P f ^ ^ ^ ^ w n m a n a nd warrior, callsforhis father megya. Wefind it significant that the cry is not for >nana> "opanyin" or ^ is crying not for a remote intangible andvenerated ancestorTutfor *e concept of a^cestororXlZ ^ ^y e r T ^ l & e t y t o a l^ is throgh th fth Thi rence to the fath s e n* of poignancy by exploiting the emotions aroused by 30 pattern followed in the first 3 lines by putting the name of the ancestor in final position. This however only serves to reinforce the sense of numbers and grandeur of the military heritage of the persona established by the use of semantic and structural parallelism in this song. It may be seen from the above that there is a clever interplay between evoking lone- liness and fear on the one hand and concurrently evoking a history peopled by valiant and supportive and ancestors that can be called upon, on the other. Indeed this inherent sense of competition or even conflict is perhaps an inherent feature of these two agoro forms. If we take the self affirmative appellations that open and interj ect the performances of the Akonker group (text 5) we find this clearly demonstrated. "If you hate us; do not look at us" As we can see from the above example, innuendo is a major device used to achieve the desired effect However texts are not devoid of satire and blistering attacks against lack of integrity, treachery and greed which the group has perceived among sections of the population. Again, the Akonker group's blistering attack (text 8) on the people of Edina comes to mind. The case in which Mr. Arthur decides to stand up for the interest of the Edina State, against the colonial administration only to find himself abandoned by his own peo- ple and sent to jail is the subject for this song. The emphasis however is not so much on these facts. The composer apparently imbued with a sense of indignation paints a vivid image of treachery and lack of principle by taking up developments after Mr. Arthur succeeds in getting himself out of jail. The treachery is made to remain in our consciousness by the constant refrain "I have taken up the case of the Edina State and have been imprisoned". However shameless behaviour consequent to his release is satirized. Examples may be found hi lines 7,9,11,13 and 15. The people of Edina are depicted as engaging in festive activities, and signs of solidarity (eating, bathing, drinking) which are associated with an intimate immersion in a victory for which they are in no way responsible. Taunting songs apart from featuring abusive innuendo and satire may also be based on a combination of abusive innuendo and ridicule. The OLA Bentsir Adzewa group refer to the Oguaa Anaafo quarter which, instead of demonstrating their physical fitness by making a short journey by foot from Cape coast to Abora, go by motor vehicle. They are depicted as making a spectacle of themselves and worthy of being hooted at note: the particles "ee" and "oo" in line 1 of the following text depict hooting. 10) Fante English 1. Ma me kwan ee, Ma me kwan oo 1. Let me pass! Let me through! 31 % Yjaanom etwansu e 2. Those people have crossed the wa ter! 3. Ma me kwan nkohwe nkrofo yi 3. Let me through to go and see those people! 4. Oguaa Anaafo ara wodze "kar" 4. e?>*>tf TZ*M a OguaaAnaafo have actually crossed the stream in a car! References to the target group are disparaging: "those people". The expression "Ma me kwan" plays several connotative roles such as those of incredulity, great anxiety to witness a spectacle on the part of the persona as well as that of creating the image of a person trying to make his/her way through a crow&of people observing a spec- tacle. Another feature typical of groups in competition are "taunting songs". This is a fea- ture shared by boihAdzewa and Adenkum. It may be noted that while several of the songs collected may be categorized as such we were not fortunate enough to elicit an emic category to that effect. Songs from the Adenkum repetoire will be used to demonstrate other features snared •wiihAdzewa. For example, XhtAhonkar group has in its repetoire a fairly large number of songs (6 out of 15 songs collected) that comment directly and without equivoca- tion on the political situation of the state in various historical eras. This includes strong support for their state against enemies as well as a call for support of the status quo. The following extract illustrates fierce patriotism (Tuesday Gun fire, Benada Tur). 11. "We have fired gun shots on Tuesday, Butweku We have fired gun shots The Fantes, they are coming, Nana Gyan Guns have been fired on Tuesday Guns have been fired on Tuesday Did you know that Guns were not to be fired on Tuesday?" In this highly allusive stanza, a battle of serious consequences between the Edina people and the Fetu state is depicted in the imagery of guns. This poem alludes to the fact that being a city state set up under the Europeans, Edina had several tenitorial battles with surrounding states. The battle in question was said to have taken place in the time of Nana Kobina Gyan and was said to have been won by the Edina because they took the ultimate risk of defying their great oath which bans fighting on Tuesdays. They resorted to this ultimate risk, having seen that the Fantes were seek- ing to take advantage of this oath. The battle is thus imbued with spiritual depth, 32 emotion and nationalistic passion. The group also speala to the people of the Edina state in general. A good example of this is an extract from the song "Nana Kondua V (performed during the enstoolment of Nana Kondua V). 2. lead cantor Let us unite and look after him, state of Ediaa. Let us be solidly united Nana the V, it is he that has come. Let us be one. Chorus: Nana the V, it is he that has come Let us be solidly one Let us be one Nana Kondua the V. He has come. They also admonish their people very frankly. This may be seen in text 8 already cited. In this song the protagonist, Mr. Arthur is pushing a case in litigation on behalf of the state but is not supported by the people indeed he is shunned and allowed to be imprisoned. However, as soon as he is released they come to eat and make merry. The Akonkar group also shows its disgust in the song "Edinafo Akonkonsafo" (Ma- lingering Citizens of Edina). This song was made during one of the several rebellions of the local people against taxation during colonization The song is based on an episode where citizens of Edina immediately reported to the Europeans those re- sponsible for killing the one white person who died during the disturbances. This got the whole town into trouble with the foreign powers. Edina is compared with disgust and ridicule to Komenda where seven white persons got killed and the people got away with it because mere were no betrayals. However there are indeed a number of areas in which Actewa and Adenkum show similar thematic concerns especially with political and social matters. In our re- search it is becoming clear to us mat these two forms establish emphatically the serious interest that women of Oguaa and Edina have in the evolution politics and society not only in their own area but also nationally. They comment on the relations between governors and the governed. 33 Colonialism comes in for criticism in the repertoire of bom groups. la the Bentsir Adzewa repertoire for example the case of Nana Mbra the IV against the British Colonial Government is taken up. The effrontery of putting »