Research Review New Series 16.2 (2000) 67-79 BOOK REVIEW A.K. AWEDOBA, 2000. An Introduction to Kasena Society and Culture Through Their Proverbs. Lanham: University Press of America, Pp. 290, cloth. ISBN 0-7618-1542-2 Introduction The gathering of proverbs (in the form of written collections) in various ethno-linguistic areas of Africa over the past two centuries has played an active role in the development of African "Folklore" Studies. And, just as the concept of "folk-lore" has itself undergone a fundamental questioning and change, so has the analysis of "pro-verb/s". The proverbs of the Akans of Ghana {ebe), one of the most documented West African cultural entities, have for instance been approached in various manners during the colonial period and up to the present times. Several collections came to fruition : • Rev, J.G. Christaller, the Basel Missionary based in Akwapem at the end of the 19th from oral 3600 Twi proverbs "collected by missionaries Century, edited communication", retained their variations and arranged them alphabetically into A Collection of Three Thousand and Six Hundred Tshi Proverbs with the strong view that "They contained] almost inexhaustible material for the grammar and dictionary, and still more for those who aspire to a sound knowledge of the Negro mind". But since his collection was published solely in the vernacular, he opened the way to further works; » R. S. Rattray, the colonial ethnographer employed to help the British carry out their Indirect Rule policy in Ghana, took on the task of translating and commenting on 830 proverbs of Christaller's collection; he declared that he had eliminated all those which "seemed to bear traces of European influence" and that he had kept mainly those which could be of interest to either the anthropologist or the linguist. R. S. Rattray published his Ashanti Proverbs in 1916, suggesting that "These sayings would seem to be [...] the ver/ soul of this people, of a truth all such sayings really are. They contain some thought which, when one, more eloquent in the tribe than another, has expressed in words, all who are of that people recognize at once as something which they knew full well already, which all the instinct of their lives and thoughts and traditions tells them to be true of their own nature." He classified the 830 chosen proverbs in themes, similar to those which had been suggested in Christaller's preface, reproduced their Twi version, 67 added an "almost literal translation" and linguistic and / or anthropological notes, wherever a remarkable linguistic construction or an untranslatable word appeared; • • In 1958, a Ghanaian scholar, C. A. Akrofi, on the pretext that both Christaller's and Rattray's prior collections of Twi proverbs were out of print, embarked on a "new collection" of 1000 proverbs with the hope that it would meet the demand of learners of Twi in schools and of "the growing number of people who are seeking to understand Akan folklore" since, as he asserted, "Akan proverbs are a reflection of the philosophy of the Akan" and since "Proverbs play a very important role in the everyday language of Twi-speaking people" by enriching their speech and giving it flavour. His 1000 proverbs appear in alphabetical order, in their Twi form with a comment in Twi on one side and in their English translation and explanation in English on the other (Akrofi 1958); • It may appear quite amazing that in 1985, one hundred years after its first publication Christaller's entire collection was again taken up by Fr. Kofi Ron Lange, S.V.D., who, without any mention of Rattray's work, published a translation of all the 3600 originally compiled proverb-texts, in their original order, and without any form of linguistic or anthropological commentary. The common assumption, in all these successive collections, was that the compendium of sayings was worthy of transcription - that is, of permanent remembrance - since they entailed both verbal artistry and cultural meaning. Yet, although "variations" were cited in the anthologies and although the authors declared having "verified" the proverbs' meaning(s) with elders - proverbs they had not themselves heard in discourse - no real "contextual study" (Yankah, 1989) was attempted in any of the works.l Our four collectors, translators and commentators, seeking to provide tools for a better understanding of the Akan language and culture, neglected the "dynamics of these words ascribed to the sages". Unaware of Dell Hymes' 'Ethnography of Speaking' (1962), they did not take into account the fact that proverb use {ebebuo in Akan) is much more of a "performance" man of a "quotation", for proverbs are not just rhythmic and metaphorical frills; rather, Proverbs are [according to Kenneth Burke] strategies for dealing with situations. Insofar as situations are typical and recurrent in a given social structure, people develop names for them and strategies for handling them. (Quoted in Yankah 1989: 37, our emphasis.) "Variations", when noted, were also left unexplained; yet, as Charlotte Schapira postulates, the proverbial treasure accumulated by a community's Oral Tradition structurally changes 68 alongside with the movements undergone by their socio-cultural environment itself; proverbs are altered (truncated, embellished, expanded), new proverbs enter the dictionary, archaic ones are condemned to death : Le fonds des proverbes de la langue constitue, du point de vue linguistique, un ensemble special et unique. II offre a tout locuteur un ensemble d'arguments tout faits, investis d'un prestige qui ne permet pas d'en contester l'autorite. A chaque moment de l'histoire d'une langue, en fonction du developpement de la communaute qui la parle, les « verites » se font et se defont, des proverbes se perdent et d'autres se creent et prennent leur place dans le vocabulaire actif des sujets parlants (Schapira 2000). It is with these serniotic considerations in mind that we shall now proceed to find out whether or how A,K. Awedoba has been able to present An Introduction to Kasena Society and Culture through, their Proverbs. "This is not a creative work..." (Awedoba 2000: Acknowledgements) 266 Kasena "proverbs" (memane) and 39 Kasena "popular sayings" (sinseira) which have been transcribed in their original language, translated into English and commented constitute the body of Awedoba's book (Chapters III & IV); they were listed in no particular order (neither thematic, nor alphabetic) but simply kept, according to the author, "in the order in which [they] were collected" (p.227) over a rather lengthy period of time, mainly in the Navrongo chiefdom (p.29) - the area best known to him, because he had "interacted with the people from this region all his life". The basic assumption of the work is that "since proverbs are not coined in a vacuum but derived from the culture and the society in which they are current" (p. 13), this collection of "traditional" texts will serve as "valuable evidence" of the "unwritten culture" of a people of Upper Eastern Ghana - the Kasena. But, although these cultural values are to be revealed through an attentive reading of the "proverb texts", bringing forth their "literal meaning" and more essentially their "deeper and underlying meanings" (Preface), the author has nevertheless found it necessary to pre-empt the findings of his paremiological quest by presenting key elements of the Kasena social organisation, political structure, geographic and economic situation and religious beliefs in a first introductory chapter, based on the scholarly works listed in the Bibliography and thematicaliy detailed in the Index. In order to help the non-Kasena reader understand the hidden meaning(s) of the corpus, A.K. Awedoba has added a second introductory chapter in which he considers "how the Kasena 69 themselves make sense of the institution of proverb in the context of their language" (p.31). He argues that the Kasena believe that their proverbs (mematje) sum up the wisdom of the diim world (the ideal, pre-colonial past) and that their uninterrupted (even when disrupted) oral transmission did facilitate the partial survival of their ancestors' culture. In this present, degenerate world (zen) proverbial utterances do therefore constitute paradigms for better behaviour, of an unchallengeable nature. Similarly to what K. Yankah had noted about The Proverb in the Context of Akan Rhetoric (Yankah 1989) and S.G. Obeng on "The Proverb as Mitigating and Politeness Strategy in Akan Discourse" (Obeng 1996), the author elaborates that the Kasena people do not use proverbs for their own sake either, but "in discourse" - as "clinchers for arguments", as a means for illustrating the logic of a statement and as face-saving mechanisms ; this functionality of proverbs in adult discourse was verified, he claims, through a "participant observation" approach (p.30). The reader, of course, who is expecting to understand, as announced in the title, "the Kasena society and culture through their proverbs" (our emphasis) is free to ignore the introductory chapters, and to simply hop from one item of the collection to the other, in no particular order - just as he would be glancing through an encyclopaedia. Let us verify with him (or her) how this understandable expectation of answered by the author's explanatory work. On the "Subject Matter" of Kasena Proverbs... The on-going process of proverb-reformulation (that is of synchronic or diachronic alteration of proverbs, either in the form of variations in the same language or of corresponding proverbs in other languages) has been verified over and over again in comparative proverb studies.- Whilst the semantic "sameness" wherever it is exhibited does prove the universality of common sense, the "difference" in formulation between comparable proverbs will be of interest to the linguist and to the sociologist who are both concerned with the fluctuating "social discourse" in the Bakhtinian sense. On the other hand, whenever a proverb has not been or cannot be "translated" in a proverbial manner into another language, then that proverb must be the singular expression of an original cultural value and will become of great interest to anthropological studies. G. Kleiber (2000) also suggests that the fact that in each culture a formula is or is not recognised as a "proverb" tends to indicate that there is a universal model of a proverb's semantic structure, namely that of an "implication, in the form of a generic sentence-«