THE  INT5RN.AL  SPATIAL  ORGANISATION  OF TRADITIONAL

HOUSES  IN THE  NORTHERN  VOLTA  BASIN  OF GHANA

By

E» Kofi Agorsah

The  consequence  of  human behaviour  in  terrestrial  space  pose

a  real  challenge  to  archaeologists,  especially  when  it  comes  to

explaining  the  frequency  with  which  human  societies  encounter

different  phenomensein  space  and  the  way in  which  various  aspects

are  bonded  together.  The  problem  arises  mainly  from  the  complex

situation  resulting  from  the  simultaneou  arrangements  of  like  and

unlike  features  and  the  dynamic  interconnections  and  associations

between  them.  Looking  at  this  challenge  in  relation  to  prehistoric

societies  is  even  more  problematic.  It  is  common practice  among

social  scientists  to  attribute  certain  elements  of  human  behaviour

to  unique  factors  and  thus  place  limitations  on  their  analysis  and

generalisations*  My experience  of  doing  an  ethnoarchaeological

study  of  a  traditional  society  over  the  past  twelve  years  indicates

that  certain  principles  which  govern  spatial  behaviour  are  generally

applicable,  especially  when viewed  within  certain  clearly  defined

social  and  environmental  parameters-

The  focus  of  this  paper  is  on  the  internal  arrangement  or

the  pattern  of  the  distribution  of  features  within  households*  The

question  of  "v/herenessu  of  features  and  equipment  within  the  house

will  be  the  most  emphasised*  In  relation  to  this  an  attempt  will  be

made  to  examine  how the  placement  of  features  within  various

divisions  of  the  traditional  house.can  provide  leads  towards  their

recognition  in  the  archaelogical  record.  The  subject  will  be

discussed  from  the  methodological  point  of  view  which  I  characterise

as  the  "situational  approach"»

This  approach  begins  with  the  proposition  that  human behaviour

occurs  in  situations  and  that  the  unit  cf  anaLysis  is  the  situation

that  combines  the  society  and  i ts  environment  into  one  typical

scheme:  In  the  case  of  the  society  in  question,  the  Nchumuru,  this

situation  is  the  house-

In  this  paper  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  demonstrate  how each

part  of  the  Mchumuru  traditional  life-style  contributes  to  the

spatial  patterning  within  their  houses  as  units  of  their  settlements*

The  geographical  focus  is  thesettlement  of  Wiae  in  the  Banda-Wiae

traditional  area,  north  of  the  town  of  Kete-Krachi  in  the  northern

section  of  the  Volta  basin  of  Ghana-

The  settlement  history  of  the  Nchumuru  occupation  of  their

present  home  «- the  Banda-Wiae  area,  (Fig-  1)  has  been  reconstructed

into  four  phases  each  cf  which  is  characterised  by  the  interplay  of

TOJLUJSTRATIONS

RESTING  PLATFORM

RUBBISH  DUMP 

;

H E A R™

0-

ff

HOLDING

UNDER  CONSTRUCTION  OR

WALL

flH  EARTH  PLATFORM

/53

-:=rsrJKsrr.r.=r-~

FIG!

F I G.  2 

"-*•

LOCATION  AND  DISTRIBUTION  OF  STRUCTURAL  FEATURES

IN  HOUSES  '

FIG.3

(a)

DEMARCATING  AREA  OF  A  HOUSE

(  EXAMPLES)

' 

* 

*

MOUMMO.  23L

a u

•#  «r«i

-  f 03  -

social  and  spatial  adjustment  (ngorsah,  1983).  S t r i c t l y, 

these

are  phases  identified  only  on  the  b^sis  of  location  of  settlement,

changes  in  house  forms  and  placement  of  structural  features  within

the  units  of  the  settlement.

The  f i r st  ph-se  was  marked  by  the  h i s t o r i c al  break—up  of  the

whole  Guang-speaking  ethnic  group  (Painter,  1967;  Dakubu,  1976).

Nchumuru 

:

On  their  arrival  in  the  Banda  area  the  / 

as  part  of  the  major

Guang  group  had  also  broken  up  into  p h r a t r i es  (nsuro)«  There  is  no

aechaeological  evidence  so  far  to  suggest  that  they  settled  in  their

nsuro  groups,  as  indicated  by  the  small  size  of  their  early

settlements,  -which  probably  belonged  to  family  groupings  or  clans

which  however,  found  it  necessary  to  identify 

themselves  with  the

larger  phratry  not  only  for  purposes  of  co-operative  defense  during

the  unstable  war  period,  but  also  for  fear  of  l o ss  of  cultural

identity•  The  settlements  were  small  and  closely  packed-  The  house

structures  were circular  and  contained  special  entrance  huts*

The  second  phase  of  the  Nchumuru  settlement  in  the  area  was

marked  by  a  period  of  experimentation  with  the  natural  resources  of

the  area-  Natural  calamities  such  as  f i r e,  flood  and  famine  were

considered  as  tragedies  caused  by  their  gods  as  punishment  to  show

disapproval  of  the  settlement  locations-  The  result  was  a  s e r i es  of

movements  from  location  to  location  u n t il  in  the  face  of  the 

threat

-  109  -

of  Gonja  power  as  well  as  the  expansionist  activities  of  the

Asante  (Maielj  1981),  the  various  phratries  began  to  come  together

to  form  single  settlements,  one  of  which  was the  site  of  Old  Wiae.

At  these  settlements  the  identities  of  the  phratries  continued  as

a  mechanism  for  maintaining  the  inter~settlement  contact  and

cultural  identity, 

.and  co-operation*

The  third  phase  is  clearly  marked  at  the  site  of  Old  wiae  the

beginning  of  which  is  (Hit-dated  to  the  mid  sixteenth  century.  At Old

Wiae  some  of  the  Nchumuru,  having  settled  down,  maintained  the

tradition  of  building  circular  huts  but  failed*  However,  feeling  more

secure  as  a  result  of  their  alliance  with  the  Gonja  people  and

connections  with  the  Krachi  (who  had  the  most  potent  oracle  of  the

time),  the  spatial  arrangement  in  their  settlements  began  to  change

gradually  into  rectangular  forms*  This  change  which  is  ax chaelogi cally

manifested  at  the  Old  wiae  site,  was  completed  when  it  was  relocated

at  i ts  present  site*

It  is  within  the  framework  of  the  arrangement  of  the  rectangular

house  structures  at  New wiae  that  this  paper  will  examine  the  internal

spatial  organisation-  The  final  phase  of  their  settlement  history

relates  to  the  present  and  seems  to  be  continuing-

Social  Network:

Each  Nchumuru  village  belongs  to  one  of  i ts  major  family

groupings  or  phraties*  Banda,  Chachai,  Nchenke,  Kpentanai  and 

\

Sunwiae-  Those  groupings  as  mentioned  are  traditionally  referred

to  as  nsuro  (kasuro,  sing-)  each  of  which  has  one  of  i ts  constituent

villages  as  the  head  village*  y/ithin  each  Nchumuru  village  one  finds

one  or  more patri-clans  called  mbuno  (kabttnp, sing.)  each  having  a

male  head,  i ts  own  ancestral  shrine,  secrets,  properties  and

relationships  with  other  villages-  Inheritance  is  by  homogeneous

transmission  (male  to  the  next  oldest  male  and  female  to  the  nest

oldest  female  in  the  kabuno)»  There  are  five  mbuno  at  Wiae,  our  data

base,  as  follows:  Breniase,  Dapoeta,  Kpenwiae,  Ntrapo  and  Tarieso*

Recognition  as  an  Nchumuru  in  the  village  is  determined  by  one's

relationship  with  a  kabuno,  membership  of  which,consists  not  only  of

the  living  but  also  and  primarily,  the  dead  ancestors.  The  ancestral

shrine  of  the  kabuno  is  thecontrolling  factor  within  the  kabuno,

traditionally  should  be  located  in  the  kabuno  head»s  house*

To  the  Nchumuru  the  seasons  of  the  year  are  not  thought  of  in

terms  of  a  large  solar  clock  or  calender  but  are  seen  as  a  sequence

of  activities  calculated  around  traditional  events  such  as  planting

and  harvest  times  and  the  days  are  divided  into  activity  spans  such

as  the  cool  of  the  day  and  evening.  In  the  Nchumuru  concept  one

cannot  separate  leisure  from  'tother  time"*  The  social  network  of

the  Nchumuru  is  highly  summarised  here  but  provides  an  adequate

background  for  the  discussion  of  internal  arrangements  with  their

houses-

In  Wiae,  the  main  activity  areas  of  the  house  arc  the- room,

courtyard,  kitchen  and  backyard-  I  shall  discuss  each  of  these

divisions  and  their  associated  features  and  activities,  and  then

demonstrate  the  extent  to  which  each  part  contributes  to  the  spatial

patterning  within  the  house-  Even  though  the  house  is  divided  into

the  above  four  typical  areas,  the  activities  related  to  them  can

hardly  be  placed' in  clear-cut  compartments.  Further,  not  all  the

divisions  are  symbolised  by  physical  or  structural  features-  For

example.;  the  cairtyard  refers  to  the  space  enclosed  by  the  walls  or

other  features  of  the  house  rather  than  a  structure-

The Rooms:

Every  house  in  wiae  initially  consists  of  at  least  two rooms-

However,  the  number  of  rooms  added  to  the  i n i t i al  structures  depend

upon  the  occupational  priorities  ofthe  owner  at  the  time,  the  number

of  people,  the  season  and,  above  all,  the  capability  of  the  builder

or  owner  to  add  more  structures-  The  total  number  of  rooms  in  a  house

at  any  time  can  be  divided  by  the  number  of  persons  in  it  and  multiplied

by  the  size  of.- a  room  expressed  in  square  metres  in  order  to  obtain  the

average  space area per person. This is expressed  in the equation:

S =

_R.,) s
P

Where  R = total number of rooms per house;

P = total number of persons per house;
S = mean room  space per person;
s = average  size of room  space held at a

constant of 12 square metres per room.

On the basis of this estimation  it was observed  that each person  (child

or adult) had in 1981  (Agorsah, 1983a) an average room space of  .5 in

the range of 1.0 to  0.3°

The only rooms of purely  specialised  use in Wiae are shrine  rooms.

In the short term, it is possible  to indicate allocation of rooms to

inhabitants of a house. However, there  is a great deal of movement  of

people  with the arrival and exit of family members. This makes it more

difficult  to recognise any pattern of long-term allocation. Generally,

however, rooms in ;Wiae are meant  for shelter in the real sense of the

word. They are first of all sleeping  rooms and secondly  repositoires

for personal properties, and the rooms are  sometimes communally  shared.

The distinguishing  marks of a woman's room are raised clay platform

bed(s) and smaller platforms along the walls of the rooms with pot holes

in them  for holding pots 6f all sizes (Fig. 3)= A female adult's room

- 113 "

may also have a hearth in one corner, close to the entrance. Such

a hearth may be used for heating rooms in cold weather or as

alternative cooking places when the kitchen is inaccessible during

the rainy season. The practice of erecting a hearth in rooms is

becoming less popular, especially with the young* There is never a

shrine inside, in front of, or at the entrance of a female's room.

Large, tall pile's of pots are a characteristic feature of the adult

female's room but as the pots and other similarly unfired objects

are moved around from time to time they cannot be used as a final,

indication of female or male room. The structural features consist

of the hearth, earth-bed and the raised platform for holding piles

of pots in which personal effects are stored-

The floors of many of the rooms are beaten hard and smoothed.

A whole range of objects can be found on the floor of the room,

mostly along the walls. These include stools, food baskets containing

cooking utensils, ceramic pots and bowls, wooden ladles, gourds, empty

bottles, sandals, and tables. The cooking utensils, stools and sandals

are very frequently moved in and out of the room. The other major

objects remain at their positions for fairly long periods'of timeo

Once in a while the baskets are brought out, cleaned and refilled with

fresh food supply. The main link between the rooms and their users is

the courtyard, which will be the activity area that is discussed in

the  section which follows..

The  Courtyard

The  courtyard  is the area of the house enclosed by the  inner

walls of the building and other structural features. Semi-private,

it is the  centre  of the house and  the area used for the activities :

that members of the household  share in common, such as cooking,

eating, and discussion of family affairs. It provides access between

sleeping and bathrooms., The courtyard thus consists of the area,for

the location of hearths, benches, fish-smoking ovens, mortar, large

water pots, family  shrines and graves. It is also a place for  resting

in the evenings and on kepowe  (non-work) days. It is also the area for

the manufacture  and  maintenance  of fishing and farming equipment and-

tools. Further, it is an extension of the bedroom during the nights

of the warm and humid  season. The  courtyard  in wiae does not possess  _.

an enclosure and has not  controlled  entrance  or privacy. Only the

sleeping room is really private  and always requires a complete

enclosure, good ventilation  and subdued light. There.is no clear

physical boundary between courtyards<> However, observations indicate

that, through the  courtyards the spatial dimensions, of the house  are

making up for what social factors are unable  to maintain. Fundamentally

the physical developments of the  activity areas of the Nchumuru house

entail  more  than  satisfying  the  purely  functional1  requirements

of  the  society.,  In  general  terms,  the  development  of  the  individual

house  provides  a  history  that  links  the  basic  unit  (the  house)  and

i ts  activity  areas  vo  the  social  context'„

-The  house  (l^nno)  to  an  Nchumuru,  in  a  territorial  sense  refers

to  the  geographical  location  and  extension  of  the  kabuno  and  i ts

members,  It  also  means  an  assertion  by  a  family  that  a  geographical

space^is" under  i ts  influence  and  controlo  The  concept  which  is

reflected;  in  tfee  activities  connected- with  the  courtyard  concerns  two

ratiowstleai'C-Sr^ng  and  sharing,  which 'are  embodied  not  only  in  the

kabun&^ljtld&s'hip  but  also  and  necessarily,  in  the  phratry'  (nsuro)

relationships.PThis  has  support  in  the  fact  that  the  individual

builder  provides  in  his  structure,  an  openness  based  on  the  courtyard,

that  links  i/t•• to  the  houses  of  other  kabuno  rriemmbers.  The  grouping  of

the  houses  and  the  openness  of  the  courtyard  into  one  another  reflect

the  social  order.  Each  per son' iSs house  is  usually  surrouned  by  those

of  his  kinsfolk  as  social/rib rks; require o  This  clearly  indicates  how

the  pattern  of  activities,  values  and  constraints  and  also  the  pattern

of  daily  life  are  fused  in  the  physical  form.  That  the  house  forms  and

their1  related  activity  areas  krerversions  of  the  same  simple  form  and

convey1aKp6werful  sense  df  physical  coherency  has  been  demonstrated

(Agorsah,  T985)°  Although  the  physical  requirement  of  the  orientation

- 116 -

of the Nchumuru courtyard and related activities aestic considerations

such.as beating hard of the floor, the main goal is the cultural and

practical function,.

The relationship of the courtyard to the other parts of the

Nchumuru houses can be clearly contrasted to that relationship in

non-Nchumuru houses (Prussinr, 1969; Tait, 1961). Among the non-

Nchumuru the residence unit aggregation results in a group of inter-

connected courtyards into which access is obtained through only one

main entrance huto In the case of the Nchumuru (Agorsah, 198j5a) the

house is a more open though private, part of the settlement, the whole

of which forms the setting for all their activities. In non-Nchumuru

houses such as those of Konkomba settlers in the north-eastern

section of modern V/iae, the house (compound?) is the whole setting

for domestic life. The significance of this comparison is that while

connectivity is strong between Nchumuru individual courtyards, it is

very weak between those of non-Nchumuruo This difference demonstrates

the consequences which socio-spatial relationships can have in the

placement of structural units and which can be invoked to explain

patterning within residential units» The type of connectivity

observed in Wiae is a basic characteristic, and a mechanism for

maintaining liberal social connection between family groups and

between the houses and also area of the traditional settlement and its

adjoining activity areas. "Connectivity" is used here to indicate the

degree of accessibility between houses.. Th^ most enclosed courtyards

are considered to r.^.v-j le-ast connectivity while the most open court-

yards have ..most connectivityo The connectivity pattern is also

emphasised by the network of foot-paths which accommodate the criss-

cross movements between relatives in different compounds and give

access to the main paths leading out of the settlements to the streams,

farms, shrines and: the lake-sidec IPhe-importance of the foot-paths

lies in the fact that courtyards and? structural features located near

each other can give greater connectivity•,. but this juxtaposition may

not necessarily ensure connectivity.

Growth and Development of the Courtyard

The definition of the courtyard is linked with the growth of the

houseo As has been observed in Wiae, the erection of the initial two-

room structure determines which side the courtyard would be* However,

w h en 

" 

•  •

it is onlw another structure such as the kitchen or drying platform

or additional rooms have been erected that the courtyard begins to

take shape« The development of the courtyard is characteristic of the

the growth of the house in Wiae;. such that even when not fully defined,

the courtyard area is somehow recognisable- One way of recognising the

courtyard is by monitoring the area of the house swept by the women

usually each morning or at any other time»

Measurements taken, of the courtyard sizes indicate that there is

some degreL€.oi close uniformity„ It is not possible to classify the

.shape of the courtyards into any descriptive geometric terms because of

most them are open, and even though the builder knows the eventual

extent of his courtyard it is not physically apparent until the

erection of the structure that encloses it« Figure 4 provides examples

of the courtyards as they are defined by the beaten floor area, the

swept area, and by the position of structural features * It is evident

that the courtyard area immediately in front of the sleeping room is

the area that is initially beaten hard. The expansion of the beaten

courtyard floor area is also illustrated by the structural growth of

some selected houses (Agorsah, 1983a: 1i8r-12O).

Courtyard Activities and Asspciat^d Features

The courtyard experiences' hot 'only the''highest rate of traffic -

flow in the house but also many and varied activities* It is, therefore,

one of. jbhe most important areas for inter-house information flow and

action* Even without a clear definition of the physical limits of the

courtyard,;:!it is -very well known which activities are or are not court-

yard activities., However, not all activities are represented by

structu^pa!l_.feat'ures,, and ini some cases where they exist they are not

f i x e d. 

,,;. ...,-•:• y" l o o i - -;. 

: •  ' ' 

• ;";'  '  --'1"li'V;

An inipprtant courtyard feature is ?the hearth« Observation

indicates;that at least one out. of every three hearths"in the house

- 119 -

is located in the courtyard usually close to kitchen walls or fish-

smokin£ ovens» It is not uncommon to find a hearth in..the middle of

a houseo. Because of its permanency and i>..s heat effects on its

location, the hearth is an important feature for rsccgninisii-pg -food

preparation activity in the courtyard». 4-h the absence of a kitchen a

hearth is usually fixed at the location where the kitchen is.likely to

be built, under a drying platform for shadeor; shelter. However, this

is not a hard-fast rule because drying platforms could be erected

anywhere in the courtyard* and are' often considered temporary

structures. They are often dismantled to give space for the erection

of other structures.

Another feature of the courtyard be'sides' the hearth and. drying

platform is the mortaro Fixed mortars in the courtyard are mainly for

the preparation of a popular food called kapare (fufu in Swe and Akan,). •

They are sometimes communally used for pounding grain^ in whichcase

they are erected in the courtyard and are rarely removed:even when in

; 

•' 

•

.

.

•

-

'

•:-

;

.

T

-

•

•

'

/

•

•' 

-

.

.

.

.

',

disuse.. Unlike., other objects of the courtyard, mortars are positioned

off• walls, of the house to prevent damage to the walls. 

;.^,.  ,,,.:.-,

Another courtyard feature of considerable importance is the clan

(kabuno),- ghrine which is located in the courtyard on the; immediate.

outside of the wall, and by the entrance of the doorway to; the jrooni

of the kabuno head* Family shrines which are specifically for the ..

family of a house are also located inside the courtyard..^A third type

of shrine, the twin (ntaa) shrine is erected on the- outside of the

wall near the entrance of the family, not kabuno head's room. However,

where there already is a kabuno shrine in a house as mentioned above

the twin shrine is fixed near to it« The courtyard is also the

location for burials of important family personalities.. The practice

of burying the daad in houses is one that is observable in other

Nchumiru settlements in the area such as Akaniem, Banda, Buafiri and

Grubi, There is no specific location for graves in the courtyard,

but they tend to be located away from the kitchen side of the house.

Wiae traditions mention that properly, deceased kabuno heads should

be buried in the courtyards of their houses- However, today, it is

the deceased's family that makes the final decision which is

invariably accepted by the community.

As part of the development process of the house in Wiae, burrow

pits sometimes and up being the part of the house that eventually

becomes the courtyard» In such a situation the pit is turned into a

rubbish dump,, It may take several years to fill upo For example one

such a pit being used as a rubish dump by a house during my visit in

1972 was only half-way filled in 1981• The restriction imposed by the

courtyad until is fully filled with trash, is that structural

it

features such as mortars and hearths can only be located around it.

The pit thus becomes a trap for left-over food and other discarded

objects for several years. Another restriction is that only certain

parts of the courtyard can be beaten hard.

Other features or objects located in the courtyard include

wooden benches, water storage pots, grinding stones, gourds, stools,

chairs, tables boxes, piilss of firewood a,-cl various items of house-

holds equipment and toolso These objects are ao much moved around

between rooms? courtyard and kitchen, that it is not possible to e a r m a r^:

any specific locations. However, an overall observation indicates that

the above-mentioned objects tend to be lived up along the house.

Clearly, the courtyard is a K•.;."<.<:i-purpose area which probably

accounts for the fact that it is open with a few permanently fixed

features. Perhaps the purpose here is to make it possible to arrange

or shift objects around for different activities., Even though the

activities carried out in the courtyard and objects' associated with

them are very important, the availability of alternative locations

seams to reduce its importance as a unit of the house- Taken

individually, the activities that take place in the courtyard such

as sleeping, exchange of goods, family discussions, pouring

libation at the family .kjabuno or personal shrine, burial and food

preparation or drying food on the beaten floors, have too low

frequency of occurrence to require any physical expansion in terms

of erection of structural features- It is certain however, that the

courtyard, by virtue of its location and its multi-purpose activity

area, is important as a connective space area for all other activity

areaso Paths flowing through the courtyard indicate the connectivity

that it provides between activity areas of the house and between

kabuno areas of the settlement- it maintains an openness that

facilitates the social connections required for the maintenance of

i2£HS£ system or relationships-

THE KITCIM'-i

The kitchen (gjaare) is one of the most important  fixed

structural features of the  residential unit  in is/iae. It may consist

of anything from a raised rectangular platform  with one or two

hearths to a wall enclosure with a thatch roof. The raisad  platform,

about three metres hiL)h  is often the nucleus or location  indicator

or a future kitchen. Owing to the lesson of the outbreak of fire

which destroyed  Old  Wiae, the people  of modern Wiae have the tendency

to locate kitchens a fair distance away  frorr, tht main buildings.

After erection of the kitchen, other features Eire contracted  to fill

in the gaps and to square iu> the hcuse  into the  : L" and ''U" shaped

patterns that are the geometric  characteristics of  ndae nouses

(Agorsali, 1983a), ihe erection of the kitchen  invariably  gives the

house  its initial  spatial definition,, Later additions to the  initial

building, such as ovens, fowl pens, storage  barns and  similar

structures are then built at appropriate  locations* finally, objects

in the kitchen tend to be located close to the walls, either outside

or inside of the kitchen (Fig. 3)°

Features Associated  v/ith vJiae Kitchen

A kitchen  in wiae must have at least a hearth, but not all

hearths in the house  are  in the kitchen„  i'-ore than .50% of the

total number of hearths in the house  are located  outside  the

kitchen. Many of this number are located, in the courtyard and,

- 123 -

in two out of three esses, located  against  or very close to the

kitchen walls on the courtyard sicl^o

The kitchen provides  shelter for fish-smoking ovens and

hearths, as well as household  equipment  such as pots, bowls,

baskets, water containers, hoes and hoe handles, mortars, pestles,

brooms, gourds and calabashes* Others include broken pieces of

canoe, stools, benches, cutlasses, grinding stones, clubs, firewood

and a host of unfixed household  objects. The kitchen, therefore, is

one of the units of V/iae residential area which contains important

features that  can be used to explain the occupation and  food

preparation and  food preparation habits of the people in the

settlement. The kitchen is also a storage area. Owing to its

location and associated  features and objects the kitchen

constitutes a central area of the household activity, but mostly

complementing  that of the courtyard«»

THE BACKYARD

The backyard  is the area of the settlement  immediately

surrounding the space within which are located  the sleeping room,

kitchen and courtyardo  Many of the manufacturing  and processing

activities take place  in the backyard. These activities include

basket-weaving, mending of fishing nets, pottery-making, carving

of stools, mortars and pestles, preparation of  slaughtered,

trapped or hunted game, and  storage  of firewood and building

materials* Storage barns and bathuoses are also located in the

bsckyardo  Cubbish dumps ;.:nd toilet  pits are  located  on the  outermost

limits of thv.- backyard. Community  features such as mortars for

communal pounding of grain and  resting platform.:, or benches are

also located, in the backyard. Currently  the cemetery  of the village-

is located out of the village  but burials continue to be made  in

the backyards, In addition  'o the above  activities other  activities

such as drumming and dancing, meetings and exchange  transactions

take place in the backyard. Host of these activities vary  in

frequency of occurence„

Traditionally, the end of the backyard marks the boundaries

of the  settlement. The area beyond  the backyard  is the afuito,

meaning "empty  space". The  afuito  is the -area beyond the rubbish

dumps and latrine pits which physically  mark the outskirts of the

settlemento  Afuito  is a t^rm  also  applicable  in Nchumuru everyday

language  to open space which  in Nchumuru traditional sense, is the

word which refers to the backyard. Its contents are considered as

part of the  settlement. That is, £^iit^o, refers to a space that has

at the time of mention, not been incorporated  into the  residential

part  of the  settlement. The location of some of the most  important

features such as storr.-?o barns, rubbish  dumps, and pile's of

firewood  indicate the  importance of the backyard as part of the

settlement, and. the boudary  connections that  it provides between

the residential area and the  farm lands.

Locational Decision "-making i-micaf the r-chur/iuru:

With the above descriptions of th^ backyard  it is now possible

to review  the form that, together with  rooms, kitchen and  courtyard,

it provides.. The discussion so far indicates that even though the

various divisions of thu house have different  functions, they arc

connected  by the activities related to the objects that lie in them.

The  courtyard  is seen not only as a multipurpose  division of the

house but also as the area that provides connectivity between the

other activity areas as well- Relating behavioural variables to

material objects in spatial terms is an exercise  that eludes many

spatial archaeologists.. Owing to the  static nature- of the  eventual

archaeological record, the understanding of the dynamics of an

ongoing cultural system, constitutes one of the best  ways of

explaining behaviour related to the recent past. Yet adopting such

an approach  is only a first step. Different  spatial processes may

produce the same spatial patterns and vice versa., A wide variety of

internal  spatial patterning in houses may be developed, but these

can only bo useful when seen in relation to the traditional values

of the  society and also when those values can be defined  in practical

and measurable terras»

Throughout Nchumuru settlement history in the Banda-V/iao area,

decisions regarding location of features and objects are observed

to be taken at three levels: at the nsuro  (phratry) level to maintain

cohesiveness between members of the nsuro in the Nchumuru area as a

whole; at the mbuno level within a settlement, to maintain

relationship between family groups; and at the household level,

to maintain family identity«, The first two decisions are at the

group  level while the  third one is at the individual level„ It is

-•••••• 

: 

t h at 

' 

. 

, • •:

the individual decision /  affects the internal patterning  in the

house  and accord with the taste and values of the builder and his

dependants* However, all the three decision levels affect not  only

the location and distribution as well as the f°rm and arrangement

of houses and objects within the  settlement  as a whole  but also the

location or other structural  features within the  individual houses *

The principles of locational decision-making within Nchumuru

households as considered  in my study are not the types familiar in

mathematical logic and other  similar spatial theories,, They  cannot

be  fed into a computer to yield  decisions that would be of help to

the archaeologist»  Their application requires sensitivity and

intuitione  In view of the vagueness that this type of .analysis car-

generate, it may bo questioned whether and in what  sense the  decisions

are rational at all- This question  is difficult to ansv/er as there is

no universally  agree definition of ''rationality", Simply, the  decisions

are considered  as rational  bocr-use they are derived  from  principles

appearing in the trends of an on-going  society, arid therefre, represent

a type of effectiveness* They  are  effective  in creating r type of

internal organisation  in the house that produces its own kind of
pattern* The point of my study has been in the  identification of the

factors which 

/ 

the locational decisions rather thpja judging

d e t e r m i ne 

. 

- - . • • •• 

.-•••. 

. 

;  •••.

the rationality of those decisions.

- <j27 -

Available archaeological evidence  supports the speculation that

the locnticnal decision-making  at all three levels is continuous

between early Nchumuru  settlements and modern oricB in the  area

(Agorsah, 198j5a). Hie observed continuity has also been shown to •

constitute the various stages of the  growth of the spatial behaviour

of the Nchumuru in the area. Cultural transformation indicated by the

shift  from  circular to rectangular houses has however been noted  as

having necessitated  an adaptive deviation in the location of features

within the houses. The continuity  in location decision-making  is also

indicated by the importance of the Dente shrine in the Nchumuru

village. That the Dente oracle originated from the Laterh  of the

southern Guang area  is a historical fact and  supported  by traditions

from Krachi, Nkonya and Larteh-Akwapim  C%ier,  1981, Kumah, 196^)0

The linguistic  connection between the Nchumuru and  the other Guang

societies of Ghana is very well attested  (L*hret and Posraansky, 1982).

Another significant  cultural element that indicates  connection

between the internal organisation of early and present  Nchumuru

houses consists of large wodden mortars located between house

structures^ This is also evidenced  at the excavated  sites of Old

Wiae and Oseiaye No. 1 and La&eng Ketakpang  (Agrosah, 1983?  1986).

It is also a characteristic  feature in modern Nchumuru villages of

Banda, Wanjuro, Wchenke as well as other G-uang-speaking villages

such as Abujuro, Adamkpa and Monkra in the Kete-Krachi area. Is

this a typical feature  of the Guang? Anquand3bd982)  considers

this feature as very characteristic  of the Guang of the  south

and cites the site of Dawu as an example. This evidence, so far

- 128 -

seems to give some support to'this assertion,. However, to apply

this to the Qua ng-speaking people there is the need for more data

that will show connection between such a feature and the social

organisational rules of the Nchumuru; it is only then that we can

suggest that the particular location of such large mortars between

houso structures is typical of the 'Quango Location of mortars further

extends the courtyard 'activities and supposrts earlier suggestions

that the courtyard serves as an area of connection between the houses»

Nchumuru ritual also seems to play an important role in the internal

organisation of the house. In ritual, the actions of the Nchumuru have

consequences which reach far beyond their immediate impact. Their

actions have ritual significance not because they are exotic or

bizarre but because they take deliberate' steps to maintain contact

with their oncestral spirits"» For example, in their minds the ritual

action of guarding the location of the kabuno is a way of maintaining

good relationships with the spirits of their ancestors but at the same

time it 'manipulates their use of space and thereby manipulates their

life. As has been noted earlier the kabuno shrine has a special

location in th£ house. In the period before modern V/iae, some three

decades ago, it used to be located in the centre of a house consisting

of circular hutso In modern V/iae it is located at the entrance to the

room of the kabuno shrine•is therefore, easy by virtue of its location

within the house* Similarly, the kabuno shrine locations made them

visually and psychologically accessible to the household and other

kabuno members. Archaeological evidence obtained from Old Wiae

-  129  -

indicates  the  importance  not  only  of  the  ancestral  kabuno  shrine

but  also  of  the  Dento  shrine  which  has  been  described  as  the

protective  god  of  the  villageo

In  a  society  in  which  the  builder  of  the  house  is  the  user

and  at  the  same  time  the  one  who  also  maintains  i t,  it  is  quite

obvious  why  social  connections  should  play  quite  an  important  role

in  their  spatial  behaviour  or  patterning*  Generally  in  building  a

house  and  deciding  on  i ts  internal  organisations,  the  spatial

behaviour  of  the  Nchumuru  does  not  pose  merely  a  technological

problem  but  is  dictated  principally  by  the  character  of  the

villager's  social  relationships»  Although  the  spatial  behaviour

involves  aesthetic  and  geometric  considerations,  the  main  goal  is

the  cultural  and  practical  function..  The  house  in  Nchumuru

traditional  society,  therefore,  reflects  their  life  styles,  a

situation  which  is  not  common  among  Western  societies  in  which  the

designer  of  the  house  is  different  from  the  builder,  and  the  user

is  often  neither  of  the  twoo

Who in  the  Nchururau  society  decided  or  decides  the  internal

spatial  organisation  of  the  houses  or  the  settlement  at  large?

My previous  arguments  (iigorsah,  1983b)  seem  to  emphasize  Nchumuru

decision-making  as  a  group  rather  than  an  individual  matter-  This

is  not  to  say  that  a  given  society's  traditions  are  maintained

only  on  a  group  level,  nor  is  it  meant  to  imply  that  every  group

which  existed  in  the  past  has  been  perpetuated,  .aowever,  one can

hardly  conceive  of  a  collection  of  individuals  living  in

geographical  proximity  without  the  eventual  evolution  of  some

- 130 -

form cf group membership„ Individuals living in such proximity

interact, and out of those interactions a group crystallizes*

In fact, among the- I-'churunai of Wia^-, a person's very sense- of

identity is shaped by the group of significance to him - the kabuno

and the kasurb» These groupe givo the individual his earliest and

most complete spatial experience, social identity and a guaranteed

link with his ancestryo

The human spatial behaviour evident in the modern settlement

of liiae (for example the decision regarding the location of

structural features within the house), therefore, is a result of

decision based on the group norms* There are no explicit restrictions,

whatever, on the individual's decisions* However, since he shares an

overall space area, as well as some ideals with other people, he

behaves in the same manner as he wants them to do. Consequently, an

informal compromise evolves which, upon repetition over a period of

time, crystallizes into accepted values ?nd relationships through

which one may be considered as belonging to the group» By identifying

the group spatially one can socially identify the individual who then

becomes the pivot around which the detailed dynamics of the spatial

system can be explained.

The difficulties of isolating individuals by studying cultural

material in an archaeological context have been well discussed

(Hill and Gunn, 1977; Donnan and Clev'.cv, 197*0 end seem to indicate

that material in the archaeological context is a result of

combinations of both group and individual actiono %  study

demonstrates that both the group and individual factors are crucial

- 131 -

at specific levels of analysis of observed cultural patterns among

the Nchumuruo Considering spatial behaviour at all levels in a

general sense, the evidence suggests that among the Nchumuru

individuals built their houses for the group - the kabuno in the

first instance and ultimately the teisuro. The location of the house

identifies the individual as a member of the group; the house form

and its internal organisation identify him as an individual*

The discussion of this paper emphasises the hypothesis that in

order to understand the internal organisation of sot clement

structures such as houses, it is necessary to analyse them in

relation to the social behaviour patterns that generate them, not

only at tha level of appearance or wh-r-.t they lock like, but more

importantly in what they are as  the physical organisation of society.

This is even mcr^ applicable in situations where the builder is the

designer and the user at the same time

^uA  o± r

ur  y  tt.-rn^  cf  -  -_<i  ^fricr^u  tr-aitiorio.1
:  fN  Nchnnuru  c 
i_surl->tion,  -rrr<\.rcity  oi  California,

ISTL Ja-.dae,  Gh-'aru

Fh.D.

ii, 

tic  Lcl:.

',  r  pt,,.;

t i -1  contLV^,  African
.jity  t/  Kyrti,  wol. '-<:

Kc f i

Kofi

'l  ir *ilif\tiur)&  ff  tr
" ' ) C , ij  M'oriL  tr  1-ichuuuru of
n" ,  Currcri  A:.tor•:p_clrf?/  V'-l.  ?6(1).

.\r-ilyai?.  ir  irh.  i^crtii  rn

.t~  aarci.  .TO  H r
u  ">: rti. .nt  o L ,'

'iuIP)  Roix rt  f'  r  T/S/'-BS1?

f  C-hari,

.u<^ J I, ,co'/t rh i; 

'Jh* a  '' r  Paut,  Lonrrnan,  London

I'>K p 

, lint  of

Me  vi3--rpoinl
\nftu.u'ticr>
i.i'"crnla,

Donnan, CB*

1974

and  Cluwl  w,  CoV/. (Kds.):

Sthnoarchaeology,  Monograph  IV,  I n s t i t u te
of  Archaeology,  University  of  California,
Lea

> • > • &'

IDhret,  Co and P o s n a s s k y, Mo:

1982

The  Archaelogical  Juijl^inj^Ai^j;^^!^©^^-
tructicn  of  African  history,  University  of
California  Press,  Berkeley.

-  .133 -

H i l l,  Jo  and Gunn,  J.  (Eds.):

1977

Tfofe  individual  in  Prehistory:  a  study  of
variability  ifr  style  in  Prehistoric  - .
technologies.  Acado  Press,  New Yorko

Kuraah,  J.E.K

Maier,  D.  1981

Painter,  C.  1967

Traditions  from  Krachi,  Institute  of  African
Studies  Series  Nos.  1o  -  2^,  University  of
Ghana,  Legon.

The  Dente  oracle,  the  Brong  confederation
and  Asante  religion  and  the  politics  of
secession,  In  Journal  of  African  History
22:  229  ~ 243o

The-  distribution  of  Guang  in  Ghana  and  a
statistical  pretesting  on  twenty-five
idiolets,  Journal  of  West  African  Languages
*f  (1)  :  2>  -  78 o

Prussin,  L.,  1969

Architecture  of  Northern  Ghana:  a  study  of
forms  and  functions,  3erkeley»

Tait,  D.,  1961

The.Konkomba  of  Northern  Ghana*  Oxford.

F I G U R ES

Figure

1 

2 

Map showing location of research

Key to illustrations*

3 

Locations and distribution of structural features

v.n& objects in house So

k 

Demarcating area of a houso (examples)-