CONFERENCE REPORT

A CRITIQUE OF THE MASS MEDIA
AT THE ASSA CONGRESS

les Switzer
The Association for Sociology in Southern Africa (ASSA) held its 11th annual
congress at the Holiday Inn in Maseru despite a virtual boycott by academics
from states other than South Africa.
There was considerable variation in the quality of the papers presented during
~he three-day conference (24-26 June), and at several points in the proceed-
lngs questions were raised concerning the relevance of the topics and the
credibility of some speakers.
Several delegates walked out of one speech,
for example, amidst charges of racism, into another, charges of more racism
,nd out again.
Nevertheless, papers on aspects of rural development in Africa - including
those of the two main speakers, Absalom Vilikazi (Zululand) and Gavin Williams
(Oxford) - were generally well received as were others concerned with housing,
trade unions, influx control and the i~plications of technological change on
blacks (Africans, 'Coloureds', Indians) in the urban areas of Southern Africa.
Once again, the contrast between structuralist, mainly Marxist, and alternative
explanations of the events and issues discussed was evident throughout the
conference.
In what appeared to be a first for ASSA, four papers focussed on the role of
print and broadcast media in South Africa:
John van Zyl "Broadcast mass media
and change in Southern Africa";
les Switzer "Towards a political economy of
the Black Press in South Africa";
Ruth and Keyan Tomaselli "Mass communi-
cation and the dissemination of apartheid ideology";
"Total strategy as total propaganda:
Keyan
also presented a paper on "Problems in ethnographic film making - the case
of'Ikaya"'.
Ideology is a central theme in three of the four papers to be summarized in
this article.
The Tomaselli paper makes the strongest statement on the role
of the mass media in communicating apartheid ideology "to foster the c?ndl-
tions for the most efficient reproductlon 01 capital~.
taln that ideology is not "superimposed" on the pubhc
.
lndl~lslble
from the relations of production" - the political, cultur~l and S?C10-eConomlc
Infrastructure _ which determines the nature of South Afrlcan Socle~y. Apar-
lliH ideology (and the authors include "liberal ideology" ~nder ~hlS rubnc)
'rticulates the information, ideas and attitudes of the rullng ellt~ WhlCh
Is defined as an alliance of white capitalists, white petty bourgeolsle and
vorking class remnants together with the incr~as1ng co-opt~on o! the black
petty bourgeoisie.
~lass alllance , the mass
medica "mediate" the reality of South Afncan

the socialisation of danger".

The.au~~or~ ~~n-
but lS

and Graeme Addison

As an integral part o~ thlS

Soclety for the oppressed

70

- the black working

majority
The Toma se11is suggest. that the ~lack petty bourgeoisie
o~ unequa~
representation"
hberal)

terms and wIthout

polItIcal

Ideology

clas~.

the conditions

stable and skilled

"needs to foster
~mall,
1ndustry,
per~tive
nItIon of the urban based petty bourgeoisie".

and the professions.

commerce
behind

the lifting

is being wooed "alb~l:
because apartheid
(a~
....-"----
of a numerically
work force to service the manufacturing
im-
and the limited recog-

This is the economic

for the development

of restrictions

Pro-

Radio and television,
gramme

With these theoretical
how apartheid
ideology
calle~
English-language
maga~lnes
presents
castIng

autonomous

and the emerging,
a special

considerations
has been projected
'opposition'

the press functions
Broadcasting
role in designating

by the commercial
Afrikaans
to reflect white
.•, plays a ~re

in mind, the authors attempt to show
press - the so-
press, contemporary
black newspapers a~
press.
relatively
Broad-
case, since it is under state control:
primarily
interests, the
active and
Corporation
and providing models of class behaviour
sustain the status quo.

"Whereas
South African
direct
geared to safeguarding
to
is geared
content
the relative
"maintain
economic
hierarchy
and to make accessible
cally filtered
reality
of radio and television
reality
society.".
South African
explore
the nature of bias on SABC and focus particularly

the Tomasellis
positions
••• the cultural meanings
broadcasts

maintain,
of social roles in the cultural and
ideologi-
in the texts
to bring that
of white

into line with the social experiences

the interests of capita 1 H ••

a pre-determined
carried

operate primarily

and aspirations

The authors
ways
Bantu and internalised
reconcile
individuals
of apartheid
ideology
areas where the population
of the petty black bourgeoisie,
edly take on a new importance
duced:

on the
in which the values and norms of the ruling elite are projected on Radio
by its black listeners with the effect of helping "to
to their given social positions",
in the rural
via Radio Bantu is particularly
The wooing
on Radio Bantu, will undoubt.
service is intro.
on preparing a
group of blacks for their social roles as labour

when the new black television
"There is no doubt that this service will concentrate
numerically
limited
units
geared to socializing
based, though geographically

The content will be specifically
into an urban

The communication
important
media.

rarely has accesS to competing

this nascent petty bourgeoisie

in 'white' South Africa.

separate lifestyle".

very noticeable

based ~adio-T~ st~tions will offer.viable
are seen to be
Capital

ideologi.
Chan~el 702 whIG.
The authors conclude what 1S undoub~.
of a radical critique of the mass media in South Afrla

fallaCIOUS
Radio and Boputhatswana's

as the Tomasell1s
are inextricably

clearly sh~
lln~ed to

and ownership,
elite.

The only differ~nce

is in the level of intenSIty and the dIrectness,

or alternatIVe!J.

media

••• there is dissemination

of apart-
between !he varIous arms of th~

structure
white capitalist

Arguments
that 'homeland'
cal alternatives
in the case of Transkei's
in terms of economic
South Africa's
edly the first outline
with the view that
"at all levels of the mass
heid ideology.
media
its sophistication".

71

*

are primarily

theme throughout
Black publications
however,
conditions
for interpreting

the convoluted

organs of protest, and the "protest tradi-
history of the Black
separated
and Switzer argues in his paper that an ana-
class conflict can provide a

"cannot be artificially

underlying
the Black Press.

such a framework,

or ISAs) are contrasted

Switzer cites Althusser's

primarily persuasive,
(identified as repressive

defini-
the private
organisations
with
state
of the state in modern

society as one which incorporates
Private,
state apparatuses
institutions
The key to the maintenance
location of
not the public, sector.
the ISA as well as outside of it has at least two
can promote ambi-
to their situation but it can also en-
against the power elite.

class strife within an ISA

classes
defiance

Althusser's

framework

to provide

8lack publications
tIon" is the dominant
'rt~S in South Africa.
'rom (black) society",
lysis of the structural
us~ful
In an attempt
tion of the state in capitalist
as well as the public sector.
(Identified
as ideological
public,
primarily
coercive,
apparatuses
or RSAs).
,oclety
is in the private,
the class struggle
within
l.plications
for this paper:
valency among the oppressed
courage
class
To help clarify
the problem
ISAs, Switzer
within
class values are internalised
'ra~sci
calls
class conflict
and hence the status quo - and
working
rate in conflict
the 'contradictory
'contradictory
which attempt
Briefly,

consciousness'
to mediate
contends
and attitudes

'abstract
through

subordinate

of how ruling and ruled class ideologies operate

looks at Gramsci's
ideas on the way in which middle-
by the working classes at the level of what
- the effect of which is to neutralize
consciousness'
the search for consensus to ensure social stability
by which "the
The two ope-
with each other - hence the problem of what Gramsci calls
The concept of
can also be said to operate within the ISAs

'situational consciousness'

of the oppressed classes.

consciousness'

class also has a sense of its own objective reality".

class conflict.
that

articulate

class maintained

the same fundamental

of their role) to perpetuate

of its own, as the Africanists
the status~quo".

Switzer
and consumers
"the communicators
formation
g~OiS class values and norms.
t ey were conscious
of this class
a consciousness
formed part of the apparatus
ruling middle

of BlaCK Press news and opinion, in-
petit bour-
As such, they served (whether or not
the vested in~eres~s
.•, The Black Press never was an independent entIty WIth
claim, but rather it
of social control whereby the (white)
The three main phases of the Black Press - mission press (1830s - lB70s),
'Independent'
press (1880s - 1920s). captive press (1930s to presen~) -.are
,nalysed within
to suggest how.black.publlc~tlons
could be said to have formed part of an ISA in South AfrIca whIch artIculated
the 'contradictory
Switzer
outlines
controlled
tribution
change while continuing
~
Phase _ the 'independent'
, black petty bourgeoisie
of this class in its attempt
tical and socio-economic

ideological position of those who owned and
the un~qual dIS-
consltutlonal
to promote the maintenance of the structural status
on the most contentIOUS
era of the Bla~k P~ess wh~ch saw the emer~enc~ ~f
intent on voiCIng
and aSPlrat{~_s
to find a place in the whIte controlled po I
system".

the journalists
the social system and advocated
He focusses particular~y

this structural
consciousness'
the ambivlaent

the Black Press,
of benefits
within
this period.

of the oppressed classes.

who criticised

the 9rlev~nces

throughout

framework

An attempt is also made to show how the 'contradictory consciousness' of
ruling as well a~ ruled ideo~ogies was reflected in these publications, and
SWItzer concludes by suggestIng that the expanding 'situational conscious-
n~ss' of the b1~ck petty bourgeoisie has narrowed the "ideological gap.
wIth the subord1nant urban and rural workIng classes.
This has had the
effect of rendering most contemporary black publications virtually impotent
as potential or actual ISAs in South Africa.
The alternative - the use of
the Black Press as a "weapon of ideology against the classes in power"
(Althusser) - would seem to lie in the increasing number of community-based
publIcatIons

beIng launched outside the established press.

*

society",

The role of mass media in development has been a topic of considerable contro-
Before the 1970s,
versy in the developed as well as the developing world.
the "paradigms for development" emanated from the west and, as Van Zyl pOints
out in his paper, the main arguments usually assumed that more media would
mean more information and ideas which "would inevitably cause rapid and ex-
tensive change in underdeveloped
The nexus of western values and
norms underlying the relationship between mass communication and development -
simplistic notions of under-development and unrealistic indices of how to
measure development
(e,g, per capita income), the presumed necessity for
technological
growth in a free enterprise economy coupled with the importance
attached to maintaining strong links with the developed world, and the wide-
spread belief that the 'failure' to develop lay with the developing world -
came under increasing attack from the 1970s.
It had become clear that mass media had failed to promote development.
has become even more clear in the past ten years that 'development' is a
complex process in which the media plays, at best, a contributory role:
"Development came to be seen as participatory change towards the kind
of economic and social system a region decides it needs".
A major attack on the 'cultural imperialists' of the west emerged with the
'New International
Its main target was

Information Order' which was formerly proclaimed in 1976.
"the dominance of the United States in communication technology and tn
world communication markets ,•• an inequitable and self-perpetuating
state of affairs".
A parallel development was a renewed interest in t~e.communicatio~ process
as a whole and particularly in the role of oral op1nl~n networks 1n the
The importance of the receIver, the urban-~ra 1
diffus ion of information.
environment
in which media operate and the developmental value of t~e l~-
formation transmitted have also received more attention from commun1cat10ns
resea rchers.
Van Zyl maintains that

It

"the use of media in development in South Afri~a ~nly exists as a
faint glimmer in the eye of the medIa speclal1st .
t" stations in Transkei and
. 1
ral news with an
together spend 30 minutheslahd~Yfon :i~~~ut¥hiS is the only
.
whIch the receiver

.
Focussing on broadcast medIa,
in various ethnic languages and "semI-In epen en
Bophutatswana
In orm
ea t
added 30 minutes two days a week on
use of radio broadcasting in development:
t f
1
"SABe provides a prograllll1eof benign neg ec
gains no benefit".

h
e pOl~ s d

. t out that SABe's Radio Bantu prograllllll!s

rom

d

.

73

Van Zyl concurs
the ~roposed
Specul
IS distinct
supposes
Solely
in South Africa
.In every
While
controlled
Integration
work
nationalism
television
broadcasting
gether
Zyl concluoes,

'TV2' channel
programmes
from the interests
a qual ity of delusion

at a rural audience

with other critics

for Blacks

made for the "supposed

of the television

service

in describing

as "a blatant misapplication

of funds",
interests" of urban Black viewers -

of their urban white counterparts
••• previously

untapped",

- .pre-
aimed
- a remote possibility
and Van Zy1 maintains:

Progranmes

even if they are relevant

economically

- cannot

be justified

almost

sense, it is a futile operation".
everywhere

radio and television

by the state which generally
and loyalty
to the centre",
is used to exploit
ethnic consciousness.
are incompatible,
in South African
service.

Van Zyl suggests

in the developing

world are

uses the media to promote
in South Africa the broadcast

"national
net-
Since Afrikaner
and African
that a role for radio and
might be found by decentralising

development

The promotion
with the use nf new broadcast
it easier
in the different

might make
"the needs of specifiC
in development
cultural
desirable".

of "independent
technology
to cater to

the
stations" to-
(satellite and cable), Van
••. The varying stages
areas in South Africa and the varied
of the many language groups makes this regionalism

(socio-economic)

regional

demands

groups

*

'Total strategy'
Idministration
erecting

is the current

as a pointer

catchphrase

to the .paramilitary"

now being used by the P W Botha
is

posture the government
and

politically

economically,

South Africa

militarily,

to fight a 'total war' against the 'total onslaught'
of the strategy

is the emphasis given to the propaganda

in South Africa".
in his paper characterizes

as the .socialization

of danger".

"to prepare
psychologically
on white domination
element

doctrine,

An important
war which Addison
As a military
least as far back as 18th
Von C1ausewitz.
philosopher
tary strategists
refined
until
democratic
war situation"
South African

the concept
doctrine".
Because
the new doctrine
life;

who have gained

the concept
Century
Addison

in particular,

"to engender
ruling elite".

voluntary

(as distinct

it is now "ess~ntla11y

power in B?tha's regime.hav~

of 'total strategy' can be ~raced ~t
in the writings of the Prusslan milItary
shows the extent to which the new mili-
taken ove~ and
an~ ant~-.
South AfrIca has entered
CIVIl
is being rapidly extended to all a~ea~ of
the propaganda war where the aIm IS
support for the

a total~tarlan

from coerced)

a developIng

control

programme.

is thu~ one aspect of

Government
the 'total strategy'
co-opted
in the "national
omnibus
enemy _ Marxism
label for the liberations
on the military's
attempt
to provide a
a campaign
"comprehensive
both within
contends

and manipulation
interest"
_ which Addison
movements
"to influence

of media agencies
to wage.psyc~olog~cal
in Southern Africa.

The mass media in South AfrIca a~e to be
war agaln~t an
.
a generIc
HI~ paper fo~u~ses
n

defInes In thl~ con~ext as
and control news medIa content
plan, aimed.at enemies of the government
the country.
propananda
..

is a form of "neo-nationa1ism"

propaganda
and outisde

that the

campaign

Addison

74

'sur-
in

for example,
.:. ~ed by the major industrial
unlfYlng

of many factors relevant to white
in favour of .self-determination"
state, South
capital in the growth of the military-

of 'total strategy'

is capi-
of the propaganda cam-

principle"

is the cutting edge, as it were

appreciation

:on~tellatl~n

in a ~trat~gic
Race .1S rejected,
of states
The
underlYlng
the role of monopoly
complex

g~oun~ed
vl~al
.
a
Afrlca.
~allsm,.and
lndustrlal
palgn.
The link betwe~n
extremely
fraglle
"Afrikanerdom,
t~ come to terms wlth lts potentlal
llbera~s
to bel,eve
for many fractions

that total strategy
of capital".

monopoly
one.

with.its,authoritarianism

and the black petit bourgeoisie

Addlson Olalntains that

'
c~pital ~nd white minority

.•• lS anything

rule, however, is an

allies, the English-speaking

and its racial mania, has yet
•., It would be a mistake

like fully satisfactory
prompts Addison to suggest that the
of urbani sed

complexities

The fragility
military

strategists

of this potential

alliance

to handle the confusing

"are poorly
industrial

equipped
society"

and he feels that in reality

-

evident

Coercion

in police

- primarily

and military

for a rapprochement

to regiment society even more thoroughly

"it is the aim of the military
than has been the case with civilian control by Nationalists".
with the mass Media, where news manipulation

matters - usually is rejected in favour
in the form of legislation - contin-
even though the first Steyn Commission
{on security news re-
with the presS by suggesting, among
that media should act as a watchdog on public institutions.
policy' is
appeal for a 'national communications
by the press. Addison believes that the journalistic
"be co-opted to serve government
policy".
Cor-
concerned
with the survival of their commercial enterprises,
being drawn into the strategic planning process at the top
It is made easier because on the whole "both bourgeois liberalism
Co-option is also
are mainly controlled by four

This is clearly
especially
of news control.
ues unabated
porting}
called
other
things,
While
the commiSSion's
viewed with misgiving
profession
porate media,
"are steadily
levels ••
and neo-nationalism"
eased by the fact that press and broadcasting
newspaper
Voluntary
the support
for survival

still requires a strategy which will attract
of those who are prepared to accept the .paramilitary option"
of the status quo.
the tradition of repression in an in-

groups and one state corporation.
co-option,

see Marxism as "the common enemy".

Addison concludes:

will inevitably

continues

however,

form. but it also holds out the carrot of consen~us to
allies
then they.wlll be

.,. if they won't be co-opted

like all .the rest who are gettlng the total

"The total strategy
tensified
potential
coerced
and propagandised
war they never wanted".

75