STEYN COMMISSION 1: THE PRESS AND TOTAL STRATEGY Les Switzer1 The press,- in particular, the survlv1ng 'opposition' newspapers - is to be Publications which fail to promote the in- co-opted 1nto Total Strategy. terests,of the State - and it is abundantly clear that the ruling National Party w111 continue to define these interests - will be silenced. This is th~ re~l message embedded in the obfuscations of the 1980 Commission of In- qUlry 1nto security news reporting (Steyn Commission I). The p~ess is to be upgraded from a passive chronicler to an active partici- pant 1n the new strategies for change envisioned by Prime Minister P W Botha and his c?l1ea~ues. ,Furthermore the guidelines to be followed in the process of Co-opt1on w111 undoubtedly be detailed by Steyn Commission II when its report is -tabled in Parliament later this year. The key proposal in the report of Steyn Commission I is the formulation of a "national communication policy" which, in turn, will be "determined and con- trolled by the national strategy" (Qaras. 231, 233): The State and the media need each other .•, because the State is one of the media's chief sources of information and conversely, because the State is largely dependent on the media to inform the population. In the case of conflict between State and media interests, State interests in respect of national security are paramount The commissioners clearly regard the flow of information as hierarchical - from the State to the people (e g. para. 229) - and legitimate news is de- rived essentially from official sources provided by the State. ly, non-official sources of information, ideas and attitudes - particularly those concerned with the grievances and aspirations of individuals and in- stitutions deemed prejudiCial to the security of the State - are seen as potentially The assumptions held by the commissioners as to who (or what) constitutes an "enemy" of the State reveal much about the normative framework within which the press is to be evaluated. The State's external enemies are "Marxism and certain Western countries" - led by Russia and the United States - which aim "to replace the present order in South Africa with one that is radically different" (e g. paras. 47-55, 447,458-459). These twi~ ~ogies ren~er s~p- port to the State's internal enemies who, while not speclf1cally def1ned 1n the report (but note paras. 68-74), are seen to be anything ~h~ch undermines or subverts "knowingly or unknowingly" (para. 226) the prevalllng status quo. The commissioners devote much space to the "psychological onslaught" (e g. paras. 235, 346-347) from withi n and without which ~s se~n ?,Sa "propaganda campaign" that "cannot be neutralised solely ~y legls~atlon (para. ~291. " enemy Hence the importance of a national communicatlonS POllCY to counter (if not actually) illegitimate sources of news. (para. 469). More ominous- 41 its ambit" to the South African were concerned of police and military coverage of security news in this context. and to promote the policy of Total Strategy. the role of the foreign and domestic press in While they favoured great- it is clear in South Africa2, mainly with the South African press operating news. in a conmunication to in the interests of South Africa" erected an elaborate (para. 235 facade which appeared recOlll11endedthat the Official Secrets Act of (para. 514), for example, and vari- 118 which dealt Defence Force (SADF), be revised to propaganda The commissioners its er control over foreign journalists that the commissioners and its role in the reporting that action~ 11Iits efforts to get the press "involved the my emphasis), wHl aperate support many of comm5ssioners 'watchdog' role - "media must enjoy tlle ideals of a free press. on the part of officials or poli- the r}ght to make public any irregularities for example, and ~hegovern- tic;aas. {~ 9. paras. 11f, 513) -was in denying the press access to against ment vas cautioned "oversensitivity" information which might be embarrassing urged "a greater and more ef- secUl'ity (e g. para. 233). The commissioners (para. 232) and reCOlTll1endeda narrowing fective flow of information" of the focus of censorship of and reporting so that "only disclosures ation or facts be prohibited which are ••• in fact detrimental fence or survival industry" (paras. 281, 502). ThecOlllllissioners specifically 1956 be amended "to restrict ous sections of the Defence Act of ~957. including Section with news relating make available more information As Tony Matthew~ Dean of the Law Faculty at the University the changes pointed out in a letter to the author, Secrets Act were not specified revision of Section was nullified apparently recommendation lication of information ulation groups (para. 404). Prof Matthews section in the Armaments recOIlI11endedby the commissioners practices commissioners to information was counterbalanced The supremacy missioners press was "free" and "independent" destruction destruction to prejudice The commissioners untouched restricting ities" (para. 58a) and suqges ted that "voluntary co-operation press and the security forces by appropriate (para. 512). and effective ssioners disclairr~d any attempt at converting medium for the State (para. 288) or for the "political 507), the effect of their recommendations As "the principal of Natal (Durban) in the Official that the pub- to cause erunity between any of the pop- that a new anti-disclosure Act of 1968 (para. 417) of mal- Thus the carrot offered by the on access to be sacrosanct of the present orderly dispensation of the free press ••• Press freedom or harm the national also maintained is only fruitful and successful Although party in power" (para. the press into a propaganda would amount to the same thing. to (letter to author 22 July 1980). would prohibit even the disclosure in the 9uise of easing a few of the many restrictions by appeals for more censorship. They maintained rights was held by the com- that South Africa's (para. 11a) but warned "that any possible ..• will also result in the .•• does not imply licence however, and the suggested by the commissioners' .calcu1ated ... in the Republic and the Defence force" be prohibited arsenal" by the author- between the if backed the commi- security interests" that the "formidable (paras. 238, 428). legislative instrument" (para. 452) for transmitting information of State interests over individual (para. 28). was also of the opinion and Production Development security news reporting was "virtually on its activities (para. 515). 118 considered The media's affirmed, but would not prejudic~ nationa1 of the State ••. its security forces on inform- to the de- ••, its armaments '" legislation" 42 (para. 450). developmental action successfully" syndrome' must be avoided" (para. 457). (i e. the implementation of "Governmental credibil ity must at all In effect. the press the public on security and defence matters. the press .had a duty to inform the publ ic "of the nature and ambit of the threat. of the necessity for sus- taining their own will to resist and to carry through their own internal and peaceful separate development) costs be maintained and strengthened and the extremely dangerous 'unfulfilled expectations was to avoid any news that might give credence to the interests and needs of the vast majority of South Africa's citizens who rejected apartheid. In a bid to pinpoint the kind of news which was not in the interests of the State. the commissioners offered an anlysis of the content of press reports on selected items of police and military news. Three studies were commissioned. SADF news stories in 27 newspapers from May 1978 to December 1979 and again in January 1980 were collected to ascertain the "attitudes" of the press to the SADF and its "influence on the morale" of the defence force. A sample of these stories (24% of the total or 3 403 stories) was then anal- ysed on the basis of whether the language used was "positive" (pro SADF). "neutral"("strong objective and factual reporting") or "negative" (anti SADF). The third study focussed on press coverage of the Silverton siege (25-31 Jan- uary 1980) to ascertain press attitudes towards "the continued maintenance of the constitutional Again. the stories were analysed on the basis of whether the language used was "pos- itive" (i~ favour of the "constitutional system"). "neutral" or "negative", The results are summarised below (for details. see paras. 209-226): system of State security and of public order". Positive (%) Neutral (%) Ne9a~ive (%) 12 20 20 73 72 80 8 8 7 ~ADF News May - December 1979 SADF News January 1980 Silverton Siege News 25 - 31 January 1980 However much one might query the value judgments implicit ~n the categorie~ the criteria allegedly tested and the methodology wh1Ch was employed. used it i~ significant that these content analyses actually offered further support scene: ,the _ for a view long held by observers of the South African.~di~ press. including the so-called ~nglish-language Oppos1t10n press. 1n rea lity is not critical of the rUllng status quo. f the SADF and 'white' press coverage of the Silverton siege ress coverage 0 the only signi- P was regarded by the commissioner~ as "f~voura a- ficant 'opposition' newspaper WhlCh reglstere~ a .nega~lve r~tln~lwastag~acks rently the Sunday Post - the Argus-owned p'ubl~c~t1~n a1m~d p~l~;.l ~da50% in Soweto. 'ban- "negative" rating for its coverage of the Sllverton Slege4• ~he recent nin ' of Post did not come as a surprise to those who read rhl~ rep~r~ ~are- ful~Y. since-the commissioners concluded,tha~ the newspap~r s as well as its loyalty towards the constltutlonal system 1S suspec • 216c). In a qualitative analysis of the major topics discussed in these reports. This newspaper received a 0% 1ft n. ac,,'. p~slt1ve~ 4~% cre~~b(~~;~ neu ra bl" e;. a 43 however, the commissioners found that too much space was devoted to "ideolo- logical and conscientious objections" against the SADF (para. 213d) and the "negative" image of the police in the Silverton siege stories revealed "a potentially unacceptable alienation of the public from the police force" (para. 216e). in The use of "gunmen", "freedom fighters" and "guerrillas" place of "terrorists" was also deemed questionable by the cOlllllissioners (para. 216a) who suggested that these "semantic matters" should be resolved in briefing sessions with security and defence officials Finally, the placement of stories in~ March 1980) was considered prejudiciaf to State interests: ample indicates the need for heart-searching garding their independence, issue of the Rand Daily Mail (24 in the ranks of the media re- (!)(para. 239d)5. freedom and responsibility" "This single ex- (para. 234). * * * As envisaged in the report of Steyn COlllllissionI, then, the press in South Africa will have to assume three additional functions if it is to survive as a "free" and "independent" medium of mass cOlllllunication: The press must censor the activities of the State's internal and exter- a. (This implies a shift in em- nal "enemies" as ~ phasis in the press's 'watchdog' role from the State to the "enemies" of the State.) The press must sustain and promote a positive image of the State's se- curity and defence agencies. Above all, the press must mobilise public opinion in pursuance of the campaign for Total Strategy. by the State. b. c. In reality, of course, the voluntary co-option of the press means the elimi- nation of the last vestiges of opposition.to government policy. seem that this ;s the ultimate rationale behind the deliberations COIIlIIissionsI and II. It would of Steyn 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. of foreign journalists including the fin- in South Africa (paras. 196, 237, 361-373, Prof Switzer gave evidence before the first Steyn COlllllissionin Pretoria last year. The cOlllllissionersrecolllllendedthe registration and a more effective monitoring of their activities, ancing of these activities, 486. 508). For example. the reader isn't told how the SADF samples were actually obtained (para. 211). the criterion that the SADF had "symbolic and sentimental significance ••• for all race groups" (para. 212) is highly contentious. and the arbitrary categorisation of SADF stories as "nega- tive" if they recorded negative events like desertions, assaults, pay and postal delays and even heat exhaustion (paras. 212.213) is falla- cious. During this period. news content in the Sunday Post was apparently the responsibility of a small group of white staffers who were generally at loggerheads with editor Percy Qoboza. In the example cited, an SADF expos~ story merited page 1 treatment while 44 a "potentially memorate extremely dangerous" story on a meeting in Soweto to com- incident was placed on page 4 (para. 239). the Sharpvi11e Reference ~eport of the Co~ission lng the South Afrlcan Defence Force and the South African Police Force 52/1980 .. of Inquiry into reporting of security matters regard- RP FORTHCOMING ISSUES 1 Vol No 2 1981 IN SOUTH AFRICA PERFORMANCE This is the working sub-title the interests The working fr~ unstructured socla1 behaviour music, dance and festival). All enquiries Critical" Arts, Johannesburg, and submissions South Africa. title endeavours An expansion, and rationale for the subject will emerge once init a1 response and title for the fifth issue of Critical Artt. of potential contributors are measured. to cast a broad net which embraces performance in an ethnographic sense which includes forms (performance and work activity) to structured forms (performance in theatre, University should be directed to: of Witwatersrand, Ian Steadman, Guest Editor, 1 Jan Smuts Avenue, 2001, * * * Vol 2 2 No 1981 IN AFRICA title embraces the study of broadcasting BROADCASTING The working in its widest sense ranging from specifiC case studies of, for example, gatekeeping mechanisms in the news room to the role and function of broadcasting Other areas of interest would include the history of broadcasting in Africa, its neo-colonia1 origins, ownership All enquiries ~, ~12rahamst9wn its role as an ideological agency, its structure of Journalism and Media Studies, Rhodes Universlty, and submissions c/o Deptof 6140 Keyan Tomaselli, Jt ~dftor, may be directed to: functions, and so on. in development. * * *Vol 2 No Arts, University 3 and submissions may ~e directed to: MASS MEDIA AND POPULAR CULTURE All enquiries Critical Johannesburg. It should be noted that the board of referees to whom a~tic1es wi~l be submitted will assess the paper in terms of the critical perspectlve establ1~hed by the Journal is contextual, stUd~l~g ~he ~rts and the media in terms of social history, popular culture and SOCla 1981 John van Zy1, Jt Editor, 1 Jan Smuts Avenue, 2001 of the Wltwatersrand, That perspective in previous s ruc ures. * * * issues. 45