1 MY miN LIFE I now come to the most embarrassing, because the most personal, part of my task. An account of ones own life is, of all others, the most difficult. For while the facts narrated are better knOl'm to the writer than anything that can be learned of another, still the personal equation must always be reckoned with. Small events may assume undue importance to him, and there is always a strong temptation to place the Ego in undue prominence. This tendency becomes more apparent to me as I read the National Tribune with letters printed therein from old soldiers giving their e:JQJeriences in the army. Almost always of great deeds done, in ",Thich they were always the chief actors. The reading of these letters gives a clear and somewhat sad insight into the weaker part of human nature. So far as possible I shall seek to avoid this. My life upon the whole has been so co®nonplace, that there is little room for heroics, even were I so inclined. To give a fairly clear view' of my life I shall have to dwell upon cO®TIonplace things. My recollections of childhood are first obscure, like seeing through a glass darkly, then emerge more and more into clear sky as I advance in years. One of my first recollections is of a school mistress loaning me her penknife as a bribe to coax me to school. To reach the school house we had to cross Benedicts Bridr;e over the Tonmvcmda, and it appears that I was afraid of this trip. From this I gather that I waS not natural(cid:173) ly courageous. But I could not have been more than three years old at this time. To send a child to school at that age would be considered criminal in these later and I believe wiser days. Another incident is quite clear to me about that 'time. Father was going to Oregon with the team, riding one and leading the othe,r by the halter. I rode the second 2 horse hanging on by the mane. The horse I bestrode saw SJme others in an adjoining field, and suddenly backing up, drew the halter from father I s hand and set off at a high rate of speed for the other horses. I can remember nothing of that vdld flight only, that when father came UP much frightened, I was sitting in a little hollow and gravely assured him that I had ridden as far as I wanted and got off. From my fourth to my eiGhth year I went to school very regularly. I was not a very good boy or docile pupil. Often in mischief and engaged in many b03Qsh scraps. I generally came out ahead in these mimic battles, but on one occassion got pretty badly scratched up. By mother cried over my condition, which was disreputable but not dangerous. I recall that the Methodist minister was at our house when I got home from the trouble, and he delivered a long lecture upon the evils of fighting and the end of bad boys. His homily was not very effective, for I thought I saw a laughing devil in his eye, and thought him something of a hypocrite. -~ie left our little fann in Erie County, !\!e'ir York, nearly sixty years ago, and I have never seen it since.. Its image is ohotographed upon my brain with great clearness. The thirty acres consisted of the delta or flats of Tonawanda and lras of surprising fertility. These flats were overflowed every spring, and renewed like the valley of the Nile. Our buildings were a log house and barn, rather primitive in ap :Jearance. The buildings stood unon a knoll. Across tho road in front of the house was v.hat was called the "Cove", which resembles the bayous on Grand Hiver above Grand Haven. A spring gushed out of the bank of this cove which was our water supply. My parents first used a fireplace but later procured a huge Franklin stove. Ey clearest recollection of the stove i'laS from 3 the following circumstances. I was sitting in a high chair reading Le Perouse, a little tale of adventure. Mother "';.ras baking potatoes in the oven, and throwing the door open suddenly it vrent against my leg. The scar of the burn is as plain today as it was sixty-two years ago. It is something of a 9hysiological mystery that while the whole body changes utterly every few years, that scars remain as distinct as ever. It I S upon the same theory, I sU9pose, that we are told that any evil thing done in our lives leaves i.ts marl<: ana that no years of riGht living can wholly efface the stain. Our New York home vms humble and our lives simole in the extreme, but during the first few years of our life in Michigan we looked back upon it as the very Eden of our existence. But in the winter of 1850-51 we waited with joyous anticipations our migration to Michigan, foreseeing none of its hardships, privations and disasters. My first summer at Ottawa Lake was not unpleasant. I was still con(cid:173) sidered too young to work. I attended school, though not very regularly. There was much new and st range to a young boy. The proximity of the virgin forest held nmch of novelty. I recall the plentifulness of game. A young man came with us from He'.'{ York by the name of ')'utherland as a workhand. He brought a gun 'with him. The first evening we reached there he stepped just across the road and shot a dozen squ.irrels. The second evening he killed a deer about t'.ITenty rods from the house. Deer, wild turkeys, ducks and all kinds of small game were very 9lentiful. The woods were full of wild hogs that fatted upon the nuts of the oaks and hickories that covered the land. One man killed nearly fifty of these hogs one fall and took the carcasses to Toledo for sale. And yet, with all this abundance of game, at the end of eight years, when I finally 4 left ott awa Lake, there vms scarcely any game left. The manner of the inhabitants of ottawa Lake vmre so different from th'lse of our olel home that at first I vras aopal1ed at their language. I rmember that on the first sunnner of our residence there, sister Laura, a young girl about eleven years of age named Harriet }':;urohy and myself were crossing a field and had occassion to climb a fence. As ldiss Harriet landed, she stated with an outburst of violent profanity, that a sliver from the rail had scratched her. I recall now the shudder that ran through me at such awful language. But, "Evil com.munications corrupt good manners. II I soon learned to listen to profanity without mental disturbance. As this is sort of a confessional, I mic;ht say that that summer found me uttering my first oath. I had been trying for some days to swear, and one (Jay, when out with some boys, managed to rip out an oath. I cannot say that I felt guilty or in the least sorry for it. On the contrary there was an elation and a feeling of increased im90rtance difficult to describe. I seemed to feel equal to my environment, and on a par with boys of my own age in the accomplishment of profanity. On the way home from school that day, I unconsciously f'ot off another oath. Sister Fannie was with me and she was horrified and threatened to tell mother. I begged her not to do so, and promised amendment. :3he agreed not to tell and kept her word. I fear that mine Vias broken. The summer of 18.51 finished my schooling at Ottawa Lake. Thereafter I was put to work, first at such tasks as were Dossible to one of my age and strength, and later the work of a man. The year following our arrival in lllichigan, one of our horses died. I did not regret his demise as much as my f!lther did, for he was an ugly brute. Once 1'men I went to his feed box to put in some grain, he sei7.ed me by the chest with his teeth am threw me into the manger with great violence from which I escaped with 5 some difficulty. Quite a piece of flesh was torn from my breast, and I cherished no very deep regard for the animal. The remaining horse of the span we traded for a yoke of oxen, and I vras elected to drive them. I became quite an expert as an ox driver, and when twelve years of age did all of our plowing and also some for the neighbors. For this f2ther got ')1. 50 per acre. Vie were early risers at all seasons, especially myself. In the winter I 'was routed out at 5 o· clock to build fire s and get the house VTann for the rest of the family. I arose even earlier in the summer. One year father rented twenty acres of land on the bank of ottawa Lake to put into wheat, paying one third of the crop as rental. We "summerfallovred II the land, that is the land lay fallow that su,'llJTler, no crop being raised upon it and it was plowed three times before sow'ing. As a consequence it took V!ro years to obtain one crop. Very little of this expensive farming is done nm~, the farmer rather trusting to a ro(cid:173) tation of crops and obtaining a crop every year. I had to plol'T this land three times during the season with our ox team. As oxen cannot work very well in the heat of the day, I got up at tYro o· clock in the morning, hunted UD the oxen in the de'" drenched pa,sture, drove them up to the Lake two miles, and started in plow'ing by daylicht. I would plow till about 9 o'clock, turn the oxen out to pasture till 3, than plow till near sundown ano drive home. My breakfast and dinner consisted of a cold lunch carried with me, usually johnny cake and butter, and often a cold bite when I got home. The above may serve as a sample, :r,Jerhaps an extreme one, of the toil of those years. Still we did not get on, but became poorer and poorer with each succeed(cid:173) ing year. In the early part of Septem1,er we usually went to the Prairie and cut our hay for the Winter. Several days were spent in cutting, curing and stacking this. Later the stacks were alvrays in danGer of 6 destruction from forest fires, and to prevent this we used to backfire for a considerable distance from the st;:l,cks. The hay was commonly draT:n in the winter as needed. This hay was not very nutritious, and stock fed upon it became thin, and we waited eagerly for the spring grass to recruit their strength. Our recreations were infrequent and simple. Vie gathered nuts in the autumn. Hickory nuts were so abundant that some families gathered as many as a hundred bushels .mel sold them. Fifty cents a bushel was the most that obtained for them as I remember. ":e never gathered them for sale. Ginseng grew plentifully in the woods and we gathered it to chew. There appeared to be no market for it. Now the dried root sells for from five to seven dollars a pound, and it would have seemed a gold mine to have got that for it then. The high price now is said to be due to the Chinese demand for it. ZVidently they had not cultivated a taste for it then. Sometimes I would get a d;:ly off to go up to Ottawa Lake fishing. The only fish we caught Ylere sunfish and rockbass, and it was a very uncertain sport. The most of my spare time was taken up with reading. I had read the Bible through by the end of my tenth year. Perhaps some will say that this reading did not bear nruch fruit. iilhile I am not a believer in the claim that the Bible is a divinely inspired book and so different from all other books, I do think that it contains the finest English and the most beautiful imaginery of all literature. It has been said that I use more scriptural quotations in my arguments to a jury than any other attorney at our bar. There is scarcely a pha.se of human nature or of human affairs that cannot be aptly illustrated by some text in scripture. Hy early reading of the Bible has repaid me an hundred fold for all the time spent upon it. Father was for a couple of years director of our school district and 7 as such had charge of the district library. It was a goldmine to me. I read and reread Franklin 's Vlorks, History of Greek Philosophers, Rollins Ancient History and other works. Our financial resources not permitting lamps or many candles, I used to gather large quantities of the shag bark from hickory trees, burned them in our open fireplace, and sitting on the hearth, read by their light. In 1854, when the Republican party was in process of formation, and the fight against slavery grew hot, one of our neighbors took the New York Tribune, the acknowledged cham(cid:173) pion of free soil. I obtained the paper every week and read its contents with great and increasing interest. Perhaps, thxough its influence, I became a rampant republican at the age of twelve Years, though father still belonged to the Democratic party. rie had no daily papers in those days. The postoff'ice was four miles dist<;1.nt, but this was not very imoorlant for we got little mail. Suo-h was the course of my somewhat starved and uneventful life at Ottawa Lake. I was always a little hot tempered, but I think, not es(cid:173) pecially quarrelsome. Still difficulties would occur. The Ferris School District adjoined us on the east. "Roughhouse fl was nmch mala popular and corrnnon then that it is today. Raisings and loggingbees always ended with some kind of athletic exhibition, often goodnatured, but sometimes old grudges were worked off in these exhibitions. The Ferris district had a boy champion by the name of Fred Bowers. In the winter of 1856-7 the Ferris boys proposed to match their champion agaiY.lst some boy of equal 8.ge from our district. Our boys for some reason selected me to meet Bowers. This ",'fas wholly without my knowledge or consent. I had no trouble with Bowers and wanted none. One night after the meeting, about tY,enty-five of the boys of both districts started for home, I being of the number. 'jihen we got to the corner where I was to turn off toward home the boys stooped and announced the fight. The challenge of the 8 Ferrisites had been accepted and I had been selected to maintain the honor of the district. Of course, I am refining the language somewhat. It was the first intimation that I had of the situation, and as the girl said when proDosed to lilt is so sudden. II I had serious objections to the selection and so stated. When Bowers heard my objections, he evident(cid:173) ly attributed them to the '.''Trong source, for he came up and aimed at rre a very vicious blow. My objections vanished at once. I will not describe what followed. Bowers ",vent home, a sadder if not wiser boy. All this was after the manner of the times, and I state it more for the purpose of illustrating them, than as noting my success in the contest. Poor Bowers went into the anny and died there. I never had the slightest feeling against him. If he had succeeded in beating me it might have been different. ilben fourteen years of age I lost my mother. Bereft of her love and wise counsel, I feel that I lost something of moral and spiritual fiber that never returned. iie can only knoi'[ the supreme value of a mother IS love when we have lost her. They are the real saviours of society. By love they fashion and guide the world. After father's blindness, I ran the farm till in the late summer when, the crops needing no further attention till harvesting the corn and po(cid:173) tatoes, I worked for a farmer for two months at ten dollars a month. I then returned home, dug the potatoes, husked and binned the corn and got up wood for the winter. Father then sold the fann, rented a cauDle of rooms and set up housekeeping with sister Frances. There was no fur(cid:173) ther use for me. On the 26th day of J.Tovember, 1859, I went out in the world seeking work. It was a dark and dismal afternoon. 1\:0 one can know just how dark and dismal except under like circumstances. I walked W0St through Cotton- 9 wood Swamp. 1 had determined not to stay around ottawa Lake. I passed through Blissfield about three o'clock. Laura had been working at David Carpenters in Blissfield, and had been there for several years, and Vlas highly regarded by them. I did not call upon her but pushed right through. I shall always remember my bittorness of spirit and the vast loneliness and melancholy that oppressed me that afternoon like a cloud. Father had offered me ten cents when I went away, and I had. thrown it d01ID with some scorn. Frances said she made a long search for it afterwards but could never find it. She stood weeping at the gate and watched me till out of sight. My clothes were not worth two dollars. They consisted of the poor suit I w·ore, and a hickory shirt done up in a cotton hand(cid:173) kerchief. My finances consisted of t wo large copper cents. I passed through Blissfiels, walked till night, and then stopped at a farmhouse and asked permission to stay overnight. This was readily granted. Tramps were practically unkn01vn, and I was invited to take supper with the family, which I declined, and was given an excellent bed with the hired man. I had no apDetite for supper and. could not have S'Nallowed a mouth(cid:173) ful. I left without breakfast. This was because of an undue sensitive(cid:173) ness. I hated charity. The good people were surprised and sorry that I did not remain, as I afterwards learned. I walked several miles into the township of Raisin, Lenawee County, asking for work along the way but without success till I reached the house of one Place. When I accosted h:iJn upon the subject of work, he showed me an old gun and said that he would give it to me for two months work. The gun was worthless as I knew·. But v[hat could I do? I was withoug food or a place of shelter. So I accepted the offer, worked hard months for the gun, traded it off for a fiddle and sold the fiddle for $2.~O. I still believe th~t both the gun and the fiddle were not worth the money. Place was a skinflint of 10 the pronounced type, but I worked for him at small 'wages till the fall of 1860. It is a bitter experience to be a waif and a menial. I recall one instance that brought it home to me. It was but one of many of those dark days of poverty. A man and his son who were driving a flock of sheep through the country stopped at Places for a few days to rest and pasture the flock. The old man seemed to tp,ke to me, and we !Bd many conversations upon historical and current topics. He thought that I was a son of the house. He complimented Mrs Place upon my intelligence. They had t'fW sons, but they were both very dense and incapable of intelligent con(cid:173) versation. Mrs. Place, who was an ignorant female, had, with a contemptu(cid:173) ous tone indescribable, said that I was no son of theirs, that I was only hired help. It seemed to me that the drover paid me much less attention afteI'lvards, and though I felt some contempt for him afterw'a.rds, it hurt just the same. The summer and fall of 1860 witnessed the campaign of Lincoln and Douglas. The country was on fire. We lmmv little of political campaigns now. Then there was a great question at issue and crO'trds gathered a.t mass meetings and listened to fren7,ied orators. Argument was heard in every house and upon every street corner. Marching companies of 'IWide A'ivakes" "mre formed, drilled and marched at political meetings. I took as active a part in these meetings and demonstrations as my rather strenu(cid:173) ous labor would allow. It is needless to say that I was an enthusiastic republican. My employer was a democrat and I was rather glad of it. The life of a farm hand today is vastly different from that of fifty years ago. I got up at daylight in summer and at 5 0' clock in the winter and s?,,-nt an hour or two before breakfast doing chores. Breakfast about 6 o'clock and then to the fields. Vie had supper in the summer at 5, and then worked till sundown, and then the team to be cared for and the 11 milking done. We would then crawl to bed at 9 0 'clock thoroughly tired out, to begin the same treadmill in the morning. But I had been used to this all my life and looked upon it as the natural order of things. In the fall of 1860 I left Places and began to work for a man by the name of Colvin, chopping wood. Fifty cents a cord was the price for cut(cid:173) ting, splitting am piling, and board was :i?1.50 per week. I averaged about twelve cords a week and made from ;~16 to ~,~18 per month, which was by far the best wages that I had made hitherto. I worked for Colvin all the 7;i nter except about tyro "l'leeks that I worked for David Carpenter where Laura 'was employed. About the middle of Harch 1861, while at Col(cid:173) vins, I awoke in the night and found the bed afire. Jumping out the whole interior of the house was in flames. The Colvin family consisted of Mr. and Mrs. Colvin, five daughters and another hired man named John Price. All appeared to be asleep when I awoke. After arousing the family we found that the only means of egress was from the sitting room. The door of this was locked and we could net find the key. Breaking out a window we escaped in our night-clothes and very narrowly at that. Three young girls slept in a small bedroom and had not been aroused. de ',"Tent to a back window opening into their room am I jumped in and handed out tYro "fho were laying nearly overcome in the bed and ':rould soon have perished. The room V'rl'1s then full of flame, and I very severely burned my hands and f"tce. The youngest girl, Annie, nine years old, was not in the bed. Soon the house, which -~7as of light and combustible material, was a flaming mass and fell in. .'ie walked barefoot and naked as we were nearly a mile to a neighbor I s and aroused them. The ground had thawed during the day an'] fro?:e at night, and our progress was slow and pain(cid:173) ful, augmented by the pitiful grief of the mother and family over the missing child. We found the charred remains of her body the next morning 12 near the kitchen door. She had evidently awakened before I had and sought to escape through the kitchen where the fire started, and was unable to open the door. I lost in the fire very decent clothes, a fine gun and about $54 in money. After!rards I found a five dollar gold piece in the ashes, and that constituted my sole worldly possessions. After partially recovering from m;y burns, I went to work for a neighboring farmer cutting wood upon the same terms as when I worked for Colvin. My employer was a "Copoerhead" of the most pronounced type. That term vras invented during the war and applied to one OP90sed to the North, to the maintenance of the Union and to wholly favor the South. He took the New York Day Book, as treasonable a sheet as was ever printed. Vre had many warm argullBnts over the situa(cid:173) tion. He boasted that in the event of war, he would go so uth and enter its army. I promised to meet him with a gun in my hand on the other side. He remained safely at home and nursed his ill humor. Those were the darkest days of our national history. At the risk of extending this personal narrative to an extreme length, I must state briefly t he situation at the time. The great question of human slavery divided the Forth and South. At the time of the adootion of the Consti(cid:173) tution, most men both North and South, were in favor of the gradual ex(cid:173) tinction of slavery. But the invention of the cotton gin had made the cultivation of cotton profitable, and it became the great staole of the ,South. It was their proud hoast from 1850 to 1860 that "Cotton is Kingll. Slave labor seemed necessary to cotton cultivation, the value of slaves increased, and it became the great object of the ,')ollth to defend and extend the "Peculiar Institution." Lincoln prophesied in 1858 that this country could not remain "half bond and half free. II The South saw ultimate defeat in the increasing WARlth and pODulation of the North. For many years orior to 1860, southerners 13 had advocated sesession from the Union. In the presidential election of 1860, the Democratic Party was hopelessly split. The southern ,ying nominated Breckinridge of Kentucky as its candidate, the northern wing nominqted Douglas of Illinois; the unionists of the South named Bell of Tennessee, and the Republicans nominated Lincoln of Illinois. It is said that the Southern Democracy nominated Breckinridge for the purpose of dividing the Democratic Darty and breaking up the Union. It-was knoym, or at least expected, that Lincoln would be elected from this division, and he was in fact elected in November, 1860, and while he had far less than a majority of the popular vote of the country, the vote in the Electoral College was as follows: Lincoln 180; Breckinridge 72; Bell 39; and Douglas 12. Sesession had been threatened in case of Lincoln 1 s election by the South and vmen his election was assured, it at once took active steps in that direction. The United States then consi sted of 38 states, of which 14 were slaveholding states. Of these, five were known as IIBorder States, II viz, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Miss(cid:173) ouri. The population of the country was in 1860 about 31,000,000, of which the slaveholding states contained about 11,000,000, including slaves. The doctrine of Sesessionwas, that any state had an inherent right at any time when it judged best to sever itself from the Union, and free itself from all obligations to the People of the United States. This doctrine contained within itself a fatal malady. There could be no bind(cid:173) ing tie between the states. The ''3outh might form a confederacy of its ovm, but any of its members could leave it at will. The inevitable result of the recognition of this principle would have been thirty-eight little governments rrithout unity or cohesion, with separate Imvs and interests, and liable to continual disagreements and conflicts. A custom service would have existed on the borders of each state; each would have had its 14 little army, and the sea coasts st8te Us little navy, and the United States would have existed only in memory. The North held that the Union was in its nature indestructible; that it was the work of all the people, and could not be destroyed by a part; that the preamble to the Constitution was the power that formed it and the reason for its existence. rrwe, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union; establish Justice; insure Domestic Tranquility; provide for the Common Defense; promote the General iielfare and secure the Blessings of Liberty to Ourselves and our Posterity, do Ordain and Establish this Constitution for the United Sta.tes of America. If The people of the North disavowed the right to interfere with slavery in the Southern States, but objected to the extension of it into the territories. The great ques(cid:173) tion then was, Union or Disunion. The right of any state to break away from the general government and deny its obligations as a member of the Union. December 20th, 1860, South Carolina passed the first ordinance by a unanimous vote, and amid great enthusiasm. They little reali7.ed the dark and bloody reckoning that was to come. The six other Gulf States at once followed the lead of South Carolina. In February these seven states met at l,lontgomery, Alabama, am formed a new government under the name of the rrConfederate States oi' America, II and elected Jefferson C. Davis Presi(cid:173) dent. The forts, custom houses, mints, navy yards, arsenals, and public buildings belongins: to the United States in these seven states were seized, and the few regular soldiers were compelled to surrender except at Key West, Fort Pickens and Fort Sumpter, and these were closely besieged by troops of the seceeding states. Such was the situation when, on March 4th, 1861, lincoln was inaugerated as President of the United States. The preceeding winter had been spent in vain efforts at compromise by lovers of the Union, but the South spurned all efforts in that direction. Lincoln in his inaur.;eral address still prayed for peace. He said, !live are not enemies but friends. VIe must n')t be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic cord of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone allover this broad land, will yet svrell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as they surely will be by the better angels of OlIr nature. II Rut IJincoln' s apoeal fell upon deaf ears. On April 12th, 1861, the bombardment of Fort Sumoter, that had been closely invested for some time, b egan; and on the Itl-th it surrendered. lITo one can .. fell describe the fury and excitement of the Yforth 1f.~1en this news came. Parties were for(cid:173) gotten and the whole country demanded the recovery of the forts and pro(cid:173) perty of the United States taken ?ossession of by the seceeding states. On the 15th day of A.pril, 1861, the President issu'3d a proclamation calling for 75,000 men to be enlisted for three months to supress the Rebellion. One regiment was assigned to Michigan, and hearing that one company was in process of formation at Adrian, I left my axe in the vrood and walked to Adrian, eight miles, and enlisted in the Hardee Cadets. I nmv entered upon the second phase of my existence, and the old life Vias cast aside, never to be resumed. It must be delightful to look back UDon a pleasant childhood, and a nurtured and hap;)y youth. Such a re(cid:173) trospection is denied me. I have few recollections of the ten years preceeding 1861 not embittered by memories of thankless toil, abject poverty and a soulfelt want for a better and higher life. Compared to those ten years, the four years aftert'fards spent in the army were haopy indeed. An incident showing the state of public feeling and not altogether 16 unpleasing to me, occurred the next day after mJT enlistment. Hy former em(cid:173) ployer came into the city with a load of wood, and began his abuse of everything Northern and laudation of the South. A crowd got after him with a rope and proposed to hang him to a lamp post. Only a qutck retreat through an alley saved him. He left his team upon the street, went home on foot and his boy came in the next day and took the team home. :Military companies were being raised allover the state. Another besides our own 'tras being recruited in Adrian, and there was a great effort made by each to get into the regiment authorized to be raised. Preference vras given to the uniformed companies then organized. Our company had been organized for some time prior to 1861, its ranks were filled up "rith recruits and it was accepted as one of the companies of the regiment. April 24th our company left for Fort ,V"ayne in Detroit, where the regilnent was to rendevous. It was organized on April 29th and on the 1st day of Hay ,"ras svvorn into the service of the United States. We had received our clothing and full equipment of Springfield riffles, and on the 13th day of Hay start- ed for Washington by steamer across the lake to Cleveland. The regiment was 798 strong, of officers and men. Few of the members were over 21 years of age, most of them between the ages of 18 and 21. A finer set of young men never gathered under any flag. All VTere animated by an intense patriotic spirit and devotion to their country. All had devoted their lives to the preser(cid:173) vation of the Union, but none saw before them the terrible task of the future. I had read much of wars and of a soldier~ life, but knew nothing of its reality. Its sterner side was hidden from my sight. Y{e made a fine anpearance as I'm marched through the streets of Cleveland. Few had seen a full regiment, armed and equipped as we were. The Cleveland Plaindealer of that date said: "A great many of our citizens visited them, and expressed admiration of the men and the very admirable manner in which 17 they had been armed and equipped for service by their state. The comparison betvreen the action of Michigan and that of Ohio was not at all flattering. t1 -\'[e left Cleveland on the afternoon of the Ihth of ~'lay and arrived in Pittsburgh about midnight. Large crowds had welcomed us at every station, and at Pittsb urgh an enormous mass of people filled the streets. A bounti(cid:173) ful supper had been ~rovided for us at the de;Jot, and while we sat at the tables, parties took our canteens and filled them with any kind of liquor that was wanted. I had mine filled with "line, and hanging the canteen on the side of the car, its motion opened a seam in the canteen, and the wine was lost, which was just as 1'lell. We had a fine breakfast at Altoona, and reached Harrisb urg, the Capitol of Pennsylvania, before sundown. Here vre disembarked, marched into a camp with ,standing tents filled with clean straw, given a supper of hard bread and smoked meat and remained till the next morning. We thought that these quarters and fare after our sumptous dining up to that time, rather meager, but it would have seemed palatial in later years. The Bucktails, or Kane Rifles, II were being organized at the same c amp, and were a lot of magnificent specimens of the Pennsylvania mountaineer. They wore bucktails in their hats, hence the name. '.-ie left Harrisb urg on the morning of the 15th in flatcars. We had up to that time been carried in passenger coaches, but all such luxery ended for the next four years. 'ife reached Baltimore in the early afternoon. Guards vrere stationed at all the bridges along the route. Innnediately after the surren(cid:173) der of Fort Sumpter, all the bridges on the railroad had been burned by Baltimore Secessionists for fifty miles. TI1ese had been hastily rebuilt and ,',rere now guarded by Pennsylvania tro09s. Baltimore vras a hot bed of secession, and the secessionists had determined to carry Ii.'Iaryland out of the Union. On April 19th the 6th l.Iassachusetts Regiment passing through Baltimore on its way to!iashington, ·was fiercely assailed in the streets of Balt:iJnore by a raging mob. Frnm t he side'.'nll-s and ',rindm"rs along the 18 stre8ts a. hot fire had been -floured UTYln the l'.~ assachusetts troops, and a number '[vere killed and vronnded. Thereafter, regiments hurrying to ",~rashing­ ton, had been t~ken around Baltimore. After leaving Harrisburg, ten rounds of amnnmition had been issued to us and our guns loaded. So we disembClrked from the cars at Baltimore. We marched tlirough the main streets of the city to the Washington depot upon the other side. There were many hisses but no further hostile demonstration. Only two of the Massachusetts com(cid:173) panies were t)rovided with muskets, and they had little ammunition. lie were mar,nificent1y armed, and had we been attacked, there would have been mourn(cid:173) ing in Baltimore. The Baltimore American the next morning said of us: "The Iiichigan Regiment attracted e;eneral attention and commendation yester(cid:173) day by their solid appearance anel. .'mll disciplined movements. It 1'raS com(cid:173) posed almost entirely of young, steady and intelligent looking men, and appeared capitally officered. They were especially well equipped, thanks to the liberality of the State of Michigan, which had furnished them with an entire outfit, and were armed with new Minie guns. II "ile reached VJashington in the evening of l1ay 16th. Again a110'lf me to quote from the Washington correspondent of the New York 1-'ost. "The lIiichigan Rifle Regiment C21Jle into tmm about ten 0 'clock last night, marching from the depot up the Avenue to Eleventh Street. They were preceded by a splendid b2_nel. of music which soon aroused our citizens, and long before they reached the quarters assigned them, hundreds of people were out to give them welcome. The enthusiasm 7ras irrepressible, for this was the first western regiment which arrived at the Capitol." Washington was then in a state of strange unrest and fear. The flag of the Southern Confederacy was floating at Arlington Heights, just across the river. The Departments were filled with Secessionists, and men after(cid:173) wards prominent in the Confederate Army were still in 'iiashington, and osten- 19 sibly in our service. Soon after the call for troops and the as sembling of the regiments at ~dashington, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas seceded and joined the Southern Confederacy. strenuous efforts were rna,de to take Missouri and Kentucky out of the Union, but vrithout suc- cess. Maryland and Delaware became more strongly Union in sentiment as time passAd, and the Confederacy was limited to"eleven states named. the ~1e remained in ','iashington drilling till the evening of the 23rd of May. During those seven days I wandered at will through the Capitol and public build- ings. It was a great sight and an educating force to a boy who had lived my narrow and confined life. The seats in the Senate Chamber were all marked with the names of the Senators who had occupied them. I sat in the seat of Jefferson Davis, who had resigned from the Senate the previous January. Washington was then very different from its condition today. The present proud Dome of the Capitol was then only a guant framework of timbers; the Washinp'ton Mormment was then only 100 feet in height, and the stones present- ed by the various states, domestic and foriegn and many civic societies were piled under a shed. These were variously inscribed, and were put later in the interior of the shaft. The inscription upon the stone presented by the State of Louisiana caused sane comment. It was, "Louisiana, ever faithful to the Constit ution and the Union." As Louisiana had seceded the previous "winter, the good faith of its inscription might well be doubted. Pennsylvania Averme was then unpaved, and in wet times was a sea of 1IDld. Virginia had seceded and it was determined to invade her 11;3acred Soil." Alexandria, some eight miles from Washington, was the first point aimed at. The Fire Zouaves, commanded by Colonel Ellsworth were sent doym the Pot omac, by steamer, convoyed by the gunboat Pawnee. The First Michigan Regiment crossed the Long B ridge into Virginia at midnight of ]Vlay 23rd and reached Alexandria at sunrise, and at about tl18 same time as ii;llsworth I s men. 20 Our march was unopposed, but in Alexandria we surprised am captured about thirty-five cavalry. The Mansion House was then the principal hotel of the city, and from it floated a flag. The ow·ner of the house had declared that he would shoot any man attempting to t8.ke it down. Colonel ~llsworth ordered a comoral to take a file of men ani take down the flag, but as the corporal hesitated, he declared that he T.'ould not send a man where he would not go himself, and with a corDoral and two men ascended the roof and took down the flag. As he was descending the stairs, Jackson, the proprietor of the hotel, sprang from a room with a double barreled shot gun, and shot Colonel fnlsv'lorth through the heart. The corporal then shot Jackson dead and as he '.'Tas falling plunged his bayonet through the body. The Colonel was, I believe, the first to fall in defense of the Union. • ·'ife remained a few da:ls in Alexandria and were quartered in the "Slave Pen" of Birch and Price, as advertised upon its front. It was a commodious building, and contained one slave "''Then we entered it. We liberated him, and a more joyful creature I never saw. His name was George ~'iashington, and he followed the regiment afteI'l'fards. The day 7Ie entered Alexandria word came that there were some hundreds of barrels of flour at Clouds Eill, th2.t the enemy was removing. This mill vms situated about five miles from the city. It was a brick mill situated upon a small stream, and was run by the water passing through a wooden flume, and falling through a square hole upon an overshot wheel. One hundred men of our regiment and an equal number of the Zouaves were sent out to capture it. I was one of our number. Vie captured the mill vrithout trouble, and took possession of the flour. That night pickets were set on the paths cll1r1 roads leadinr, from the mill, the !l\8n of OUT regi.ment taking the first relief. I was posted in a patch of ·woods snme half a mile from the mill, and here J remained :'rom noon till midnight. .it was my first picket and 2. very lonely vigil. ;~very rustling wine! s8~med the approach of.' a foe, and more than once I aimed my 21 gun at a bunch of swaying gr~ss or bushes, thinking it an enemy. This may seem like cowardice. It was the natural timidity of ignorance. Take a boy of eighteen years of age from a farm. Set him out in a Virginia wood without experience in war, with tales of guerilla warfare ringing in his ears, and most boys would feel an anxiety over the situation. I confess that I did. He were relieved at midnight, and the Fire Zouaves went on picket. lie went into the mill to sleep. There were about twenty of the L.ouaves in the road in front of the mill. iie had not got to sleep when a volley rang out. The guard in front of the mill had been fired upon. \Te all streamed out, at once, but no enemy could be seen. They had, evidently, crept up, fired and then decamped. 'f1:ro of the Zuoaves had been wounded, one mortally. The last was the first man I Sa,,,, killed in the army. He was shot just above the hips and lived for a couple of hours. He suffered greatly a.11.d frequent- ly said, "Oh w-ho wouldn I t be a soldier." We were not further disturbed by the enemy. ire remained in Clouds ~Sill for a couple of days, and the flour having been all removed, 'lve returned to Alexandria. 'ife soon after encamped on :3huters Hill, and assisted somewhat in building a fort on the hill named tlFort 1!:llsworth." lYe were, however, not industrious shovel men, and the was worki\completed by gangs of laborers. Our time till about July 10th was occupied in drillini", of yrhich ':fe vrere much in need, and in camp and picket duty. Our orders 'were to shoot if anything dangerous appeared, and a good many cows, horses and nmles fell from the fire of the pickets at nie;ht. Often firing at niGht UDon these unconscious enemies wouln cause the long roll to beat in camp, and we would turn out in line to repel the anticipated foe. It was all ver-J ludicrous, as I looked b8ck u:Jon it afte!,\lrards, when soldering had become a business with me, In the summer of 1861 we were very 22 green and untried soldiers, indeed. About July lOth we moved from .Shuters «')hooters~) Hill to Clouds Mill and from there advanced to Fairfax Station. A brigade of the enemy held Fairfax ,station, but was easily driven away, we capturing some members of an Alabama regiment. They had just been preparing dinner in their c~~p, and we p;ot some nice hot boiled ham that vras not prepared for us. Here we remained for some two or three days. The road for some moUes before reach- ing the station had been full of trees felled by the Confederates to retard our advance. Ninety men from our regiment had been det2iled with axes to remove these trees, ani I was one of the ninety as accustomed to use the ax. -:ie were in advance and had plenty of vrork to do under the hot July sun. ~'ibile at Fairfax .'3tation my curiosity led IJB into a very foolish act, which, I think, a11110st cost me my life. There was a small Catholic Church in the vicinity that had been used for a hospital by the enemy. It was locked with shutters on the windows. It was only a one story building, so I climbed upon the roof and dropped through the belfry to the floor. There was onedead soldier within and the ordinary paraphenalia of a hospital. I did not remain long but undoubtedly contracted the measles, of which more later. On Thursday, the 17th of July, we marched to Centerville, ',{e ','Tere bri- gaded with the Fire Zouaves and the 33rd New York, the brigade commanded by Col. ~nlcox of our regiment. The division ow-as cOIn.'Uanded by Heintzelman, and the army vras under the command of General 1:icDo\7ell. -\'ihile on the march to Centerville we heard guns at Blackburns Foro, vThere a lively skirmish was in progress betw'een some of our troops and the enemy under Beuregard. There ',-rere quite a number killed and vrounded, though the fight "ras not of large proportions. Ne had nothing to eat on the evening of the 17th, and some ver';/ tough oxen were found and driven into camp. These were killed, it and. y,hoever wanted a piece cut it off and broiled,\on his steel ranrod. It 22 green and untried soldiers, indeed. About July lOth we moved from .Shuters (Shooters~) Hill to Clouds Mill and from there advanced to Fairfax Station. A brigade of the enemy held Fairfax Station, but was easily driven away, we capturing some members of an Alabama regiment. They had just been preparing dinner in their camp, and we p;ot some nice hot boiled ham that ,'Tas not -prepared for us. Here we remained for some two or three days. The road for some m~_les before reach- ing the station had been full of trees felled by the Confederates to retard our advance. Ninety men from our regiment had been detc:>iled with axes to remove these trees, am I was one of the ninety as accustomed to use the ax. -i'ie were in advance and bad plenty of 'work to do under the hot July sun. if/bile at Fairfax .Station my curiosity led IJB into a very foolish act, which, I think, al'!Tlost cost me my life. There was a small Catholic Church in the vicinity that had been used for a hospital by the enemy. It was locked with shutters on the 'windows. It was only a one story building, so I climbed upon the roof and dropped through the belfry to the floor. There was onedead soldier within and the ordinary paraphenalia of a hospital. I did not remain long but undoubtedly contracted the measles, of which more later. On Thursday, the 17th of July, we marched to Centerville, We were bri- gaded with the Fire Zouaves and the 33rd l!evv York, the brigade commanded by Col. ~-[ilcox of our regiment. The division yras commanded by Heintzelman, and the army Y;'as under the command of General 1.,icDo'ITell. 'l;ihile on the march to Centerville we heard guns at Blackburns Ford, y,here a lively skirmish was in progress between some of our troops and the enemy under Beuregard. There ',-rere quite a number killed and '\'TOunded, though the fight was not of large proportions.ive had nothing to eat on the evening of the 17th, and some ver:l tough oxen YTere found and driven into camp. These were killed, it and whoever wanted a piece cut it off and broiled,\ on his steel ranrod. It 23 was so very tough that my teeth were sore for days afterwards trying to masticate it. We lay at Centerville till Sunday the 21st inst. ~,ihile there a Pennsylvania regiment, ' . .,,-hose time had expired, marched back to Viashington amid the jeers of the other troops, for it seemed a shame to tum back when the enemy was before us. We lay within a short distance of the enemy. His riFht was at or near Blackburns Ford, and his left stretched away to the south beyond the Stone Bridge over Bull Run, a small river that has beeome historic, but was a mere rivilet in itself. 'ire were draym out in the road at 2 a I clock Sunday morning and lay till six a I clock. It was determined to turn the riFht of the enemies lines, and ~'Thile his left and center were attacked in some force, we Here to make a detour of some nine miles by the Sudley Springs road and turn his right. The troops that preceded us had attacked the enemy on the right and virtually surprised him. They had been driven back nearly a mile to an eminence upon which stood the Henry House. Here they rallied, and .stonewall Jackson with his brigade and others came to their relief. As we reached the crossing of the little stream the battle was in full view. Over near the Eenry House long lines of Confed(cid:173) erates could be seen on the double quick, and the air WaS full of bursting shells. The Fire Zouaves had gone in ahead of us. Soon we were ordered to advance, cmd we cross8d Bull %n, threw off our knapsacks at a little brick church and advanced double. Sometime before leaving camp at Cloud Springs I had engaged in a friendly wrestle 'with a young man by the name of Parker, and had struck my knee on a ten pin and wounded it quite badly. For that reason the Captain wcmted to leave TIe in cp..mp when the advance was made, but I would not consent to it. The road over which we were advancing was very rocky and flinty, and I carried an ax in my belt used in clearing the road. As we started on the double quick the ax helve caught between my legs and threw me violently upon my knees, and so lacerated my sore lmee that my shoe was instantly filled vritll blood. Lieutenant House took my [';un and told me to fallout and lie dovm by the side of the road. This I would not do but continued the double, catching my gun from him. I "\"las bound to see and participate in a battle. My curiosity was never so acute afterwards. ~[e soon passed Griffins Battery w'hich 'flas firing U00n the enemy, crossed an 00en field under fire of the enerr·YI s artillery. Here I hAard for the first time the hOl'rl and whistle of a shell. There is little music in it. ']ne shot knocked down our colors and two of the color bearers. i/e soon reached a ravine up which 1m -aent. This ravine wa,':; 9arallel ",-ith the con(cid:173) federate line and some twenty or thirty rods distant. '3mall pines fringed t:he sides of the ravine, and a cloud of hullets like hissing serpants were 1?assing over our heads, casting dmm leaves, twigs and branchEs of these pines. SOOE 1re were ordered in line of battle to go up the banks towards the enemy. At the top the full scene burst upon us. The Fire Zouaves had been on the field, and run in wild confusion. In every hollow or depression a little squad of them gathered for shelter. A feTT of the bravest fell in vrith us. As we reached the top of the ravine, a man named FoyfJ.er, a l:fethod(cid:173) ist minister who stood next to me, fell shot through the heart. I think that he was the first man to fall of our regimfmt. He died instantly with a smile upon his lips. Between us and the enemy ran a worm fence. Ricketts Battery had been advanced to the plateau upon which we stood, its horses had been killed, and its men killed, wouh l.ed or driven cti'\"ay. The enemy ','fere among its f21.111S. 1;7e advanced to the fence, gave them a volley and then charged. The confederates fell back before us and we captured the battery. The balance of the day seems like a dream. The day VTas intensely hot. ~je fought and suffered and many died on that baking plateau. At one time a Maine re[~iment fired into us by mistake. ',7e saw Johnstons fresh troops come in on our rir:;ht and somehow our men melted mvay. I never could tell just how. 1,'[e found ourselves drifting back across thl') field over which we had advAnced in the fore noon. The li.nes had given way and all ',7as confusion. This was about four 0' clock in the afternoon. We ha.d been fighting for five hours in a broiling sun and without water. There was no order or sem(cid:173) blance of discipline in our retreat. An unaccountable and needless panic had seized the entire army.i'Ve surged across Bull B.un where we had crossed with such proud anticipations in the forenoon, and continued the retreat al'lng the Sudley Springs "Road toward Centerville. Such a panic woulc1 have been impossible a few months later. If driven back the men -,muld soon have rallied in line, and if a retreat had been necessary, it would have been made in order and under the command of its officers. There vms no order or command. '~:Te streamed back tovrards Centerville like a flock of sheep. There 'Nas no pursuit. The enemy seemed as astonished as vre were, and per(cid:173) haps thour,ht we were trying to flaJlk them. lWery soldier who was at Bull rmn blushes for that day. And Jret the men who fought and ran that day 3tood like heroes upon many a stricken field aftenrards. An account of the first battle of Bull Run, published in the i,jational Tribune lately, stated that the dead of the First l!Tichigan Infantry were nearer the enemy's lines than thos e of any other re giment. But we ran quite as well as "I're fought when the rout commenced. The road from the battlefield to Centerfield was strewn with the debris of retreat: artillery, muskets, "ragons and cast off impedimenta of all kinds. I sa,\1 a niece of artillery by reckless driving caught by the hub against a small tree, and its frenzied drivers, instead of backj_ng U9 a foot or two and freeing it, unhitched their horses and continued their flight, leaving the r-:un to the enemy. .some byo miles from Centerville the road crossed Cub %n over a stone brid ~e. The enemy had got a. gun or t ':iO to bear upon this bridge from the ri €; ht of t heir line. l1ere nas confusion inf~_nite! ":h8n I reached the bridge, there ':rere many pieces of artillery} 26 wagons and vehicles of all kinds blocking road and bridge, and all abandoned. I crossed the creek by wading. One division under General riciles had been left at Centerville and vras not engaged in the hattIe. It was in line in front o:f :;enterville as we passed throngh. Miles, however, was drunk, and it is said, rode up and dov.m the lines of his division vdth a woman's headgear on. This drunken disgrace was killed in September, 1862, at Harpers Ferry, after he had surrendered toStonevrall Jackson. There had been some idea of making a stand at Centerville, but in view of the utter demoralization of the army, it was abandoned, aI1d the retreat continued to "!:{ashington. Miles' army had no more order than a flock of sheep, not a regiment or company being under the command of its officers. Our Colonel,dilcox, was wounded and a prisoner. The Captain of our company, Graves, was also WOD nded, and the loss of officers served to make confusion worse confounded. It was simply, "The devil take the hindmost. II I have vrritten of this day vdth pain and mournful memory. The 21st day of July is a black day in our calender. Russell of the London Times wrote to his paper that the Yankees were nothing but a pack of cowards. He was after-(Tards proved a liar, but it was, indeed, a disgraceful day. .some have since said that our defeat was a "blessing in disguise," that it nerved the North to greater effort, and lulled the South to a fa.lse security; that had we Yfan the battle, the result would have been a com1)romise vrith slavery retained, and the conflict postponed for a generation and left for O1.lr child(cid:173) ren to settle. I do nat believe tnis. The c;nflict between the ~' orth and the South was one of Constitutional differences, aggravated and precipitated by the question of hum2.n slavery, but it vvas one that had to be fought out to the death. It '{ras a question of Union or Disunion; and the South had stripped 27 early for the contest. The South would be satisfied only with Disunion; the North "'Tould accept nothing but a Union of the .states, and the conflict was inevitable and without compromise. I reached the south end of Long Bridge about ten 0 I clock. )\10 one had been allowed to cross the bridge into the city, and thousands of dispirited men were gathered at the south end. I can at this distance recall with rmich vividness my deadly, hopeless weariness at the end of this retreat. 'ife had scarcely slept 3unday night, and were in line at 2 0 I clock in the morning. :-ie had not then learned the necessity of keeping a full haversack and canteen. So almost vrithout food or water, I had marched nine miles, engaged in a battle of hours duration; from 4 o'clock in the afternoon till 10 0 I clock }.~onday forenoon had been on the retreat, not bouyed U~J by victory but deDressed and saddened by defeat. I fell upon the ground and went to sleep. In about two hours I was a'wakened by the rain. I reached my feet 'with difficulty and then found that it was impossible to take a step of more than two inches. I was absolutely stiffened. By continued effort I was enabled to step off better and better, till after SOm3 time the stiff(cid:173) ness was overcome. In the afternoon we were allowed to cross into VJashing(cid:173) ton and the Bull Run campaign -,ras over. Our period of enlistment had exoired a."1d TTe waited some days in 'i\ashington for transportation to Michigan. I did not recover from my lassitude, and could eat little or nothing. In fact the feeling grew upon me. I conld not account for it. -'/Ve finally marched to the depot to take a train for home, and as usual in such a case the train was delayed in starting. 'We lay in the depot nearly all night. Unable to sit up, I sought the hard planks for a bed. After dCl.ylight we han reach8d Baltimore, forty miles distant, where I fO"lmd myself completely broken out with measles. I shall long reme-rnber that tri9. ~Ji th no means of lyinf! dm'm; 2 cool wirld COD:3tant(cid:173) ly blowing through the car: by the time \'{e reached Cleveland, the eruption had disap888red; hac'! F:;one back, as they say. Here I was )laced in a sleeping 28 Car with some others. It was a car with bunks up the side, not like the palatial cars of the present day. I have no remembrance of the trip from Cleveland to iNashington. I have a dim recollection of hearing the cannon boom as we came into Detroit, but I was nearly unconscious, nearly deaf and blind. I was placed in a carriage and driven to st. Mary's Hospital. A member of the regiment, also afflicted with the measles, lay in a bed next to mine. Within half an hour of our entering the hospital, he rolled from the little bed to the floor, and when they picked him up he was dead. It did not shock me, for Iwas past shock. It is a ·wonder that I lived, but after remaining between three and four weeks ther~, I was able to get up and walk around. I then left the hospital and went to Uncle ,lests at Ottawa Lake. I hoped soon to be able to reenlist. I had no home and did not intend to trespass upon the hospitality of Uncle West, but I did not gain strength. Sometime after reaching there, I rode to Blissfield, some seven miles distant on horseback. The trip was accomplished with some difficulty. After remaining in Blissfield for tyl'"O or three hours, visiting with my sister Laura, I start(cid:173) ed to return. After riding some tw·o miles, I was taken ';'lith such a terrible pain through my chest, that I found riding impossible, and had to dismount and lead the horse. I was nearly bent double vdth the pain. In this con(cid:173) dition I made the last five miles. I was put to bed unconscious and a doctor sent for. Here I remained for some weeks, which had little meaning for me, for I was randering most of the time. The doctor said that I had typhoid pneumonia, the result of the measles, and that if I had not been taken a3 I was, that I could not have lived three months. This sickness, then, was my S9l vation. As soon as I was able to stand firmly upon my feet, I learned that one Wells was raising a company for the Michigan Lancer Regiment. A British colonel of cavalry had received a colonel's commission in our service for the purpose of raising and commanding such a regiment. We knew later that such a re gimenl~. would be of no service as lancers, but no one seemed ' to know it then. ,;,[e rendevouzed at Detroit. At the tjme of the Trent affair, when Mason and Slidell were taken from a British ship by Captain ~i;ilkes, ','rar with c.;ngla.nd seemerl imminent, and our British Colonel resie:ned. No one was aOJointed in his place, Vie were kept for a time in Detroit and finally discharged. -~\hy we were nClt retained in the service as a cavalry regL'1lent I do not know, but suppose that the government thought it ha.d all it needed of that branch of the service. Ca~)tain ~··rells then pro )osed to raise a comoany for one of the regiments of thA IIE;agle -qiffle Prigade, 11 then being rec rui ted at Buffalo. I, with tW() or three othors, 'Nent down with him to enter this service. The camp was at Fort fo rter on the !"iagara B.i ver. He re life] 1 s loft us. Here we re(cid:173) mained for nearly tyro weeks. Though we vrere not enlisted, we were not per(cid:173) mitted. to go outside the gates. It became exceedingly monotonous and I na de up my mind to end it. 'T'he railroad ran between the fort and the river at the foot of a very steep embanlanent. A sentry walked along the edge of this embankment. I carelessly walked to the edge of this embankment and slid down to the railroad track. The sentry cried halt, but I steadily pursued my 'tray up the track to the city. At Huff I s Hotel, so called, they were enli.sting men for the regular army, and I ,yalked in and pr'lPlosed to enlist. \'ihen I gave my name and age, the officer ask'3d if my Darents ':'rere living, to ,rhich I ans:'rered II no ". I don It thin.l{ this lie ha.s been laid against me. The officer thGn said it '.'.'Oulc) be necessary to choose a guardian. He walked over to a groce~J near by, the propri3tor consented to act as my guardian, I accepted him and he gave me permission to enlist. '\".'hereuPlon I was enlisted. It seemed and still seems about as comolet9 a farce as could well be enacted, but it got me into the regular service. Now began my real service as a "Soldier of the 'Re )Ublic. II After receiving my uniform, I was free to go where I pleased, and I saun- 30 tered back to Fort Porter and walked around very independently. No one tried to stop my entry or exit. In a few days some sixteen recruits had been collected, and we were sent to Governors Island in [IIe';'[ York Bay. Here we remained for about a month. A young fellow by the name of Field and myself constituted a whitevrash squad. We did little but whila'rash government buildings while at the Island, and we were not especially proud of our work. It vras not very heroic. Finally one hundred and twenty-six of us were started for the West, to join Batteries H. and M. of the Fourth United States Artillery. The 4th Regiment of Artillery was composed of twelve companies that had been used as infantry before the -war. The companies were now -organized as batt eries, and scattered, part being in the Sast and part in the 'ifest. Battery M. to which I was assigned at the breaking out of the war was at Fort Randall in Dakota. Its Ca ;tain was one Brolim, a northern man with a southern wife, and he was decidedly of secession tenden(cid:173) cies. He resigned and entered the Confederate service, and became a general officer and ,"vas wounded in our front at Franklin. Our first lieutenant ','[as Stephan Decatur Lee, one of the Lees of Virginia. He also resigned at the beginning of the war, entered the Confederate service, and rose to the rank of lieutenant general. He commanded a corps in Hoods Army. We went by rail to Pittsburg and there took the Mariner, an old stern wheeler, for a trip down the Ohio to the Tennes,see, and up that river to Pittsburg Landing. It was a trip of nearly 1300 miles. 'Nhen our old craft reached i,llieeling on the Ohio a cyclone came up and drove US on the bank and blevl off the entire upper works, cabin and all. As we were not cabin passengers, but herded vrith the mules and other animals on the lower deck, we escaped the wreckage. There vrere quite a few passengers above, and they went off 1'Tith the debris. There was a fellow with us, a Tennesseen by the name of Jones and a natural thief. He saw a coat floating in the '.'Tater and 31 captured it. In a long po~ketbook he found a large quantity of money in bills. Jones could not read and did not knolT hO'."[ to count the money, but he had a sort of chum who could. .'30 Jones agreed to divide the money Tri th him. He counted it out, gave Jones one bill and keot one for himself. That nif:ht as we landed at the shore for lvood, the chum escaped or deserted and we never say! or heard of him after:rards. Jones had a large number of one dollar bills, and it appears that his friend would give Jones a one d ollar bill and keep one of larger dimensions for himself. There was not much sympathy wasted upon Jones, however. In passing I miGht say that a fe'.'; years ago I had a letter from a doctor in Dixie, Kentucky, who said that Jones lived there and was a helpless paralytic. He could not s et a pension as he was enlisted as "Johns, II and he wanted me to make an affidavit as to his identity. This I did and sent to him, but have no knovrled ge as to vmether he got a pension. Vie were transferred to a sidewheeler at i'J'beeling after our ship'iJreck, and proceeded d01m the Ohio. Changinr; boats again at Louisville ,'Ie continued the voyage d01m to the mouth of the Tennessee, and u :) this river to eitts(cid:173) burg Landing. :'fe were something over six days in making the trip, as I now remember. The weather ~rew very warm as v,e proceeded; the chill was tpne from the air, and up the 'l'ennessee especially, the weather was delightful. Forests for many miles lined its banks, with here and there a plantation. Pittsburg Landing was then simply ',mat its name inplied, a ~~nd~ng. There were no buildings of any imnortance. It IS '!'Torihy of mention only because of the terrible battle fought there on the 5th and 6th of April of that year. Pere after the capture of Fort Donelson, Grant had c oncentrated his army, preparatory to an advance upon Corinth, l.1issip rJi, <,ome eighteen mile s distant. The Confederate army lay at Corinth, under the c ormnand of Albert ,Sidney Johnston, considered to be on of the ablest, if not the first, soldier of the South. Corinth was of great strategic importance, being connected 32 by railroads with the very heart of the Confederacy. Grant's army had gone' up the river. The Army of the Ohio under Don Carlos ~~ell had commenced its march by land from Eashville, Tennessee via Columbia. But the vreather "ras stormy, and the mud deep, and many bridges had been carried a1'ray so that its progress '';\fas slow. Sunday afterno on its first division, (Nelsons), reach- ed Savannah, on the river and some seven miles below Pittsburg Landing. Grant had some 31,000 men at the Landing. He was wholly unsuspicious of attack. He had four divisions at the Landing, and Lew Jjallace' s division lay at Crumps Landing fbre miles below on t.he same side of the river. ;"10 entrenchm8nts of cmy kind, had been thrown u o, and very little examina- tion made of the front. Under these circu .. mstances Johnston decided to anti- ciDate Grant's advance by an attack u ;)on him at Pittsburg Land ing. ~ie knew that Buell had not arrived, and he 1)roposed to crush Grant before the Army of the Ohio could reach the Landing. He commenced his march from Corinth vdth 40,000 men. He expected to attack Saturday, but the roads were horrible, and he only had his army in position in frort of Grant by Sa.turday night. Beaur8garo, '.Tho was second in command under Johnston, advised a gaim=t the attack, as he considered that a surprise was :im:pos s ible. But Johnston, with clearer insight, determined to attack. The proximity of Johnston's army seems to have been unsuspected by our troops. Grant "ras at Savannah, seven miles below. Both Grant and Sherman in their }.lemoirs, have since claimed that there was no sUr.9rise. If Grant kne':.r tha t his army 1'TaS confronted by Johnston in line of battle t\'-TO miles avray, vrhy was he sleeping so peacefully at :=;avannah seven miles distant? It is not easy to convince an old soldier that the Battle of Pittsburg Landing was not a surprise at its corrnnencement. This battle is sometimes called "%iloh," from a little church so named, standing back some t ro or three miles from the I.anding. Johnst on attacked at daylight. I shall not attempt to describe the battle. After d8soarate the Landing . fighting all day, our troops vrere driven back nearly to Johnston ha.d been killed a.bout noon, and Beaure[r,ard assumed 33 command of the Confederate army. When ~T8lson reached Savannah his division(cid:173) ':faS ordered upon steamers and taken to the Landing. It reached its destina(cid:173) tion about sundown, a welcome relief. One bris;ade landed as ni f:':ht C3me dO',m, and one re giment, the 36th Indiana, fired a couple of volleys and had two wounded. During the ni2:ht McCooks and another division of the Army of the Ohio arrived, and also LeV[ VJallace 's division from Crumps Landing. The battle was resumed in the morning and the Confederate troops driven back to Corinth. Halleck assumed command of both Grant's and Buell's armies. C-€neral Halleck had been nicknamed by the soldiers, "01d Brains. 11 If by that term -,v'as meant lack of brains, it was well a Jplied. General PO'Je, who had just taken Island ~10. Ten, vri th some seven thou sand pris oners, 'das 8rdered to join T{alleck i"rith his trolJPs, and Halleck soon had over one hundred thousand men. ',ith this immense force he advanced slowly u iJ on Corinth, and was near(cid:173) ly within attacking distance~ He began a siege by slo"?[ asnroilches. The army had been divided into the right and left ·;'dngs. Grant vras nominally in cOmIDrith infantry both ';-!ithin and on top. Our engineer had been imJressed into the ~3evice and was a rank rebel. The engineer ':Tould let the train ;31acken and then suddenly jerk it up, in a way quite as spiteful as his temper. I was sittinG 'with a man nculled Collins on a flat car. The car was rotten and one of the ,jerks drew the ["{heels or trucks from under the car, and the unlimbered g;un on the car ca9sized, and striking Collins on the chest, killed him instantly. 7he train was stoDped and Collin'S body laid by the side of the track. General Nelson ordered the engineer back by the body and there vented such 39 a torrent of abuse and denunciation upon him as is impossible to describe. ' He repeatedly struck the fellow in the face with his military hat, and said to the men, IShoot him, C-d d--n him, shoot him. II I think the men would have a minute before, but the abuse of tht" general rather aroused sympathy for him. 'rhe engineer said to Felson, tlGive me a fair trial, General, II who replied, IIYes I will give you a fair trial vri th a rope. II The engineer was finally led off and 1vhat became of him I never heard. Bngineers were then called for and several locomotive engineers were found among the sol(cid:173) diers of the brigade. They took the "engine and Yfe reached Eashville in due season. Almost any kind of men, professional, scientific or machinist could be found in the ranks of the army. We derailed at Nashville and marched to };;urfreesboro, a distance of thirty miles. de were without money, but one soldier was found v{ho had a supply and he invited several including myself to:;o to a restaurant and get a meal of I1soft Bread l! as it '."ras called. i're had eaten nothing but hard(cid:173) tack and sowbelly for months and the invitation was much appreciated. I recall distinctly that VJ"8 were supplied with bread, fried egr;s and beef steak, and seldom has a meal been disposed of more rapidly or vrith better appetite. This meal was at Nashville during our brief stay there. Nash(cid:173) ville was then the chief depot of supplies for Buell' '3 Army. It 'Has a city of about 20,000 situated on the Cumberland River, about t,:w hundred miles from its mouth. This river ·was navigable for about eit;ht months in the year for quite large steamers. It ':ras also connected with Louisville, Kentucky, by the Louisville I:ashville "'1ailroad, and by these uV"o routes all the supplies for the army came from the north. Nashville has gro"Jll to be a large, rich and important city since the war. It vras settled by Col. Davidson, after whom the county is named, just after the settlement of Kentucky by Boone. ·When We reached Murfreesboro we found everything peaceful. Forrest had oaroled his prisoners and gone vrithout stopping to say good day to us. Our entire division, consisting of three brigades soon assembled at ;'::urfreesboro. I might say that this town is on Stone River, and on the line of the Nash(cid:173) ville and Chattanooga railroad. Its population at the time of the war might have been two thousand. But there v{ere but few able bodied m,=n in the to'Nn, on1y women and chi.ldren. The men "Jere in the Confederate army. We remained at Murfreesboro for a few days and then our division .... ras sent to McMinnville. This is a beautiful little town in the mountains, some forty miles from Hurfreesboro. It was feared that Bragg might make a break from Chattanooga vri th his army for an invasion of Kentucky, and we were sent there as a eoros of observation. For some time ,Jrior to this I had been feeling poorly, though always on duty. I had some sort of bowel complaint. Upon reaching FcEinnville the pure waV?r, green corn and peaches completely cured me and I never suffered from any form of sickness aft'?nvards. Bragg did start uoon an inv8.sion of Kentucky, but he did not come c:ur way. He "Tent throu2:h Cu.mb<3rland Gap. This movement of Bragg called for a concentration of our army. \le Were withdrawn from Mcr.Tinnville and marched to J.Tashville "f'rhere the army gathered. Bnell determined to hold t:ashville while marching vrith the rest of the army to meet Bragg in Kentucky. To leave jl1ashville would be to fight the battle for the possession of 'rennessee allover again. So Thomas's, Palmer's, JI!egley's am. t!itchell's divisions "prer8 left in the re;:>r for the protection of Hashville, and Buell start~d a race wi.th I1ragg for the posses'1i')n of Louisville with Ammen's, Crittenden'S, J\':cCook's, ·:.iood's and rousseau's divisions. Nelson had been sent to take command in Kentucky to 09pose Kirby Smith, who had invaded that state in advance of Bragg, and Ammen commanded our division. ',:'Ihen we reached Bowling Green, Kentucky, 1're found ::mrselves ':rithout provisi0ns except a little flour. This y';as given out, or issued. I had about three pounds. ')hat to do yvith it we did not know. I finally mixed mine vrith a little water and baked it in a skill'?t.,'Then it got cold it was of the c')nsistency and about the 41 color of a whetstone. Even a soldier could not eat it. For the next two weeks we lived upon corn gathered from the fields. iie "'/Quld melt a canteen, punch the halves full of holE!> with a nail and scrape the corn upon it. This we would bake into pancakes. The effect of this coarse, half cooked stuff passing through the systemJ must be knovm to be appreciated. But. perhaps, we suffered more for vrater than for food. Kentucky is a limestone state, and the pure water seemed to have sunk below the surface. For days all the ·water we got was from little ~onds of surface water, always muddy from the trampling of thousands of horses and mules, and not infrequently w·ith a dead mule or so lying where we had to dip up the stuff. That was a pretty hard tvro weeks. Bragg' 3 Army and our own were on nearly -oarallel roads, each striving to be ahead at Louisville, but there was no fighting except at Mumfordsville where Bragg captured Col. Wilder and some four thousand men before we reach(cid:173) ed the place. At the end of about two weeks we struck the Ohio at the mouth of Salt River, some twenty miles from Louisville. 'He were a hard looking crowd. I recall that there was but one leg in my pants, and most of the others were in a similar plight. Dirty, ragged and hungry we looked over into Indiana, and felt that it was indeed "God's County. II But we were not to see it again f:>r years. Two steamers laden with hardtack and other rations had been sent to us and the boys began to swarm over the boats and to thrOl-'T boxes ashore. The boat guards called frantically for them to stop, that the rations had to be issued, but the boys said that they were issuing th!lm. and continued to unload the precious grub. Soon '''Fe had plenty to eat and were hap0Y despite our rags. From there we marched to Louisville, drew clothing, 2nd looked more like soldiers and less like tramps. l.I8neral Nelson, our former division commander, wa·'3 killed at Louisville, by General Jefferson C. Davis commanding an Indiana Brigade of new troops. 43 Nelson, whose headquarters were in the Galt house, asked Davis ho1:'[ many nruskets he had. He replied ~~~~! 2500. Nelson turned upon him and said "Ab(mt, aboutl1 and applied thC) most vile and opprohious epithets to Davis. Nelson then turned and went up st",irs. Davis went out and got a revolver and returning to the hotel met Nelson as he was descending the stairs. ~'!ith the remark, "Defend yourself, General Nelson," he fired, killing Nelson almost instantly. Davis was arrested, his trial postponed till after the war, and he rose to the command of a corps in Sherman's Army. Our battery and the Fourth U.S. Cavalry escorted Nelson's body to the cemetery. Many new regiJnents reached us at Louisville, organized under the call in the summer of 1862. Our army, fed, clothed and reinforced, soon left Louisville in pursuit of Bragg with faces again turned southward. Bragg retreated before us till on October eigth at Perryville we had quite a severe battle. A part of the troo-ps fought the battle While thousands were stand(cid:173) ing idle within easy reach of the field, but were not called UDon. I have ever since entertained serious doubts of the ability of General Buell. This feeling of distrust was felt by the entire army, and it vms a common saying of the soldiers that Buell and Bragg were brothers-in-laws and did not wish to hurt eachother. The battle ';'ras indecisive. The Union loss in killed ann wounded was about h500, mostly from the command of General Mc(cid:173) Cook. That night Bragg retreated and we followed in pursuit. My experience at the battle of Perry'ville was rather a peculiar one. Our cavalry were engaged in front, and a confederate battery in the edge of a wood was punishing them very severely. Our battery vras ordered fon'lard to silence these confederat8 guns. There v:as a sli[:ht eminence in front that hid the enemy's battery from us, and vve advanced up this slight hill to get a view. As the road was rather narrow and dusty, I ran on ahead of the battery. Nearing the top of the hill I heard a cry, "They are coming, 1/ and at that moment a squad of our cavalry came running tovrards me, a.nd before 44 I could get out of the way, struck and knocked me dalm am sli ghtly trampled me. They were folJovrecl close by a squad of Texas cavalry, some two hundred in number, and these also ran over me, thou gh I dre'!\" myself as rapidly as possible towards the side of the road, feigning all the time to be as near dead as possible, yet striving to be out of reach, not only of the Texans, but of our oym battery. The battery was much farther back than I was, and unlimbering, greeted our friends vrith discharges of cannister, that came uncomfortably close to me, but speedily disp8rsed the enemy. The only serious damage I suffered was the unmendible destruction of my pants where a horse stepped upon me. A generous red-headed Irishman by the name of Hiley gave; me a pair out of his knapsack. Later I was hit slightly be a fragment of shell, that gave me a chance to ride for a day or two. Bragg retreated 7.rith what plunder he 7ras able to transport through the Cumberl;:md Gap, and the invasicm of Kentucky 'Tras over. We follollred hjJn for some distance but ','rere unable to overtaked or force him into battle. Our cavalry at thRt time of the war were very inefficient, and perhaps merited the sneer ,0 f our generals that he had never seen a dead cavalryman. (JnG of " /1. . Later in the VJar they became as effective a body of horsemen as any country could boast. After the retreat of Bragg, Hall~ck, the brainless, who presided over the army at Viashington, insisted that Puell should make a campaign into East Tennessee. This would have compelled a march of about 240 miles, over mountains and rivers, without comnnmicati()D except by w"agon trains, there being no railroads at thB.t time through that section and very few roads of any kind. This Buell refused to do, and on the 24th day of October, 1862, Buell '!las relieved, a new Department called the Department of Cumber- land was created, embracing all of the state of Tennessee lyinr, east of the Tennessee River, and such parts of Alabama and Georgia as we shou1d succeed in occupying. l/ajor General n. -Rosecrans vrasplaccd in comwand. Fajor 4) General r~orge P. Thomas had been offered the command but declined it. Rosecrans had managed a seccessful campaign in ~'lest Virginia in the summer of 1861, and had just fought the Battle of Corinth, defeating the enemy. :4e was a man of great ability, and one of the greatest strategists that the war produced upon our side. We then marched If:lisurely in the month of November to Eashville and arriv(cid:173) ,ed there about the first of December. The personal incidents during this campaign were so insignificant that they are not worth mentioning. ~!e had no tents or shelter of any kind from the time we left Corinth in June till we reached Eashville in December. He simply lay at night in a blanket upon the ground. If the ground was wet and muddy from storms, we sometimes man(cid:173) aged to get a couple of rails and lay upon them. I recall that at Somerset, Kentucky, in l':ovember, I had pulled off my shoes before going to sleep. A,:rakening in the nir:ht I found that about four inches of snow had fallen, my feet were outside the blanket, and I was pretty well frozen. A guard was set over the battery every night, and this guard had collected a lot of rails and had a glorious fire and several canteens of applejack, which liquid refresment was very common in Kentucky. I went to the fire and being thoroughly chilled, took a deep swig of the fiery beverage. I thought then that applejack had its uses as well as its abuses. -V'le encamped on the Murfreesboro Pike, some five miles from ~iashville, and here we received seven months pay, being the first we had since entering the service. Here I SffiV the first "Greenbacks, II the neces si ty of obtaining money compelling the government to iS3Ue these I1promises to pay, 11 which continue to this day and are a very abnormal sort of currency. But it did its work as a .. Tar necessity, and still enjoys the affection of the people of this country. My first and last incarceration in the "Guard House," occurred while 46 we were encamped here. Christmas was a time of e:eneral jollification so far as our meager resources would permit. '1'hose resources vlere chiefly "Roback Bitters,11 which was a poor, very lJoor, kind of whiskey. I am com(cid:173) pelled in truth to say that almost every man in the battery was drunk excelJt myself. As a matter 0f fact I never cared for the stuff, and deserve no spec ial commenda.tion for not drinking it. The next morning the c amp was quite a sight, and Corporal Wayne, a little crooked legged 3ngliJhman, ordered me to take a shovel and clean up the c amp. It made Ire pretty mad, for I had created none of the muss, and I blankly refused. 1:'1hereupon Wayne advanced upon me with a shovel in the attitude of strik(cid:173) ing, I launched out with my fist and he fell or stumbled into a small fire burninE in the camp. He promptly put me in the guardhouse. This jail con(cid:173) sisted of a tarpaulin stretched over a pole, and VIaS crowded c:lith a gang of druru(en roisterers. The sergeant of the v~ard, Dobson, told mo to go dmvn for the day and visit in ~Tashville, only to be back by sundo1:m to report. As I VTaS taken to the pen, one of its inmates, Jack Haney, said to the Corooral, "Corooral Yr~yne, you put the boy into the guard house, but before vTe leave the battery he will be First Sargeant," and strange to 3ay, his prediction came true. I 'went to Hashville, sent forty dollars to Sister Frances by express, took a bottle of brandy back to Dobson and was discharged. I have some old lE')tters that I wrote to Y.ly sisters during the '.'lar, and as shoYring the ~eneral spirit of the a.rmy, I quote briefly from one written eluring this time. Dear Sister Fannie: "Caro.p near ]\Tashville, ]\Tov. 16th, lEl62 The army has not yet left I,Tashville, though there is talk of leaving soon, but ';.'e ';TiJl not J.eave till ready. Vie have c'lnfidence in our genera.l and ~'rhen we ",ove all will be ITell. The enemy is at Murfreesboro, and in strong J-l-7 force, but we are able to whip them and know it. Burnside is fighting the' rebels and he has the prayers of union men in the j\Torth, I am sure. (Burn(cid:173) side was terribly beaten at Fredricksburg the following month.) We have had enough of hanging back. We want fighting. That alone cem subdue the Rebellion, and the men of the v{estern Army are ready for the conflict. I hope the tj~e for inaction is past, and that we shall have an active and glorious campaign. There are skirmishes most every day in our front, and a battle is imminent." The long, useless marches without fighting had tired us as you can dis(cid:173) cover from the above letter. THE BATTLE OF STmJE RIVER Bragg, aft<3r his retreat from Kentucky, advanced to Murfreesboro Our army had been reorganized under R,Osencrans into three army corps: the four(cid:173) teenth conunanded by George H. Thomas; the twentieth commanded bJr A., McD. " McCook, and the twenty-first commanded by Thomas L. Crittenden, all Ma.ior Generals. Each corps consisted of three divisions, each division of three brigades. ~ach brigade consisted of from three to five regiments of infan(cid:173) try with a battery of artillery. There '.'ras also the cavalry. Our battery was in John M. Palmers division of the 20th Corps. Col. Gross commanded our brigade, and it consisted of the Sixth and ~venty-fourth Ohio, Thirty(cid:173) sixth Indiana, tvventy-third Kentucky, and Eighty-fourth lllinois regiments of infantry, and batteries H. & M. of the Fourth United States Artillery. Our army was to advance and attack Bragg at Stone Hiver, or Murfreesboro, near ~hich the river runs. Our force consisted of 37,977 in .antry, 2223 artillery, 3200 cavalry, or a total of 43,000. (Cists "Army of the Cumber(cid:173) land" page l27~. B ragg1s field return of December loth, 1862, showed an effective total of 39,304 infantry; 10,070 cavalry, and 1,662 artillery, being a total of 51,036. His army was reduced by detachments to 46,604 which 'lra-s the number of confederates present in the battle. 48 Our army commenced its advance towards i':;urfreesboro on Friday, December' 26th. Of Thomas's Coros b ut two divisions and one brigade were with us. Of its five divisions th2t of I.·;ajor General J"T. Eeynolds and alRo b:ro brigades of Fry's division were guarding the Louisville and Hashville Rail(cid:173) road. :'ritchell' s division was left to guard 'lfashville. EcCook had three riivisir:'ns under Johnson, Davis and Sheridan. Crittenden had three divi<3ions under '~'food, Van Cleave and Palmer. rIe wer8 with the latter. '1'hus we h::td eight divisions and one brigade of infantry. Pragr; had three corps at j·,Iur(cid:173) freesboro under Polk, Kirby and Hardee respectively. By 100kinE; at the map of Tennessee our advance can be easily tr,'lced. TLcCook moved his corps on the FoJ insville pike to Triune. Thomas advanced on il,icCook' s rir'ht b:\r the FrankJj,n Pike. Crittenden, with whOM vre -were, was to advance direct to l.Iurfreesboro on the L':urfreesboro pike. So we commenced our thirty mile advance on Murfreesboro. On the 26th we advanced as far as Lavergne. Skirmishing cOrYnnenced as -we cOIn.m.enced the advance, our division, Palmer's, leading. On the 27th, 'Hood's division led and we advanced to stewart's Creek, five miles further. There was con(cid:173) tinuous fighting in our front all the time, but the enemy1s skirmishers were constantly pushed back. The 2clth '.'fas Sunday and VTe rested all that day. Our pickets were on one side of the creek and the confederates on the other, and they declared a truce for a short time, mingled together and exchanGed coffee for tobacco. The confederates had no coffee, the blockade having cut off the supply to them. It -..ras a great deprivation. They used parched "'heat and corn as a s llbstitute. It was even worse that "PostUID. II ';Ie ;'fere abundantly sup:oJ.ied with first class coffee elurinG the w;:Jr, and I be1ieve it saved tho'll sands of lives. At the end of a hard day' 3 march, perhaps through mud and sleet, a quart of hot coffee in the camp at nip;ht was very rejuvenating. The fraternizing of the soldiers often occurred during the war as happened at Ste'-rart' s Creek. The men in the op';Josing 49 armies had nothing against eachother individually. I supDose that both sides believed that tl-Jey 'Here fighting for the right. So after one of these friendly meetings, they "rould separate and begin shooting at each other. On the morning of the 29th we crossed Stewarts Creek ann resumed the advance to I-.. mrfreesboro, PalmerI s division again leading, and the skirmish(cid:173) ing grov{ing heavier and hotter as we Jrogressed. At night we were within two miles of Murfreesboro and had driven the enemy into his entrenchments. Thomas and McCook had also advanced, on our right, meeting constantly in(cid:173) creasing opposition, and were substantially on a line with Crittenden's corps, McCook holding the extreme right and Thomas the center. Iomen our division first reached the entrenchments of the enemy, General Pa]mer thought that they were retiring from Murfreesboro, and so reported to Rosencrans who ordered Crittenden to send a division into Murfreesboro; and Harkers brigade actually crossed the river, and drove back a confederate regiment UiJOn their main line in confusion. But finding that the enemy was in force and not retreating, the idea of getting into I/turfreesboro that night was given up. Harker managed to withdraw his brigade across the river after dark without rrmch loss. The river is a small and shallow affair, easily fordable at almost any Doint. Our line of battle then, some three and on half miles in length, was formed with Crittenden's corps upon the left, across the Nashville and Mur(cid:173) freesboro pike and the railroad, its left resting on Stone River, '.'{hich here ran nearly north and south, but bet,'reen us and Murfreesboro turned to the east. Next to us on the right was Thomas I corps, ano on his right, McCook. The latter was thus the extreme right of our lines. Bragg's line of battle and entrenchments were some five hundred yards in our front. Back of our line were some open fields and also cedar thickets, through -Jolhich it was extremely difficult to move troops in any order. Thus "l'1e lay doym Monday night expecting to attack the enemy in the morning. 50 I do not recall that my sleep was at all broken, though I lay upr:l1 the ground in a single blanket, and the night was rather chilly 'md frosty. I do not know that I felt any particular fear. l';ot claiming any oarticular brand of courage, I think I felt as most boys felt, resigned and somewhat indifferent; an."'Cious to get at it and ret it over I'fith, knmrine; that the only ~;Tay to cnd the war vras to fight and defeat the enemy. At arw rate, I slept soundly, as only a tired soldier can sleep. The "'hole of the next day was spent in feeling the enemy anel getting into position. There "ras quite a lot of c8.n'lonading, but little infantry firhtin,~:. Early in the morning a confederate battery opened upon us, and I recall th2.t about its first shot struck one of our men in the thighs, shaving off the entire fleshy part as though with a knife. The flesh of the vwund looked ';rhUe, the force evidently having backed the:: blood. Then aftor a little the blood gushed out. He lived but a fe"; minutes. We 'irere under this sort of cannonading all day, but suffered no other fatalaties in our battery. We reDlied to them, of course. I had alYra1Ts • . - d heard in my youth that if a cannon ball ,;ras rolling UDon the f;round, ho'.rever slowly, th;jt it 'Houlcl take off one's leg if in the way of it. This is fiction. A cannon ball shot from;:) CE'nnon has no more force that if throvrn from the hand at the same rate of speed. At ::me time during the day we werereply- ing to a b8.ttery of the enemy, and a young fellow by the name of Hauk, was acting as number t~,'ro and just putting a shell into his gun,'i'men a solid shot came rolling along, struck Pauk at the ankle and rolled up his leg and side, and he caught it in the crook of his arm. Eauk was black and blue from the ankle up, b ut not othe~7ise injured. ';'[e lay da'm again 'tuesday to wait for the morrow. The next day was the last of the year. Many did not see the sun rise on IITe!'r Year's morning. ',-Ie were up before davm on \~[ednesday morning and in lines. Rosencrans plan of battle was a good one if it could be carried out. EcCook on the right 51 ~'ras to hold thG enemy if attacked; but if not attacked, was himself to on-' gage the enemy. Thomas in the center was to engav,e the enemy in his front and hold him V) his yrork there, not PGrmittiw,: a weakening of his line. hllmcr '[TaS facing the cottonfiold, and '.'Ta.S to advance when the opportune time came. All of Bragg's aTIllY was on the same side of the river as our own except Breckinridge' s, 7Thich division 'Jas on the east .side of the river. VanCleve's cl ivision, followed by the pioneer brigade and ."'0 ad , s division 'Nere to crnss the river, drive Breckinridge into Hurfreesboro, and enfilade the enemy' s lines in front. of us with artillery, upon ':Thich we ',"{ere to ad(cid:173) vance and double him up. This was a s91endid plRn, but, flTh0 best laid ulans of mice and men, aft gang ar;lee." "1osencrans plarn10d to turn the confederate 10ft; Brags planned to turn the union rig;'t. At daybreak VanCleve began to cross the river \Tith his division. As the second Kentucky regiment oassed by us, one of its nW11ber \TaS eating hard(cid:173) tack and coffee nut of a quart cup. As he passed us he remarked, IIIf I go to hell tonight, I will go on a full belly. II Such levity YTaS not common in the men before a battle. 'T'hey were usually silent and reserved, with a look of resolution and sterness, denoting an appreciation of the danger, and a determination to face it. I have al':rays thour:ht the fellovr' s courage of the "Dutch" order, and that he trilJd to bolster it up by a ,())arent bravado. One briQ.'ade of Van Cleve's had nearly crossed the river and 'ire stood an(cid:173) xiously waiting, ,(ofhen heavy firing was heard upon our extreme rir;ht, pearly three miles distant. The sound grew louder and bacloard and nearer to us. 7[e knevr that our ri;Y.ht had been turned and that McCook was being driven. Our advance upon our left depended upon FcCook holdin:::: the right. The din of battle upon our right f~rRYr louder ann nearer. Our right vras evidently routed. Instead of A..ttacking, the question vras one of defense. Our troops '.'rere h8.stily -'rithdrawn from across tbe river and a new line formed facj.ng east at right angles to our first line. In front of us some tvrclve rods distant was a dense c8car thicket. (loon throngh this began t ,) ap~lear here 52 and there 13. riderless horse; here and there a flying soldier. Then more and m:)re, till thousands poured through, without order of regimental forma- tion of any kind. Bragg had captured tvrenty-eight pieoes of artillery and many prisoners. McCook had been totally routed, Thomas compelled to retire, and the army driven into the open field along, am parallel with, the pike and railroad. At the heels of our men came the enemy. They burst out of the cedars some- times twenty deep in front of us, with batt le flags waving and vrith loud "Rebel yells. II We had eight guns. Upon our right and left were lines of kneeling infantry with guns ready. In our rear the 84th lllinois Regiment supported us. Some of our men were still bek,reen us and the enemy, when, calling upon them to lie do'tm, we openecJ with cannister upon the confederate line, or masses. A continued line of flame ran from our @J.ns. The enemy's line wavered. Great gaps appeared where :)ur iron hail sw-ept through. The cedars behind them were stripped and rent as though by the besome of des- truction. For a few minutes the enemy stood, then fell back into the thick- ets for protection. Thomas I s and McCook I s troops had been rallied and a new line formed in the open field along the pike. Here for hours the battle raged. Rosencrans was everyw'here, riding along the lines, exposing himself with perfect disregard of danger. A shell, grazing the side of R.osencrans, carried off the head of G~resche, his chief of staff. And now the enemy advanced across the cottonfield, which had been our front that morning. Bullets came raininG in upon our left and almost from the rear. A part of our line had remained facing the cottonfield, and across the pike and railroad. Then it turned with an abrupt angle facing the right. It was something like this: Pike Grove - , - OUr Line Cotton field - ---- --11 '- - "..- " Our" Line~ II " Ced,,,)r Thickets The Enemy S3 The star represents the position of our battery. As the enemy, recoiling from our front, 'were pushed back into the cedars, their lines ac::ross the cottonfields composed of Preckinridge I') ann iJither l s divisions and other troops attacked us fro"1 that direction. Here the 84th illinois that suppor(cid:173) ted us suffered greatly. One could walk along their position stepDing upon dead bodies. Soon ,,'re vrere withdrmm and again faced the cottonfield. Here upon our left was the 24th Ohio. The attack of the enemy YifaS insistant and desparate. Colonel Jones of the 24th Ohio fell dead, shot through the heart. Vajor Terry, plantinG the regimental flag about five paces in front of the line, fell shot through the brain. Only three line officers remained that night -wholly untouched. We first directed our fire up'ln artillery that .-ras firing upon the in(cid:173) fantry lines, and having silenced it, turned our attention to their infantry. The battle raged here for a long time, I have no means of even c;uessing how long, until finally the enemy was repulsed. Along in the afternoon a sJ isht cessation took place in the fighting. Both sides vrere exhausted from their tremendous efforts. The victorious advance of the enemy had been arrested, and both sides naited for breath to continue the struggle. The l,'ri ntry air was thick wi th smoke, and its very taste vras sulphurous. The dead and wounded lay thickly evorYV'T~ere, and the groans of the latter yrere pitiable to hear. Just then our battery vras sent at a gallop to our left and rear. One of our field hospitals had heen established near a tend in the river, and a brigade of confederate cavalry had captured it and were running off the wagons with our wounded. Reaching a position some six hundred yards from the hospital, we at once began a rapid she11ing of it. The enemy retreated in double quick time, and I have often wondered if our she11s did not end the Dain of some of our own poor 1!TOUnd9d men. ,,'hi19 we had been fighting in front, the confederate cavalry had been 54 in our rear, attacking our trains and menacing our conrrrrunications. Their cavalry was stronger than ours, and virtually WGre in our rear and on the Pashville pike during the battle. Finally night, cold, clear and comfort(cid:173) less settled down upon the field. The day had been a disasterous one for us. Three milGs of our line had been driven back, -oell mell upon the left, nearly four thousand prisoners and twenty eight pieces of artillery taken. Bragg telegraphed to Jefferson durin p; the day that he had won a great vic(cid:173) t ory. There .. Tas reason for this boast, premature as it turned out to be. On the little chart on the preceeding nage, extend the line by the cotton(cid:173) field three miles to the right and it will mark the position of our lines in the morning. The lines show it at ten 0 'clock that forenoon. Through that three miles its vroods, thickets and fields were strevm with our dead and ~rrounded and the debris of: flight, the enemy being in possession. Bragg miGht :yell wire news of victory. But at night the Union line stood at bay, resolute and defiant. Troops that }md been driven from the field early in the morfline;, had met am throw'n back at the point of the bayonet and the cannon I s mouth, troops victorious in the earlier part of the day. It shows the staying quality of the northern man. The southerner was quicker and more impetuous in the onset, but lacked much of th8 dogged determination of his northern brother. The disaster uoon our right was aPDalling, and seemed to threaten the destruction of our entire army. Major General George Ho Thomas did much to arrest the tide of disastero To him R.osencrans turned va th confidence and trust. Thomas was an inspiration in battle. Tall and cO""lmanding, c8.1m and composed, he rode the lines as the personification of victory. General George Fenry Thomas has aL:ays been my ideal of a soldier. He was born in30uthamton County, Virginia, July lf1l6. He graduated from >Test Poi.nt in 1040 and served during the 1,Iexican'iiar and vras twice brevett ed for gallantry. At the olJ.thr2ak of the war hG was a major of the ?nd cavalry. robert '-.;. Lee was it s lieutenant colonel. Lee "las S5 COJ1'l.l':ciS'3ioned as colon")] of I:,h e regi17nnt }/a.rch 16th, JJ~61, and resigned April ?Oth follo' ~ing, to entel' the service of Virginia. Thomas remained true to the government that had educated him. Born of a distinguished Virginia family, he still felt bound by the oath of fidelity that he had taken. It is said of him that when he decided to remain with the Union, he sent to Virginia for a sword that had been given him for service in the war with Hexico. He did not get the sword, but his sister sent him word that if he would come after it in person, that she would plunge it through his heart. It seems hardly credible that family affection could be so rent and torn by political differences, but rrmch the same feelings were seen in faJnilies both north and south. Thomas WnS commissioned a brigidier general, was sent to Kentucky and kil1ed and defeated Zollicofer at Iftills Springs in December, 1:161, being one of the first considerable successes of the l.'!ar. That nip;ht t fe slept upon the field '.'Ti thout covering. I shall Dever for(cid:173) get that nir;ht. I slept by fits and starts, but my ears '-rere filled vri th the roar of artillery. It seemed as loud as it had all day. The thunderous discharges for many hours had so affected the drLUns of my ears, that they rang with the sound al] night. It's a ',vonder that more men do not becone deaf throm:.h such a trial. New Years dawned cold and frosty. Long lines of our dead were brought in and laid side by side preparatory to interring them in long trenches. They lay in rO'irs sometimes t "ln rods in length, the hoar frost upon their stern marble faces. Trenches were dug, the bodies placed in them and very lightly covered. Such is the grave of a soldier. The nip-ht of the 31st all the spare ammunition had been issued and it was found that there was enough for another battle. 'I"tTO fresh brigades that had been guarding the rear came up, and it was determined to continue the fight on the same ground. Bragg expected Rosencrans to retreat, but Rosencrans' remarks upon the subject showed the man. "Bragg is a good dog 56 but Holdfast is a better. II So we held fast. There was not much heavy fight(cid:173) ing on the 1st. A heavy cannonade by Bragg in the forenoon was started to ascertain whether 'Ire were yet on the ground in force, but the ret urn fire was so heavy that he was convinced that we were there. Several attacks Vf9re made upon our center, but '",ere easily reoulsed. Skirmishing vras going on constantly. During the aft~rnoon Bragg began to mass troops under Breckinridge upon his right, and Van Cleave's division of our corps was oniered across the river upon a small eminence to vlatch the flank. But no attack Vfas made that day. It began to rain heavily on the evening of the 1st, a cold, miser(cid:173) able rain, and it was anything but p] easant. Friday morning it was evident that an attack was intended upon our left. Our artillery to the number of 58 guns ".'fas concentrated to meet it. l'Tegley' '3 division YJas also brought forward to the bank of t he river, Van Cleave being across it. Soon the attack came. Breckinridge with about 16,000 men advanced against our left. The 58 pieces of artillery at once commenced to roar, but Breckinridge came through the storm of fire and swept Van Cleave across the river. Then Neg(cid:173) ley's division went forvrard with a cheer, crossed the river and drove Breck(cid:173) inridge back in panic flight. Three pieces of artillery'!Tere captured and ab out 1000 prisoners. That ended the battle of Stone River. The miseries of that night cannot ",'{ell be described or imagined. The night ','las pitch dark, the rain came dO\'m in torrents, the mud was unfathom(cid:173) able, and we were without shelter or food. Still ,,'[e had the stimulus of victory. I recall that I stumbled upon a little pen of rails. I got tyro togeth-or on top and lay rlown as upon a bed of down. It was d ark as ink when I lay dovm and upon aVff).kening I found four dead Hebs inside the pen. I had slept wi thin less than two feet of them. But my sleep was unbroken, though the ·wintry rain beat upon me all night. You may imagine f rom this something of the dead fatigue, the almost utter physical collapse after a 57 day of strenuous battle. On the morning of the 3rd Bragg ordered a constant and heavy picket of firing kept up to ascertain if our army was still there. He found us there. At noon he decided to retreat and leave us in pos~ession of the field. Generals Cleburne and Withers had sent in a despatch stating that there were but "three brigades that are at all reliable, and even some of these are more or less demoralized from having some brigade commanders who do not DI)SS~SS the confidence of their commands." They feared great disaster ','Thich could only be avoided by retreat. That night Bragg's army retreated. His cavalry covered his front till Monday when ''-fe entered Murfreesboro. 1.& description of this b2.ttle, though 8.ccupying more space that perhaps it should in this personal history, has been very brief and meager. Bragg's loss was about 10,000 men, a loss of 20% of his force. Our loss was 11,578, or ab out 25%. It was a very obstinate and bloody battle, and is considered one of the most hotly contested of the Yfar. We remained at tiurfreesboro nearly six months, while the army was re(cid:173) cruited, and supplies gathered, and the cavalry, espeCially, strengthened and disci]Jlined. Yfe had been woefully lacking in the cavalry arm of the service, and Rosencrans determined to strengther this arm before another advance. Wilder's Brigade, the same Wilder who was Ilra~)tured at Humfordville the previous September (see page 41), noV{ c0mmanding an infantry brigade, was mounted as cavalry or as mounted infantry, and performed special and distinp;uished service durinp; the vvar. Minty's brigade, consisting of the Fourth Hichigan, Seventh Penn. and Fourth United States Cavalry made a magnificent record during the next two years. -~-Jhile vre lay at Murfreesboro the battle of Chancellorville had been fought, Hooker defeated and driven across the Rappahannock; Grant had ,"mited and maneuv",red before Vicksburg, had finally crossed the Mississippi, and by a campaisn Napoleonic in its audacity had defeated an army much larger than 58 his mm a.nd had Pemberton penned up in Vicksburg. Brage; lay at Tul13homa .' somo ~ S miles in onr front. Falleck had c onsta. htty insisted th2.t '?osonc rans should advance, but he refus'3d till he was ready. Halleck sent a letter to 8.11 of his com..rnancling Generals promising a major generalship in the regu- lar army to the first one that YfOn a victory. It is said th~t Grant pocket- ed his lGtter and said nothing. Rosencrans replied sayinc; that lias a man and a citizen he felt degraded at such an auctioneering of honor, II and said, IIhave v~e a general who w011ld fight for:his oym personal benefit when he 1'rould not for his honor and his country?" liRe '\'TOuld come by his commission basely in that case, and deserve to be desr,>ised by men of honor. !I Halleck became the foe of Rosencrans ever after. The languae;e of '1'osen- crans may have been injudicious, but it was the expression of an honest man. The six months spent at J.,:lurfreesboro VTere not 'wholly a period of inaction. The army was exhausted and depleted by the tremendous strugr::le at :Stone River, and time YTas needed to recruit the army, or~anize the cavalry and UP brinp:, supplies and material. All supplies came from Louisville and Ila.3h- -"!j ville, and this line ','laS ' constantly raided by the enemy and broken in many p18.ces. This was done by the cavalry of the enemy, moving swiftly from place to place, anc'l it required a large force to guard the ~"rhole line. The confederates had outnumbered us in this branch of the service nearly tvTO to one, and this disparity had to be remedied. During the entire year from ,July 1st, lEl62 to the folIO-iring ,July, the L. ~: N. RR. had been operated only seven months 2nd twelve days. The balance of the time it had been broken by the enemy. A large amount of supplies had to be gathered before an advRnce could be made. So we lay at Eurfreesboro nearly half a year. In the soring of 1863 I was promoted to the rank of corooral and given a commam of a deta.chment. This was properly the p'"lsition of a sargeant, but our battery non consisted of six guns and we had only four sergeants. While "rith Battery H. we had eight guns, but that battery had a se9arate 59 organizat.ion aft.er the battle and our guns wore reduced to six. My promotion was due not so Much to any particular heroisM u~on my part, as to the facts that I rras always sober, attended to duty and had the faculty of mastering the intricacies of artillery drill. the time passed very easily and pleas(cid:173) antly for us during the t:irne of our stay there. ljfe had 8uffici:mt drilling tc exercise our horses and men. Arnone: our men ','Tas a very fair lot of sing(cid:173) ers, and in the evening "iro 'would gath8r around the campfire and. listen to patriotic sonp,s. During this p'3riod we accupied ,Sibley tents. These are tall, circular tents, and the feet of the 0ccupants all point tOYTards the center pole. In the spring vre ~'Tere introduced to "Pup tents, II as the sol(cid:173) diers called them, and aften:,ards there vrere no other. These consisted of tw') pieces of cotton cloth ab()Ut :S-ll? feet by 3 feet. They buttoned togeth8r on one side which formed the ridge, a..nd upon the lower bw sides V.,8re rOjes for tent ,)ins. Stretched over a pole a.nd fastened at the edr~es, they formed a servicable tent. :!:ach man had one piece, and the ormer of the corresponding piece vms his bunkey. Often they nere set up by the infantry by setting bra muslwts in the ground by the bayonet and putting another gun across for the pole. 'l'hus each soldier carried his ovm house, they were a fair protection from the elements, and easily transported. There vrere fH\.f incidents specially interest.ing or YiOrthy of mention. I had n0t "-rritten home after the battle for some months. It did not occur to me that my sisters might be anxiC1us. 'They say! in a paper after the battle th,g,t one George Farr had been killed. '('hey supposed, of course, that I Tras the one named, and they mourned me a.s on9 o.8ad. Finally I wrote to my Sister ra:r;r. "Then she took the letter from the office, I am to1d that she ran thr-)ugh the streets of tlJe village cryinp:, 11j.,ily brother is alive! Hy brother is alive!" ,':3uch ar,3 the heartbreaking incidents of '.'mr. Here I saw a man hung. He was a native Tennes3ean, tried before a military court for mlJro.er and sentenced to be hung. I ha9pened to be walking outside 60 of camp, saV'[ a cro'ird in a field and approaching found the men standing are>und a gallows consisting of two posts and a crosspiece ~'lith a dangling rope. Soon a w'hite horse and cart approached, on the cart a plain board cofi':in with the murderer seated upon it. The cart was driven under the gallows, the rope adjusted, prayers Said and then the cC'.rt was slowly driven a1'my. It was a sickening sif,ht to see the man, as finally the cart Tf~S driven mUJ,y, fall vdth a thud. I had seen hundreds fall "rith scarcely a quickening of the Dulse, and this death affected me more than all of them. ';Ve had a man in the battery named Alexander. He had been in the regular army for about thirty years. Svery tooth had been lost. The onlY".IaY he could eat his rations was to pound the harrltack in a ca.nvas bag and eat it out of his coffee cup. Bis time was out and he wanted to reenlist. The officers vrould not reenlist him, but '!ranted him to go to the Soldiers Home at Georgetovm near ~,;;ashington. He did not ''Jant to go. One day he wandered into my tent. I was lying on my blanket. My belt, o;rith saber and revol(cid:173) ver, was hanging on the tent pole. ITe took out the revoi'Ver and began to examine it, of v,Thich I thought not h !ing. Suddenly he fired. The first shot missed. Immediately he fired again and shot himself through the l~ad. We laid him :in a forage tent, and there he breathed for eighteen hours be(cid:173) fore dying. He could not speak and appeared unconscious, but at one time he motioned for his pipe. Someone filled and lit it, and holding it to his mouth, he smoked for a little time. It seemed like, "The ruling passion strong in death." Finally on the 24th day of June the army moved out of Murfreesboro. Grant .... ras then pounding at Pemberton in Vicksburg. Joseph~. Johnston 'tras trying to gather an army in the rear of Grant to attack him. Our advance v{as partly to prevent Bragg from sending troo-ps to reinforce Johnston, but primarily and chiefly for the ultimate capture of Chattanooga, a place that we had attempted to occupy more that a year before, but had been prevented 61 by the incap~city of HalJeck. (See page 37). THE TULLAHOrvtA CAMPlI.IGN On the following page I have dravm a very rough sketch of the territory aver which this c2-mpaign was carried on. ((Grandfather must have changed his mind about the drawing, be~ause there is no sketch in his manuscript. f)) We had no sooner left Murfreesboro than the rain began to fall in torrents. Bragg had his headquarters at Tullahoma, with Bishop Polks corps strongly entrenched at Shelbyville. This town was noted for its str-:mg Union sentiment, and its inhabitants did not fare very well during ~)olk' s occupancy. Hardee's corps was near Wartrace and there was a line of hins covering his front with three principal gaps, called Liberty, H00ver and Bell Buckle Gaps. In front of Polk through the hills was Guys Ga9. Rosencrarls plan of campaign was to turn Braggs right, and force him to come out of his entrenchments and fight on open ground. I will not attempt to describe the advance of our army. Rain fell for eighteen days. The roads seemed bottomless, and men, horses and guns were covered with mud. At one time in passing through a woods road, one of the horses on my gun caught its foot in a root, and fell, being abso(cid:173) lutely submerged in liquid mud. It was horrible. For eighteen days we did not have dry clothing or blankets. We could sleep crouched down by tree or fence, the rain beating upon us meanwhile. Fortunately, the weather was warm. July Fourth we were camped in a wet wheat field, when news came of the victory at Gettysburgh. We fired one hundred rounds from the batt8ry in honor of the day and the victory. The provisions in ~ur haversacks beca~e a wet mass, the wagons were stalled in the mud far behind, and we got very hungry, indeed. Bragg ViaS maneuvered out of his entrenchments without serious fight(cid:173) ing and fell back to Chattanooga. We camped at Manchester, Tenn. about July lOth and remained there till 62 the sixteenth of August. Here on the 27th day of July I saw my 21st birthday. We set up posts and made a long bow'er covered with brush to protect us from the rays of the sun, and here we rested and recruited our strength for the coming struggle for Chattanooga. The railroad was repaired to Stevenson, and the right of the army advanced to that place. Between usand that city was the steep range of the Cumberlands and a "\','"ide, deep river, the Tennessee. We were then perhaps about seventy-five miles from the object of our quest. The problem of crossing this river in the face of an opposing armyrras a difficult one, indeed. A success(cid:173) ful passage of the river depended upon concealing the real point of cross(cid:173) ing. Bragg eX9Gcted that Rosencrans would attempt this crossing above Chattanooga. Rosencrans determined to cross beJow. A force was sent above and feintsd a crossing in strong force. But this was only a l)lind. Our corps was the left wing of the army, and August 16th we left camp and by long and hard marches, over roads almost im1Jassable, we ascended the Cumberland Range. Passing a10ng the SlL"illIlit of this range for a considerable distance, we finally descended down a long and frightful gap into -Sequatchie Valley. Betw'eon this vaney a.Tld Chattanooga lay Waldens "Ridge, about twenty miles wide and almost im9ass(cid:173) ible. This valley is about forty miles in length, very fertile and at its mouth '.'ras the little village of Jasper, near the Tennessee River and SJm8 thirty-five miles below Cha,ttanooga. After resting for a couple of cleWS we marched down tho valley to its mouth and soon Were upon the banks of the Tmmessee. This river was here about a quarter of a mile in width and unfordable. The problem was nOll., to cross. Bragg was ex(cid:173) pecting us above the city. The movement of our corps, (Crittenden' s), across the mountains and into Sequatchie Valley had been a feint, Bragg exop,cting us to attempt a crossing there instead of below. The army crossed the river in various ways, part by a pontoon, a large 63 number on rafts and boats picked up along the river. Our guns were taken across on a raft. We found an old canoe, and our horses were taken over by swimming, one man paddling the canoe, and one sitting in the stern, holding two swimming horses by halters. We all safely crossed without any serious opoosition from the enemy. Here we were on the same side of the river as the enemy, and about thirty-five mUes from the objective ooint, Chattanooga. The crossing was commenced August 29th and completed Sr:ypt8mber 4th. McCook's corps, the 20th, moved to the right across Sand Mountain, and the head of his column reached Alpine some forty-five miles from Chat(cid:173) tanooga. Thomas's corps, the liLth, moved across between McCook and Chatta(cid:173) nooga and the head of his column was at McLemores Cove, about twenty miles fr')m Chattanooga. Our corps, Crittenden's, was ordered to move directly on Chattanooga up the river. To make these movements a little clearer, I will draw a rough sketch, a very rough and inadequate sketch of the territory over which we moved. We moved cautiously up the river, and on September ninth, passed under the brow of Lookout Mountain and Chattanooga loW beneath us. Our advance was nf)t contested. On the seventh Bragg had left Chattanooga with his army. He had fallen back to Fayette, Georgia. Here he received reinforcemAnts of ten thousand men from Johnston's army in Mississippi, and Longstreet's corps was ordered to join him from Vir(cid:173) gi.nia. Rosencrans and the Government at Washington thought that Bragg was in wild flight, and orders were given to pursue him as rapidly as possible. One of our divisions was left at Chattanooga and with two others we pushed on after Bragg. No one knew where he was, and for several days we wandered around looking for something. And never were we in greater danger of de(cid:173) struction than for the following few days. Here was the situation. Bragg was at Lafayette about twenty-five miles from Chattanooga, "rith an army about as large as our own and rapidly receiving reinforcements. Men claiming 64 to be deserters from the Confederate army came into our lines and informed' us that Bragg was retreating in wild confusion. They were sent by Bragg. His intentions were to gather force enough to fight and defeat us and cap(cid:173) ture and de stroy our army. Never was a commander offered a better opportunity. Our army was scatter(cid:173) ed, McCook 45 miles away, and farther south than Bragg; Thomas near McLe(cid:173) more Cove, separated by about 25 miles from McCook, and we under Crittenden wandering around near Ringgold, miles away from Thomas, and all ignorant of Bragg's whereabouts. Bragg did give orders to attack and crush Critten(cid:173) dnn, but his subordinates failedhlm. He also tried to wipe out Thomas's Corps, but again the generals he sent to do the job did not get together. A combined attack of the Confederate army upon us could not have failed to bring disaster. These attacks, however, had the effect of convincing Rosen(cid:173) crans that Bragg was not in retreat, but was in force and near at hand. The question was then whether the army could be got together in time to meet Bragg's attack. There was a road called the Lafayette Road, leading from Chattanooga to LaFayette. This roan crossed Chickamauga Creek at Lee and Gordons Mill, and then ran northerly through Rossville Gap in Missionary R.idge to Chatta(cid:173) nooga. On the 17th we fell back across Chickamauga Creek at Lee and Gordons 'Mill. McCook's Corps contmenced falling back, hastily marching day and night to reach our position. On the evening of the 17th Thomas had closed up on our right and McCook had reached the right of Thomas. Bragg was in position on the other siele of the Creek, and intended on the 18th to force a crossing at Reeds and Alexanders Bridges, reach the LaFayette 'Road ann cut us off from Chattanooga, force us back against the mountain and destroy us. Our army was about 55,000 strong. The Confederate army, reinforced by 11,000 men from Johnson's army and Longstreet's Corps from Wirginia, came to about 70,000 men. Perhaps it might be a matter of historical interest 65 to give a detailed statement of the two armies at this time. The Union army consisted of 139 regiments of infantry, 18 of cavalry and 34 batteries of artillery, besides three sections of artillery consisting of six guns with the cavalry. Fourteenth Army Corps. Major General George H. Thomas. Provost Guard, Ninth Michigan Infantry. First Division Brigadier G8neral Absolom Baird. First Brigade. Commanded by Colonel Benjamin F. Scribner. 38th Indiana, Lieutenant Col. Daniel F. Griffin. 2nd Ohio, Lieutenant Col. Obadiah C. Maxwell. 33rd Ohio, Colonel Oscar F. Moore. 94th Ohio, Major Rue P. Hutchins. lOth Wisconsin, Lieutenant Col. John H. Ely. Battery A First Michigan Light Artillery, Lieutenant George W. Van Pelt. Second Brigade. Brigadier General John C. Starkweather. 24th nlinois, Colonel Geza Mithalotzy. 79th Pennsylvania, Colonel Henry A. Hambright. 1st Wisconsin, Lieutenant Colonel George H. Bingham. 21st Wisconsin, Lieutenant Colonel Harrison C. Hobart. Fourth Indiana Battery, Lieutenant David Flansburg. Third Brigade. Brigadier General John H. King. 15th U.S. Inf. First Battallion, Ca9tain John B. Dodd. 16th U.S. Inf. First Battallion, Major Sydney Cooledge. 18th U.S. Inf. First Battallion, Captain Henry Haymond. 19th U.S. Inf. First Battallion, Major Sa,nro.el K. Dawson. 66 Battery H. Fifth U.S. Artillery, Lieutenant Howard M. Burnham. Second Division First Brigade. Brigadier General John Beatty. l04th Illinois, Lieutenant Colonel Douglas Hapeman. 42nd Indiana, Lieutenant Colonel William T. B. McIntire. 88th Indiana, Colonel George Humphrey. 15th Kentucky, Colonel Marion C. Taylor. Bridges Batter,y, (Illinois) Captain Lyman Bridges. Second Brigade. Colonel Timothy R. Stanley. 19th Illinois, Lieutenant Colonel Alexander W. Haffen. 11th Michigan, Colonel William L. Stoughton. 18th Ohio, Lieutenant Colonel Charles H. Grovenor. Battery M. First Ohio Light Artillery, Captain Frederick Schultz. Third Brigade Colonel William Sirwell. 37th Indiana, Lieutenant Colonel D. Ward. 21st Ohio, Lieutenant Colonel mella M. Stoughton. 74th Ohio, Captain Joseph Fisher. 78th Pennsylvania, Lieutenant Colonel Archibald Blakeley.