OCCUPATIONAL AND COMMUNITY INTEGRATION
OF SOUTHERN-EORN WORKER'S IN A
MIDWESTERN INDUSTRIAL COMMUNITY

Thesls for Ike Degree of M. A.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

Robert Bruce Haldane
1959

 

326635

 

    
     

f:

LIBRARY ' I
Michigan State
' University

 

 

$7.234»
("EYES
I M

 

 

OCCUPATIONAL AND COMMUNITY INTEGRATION OF SOUTHERN-BORN
WORKERS IN.A MIDWESTERN INDUSTRIAL COMMUNITY

by

Robert Bruce Haldane

AN ABSTRACT

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department
of Sociology and AnthrOpology in Michigan State
University

East Lansing, Michigan
1958

'2 '* 7/ >

'17. I 3 “/’ .ag- .
Approved «n/ I; x’i ( (if/2"]? 41” Z“, ' 4 ( >i7M/i

\

ROBERT BRUCE HALDANE ABSTRACT

A sample of 5&5 workers, drawn from the labor force
of Lansing, Michigan, was studied. .An attempt was made to
determine the degree of occupational and community integrap
tion exhibited by the southern-born members in the sample
in comparison with that of the ”others," consisting of hB
foreign-born and ha? native nonsouthern-born workers (calledt
"northern-born" for purposes of this study).

. Responses to interview questions were statistically
analyzed and compared for information bearing on several
demographic eXpectations and on hypotheses in the two major
areas of interest. Quantitative factors such as age, income,
etc., were compared by use of a standard 2 test for comparison
of means. Non-quantitative variables were tested for associ-
ation with chi-square tests.

It was determined that the southern-born workers
do not differ significantly from the "other" workers in any
of the demographic characteristics tested with the exception
of the number of children per family. The southern-born
had fewer children than the "others." Two other variables
tested along with these showed differences between the samples
also. The southern-born own their homes less frequently than

the northern-born, and their homes are found in areas of lower

socio-economic status.

The hypotheses in the area of occupational integra-
tion stated that the southern-born were lower in the occupa-
tional hierarchy of the community and that they were less
satisfied with their Jobs and the companies for which they
worked. Factors involved in the testing of these hypotheses
were felt to be important to the workers' occupational inte-
gration. .Analysis of the data indicated that the southernp
born did not exhibit a significantly lower degree of inte-
gration to their Jobs than the northern-born, as neither one
of the hypotheses was substantiated.

The community integration of the workers was studied
by analysis of factors in connection with the two hypotheses:
that the southern-born were less satisfied with their commun-
ity of residence than the northern-born; and, that the south-
ern-born participate less in community organizations than the
northern-born. The first of these was not substantiated as
the southern-born seemed to be as satisfied with the community
as the northern-born. Taken as a group, the southern-born
do not participate in the community to a lesser degree than
the northern-born. However, the southern-born whites, con-
sidered alone, demonstrated significantly less community
participation than the northern-born.

It was concluded that southern-born migrant workers
in Lansing are not affected in the degree of occupational
and community integration they exhibit by their minority
group status. The situation might be somewhat different in

ii

cities which are larger or which have had a larger influx

of southern migrants.

111

OCCUPATIONAL.AND COMMUNITY INTEGRATION OF SOUTHERN-BORN
WORKERS IN A MIDWESTERN INDUSTRIAL COMMUNITY

by
Robert Bruce Haldane

A.THESIS

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department
of Sociology and Anthropology in Michigan State
University

East Lansing, Michigan
‘ 1958

Approved

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

1 wish to thank Dr. William H. Form, my major
professor for the use of the data which formed the basis
for the study and for his many helpful comments on the data.
and the manner in which they should be handled. His encour-
agement and guidance contributed substantially to the study.
1 am also grateful to the members of my committee, Dr. Charles
R. Hoffer, Dr. Archie O. Haller and Dr. Jack Steiber for their
time and their many helpful suggestions and comments. I am
indebted to Harold Goldsmith for comment and conversation
instrumental in the clearing up of much confusion about some
of the statistical techniques utilised. I am especially
grateful to my wife, Darlene Haldane, for her patience, under-
standing and support, as well as for her aid in some of the

' drudgery involved.

Chapter

I.

II.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION AND FORMULATION OF THE PROBLEM . 0

Some Characteristics of the

Approach to the Problem .

Hypotheses. . . . .

Source of Data. . .

Limitations of the Study.

Southern-Born Group

Relevance of the Study. . . . . . . . . . . . .

DEMOGRAPHIC COMPARISONS
NORTHERN-BORN WCRKERS .

Statistical Techniques.

Method of Approach.
Age . . . . . . . .
Rural-Urban Origins
Number of Children.

Education . . . . .

0

CF SOUTHERN-BORN WITH

Length of Time in Lansing.

Home-Ownership. . .

Socio-economic Status of Dwelling

Summary . . . . . .

Conclusions . . . .

Page

. 5
. 8
.10
.15
.17
.18

.19
.20
.22:
.23
.2h
.26
. 26
.28
.30
.31
.31;

Chapter Page

111. OCCURATIONAL INTEGRATION OF SOUTHERN-BORN WORKERS
AS COMPARED WITH NORTHERN-BORN WORKERS . . . . . 36

The Lansing Industrial Makeup. . . . . . . . . . 36
Occupational Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Occupational Position. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Manner of Obtaining Job. . . . . . . . . . . . . ho
Plants of Employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . no
Occupational Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . AS
Integration of the Southern-Born to Their Jobs . #7
Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

IV. COMMUNITY INTEGRATION OF SOUTHERN-BORN WORKERS
AS COMPARED WITH NORTHERN-BORN WORKERS . . . . . 61

Community Integration. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Mobility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
Satisfaction with the Community. . . . . . . . . 6h
Community Participation. . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Limitations of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
Relevance for Further Study. . . . . . . . . . . 79

LITERATURE CITED . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81

Table
1.

II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

X1.

XII.
XIII.
XIV.

XVI.

XVII.

LIST OF TABLES

Mean.Age for Southern-born, Northern-born and
Foreign-born e e e e e e e e e e e

Rural-Urban Origin by Region of Birth. . . . . .
Mean Number of Children. . . . . . . . . . . . .
Level of Education by Region of Origin . . . . .
Length of Time in the Lansing Labor Market . . .
Home-Ownership by Region of Origin . . . . . . .

Socio-economic Status of Dwelling.Area by Region
Of Origin. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0
Availability of Assistance in Obtaining Job

by Region of Origin. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Type of Industry of Employment by Region of
Origin . . . .

O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Size of Company of Employment by Region of
Origin 0 O O‘ O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 0

Type of Ownership of Company of Employment by
Region of Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Occupational Level by Region of Origin . . . . .
Attitudes toward Job by Region of Origin . . . .

Number of Reported Satisfactions and Dissatis-
factions by Region of Origin . . . . . . . . . .
Types of Satisfactions and Dissatisfaction:

by Region of Origin. . .

O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Factors Contributing to Favorable Plant Reputa-
tion by Region of Origin . . . . . . .

Image of Plant Wage Equality by Region of Origin

Page

25
25

29

33

33

NZ

52

52

SH
SH

Table
XVIII.

XIX.

Attitudes toward Women Workers by Region of
origin 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

Attitudes toward Negro Workers by Region of
origin 0 O O O O O O O I O O 0 O O O O O 0

Number of Organizational Memberships for
Southern-born by Race. . . . . . . . . . .

Voting Behavior by Region of Origin. . . .

Page

59

59

68
68

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTlCN AND FORMULATION OF THE PROBLEM

.As a reSult of migrations during the last ho years,
a substantial portion of the labor force of the midwestern
industrial complex is made up today of southern-born workers.l
Migration by Negro and white workers from the South to the
Midwest is a fairly recent phenomenon, having taken place in
substantial numbers only since about 1919. The amount of
migration declined somewhat during the economic depression
of the 1930's, in some areas even resulting in net out-migra-
tion, but, with the increased demand for labor brought on by
the advent of world War II, the number of migrants into mid-
western industrial cities increased again and has remained
high to this time.2

Several socio-economic factors have been Operative

in the South to contribute to these migratory movements.3

 

1It is roughly estimated that 8.5% of the labor force
of the states of Ohio, Indiana, lllinois,.Michigan, and
Wisconsin is made up of southern-born workers, both.male and
female. This estimate is calculated from.figures given in:
Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, "Characteristics
of the Population,” Volume II of 1950 Census of Population,
Table 73, p. 125.

zErdmenn D. Beynon, ”The Southern White Laborer Migrates
to Michigan,"§g§rican Sociological Review, June 1938, pp. BBB-#3.

3For a full discussion of factors underlying migration,
see the articles by Roland B. Dixon, Louis Halphen, and Imre

Ferenczi under "Migrations,' in Enc clo edia of the Social
Sciences, Macmillan, New York, l§35, VoEume 15, pp. EEO-ET.

These "push" factors mainly involve individual economic
opportunities. As an indication, of 3,071 counties in the
U.S., 380 had an average gross income in 1929 of less than
$150 per rural-farm inhabitant. .All but seven of these were
in the South (including Vest Virginia), the majority being
in the Southern.Appalachians and the Piedmont areas. The
lowest income counties of the United States, including the
lowest county, were concentrated largely in the Southern
Appalachians.u That these conditions still exist to a large
degree is indicated by the low "level of living" in the areas,
as described by Loomis and Beegle.5
The Southern Appalachian plateau stands out as an
area of low material standard of living, the fundamental
cause of which is excessive pressure of p0pu1ation on avail-
able resources. "Extraordinarily high rates of natural in-
crease and insufficient emigration have resulted in a rural
population far greater than the agricultural, forest, and
mineral resources can support satisfactorily."6 .Any antici-
pated growth of manufacturing will not suffice to absorb
existing population surpluses. ”If economic opportunities

in the region could increase as fast as the p0pu1ation,

 

“Carter Goodrich, et 21,, Mi ration and Economic
$§§ortunity, University of-Pennsylvania Press, PHIIaHeIphia,
, hapter is

5Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, Rural Social
Systems, Prentice-Hall, Inc., New York, 1950, pp. 259-62,
70‘ e

6G°°dt1¢h, OE. Cite, pp. 61-620

aggravation of chronic difficulties could be avoided. But
the number of people is already greater than the resources
of the region can support satisfactorily, and the immediate
outlook is for a still greater population without a correspond-
ing improvement in opportunities.“7
Conditions in the cotton belt areas of the Southeast
are almost as bad as those in the.Appalachians and have been
bad for a longer period of time. This area was one of estab-
lished poverty before the advent of the Great Depression;
indeed, the region has shown a high degree of outqmigration
since the end of the Civil War, the conjunction of poverty
and population pressure being major causal factors, intensi-
fied during the period of the boll weevil infestations. The
region has participated in three large-scale migrations,--
"to the cotton areas of the Southwest, to the growing mills
of the Piedmont, and to the northern (and western) centers
of industry."8

In addition to these underlying factors in the areas

of origin of the migrations, the industrialization of the

 

7Ibid., pp. 66-67. Though the statement is somewhat
out of date, the prediction seems to have been borne out as
indicated by the present patterns of living, (see Loomis
and Beegle, o . cit.), and the continuing patterns of migra-
tion. See.A bert . Votaw, "The Hillbillies Invade Chicago,“
Harper's Ma azine, February, 1958, pp. 6u-67. .

8Goodrich, o . cit., p. 15h. That this latter move-
ment has not yet ceased Is indicated by Loomis and Beegle,

o . cit., and also by Warren S. Thompson, Po ula ion Problems,
KER—Emma, McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., N-‘EV—‘R'ew or .1337 "'""‘
pp. 295ff.

middle western and north-central states represents an impor-
tant "pull" factor. Introduction of an industrial economy
brought about new in-migration to some of the midwestern

areas of population deficit. The industrial centers of the
Great Lakes states provided a great attraction for immigration.
Beginning between 1910-1920 and increasing tremendously between
1920-1930, the area attracted large numbers of pe0ple from a
circle of states as distant as Arkansas. The p0pu1ation in-
flux into the north central lake area was particularly impor-
tant for Michigan.9 It was during this period that the com-
paratively new automobile industry, centered in and around
Detroit, began to expand, creating a need for large numbers

of semi-skilled and unskilled production workers who could
obtain regular Jobs with little or no training or experience,
Jobs which.paid comparatively well.

Thus large numbers of southern-born workers, motivated
by pressures at home and attracted by the factory money to be
obtained in the North, set out to better their circumstances.
Many of these workers ended up in the Midwest, where they are
still members of the labor force. The presence of this
"minority" in the northern industrial setting affords an
opportunity to inquire into and to test sociological speculap
tions concerning some dynamics of the labor force. It is with
those southern-born workers who are at present members of the

90. Warren Thornthwaite, Internal Mi ration in the
UhitedpgtatesizUniversity of Pennsylvania Press, PhiladeIphia,

 

 

labor force of the midwestern industrial complex, specifically
in one area in Michigan, that this thesis is concerned. The
attempt was made to test some commonly held generalizations
dealing especially’with types and degree of integration of this

important group in the labor force of the midwestern industrial

complex.

Some Characteristics of the Southern-Born Group

The southern-born white worker is somewhat unique
as a member of the northern labor force. Unlike most other
entrants from outside the region, he is similar to the native
population in many important characteristics. His Anglo
background has its roots in the early history of this country
and there is nothing about him.which serves to differentiate
him physically from the native group. .As a white Protestant,
of early-American Anglo-Saxon stock, he is a "prototype of

"10 or, at least as

what the 'superior' American should be,
far as these particular characteristics are concerned, he
fits perfectly the stereotype of the "100% American."
Hmwever, studies indicate that the southern migrants
show some definite minority group characteristics. They
tend to settle in homogeneous residential clusters as much
as possible, as do most immigrant groups. Certainly a major

part of the cause for this voluntary residential segregation

is the fact that encouragement from the migrants previously

 

10Votaw, Op. cit.

established in an area has often been instrumental in their
decision to move northward. Thus it is not surprising that
they attempt to settle near relatives and close friends.
The southerners themselves exhibit a certain group
consciousness, characterised in the words of one writer by
a "suspicion of the authorities,--landlords, storekeepers,
bosses, police, principals, and awesome church people,. . .

Prejudice. . . rock-hard clannishness."ll

in their attitudes,
behavior, and choice of associates they tend to stick to their
own ways and people, in a sense isolating themselves by intent.
in addition, many non-southerners hold recognisable
stereotypes of the southern migrants, regarding them as a

”distinct, cohesive ethnic group.'12

This is emphasized
by the findings of various studies which have been carried
out. "The peeple with whom they came into contact distin-
guish between themselves and 23;,southern white laborers
and tend to treat them.as members of a single homogeneous
group. without regard to region of origin, the southern
white laborers are assumed to have common characteristics

which.mark them off almost as clearly as if they were foreign-

ers.“13 That these stereotypes are not favorable is indicated

 

11

lzLewis N. Kilian, "The Adjustment of Southern White
Migrants to Northern Urban Norms,‘ Social Forces, October,
1953. pp. 66-69.

13Beynon, op. cit.

Ibid.

 

by the findings of a Detroit study that ". . . references
to recent southern migrants and hillbillies appear to reflect
a significant negative feeling in the city.'1h

in view of the fact that this group possesses one
attribute which seldom, if ever, is found in connection with
a migrant group, i.e., the ability to pack up and go home at
any time, and the fact that they maintain close connections
between themselves and the "home-folks" back in the Ozarks,
or wherever their point of origin was, the notion that they
are no more established in the urban context than as transients,
in town to pick up a little money before they head back home
would seem to be supported. .According to this view, it would
be expected that they would attach very little permanence
to their Jobs or their current community of residence. Hence,
they would not be expected to attain a significant degree of
integration to their Jobs, the companies for which they work,
or to the community in which they find themselves. 0n the
other hand, the possibilities for steady work in the North,
the personal sacrifices and discomforts which.must be endured
in order to make the relatively short Journey home, and, most
important, the lack of any significant degree of alleviation
of the conditions in the South.which were partially responsible
for their decisions to move north in the first place are all
factors contributing to an expectation that at least some must

choose to take up permanent residence in the areas near their

 

1“Arthur Kornhauser, Detroit as the People See It.
Wayne university Press, Detroit, l9§§, p. E6.

I.

 

 

 

factory Jobs. It would be expected that these would become
settled and integrated to some extent into the Northern

communities to which they have moved.

Approach to the Problem

The purpose of this study was to test certain common-
ly held generalizations concerning the southern-born workers
in three main areas: (a) demographic characteristics;

(b) occupational integration; and (c) community integration.
‘A number of hypotheses revolving around each area were formu-
lated and tested. These dealt with the southern-born workers
in their Jobs, their positions in the occupational hierarchy,
their satisfaction with their positions, their satisfaction
with the companies for which they work, and their degree of
integration to their community of residence.

The first area consists of a demographic description
of the southern-born group, comparing them.with other groups
in the community, particularly the dominant northern-born
group. Comparisons involved such items as rural-urban
origins, age, number of children, education, length of time
in the community and two factors which are not considered
strictly demographic, home ownership and socio-economic
status of dwelling area. From the results of inquiries into
this area, it was considered possible to account, in part,
for differences among groups which were expected to show up

as a result of explorations into the next two areas.

The second area revolves around the position of the
southern-born worker in the labor market in relation to other
groups, and his degree of what is termed "integration" to
his means of livelihood. Findings concerning occupational
levels, types of companies of employment and income levels
were utilized in an attempt to determine the actual position
of the southern-born in the industrial and occupational
hierarchy. The feelings of the workers themselves, as compared
to other groups, concerning their positions and their satis-
faction or dissatisfaction in these positions were considered
indicative of their ”integration“ to their Jobs. Their
feelings for the companies for which they work and the policies
of these companies, their satisfactions and dissatisfactions
with the particular Jobs which they perform, their comparisons
of their jobs and "their" plants with other Jobs and plants
were felt to determine the relative degree of occupational
integration of southern-born as compared with northern
workers. No attempt was made to construct any type of
integration scale or index. The groups were simply compared
on the basis of responses to individual questions and construc-
tion of a general picture of the relative "degree of integra-
tion” was attempted.

The third area is that of the integration to the
community of residence exhibited by southern-born workers.
Beginning from the objective basis of the length of time in

the community, the number of communities in which Jobs have

10

been held, and the amount of participation in community
structures by the members of the southern-born group, compared
with the northern group, and working through such subjective
factors as the workers' stated liking for their communities,
an attempt was made to determine a realistic picture of the
degree of community integration of the southern-born workers.
As in the area of occupational integration, there was no
attempt to establish any rigorous criteria of integration or
lack of integration. Rather, the responses were examined
and compared with the view in mind of ascertaining in a
general way the feelings of the respondents regarding their
communities of residence and the manner in which these
feelings differed among different groups.

it was hoped that, by separating the southern-born
group from other groups in a community, the extent to which
they differed from the rest of the community could be deter-
mined and the part played in their participation in the
labor force and in the community by the fact of their south-

ern origins could be indicated, at least in part.

Hypotheses
The expectations for the manner in.which the south-
ern born workers differ demographically from the northern-
born workers were formulated as follows:
1. The southern-born workers, on the average, are
younger than are the northern-born workers. This was based

on the fact that the southern-born have more recently arrived

 

.
n n
i
.
I
I
.
, ‘ ‘ t
.—
a
I
.. ,

I'-

 

11

on the midwestern scene and the fact that the younger
elements of a population usually migrate most readily.

2. Southern-born workers are more often of rural
origin than are northern-born workers. The character of the
regions from which they migrated and types of factors Operative
in those regions to motivate migration, i.e., dense rural
population, poor land, as contrasted with the industrialized
character of the midwestern land resources, etc. (see above),
contributed to this expectation.

3. Southern-born workers tend to have more children
per family at a given age level than do northern-born workers,
though there is no meaningful difference between the proportion
of southern and northern-born workers who are married. This
was based on the second expectation, persons of rural origin
being assumed to hold those rural values which place a high
value on large numbers of children in the family.

h. Southern-born workers have a lower level of
education than have northern—born workers. This was based
on the expectations of a higher preponderance of rural origins
among southern workers in conjunction with the fact that
rural education in general and southern rural education
especially is less extensive and of much lower quality than

15

is northern urban education.

 

15National Resources Committee, The Problems of a
Chan in Po ulation, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington,
1533, pp. Ell-21?. For some social factors involved in rural-
urban education differentials, see.Archie 0. Heller, "Farm
Residence and Levels of Educational and Occupational Aspiration,”
American Journal of Sociology, January, 1957. PP. h07-ll.

12

5. The southernbern, as a group, have spent less
time in the midwestern labor market than have the northern-
born, as the southern-born are migrants and many, if not most
of the northern-born may be native to the area.

6. Southern-born workers are less likely to own
their own homes in the areas in which they are working. in
addition, their places of residence tend to be in areas of
lower socio-economic status than are those of the northern-
born. The transient status of many of the southern-born
and the attachments which they continue to hold for the areas
from which they came, coupled with a probable inability to
earn as much as the northern-born due to their minority group
status, contribute to this expectation. While not exactly
demographic in nature, these factors were included here
because, as expectations rather than formal hypotheses, they
best fit into this section and, because, like the preceding
factors, they were held to be partial determinants of some
of the expected findings in the area.of community integration.

The following hypotheses revolved around the second
area to be considered, the area of occupational integration:

1. As the result of a combination factors, notably
their lower educational level, their "minority group" status,

16

and their rural origins, southern-born workers attain a

 

16Some of the social-psychological connections between
rural origin and occupational level in the non-farm.labor
market are considered in: Seymour M. Lipset, "Social Mobility
and Urbanization,” Rural Sociology, September-December, 1955,
pp. 220-28.

 

 

13

lower occupational level than do northern-born. They are
found in the less desirable jobs, in the larger plants, and
in the less desirable plants in which to work (desirability
being determined on the basis of respondents' answers to
questions pertaining to job and company preferences). The
feelings of many small employers in the North against hiring
of southerners17 and the impersonal processes of hiring
carried out by the larger concerns combined to contribute
to the expectation that large companies employ more of the
southern-born. In addition, southern workers do not earn
incomes as high as those of the northern born.

2. Southern-born workers are less satisfied with
the companies for which they work than are the northern-
born. This hypothesis was based in part on their position
in the industrial make-up as hypothesized in (1) above,
and in part on the difference between their present existence
as members of highly impersonal corporate bureaucracies and
their previous existence in smaller rural communities where
personal ties are stronger and where the society is allegedly
more integrated. in addition, the presence on the job scene
of certain marginal workers, particularly Negroes, would tend
to aggravate certain hostilities and prejudices which were
felt to be present in the southern worker to a greater degree

18

than in the northern worker.

 

l7Kilian, 02, cit.

leibid.

11+

3. Southern-born.workers are more satisfied than
are the northern-born in their present jobs. Even though
they are at somewhat of a disadvantage as migrants and members
of a minority group, and hence have lower incomes and less
favorable working conditions than do the northern-born, it
was felt that their present occupational positions represent
enough of an.improvement over their previous existence in
the rural South to cause them to feel a fairly high degree
of satisfaction with the work they do and the conditions
under which they do it.

In the third area of study, that involving the
integration of the southern-born to their communities of
residence, the following hypotheses were formulated:

l. Southern-born workers are less satisfied with
their present neighborhoods and communities of residence
than are northern-born workers. Their transient-like attitudes19
and minority group status formed the basis for this hypothesis.

2. Southern-born workers participate less in the
formal and informal voluntary organisations of their present
communities of residence than do other workers. The transient-
like attitudes, the clannishness, and the minority group
consciousness of the southern-born contributed to this expec-
tation.

The above expectations were tested by systematic

comparisons of responses given to various questions by

 

19Votaw, op. cit.

 

15

southern-born and northern-born workers. For quantitative
variables such as age, income, number of children, means

were calcuiated and compared through use of standard statisti-
cal techniques. For non-quantitative items dealing with such
factors as feelings and attitudes, occupational levels, and
types of companies of employment, the respondents were com-
pared by use of standard chi-square tests to determine
existence of association between membership in the category
"southern-born” or "other” and the specific variables being
tested. No attempt was made to establish any rigorously
defined correlations between items. It was considered
sufficient to indicate the existence, direction, and to

some extent, the degree of association between membership

in a category and items under consideration. it was not

felt that the data under consideration and the techniques to

be utilized would lend themselves to any more rigorous inquiries.

Source of Datm

Data for this study were derived from a larger study
of the manual labor force in Lansing, Michigan which was
carried out in 1950 and 1951. This first study, carried out
by J. Ailan Beegle, William H. Form and Sigmund Nosow, was
designed to study the relevance of migration to location in
the job market during an era of a tight labor force. it
gathered data concerning job histories, imobility (occupational
mobility as well as geographical mobility) and present condi-

tions of employment from a representative sample of wage

16

earners in the Lansing labor market. A.5.0% sample of male
wage earners consisted of approximately 750 workers. in
sample of 800 manual workers was decided upon; 200 of this
group were to be taken from the "fringe“ areas of Lansing,
while the remaining 600 were to be residents of the city.
Having drawn the "city” group from.the Polk's Directory £2;
Lansing, it was found that the 600 contained an adequate
representation of "fringe" residents. The schedule finally
analyzed consisted of 588 interviews taken during the period

from November, 1950 to June, 1951.20

Each respondent was
personally interviewed with a prepared schedule designed to
bring out information bearing on the original problem as
well as additional incidental information. It is a portion
of this information which was used for the present study.
The sample was found to consist of four subgroups
which.were considered important to the study. These were
the southern-born whites, southern-born Negroes, "northern-
born" (actually consisting of all native U.S., nonsouthern-
born, most of whom were from the Midwest), and foreign-born.
For purposes of comparison, the southern-born whites were
combined with the southern-born Negroes into the "southern-born“
group, and the northern-born and foreign-born groups were

combined (except where they differed significantly) into the
group to be designated "other.'t

 

20Sigmund Nosow, 'Labor Distribution and the Normative
System,” Social Forces, October, 1956, pp. 25-33.

 

 

 

Fm

17

Of the original interviews, 5&5 were selected for
this study, 70 from southern-born respondents and #75 from
northern-born and other respondents. Of the 70 southern-born,
28, or no% were Negro, as compared with 1h, or 3% of the
northern sample. These latter were separated out and compared
systematically with the southern-born in a wide range of
variables to determine whether their retention would run the
risk of presenting a somewhat unrealistic picture of the
southern-born group due to the inclusion of traits having
racial rather than regional factors underlying them. it
was decided to include them in the study as they did not
differ significantly from the whites except in a few instances
which will be brought out in the treatment.

Limitations of the Study

it can be seen that there will be certain limitations
on the results obtained. In the first place, the data.were
not drawn specifically for the purpose for which they are
here being used. Hence there was some danger of misdirection
caused by different emphases between the original study and
this one. The reworking of data for purposes other than those
for which it was gathered always entails some loss of accuracy,
indeed stands the chance of being unintentionally falsified.
However, as the schedule used was rather extensive and compre-
hensive, and the interviews were carried out by interviewers
who had no direct interest in the results, it is felt that

the chances for error inherent in the use of the data were

18

minimized in the design of the original research. In addition,
the present study called for the use of selected portions of
the data in its original form rather than for extensive re-
formulation or reinterpretation of material.

The small number of southern-born respondents, in
comparison with the total number of the sample might tend
to cast some doubt on any absolute claims made for complete
reliability. The sample was not large enough to stratify
for important factors such as age, education, and industrial
experience. Therefore it is possible only to indicate some
of the tendencies in the data caused by these factors. Small
as it is, the sample was felt to be sufficient to point out
the existence and directions of the various characteristics
considered. No attempt at a more exhaustive, comprehensive

description is made here.

Relevance of the Sty

The fact that there seems to be little information
on the questions raised and considered in this study makes
the study relevant as one pointing out avenues of approach
to the problem represented by the presence of this large
subgroup within the labor force, as a demonstration of the
need for further study and, to some degree, as a delineation
of the area of need for further study. it is haped that it
will represent a contribution to the knowledge of the inte-
gration of certain types of migrants to life in a middle-

sised industrial community.

’19

CHAPTER II

DEMOGRAPHIC COMPARISONS OF SOUTHERN-BORN WITH
NORTHERN—BORN WORKERS

This chapter is concerned with the investigation of
the expectations revolving around the first area of interest,
the demographic characteristics of the southern-born workers
which are felt to play a part in the determination of those
areas to be dealt with later.

The members of the southern-born group studied repre-
sent thirteen different states, from.Florida to Missouri,
and from Texas to Virginia. Of the states generally considered
to be part of the Deep South, only Louisiana was not repre-
sented. The Border States were all represented with the
exception of Maryland and Delaware. The highest prOportion
of whites came from Tennessee. Mississippi was the state
of origin of the greatest number of Negroes. Most of the
southern-born, about 63%, had been in Lansing under ten years,
though some few had been here as long as 25 years or longer.
Almost all of them were wage-earners working in the various
production industries in Lansing. .

Some more specific characteristics of the sample are
taken up in this chapter. The age, origins (rural or urban),
number of children, educational levels, and length of time
in the Lansing labor market of the southern-born workers, as

well as the prOportion of home ownership and the socio-economic

20

status of their dwelling areas are treated.

The chapter is designed to serve a threefold purpose.
First it aims to describe the characteristics of southern-
born workers in Lansing, at least to the extent of analysis
of the factors listed above. Second, it compares the southern-
born as they are in reality with the expectations held for
them.and notes the deviations from the expectations. Third,
it provides in part background for some of the interpretations

of data which follow.

Statistical Techniques

Two types of techniques are utilized, depending upon
whether the particular item of inquiry is one which.can be
quantitatively expressed and described or whether it is
necessary to use nonquantitative techniques.

In the handling of quantitative data, the means of
the samples were calculated for each item} and then compared
by use of a standard Z-test to determine whether or not the
samples could have been drawn from the same universe, or
whether the differences were such as to lead to the belief

that, at a certain level of significance, the sub-samples

must have been drawn from different universes.2

 

1The m§?3,of each sample will be determined by the
formula, X:X'+——— (i), as presented in Margaret J. Hagood and

Daniel 0. Price¥ Statistics for Sociolo ists, Revised Edition,
Henry Holt & Co., New York, l§§§, p. l09. .

_ _ 2The statistic Z is calculated by means of the formula,
z,,,(x1+i~t.2) from Wilfred J. Dixon and Frank J. Massey, Jr.,

’
:61”? cr2/N2

21

For nonquantitative variables it was necessary to
use chi-square tests of association between variables to
determine whether or not association existed between member-
ship in one of the groups under consideration and the partic-
ular variables used.3 ‘A contingency coefficient, C, corrected
for the small number of cells, was calculated in an attempt
to reach some conclusions as to the existing degree of
association.“

ln describing statistical significance, or lack of
it for the results, the null hypothesis statement is used.

The 5% level of significance determines the rejection or
acceptance of the null hypothesis. However, where a statistic
was seen to be significant to a higher level, it is noted.

It is hoped that the techniques here outlined will be
sufficient to describe the conditions which hold for the
Introduction to Statistical.Anal sis, 2nd Edition, McGraw-Hill
W19. lts significance is
detenmined by comparison of the computed value for the sample
with values given in Table Ayn, (Appendix, p. 382-383).

3 2 2
Hagood a Price, op. cit.: the formula used was X flit-f 1-.5

This formula calculates a X which is corrected for the c
small number in each cell. It is adapted from the basic
formula presented on p. 365 in combination with discussion
of the "correction for continuity" discussed on pp. 369-70.
For those tables which included more than four cells, the
alternative formula, .xZ , f2 was used, (p.369).

8

 

«N,
T; .
“The formula used for computing the C was GIN/2&1;- lbid.,
p. 370. The correction for C was Ct c , as ’

found in Thomas C. McConmick, tr? Elementar Social
Statistics, New York, MbGraw-Hill Book 03., Inc., I§EI, p. 257.

22

samples and to point out clearly the areas in which the
expectations are substantiated and those in which they must

be rejected as untenable.

Method of Approach

The expectations provided in Chapter 1 were considered
in the order given. The items included admittedly do not
make up all of the factors which could be included under a
demographic description of a group. However, of those
included in the data gathered, these were felt to be the most
important as they can be used in interpretation of some of
the material dealing with job and community integration.

Age, rural-urban origin, educational level, and length of
time in the community play a major part in the worker's
occupational level and status. Family make-up, home-owner-
ship, and socio-economic status of neighborhood of residence
are important in the worker's feelings of permanence and
establishment in the community, hence, in his integration
to the community.

The samples used for the comparisons were southern-
born whites, southern-born Negroes, southern-born (combined
whites and Negroes), northern-horn (native-born nonsouthern),
foreign-born, and "other” (northern-born and foreign-born
combined). In most instances the two general categories,
southern-born and "other" were compared. The smaller sub-
groups were handied separately only insofar as they differed

significantly from the main groups, i.e., where analysis

23

indicated that their inclusion in the major category caused

it to be significantly different than it would have been
ordinarily. This was also done in some instances with the
group composed of those born in Lansing. This procedure

was used in order to present the findings and the explanations
behind them in as compact and clear a manner as possible, with
allowance made for those occasions in which somewhat more
specific information is called upon to explain certain con-
clusions. The samples used in each comparison are indicated.
If only_the two major categories are included, the reader

may assume that the subcateggries were not found to differ
significantly from the major categories in which they are

included.

flag

The expectation that the southern-born are younger
than the northern-born can be said to be upheld. The
samples compared for age differences (Table l) were the
southern-born, the northern-born and the foreign-born.
The southern-born had a mean age of slightly over no years,
in comparison with a mean age of h1.5 years for the northern-
born. The 2 calculated for the two samples indicated that
this difference was significant to the .001 level, i.e.,
extremely significant. I

The mean age of the foreign-born was high in compari-
son with the other groups. The only explanation for this

which can here be offered is that most workers of foreign

 

 

 

.f '.

 

origin presumably entered this country before the early
1920's when immigration was reduced considerably by restric-
tions passed into law. Therefore it is not surprising that,

as a group, they showed a high mean age.

Rural-Urban Origins

It may be concluded that the expectation dealing with
the rural-urban origins of the southern-born as compared with
the northern-born is substantiated by the analysis. The
southern-born group contains a higher preportion of workers
of rural origin.

it was only necessary to compare the southern-born
with the "other" sample as the southern-born Negroes and the
foreign-born were very close to the southern-born whites and
the northern-born respectively. Table II presents the data
on rural-urban origin of the southern-born and the ”other”
groups. Over two-thirds of the southern-born were of rural
origin, compared to slightly under two thirds of the ”other”
respondents. The differences are statistically significant,
for the probability of the chi-square falls below the .001
level.5 The value, .26, of the contingency coefficient,
C, indicates a relatively low degree of association between

the variables.

 

5The Lansing-born were pulled out of the northern-
born sample, which was then compared with the southern
sample. The chi-square was still significant, but only
to the .05 level.

25

TABUE I
MEAN AGE FCR SOUTHERN-BORN, NORTHERN-BORN AND FOREIGN-BORN

Southern-born Northern-born Foreign-born

110.29 111.51 57.28
11.111 112.51
.001 > p .001 71>

'UNN

 

TABLE II
RURAL-URBAN ORIGIN BY REGION OF BIRTH

 

Region of Birth
Origin Southern-born Other Total

Percenta es
Rural 68 E0 “3
Urban 32 0 57

TOTAL 100 100 100

 

Number of Cases 62 uh? 509
x2-17.58 d.r.-1 .001 > p Caz/6

 

TABLE III
DEAN NUMBER CF CHILDREN

 

 

Southern- Southern-
Born Negro Born White Northern-born Southern-born

1.06 2.03 2.06 1.8h
3.10 .12 1.21

-ots>o

 

26

Number of Children

The mean number of children for the groups southern-
born Negro, southernpborn'white, southern-born and "other"
are presented in Table III. The southern-born, as a group,
have significantly fewer children per family than the northern-
born. However, this may be due in part to the unexpectedly
low mean number of children for the southern-born Negroes.
Direct comparison of the southern-born whites with the ”other"
group strengthens this assumption as the differences between
the two prove not significant.

The low mean of the southern-born Negroes is completely
contrary to the usual expectation that this group has the
highest number of children per family. This expectation is
based by many on the rural origins of the southern Negroes
and also on their expected social class position. In addi-
‘tion, it fits the stereotype held by most people that Negroes
are an extremely fecund group. The finding that they have
the lowest number of children per family of any group here
studied, though extremely tentative, indicates that the general

stereotype may be of questionable accuracy.

Education
Several tests of association were made between
education and social origin. However, the only dichotdmy
which seemed to reflect any association with region of birth
was that of 0-8 grades ’of school completed as opposed to

9-12 grades of school completed. The computed results for the

27

four sub-sampdes are seen in Table IV. There were significant
differences between all categories.

The foreign-born proved to be the poorest educated,
followed by the southern-born Negroes. The most educated
group was the northern-born. Thus, the analysis upholds the
expectation that the southern-born are less highly educated
than the northern-born. The two major categories, southern-
born and ”other", when compared with each other, result in
a chi-square of a magnitude sufficient to cause the null
hypothesis to be rejected at the .01 level. Some association
between these categories and school attendance beyond the
eighth grade (but not beyond the 12th grade) is thus indicated.
The C of .20 indicates that the degree of association is not
high, but that association exists in the direction indicated
is sufficient to uphold the expectation that southern-born
workers have attained a lower level of education. This is
significant in that it may affect job placement, in which
case it could be considered important in a wide range of
social variables for the southern-born. 1

However, Table IV also indicates that there are
significant differences between the southern-born Negroes
and the southern-born whites as well as between the northern-
born and the foreign-born. Thus a question arises as to the
association between places of birth and level of education.
Comparison of level of education for southern-born whites and
northern-born results in a chi-square of 2.7l which is not

sufficiently large to reject the null hypothesis at the

28

5% level or higher. This tends to cast some doubt on the
previous conclusion that association exists between origin
and level of education. It suggests that other factors
must be taken into account in an appraisal of comparative
educational levels. The lack of educational homogeneity on
the part of the southern-born is probably one of the more
important_of these factors. This should be kept in mind in
the treatment of the occupational position of the southern-
born which is to follow.

In an attempt to determine a little more clearly
whether or not a significant association exists between the
variables, a combined chi-square table was constructed. Its
data suggest that there is a moderate degree of association
between membership in one of the sub-groups and level of
educational attainment. However, nothing more can be said
with certainty. Though the indications are that the expecta-
tion is valid, the possibility that the results indicated
might be due to factors other than those postulated cannot

be ruled out.

nggth of Time in Lansigg
The groups were compared for the length of time in
the Lansing labor market. The expectation that the southern-
born have not been in Lansing as long proved valid, as indi-
cated by Table V. The mean length of time for the southern-

born proved to be just over 10 years, which, when compared

29

TABLE IV
LEVEL OF EDUCATION BY REGION OF ORIGIN

 

Region of Origin

 

 

 

 

 

__Southern-born "Other” Total
Level White Negro-Total' Northern- Foreign- Total
of Edu- born born
cation (a) (bl, (cl (0% gLe) (fl
Percentages
0-8 yrs. %0 68 51 28 71 32 35
9-12 yrs. 0 32 us 72 29 68 65
TotallOO 100 100 100 100 100 100
Number
of cases no 25 65 39h MS h39 50h
SUMMARY OF TESTS
Comparison X? d.f. p C
ab 1.1.83 1 .05 >p> .02 .Ltl
d: 33.63 1 e001 >p ehz
cf 8.71 I .01 > p >.001 .20
ad 2.71 l .10>p >.05
abde 14.7.76 3 .001 7p .LO

 

TABLE'V
LENGTH OF TIME IN THE LANSING LABOR MARKET

 

 

Southern-born Northern-born Foreign-born

10.36 yrs. 16.511 yrs. 211.83 yrs.
28.2? 33.56
.001) p .001) p

tib°>¢

 

30

with that of the northern-born, 16.5 years, proved to be
significant to the .001 level.6

The high mean age for the foreign-born would lead
to the expectation that they had been in the Lansing labor
market for a comparatively long time. This proved to be
the case as indicated by their mean length of time in the

Lansing labor market of almost twenty-five years.

Elsie-Ownership

Though not "demographic" variables, home-ownership
and socio-economic status of dwelling area are included in
this first section because they are background factors about
which certain expectations have been formulated concerning
community integration which is discussed later. These
factors may condition the degree of integration to the
community.

The data in Table Vi support the expectation concern-
ing home-ownership, for southernpborn workers tended to own
their own homes less frequently than northern-born workers.
About half of the southern-born were home owners as compared
to almost three-quarters of the northern sample. The chi-
square indicates an association at the .01 level of signifi-
cance, and the contingency coefficient (C) of .Zh indicates

that the degree of association is rather low.

 

6The results were approximately the same when the
Lansing-born were pulled from the northern-born sample.

31

It should be mentioned that the foreign-born own
their own homes to a higher degree than those in other
categories, differing significantly from.the northern-born
in this characteristic. The level of significance, .05,
is not as high as that between the northern-born and southern-
born, and the C of .17 indicates a lower degree of association
than that indicated in the first comparison. However, that
the difference of the foreign-born is not sufficient in
itself to cause the "other" sample to differ from.the southern-
born is indicated by the direct comparison between the southern-
born and northern-born. The chi-square shows association
significant to the .01 level, with the degree of association,
C=.23, being almost as high as that between the southern-
born and “other" categories.

No doubt the higher age level and the longer length
of residence of the foreign-born in Lansing partially explain
the fact that more of the foreign-born own their own homes.
One may speculate that since they are closer to retirement
age, they are more concerned about a place to which to retire,
one which is relatively secure from the vagaries of the

financial contingencies of old age.

Socio-economic Status of Dwelling.Arem.
By use of a previously constructed table giving the

socio-economic status of each census tract in Lansing,7 the

 

7Smith, Joel, An Analysis of Selected Characteristics
of the Po ulation of Lansin 's Census Tracts, SocIaI Research
Service, Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology, Michigan

State College, March, 1955.

 

32

socio-economic status of the dwelling area of each respondent
was determined. Derived from a Guttman scale of census
tracts, the socio-economic status scale ranges from I to V1,
with I having the lowest socio-economic status. Factors
contributing to the classification were income, education,
and occupation.

It is clear from Table VII that the expectation
that association exists between southern-origin and socio-
economic status of dwelling area, with the southern-born
occupying homes in lower status areas, is substantiated by
the analysis. The only comparison for which significant
association was found was that between southern-born and
"other." The chi-square of 12.7h was found to be significant
to the .01 level, indicating that the relationship is not due
to chance. The contingency coefficient, C, of .21 indicated
that the degree of association is low. Since a majority,
over 70%, of both samples fell into the two middle status
classes, the differences are due to the greater concentra-
tion of southerners in the lowest two status categories.

It is interesting to note that no significant
association was found between southern-born white and southern-
born Negroes and status of dwelling area, nor was any found
between northern-born and foreign-born. Any expectation
based on the minority group status of the sub-samples, south-
ern-born Negro and foreign-born, would be in the opposite
direction, that of lower socio-economic status for these

groups.

33

TABLE VI
HOME-OWNERSHIP BY REGION OF ORIGIN

 

 

Region of Origin

 

 

 

 

Sogspgrn- "Other" Total
Northern- *Eoreign-
Home- born born Total
Ownership 1 (a) (b) (c1_ (d)
Percentages
Own 52 72 89 7% 71
Rent RB 28 ll 2 29
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Number of
Cases 56 301+ 37 3&1 39?
SUMMARY OF TESTS
Comparison X2 d.f. p C
ab 7.81 1 .01) p > .001 .1?
bd 5.19 1 .05 >p> .02 .17
ad 10.09 1 .01)? >0001 02h

 

TABLE VII
SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS OF DWELLING.AREA BY REGION OF ORIGIN

 

Region of Dwelling Area Number

 

 

Origin 1 II 111 IV V V;A_ Total of Cases
Percentages
Southern-
born 2 18 56 17 5 2 100 65
"Other” 3 9 hi 30 12 5 100 hi9
Total 3 10 h3 28 ll 5 100 .hBh

112212.71. d.r.-=5 .05) p > .02 C=.21

 

3h

Summary

The expectations for the first area under consider-
ation, that of the demographic characteristics of the southern-
born as compared to the northern-born, have been tested by
means of the statistical technique described in the first
part of the chapter. The expectation that there would be
significant differences between the groups compared were all
substantiated by the analysis, though the southern-born
showed a lower, rather than a higher mean number of children,
mainly because of the unexpectedly low mean for the southern-
born Negroes.

The analysis indicates that the following statements
can be made concerning the southern-born workers:

1. They are younger than the northern-born workers.

2. They are more often from.a rural background than
are the northern-born workers.

3. They have no more children per family than do
the northern-born workers. The Negroes have fewer.

h. They do not have as much education as do northern-
born'workers.

5. They have not been in the Lansing labor market
as long as have the northern-born workers.

6. They own their own homes to a lesser degree than
do the northern-born.

7. Their homes are in areas of lower socio-economic

status than are those of the northern-born.

35

Conclusions

Probably the most important aspect of these findings
is not the fact that the expectations proved valid, but
rather that, by virtue of their being upheld, the speculations
of studies previously cited tend to be substantiated in a.
systematic way. This indicates that there may be some value
in speculation based on sound principles. In addition, the
failure to document the high birth rates of southerners
demonstrates that systematic analysis sometimes leads to the
destruction of stereotypical thinking, which is so often

contributory.to prejudice and intergroup friction.

36

CHAPTER III

OCCUPATIONAL INTEGRATION OF SOUTHERN-BORN WORKERS
AS COMPARED WITH NORTHERN-BORN WORKERS
The hypotheses dealing with the degree of occupational
integration of the southern-born workers are tested in this
chapter in an attempt to present a rough picture of how the
migrants have adapted to the jobs they found in Uhe North,
how they have adjusted to the different types of industrial
enterprises, and how they seem.to fit into the midwestern

labor market in general.

The Lansinglndustrial Makeggg

Lansing is a community with a high concentration of
automotive and metalworking industries. Most of the present
industry can be traced back to the turn of the century though
many of the names have been changed since that time. General
Motors, through several of its subsidiaries, employs a large
pr0portion of the industrial population of Lansing, but most
workers are employed in indigenously owned plants. Perhaps
the most characteristic feature of the Lansing industrial
scene is the overwhelming preportion of home-owned industrial
enterprises. .Another characteristic of the community is that
all of the manufacturing establishments which employ more than
100 workers are in the metalworking industry. Other enter-
prises are engaged in textile processing, food processing,

furniture, publishing, stone, clay and glass, and utilities.

37

However, all of these other enterprises make up only a small

portion of Lansing industry.1
Most of the manual occupations in Lansing are connected

with the manufacturing of metal products, the most important

of which are those for the automobile industry. This is

reflected in the occupational structure of Lansing by the

fact that about 32% of the wage-earners are unskilled or

semi-skilled workers and about ROS are amployed in forges,

foundries or assembly plants.2

Occupational Integration

For purposes of this study, 'occupational integration"
was considered to be a state of occupational existence made
up of a combination of such factors as occupational position,
satisfaction with the company of employment and satisfaction
with the job. The factors considered important for the job
integration of the respondents are indicated in the statement
of the hypotheses:

1. Southern-born workers are found more often in
the larger, absentee-owned production plants in the community
than are northern-born workers. They attain lower occupational
levels; hence their incomes are not as high.as those of the

northern-born.

1Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, united
States Census of Manufacturers, Vol. 3, U.S. Government
FrInting OTTIce, WashIngton, 5.C., l95h.

2Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1250

Census of the Po ulation,‘Volume 2, Part 22, U.S. Government
FrInEIng Office, WashIngton, D.C., 1952.

38

2. Southern-born workers exhibit a lower degree of
job integration than the northern-born, i.e., they are less
satisfied with their jobs and less satisfied with the companies
for which they work.

As was indicated earlier (Chapter I), no attampt is
made to construct an absolute scale for determining the degree
of occupational integration for the different groups. There
are probably many other factors having important bearing on
the integration of workers to their particular job situations

which are not here represented.

Egggpational Position

Before considering the data and their analyses, a
few comments are in order on the workers' occupational
positions within the labor force of a community. The labor
market is assumed by many to be a special type of commodity
market, differing from the other only by virtue of those
characteristics which set labor off from other typeset commod-
ities and services. ”Labor appears in this schemfi as the
leading type of productive service. A.wage rate is the price
for a particular species of labor. The market for each kind
of labor is integrally related to the market for the product
which it helps to produce; price-quantity changes in the pro-
duct market are reflected in the labor market, and vice-
verse."3 Others recognise that, in addition to economic

factors, many personal and social factors are involved in the

 

3Lloyd G. Reynolds, The Structure of the Labor Markets,
Harper a Bros., New York, 1951. P. 1.

39

decisions made by individual workers which contribute to the

character of a particular labor force.“ .A third consideration

important to the makeup of a community labor force is the

prevailing industrial structure of the community.5
The manner in which the industrial makeup of Lansing

is reflected in the types of occupations represented in the

labor force has been noted. It has also been pointed out

that industry was a major factor in the migration of large

numbers of southern-born workers to the centers of the

Midwest. The manner in which these workers have fitted

themselves to the labor market conditions prevailing in

Lansing, i.e., the extent to which they have become ”part”

of the labor force remains to be determined. As ”marginal“

workers, they may not enjoy the same positions as the dominant

native elements of the population. Their very marginality

may cause them to be eligible for only certain types of jobs.

This has been seen to occur with other minority group members.6

It is important then, in investigating any group within the

community, to attempt to determine the position of the group

in the occupational structure of the community. The analysis

 

“Leonard P. Adams and Robert L. Aronson, Worhms and

Industrial Chagge, Cornell University, Ithaca, NewSYork,
9 PP. 1 1‘ 0

5Nosow, op. cit.
6

See St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton, Black Metro olis,
Harcourt, Brace a Co., New York, l9h5, pp. 219-232.

 

 

 

 

to

of data dealing with the first hypothesis concerning job
integration represented an attempt to determine the occupa-

tional position of the southern-born in Lansing.

Manner of Obtaining_igg
The samples were first compared for the manner of
obtaining the present job. The groups were compared on the
basis of the number in each which obtained their job through
some inside contact, either friend or relative, as Opposed
to the number who obtained their jobs by some more impersonal
means, such as application at an employment agency, or direct
application at the plant. The expectation, based on studies
' 7

done in other labor markets, was that most of the workers
in all samples obtained their jobs through a contact of some
sort and, further, that the southern-born, being new to the
community and presumably not having access to as many such
contacts as the native group, would indicate less frequently
that they obtained their job in such a manner. However, the
results (Table VIII) indicate that there is no significant
difference between the groups, as hl% of the southern-born
and 35% of the northern-born indicated that they received

their jobs with the help of an acquaintance.

Plants of Eggloment

The southern-born sample was compared with other

 

manual workers in the community for the type of industry

 

7Adams and.Aronson, 0g. cit., pp. 71-72. See also
Charles A. Meyers and George . hultz, The D amics of a
Labor Market, Prentice-Hall, Inc., New YorE, I351. Chap. h.

ill

(production or nonproduction), the siae of plant, and type
of ownership of plant of employment (local or

absentee). Table IX presents data on industry of employ-
ment by region of origin. There was no association between
region of origin and the type of industry.8 However, of the
southern-born, the Negro respondents were more heavily con-
centrated in production industries as indicated by the fact
that 61% of them, as compared with only 29% of the whites,
were employed in production industries. The chi-square
indicated that an association exists, significant to the .02
level. That this association is of moderate degree is indi-
cated by the C of .hh.

The hypothesis which states that southern-born‘work-
era are employed in larger establishments than northern-born
is not substantiated by the data. Table X.presents informa-
tion on size of company. The foreign-born seemed to deviate
from the northern-born to a larger extent than do the other
groups in that they were more often found in smaller plants.
However, their deviation was not sufficient to cause the
"other" category to be significantly different from the
southern-born. Almost four-fifths of the foreign-born, as
compared with 36% of the northern-born, worked in plants

employing under 500, resulting in a chi-square of 30.88.

 

8It should be noted that the chi-square for the
comparison of the southern-born and "others" approached
significance. While nothing further can be said about
this here, the possibility that another sample might show
a significant difference is not remote.

TABLE VIII

‘AVAILABILITY OF ASSISTANCE IN OBTAINING JOB BY
REGION OF ORIGIN

 

 

 

 

Job obtained Re ion of Ori in.
through Southern-born "Other' Total
Percentages
Acquaintance kl 35 36
Non-acquaintance 59 65 6h
Total 100 100 100
Number of Cases 63 hlh h77
x2=.93 4.1m: .50>p > .30

 

TABLE IX

TYPE OF INDUSTRY OF EMPLOYMENT BY REGION OF ORIGIN

 

 

 

 

 

 

Region of Origin

SOuthern-bdrn her Total
Type of 'white Negro _Tota1
Industuy (a1 (b) (c1 (d1

Percentages
Production 29 61 hl h2 h2
Non-production 71 39 59 53 53
Total 100 100 100 100 100

Number of Cases hz 28 70 h73 5&3

 

SUMMARY OF‘TESTS

 

Comparisons X ‘ d.f. p . C
ab 5.89 1 .02 )9 > .01. old-L
ed .001 1 .98>p >.95

ad 2.91 1 .10)p).05

 

#3

This is significant to the .001 level. The C of .39 indi-
cates a moderate degree of association. Almost two-fifths
of the "other,” when compared with 36% of the southern
workers, worked in smaller plants. This difference resulted
in a chi-square probability indicating no significant degree
of association.

Table x1 indicates that almost three-fifths of the
respondents worked in plants which are not locally owned.
The southern-born had the highest prOportion of workers
(57%) in locally owned plants, but the difference between
this group and the "other'' group was not statistically
significant. The only significant difference noted between
groups was that between southern-born whites and the south-
ern-born Negroes. Three-quarters of the Negroes worked in
absentee-owned plants, as compared to only NBS of the southern-
born whites. The chi-square of 5.80 proved significant to
the .02 level. The association was moderate in degree (C of
.h3).

Thus no association between any of the company or
plant variables considered existed for southern and northern-
born workers, though some differences between the major
samples and the sub-groups are noted. The hypothesis that
southern-born workers are found employed in larger absentee-
owned production type plants more often than northern-born

had to be rejected.

SIZE OF COMPANY OF

 

 

TABLE X

EMPLOYMENT BY REGION OF ORIGIN

 

 

Region of Origin

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Southern-
born "Other" Total
Size of Northern Foreign Total
Company 48L (b) (c) (d)
Percenta es
Under 500 36 36 78 kl ‘0
500 and over 6h 6h 21 59 0
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Number of
Cases 70 #23 h8 #71 5&1
SUMMARY OF TESTS
Comparisons X2 d.f. C
be 30.88 I ‘W>p .315
ad .65 1 .50>p 3.30
TABLE XI

TYPE OF OWNERSHIP OF COMPANY OF EMPLOYMENT BY
REGION OF ORIGIN

 

Re ion of Ori in
Southern-born IIU‘t'her' Total

Type of Company IWhite

Negro 'TotaI

 

 

Ownership _L§l, (b) LC) (d)
' Percenta es
Local 57 25 an 912' he
Absentee u3 75 56 58 58
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Number of Cases AZ 28 70 N73 . 5&3

 

 

SUMWMRY'OF TESTS

 

Comparisons X2
5b 3786
ad 3.68
cd .15

d.f. . C
T .02>p .UI .113
1 .10 )p
i .70 )p

 

115

Occupational variables

The respondents were compared on the basis of several
occupational variables in an attempt to determine their
actual and relative position in the occupational hierarchy.
Such factors as occupational level, occupational status,
income (wage rate), and length of time in present Job were
felt to make up a rough occupational profile of the workers.

Table Xll presents information dealing withrthe
occupational levels by region of origin. The categories
"semi-skilled" and "unskilled” were collapsed for comparison
with the categories "skilled and foreman" and 'clerical"
which were also combined into one figure. The results were
not affected by collapsing those categories. Slightly over
three-quarters of the southern-born were unskilled or semi-
skilled, as compared to 70% of the northern-born. These
differences were not statistically significant.

it was possible to compare the wage-rates of the
respondents by quantitative methods since they were given in
terms of dollars and cents per hour. The northern-born,
with a mean income of $1.76 were higher than the southern-
born, with a mean income of $1.68.? However, this did not
prove to be a significant difference. The 5.08 difference
noted could have been due to chance, and the hypothesis that
southern-born workers received lower wages than northern-born

workers had to be rejected.

4—..

9it is interesting to note that no significant
differences existed between southern-born whites and Negroes.

#6

As might be expected, southern-born workers had not
been employed by their present employers for as long a time
as had northern-born workers. The mean longevity of the
southern-born was only 7.9h years, as compared with a mean of
12.25 years for the northern-born. The differences proved
significant. The foreign-born had a mean longevity of 12.00
years, essentially the same as the northern-born. This can
be quite important to a worker's occupational position as
longevity, in the form of seniority clauses in contracts,
in many cases determines whether a worker will be laid off
in case of a reduction.10

Thus the southern-born workers were seen to differ
only in the one respect wherein they would be most eXpected
to differ, the length of time in the employment of the present
employer. The hypotheses that southern-born workers attain
a lower occupational level and earn lower wages than do the
northern-born workers could not be substantiated with the
data here presented. Evidently factors have been at work
which tend to do away with some of the disadvantages of
southern-born status, at least as far as this particular
community is concerned. No doubt the demand for labor at
the time the sample was drawn played some part in the occupa-
tional position of the southern-born. In addition, the

impersonal recruitment and wage administration methods

 

10The Lansing-born were pulled from the northern
group, the mean of which was then compared with that of the
southern-born. The results were approximately the same as
when the Lansing-born were included.

h?

characteristic of the large production industries tend to
meliorate many minority group disadvantages. Also, the labor
unions no doubt have been instrumental in the equalization

of wages and working conditions and possibly, to some extent,

of status differentials also.

Integration of the Southern-born to their Jobs

The second hypothesis was treated by the analysis
of combinations of somewhat more subjective factors. Responses
concerning job and company conditions affecting employment
were analyzed as well as the workers' images of the companies
for which they work and their degree of job satisfaction.
Specifically, such items as feelings about the degree of
partiality shown by the company in promotion and pay, the
number of attempts made by the workers to change companies,
and the general reputation of the company (as among the
"best” and."worst " places to work in the city), were
studied in addition to such factors as the workers' stated
job preferences, their stated likes and dislikes in their
present jobs, and the number of attempts they made to get
different work. ‘Also considered were responses concerning
the presence in the plant of certain types of "marginal“
workers, notably women, Negroes, and foreign-born, and attitudes
expressed toward such workers.

In answers to the question, "How do you like your
job?" southern—born workers indicated a relatively high

degree of dissatisfaction. Table X111 demonstrates that

,1

 

 

 

u8

TABLE XII

OCCUPATIONAL LEVEL BY REGION OF ORIGIN

 

Region of Origin

 

 

 

 

Occupational
Level Southern-born 'CRher' Totai,
Percenta es
Semi- a Unskilled 77 0 71
Skilled Foremen a
CIerical 23 30 29
Total 100 100 100
Number of Cases 70 R75 5&5
X2=1.39 d.f.-.1 .30 >p >.zo
TABLE XIII

ATTITUDES TOWARD JOB BY REGION OF ORIGIN

 

 

Region of Origin
.Attitudes toward

 

 

Job Southern-born ”Other" Total
Percentages
Positive or
Neutral 26 , 89 81
Negative 7% ll 19
Total 10 100 100
Number of Cases 70 h75 5&5

x2=153,33 d.f.‘l .0012p c-xm

 

#9

almost nine-tenths of the northern-born indicated either

a favorable or neutral feeling about their jobs, while
three-quarters of the southern-born indicated negative feel-
ings. The chi-square value calculated from these responses
was almost unbelievably high (158.88), significant far above
the .001 level. The coefficient C showed a high degree of
association also, as its value was .7u. It seems safe to
say that the responses to this question indicated some dis-
enchantment with the northern job scene on the part of the
southern-born workers.

An attempt was made to get at a more concise descrip-
tion of the degree of disenchantment of the southern-born by
considering the proportions of dissatisfactions reported by
southern-born respondents as compared with the proportions
reported by others. ‘Analysis indicated that the southern-
born contributed a greater relative proportion of dis-
satisfactions than did the "others." This was true of both
the Negroes and the whites. The chi-square calculated for
association between regional origin and incidence of indi-
cated satisfactions and dissatisfactions (Table XIV) showed
a level of significance which, while not as high as the
I'standard" five per cent level, at least approached that
level. This, while a "high" level of association could not
be demonstrated, the analysis did not entirely eliminate
this variable.

There are three general types of factors (personal,

social, and those inherently connected with the job itself)

50

which contribute to or detract from the workers' satisfaction
with their jobs and with.the plants in which they work.11
In considering the types of satisfactions and dissatisfactions
reported (Table XV), it was noted that the higher proportion
of complaints have to do with factors associated with the
job.. This might be considered at least a partial function
of the feelings about the company of employment, or perhaps
the nature of the industry. .At the same time, the types of
satisfactions reported also revolved around job factors, such
as independence, wages, fairness of treatment, fringe benefits,
etc. However, the pr0portion was not as high as it was for
the reported dissatisfactions. The data indicated that
southern-born workers had more dissatisfactions than satis-
factions with their companies of employment and that a higher
proportion of dissatisfactions stemmed, at least in part,
from the operations of the companies. However, these con-
clusions are extremely tentative as it is difficult to say
just what lies behind the data.

in an attempt to clarify somewhat the feelings of
the respondents about the plants in which they worked,
responses were analyzed concerning (a) what plants they

considered9best and worst in Lansing, (b) why they were so

 

llSuch items as relationships with other workers
were considered "social" in nature, while responses having
to do with such items as job "interest," "liking," and physi-
cal compatibility, were considered personal in nature. These
were distinguished from such "job" factors as pay and physical
working conditions, such as lack of dirt and noise.

51

TABLE XIV

NUMBER OF REPORTED SATISFACTIONS AND DISSATISFACTIONS BY
REGION OF ORIGIN

 
 
 

 

.-—— .-. ._

Region of Origin

 

 

Reported Southern-born Northern-born Total
Percenta es

Satisfactions 60 67 66

Dissatisfactions no 33 3h
Total 100 100 100

Number of Responses 186 1018 120k
X22351 d.r.=1 .1o>p >.os

TABLE XV

TYPES OF SATISFACTIONS.AND‘DISSATISFACTIONS BY
REGION OF ORIGIN

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Satisfactions Dissatisfactions
Sout5.- "Other" Total South.- "Other" TotaI
Type born born
Percentage
Personal
& Social 29 39 38 5 16 1h
Job '
Factors 71 61 ' 62 95 8h 86
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100
Number of -

Responses 112 7A6 876 7b 357 ' h31

 

52

considered, and (c) how the respondents' plants compared
with.those named as best and worst. Factors having a bearing
on plant reputation were of the same types as those handled
above, personal and social factors as opposed to job factors.
Table XVI indicates the results of the analysis.

The southern-born Negroes were seen to place a greater
importance on personal and social factors than the southern-
born whites. No explanation of this finding occurs to mind,
but it may have something to do with the Negroes' heightened
sensitivity to personal and social discrimination based on
their race. At any rate these factors were evidently more
important to them than were factors actually connected with
the job. The difference in attitudes is indicated by a
chi-square which is significant at the .01 level. The C
of .23 indicates a low degree of association between the
variables. However, though the southern-born Negroes exhibited
this.much difference, the southern-born group as a whole did
not differ significantly from the ”other" workers.

In analyzing comparisons of the respondents' own
plants with those considered to be the best and worst, no
significant differences were found. Of those who made
comparisons, the majority felt that their plant was among
the best. however, it should be noted that most of the
respondents made no comparison at all.

An attempt was made to isolate some of the factors
which could have a bearing on satisfaction or dissatisfaction

with the plant of employment. One factor considered was the

53

image held by the workers of the amount of partiality shown
in the setting of pay scales, granting of promotions, and
other practices. Table.XVll indicates that a greater proportion
of the southern-born worked in plants where they felt that
everyone received the same rate. The foreign-born felt much
the same way, but the northern-born expressed images of
greater wage differentials where they worked. Four-fifths
of the southern-born indicated that rates were the some where
thewaorked as compared with three-fifths of the "others.”
Although this difference is significant to the .01 level,
the C of .20 indicates that the relationship was of a low
degree. However, comparison of the foreign-born with the
northern-born indicated a significant difference between
them, (chi-square of h.3h, C of .15), to the .05 level of
significance, with more of the foreign-born feeling that
wage rates were the same where they worked. It was expected
then that comparison of the southern-born with the northern-
born would show even more striking differences. This proved
to be the case, for the chi-square was 10.5h, significant

to the .01 level; the C was .23 which indicates a higher
degree of association, though still not a high degree.

The information at hand indicates that the rate was
set, in most cases, by joint action, probably bargaining,
between the company and the union. It was felt that, if the
practices consisted of unilateral company decisions on the
wages to be paid, an area would here exist which would be

conducive to some degree of employee dissatisfaction. However,

54

TABLE XVI

FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO FAVORABLE PLANT REPUTATION BY

 

 

Sou ern-born

REGION OF ORIGIN

Re ion of Origin
"Other" Total

Contributing White Negro TTotaI

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Factors (a) _(b) (c) (d)
Personal & Percenta es
Social 12 56 3 25
Job Factors 88 an. 65 77 75
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Number of A
Responses 25 27 52 260 312
SUMMARY OF TESTS
ngparisons X2 d.f. p A C
ab 9.03 l .01 >p >.00l .23
cd 3.08 1 .10 >1: >.OS
TABLE XVII
IMAGE OF PLANT WAGE EQUALITY BY REGION OF ORIGIN
Region of Origig
Southern- .
born "Other” Total
Perceptions of *Northern- PEreign- Total
Wage born born
Levels . (a) UL; (c) (d)
Percenta es
Equal 80 58 72 60 63
Unequal 20 AZ 2h no 37
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Number of
Responses 69 h05 #5 h50 . 509
SUMMARY OF TESTS
Comparisons X2 d.f. A C
ab 107% 1 .01) p >.00T .5
bd 1.1.314. I .05>p >.02 .l5
ad 9.22 1 .01 >p;.001 .20

 

55

responses indicating such practices were too few in number
to have any significant effect. Likewise, an area of dis-
satisfaction would have been assumed to exist if wages were
set to any large extent by individual bargaining, as this

would clearly set some workers at an advantage in reference

to minority-group members.12

However, the cases found where-
in individual bargaining prevailed were rare.

An attempt was made to ascertain what image existed
concerning the manner in which.cxisting wage differentials
were continued or were justified. Though few of the respond-
ents gave information on this, those who did indicated that
no feelings of partiality were important in the setting of
wage rates.

Similarly, an attempt was made to determine whether
the reapondents felt that personal factors and favoritism
existed in the granting of promotions. Only about one-fourth
of the respondents in all sub-samples felt that such factors
were important in promotion. Indications that such partiality
existed to a greater degree for southern-born than for northern-
born were not found. In fact, the sub-samples turned out to

be remarkably alike.

 

12No figures were available on the number of respond-
ents covered by union agreements. However, 200 of them
reported they were not members of unions, leaving room for
individual bargaining. There were no significant differences
in the prOportions of the sub-samples reporting union member-
Ships

56

An attempt was made to determine whether any signi—
ficant difference existed between southern-born and northern-
born for preferences of certain types of work over their
present jobs, and also whether one group had beenhmore active
in attempting to obtain such preferred work. No such differ-
ences could be demonstrated. It was concluded that, insofar
as preferences for other work and attempts to get such other
work are valid indicators of present job satisfaction,
southern-born workers were not significantly more or less
satisfied with the jobs they currently occupied.

The data were examined to determine the presence on
the job scene of co-workers who might be considered ”margin-
al." The presence of such workers could possibly be deterrent
to occupational integration, as the low status connotations
of work done by "marginal" minority groups might be felt to
be attached to such work, in which case a non-marginal worker
would be hesitant to accept such a job unless there were no
others available. In addition, the stronger prejudices which
are allegedly held by the southern-born toward Negroes and
foreigners would contribute to a lower degree of job inte-
gration for southerners.

Three types of workers were considered as possibly
marginal; women, foreign-born and “egroes. Results indicating
the incidence of respondents' working with these "marginal'r
workers were compared with results of analysis of the atti-

tudes toward them.

57

No significant association was found between region
of origin and employment in plants hiring women. The con-
clusion was that the respondents all worked around women to
approximately the same extent. However, as indicated in
Table XVIII, a significant difference in attitudes toward
women in the plants was noted between the northern-born and
the southern-born. Where only one-thiniof the southern-born
indicated negative feelings, two-thirds of the northern-
born indicated such feelings, resulting in a chi-square
significant to the .01 level. The C of .23 indicates a low
degree of association. It would seem then, that if employ-
ment alongside of women was a cause of dissatisfaction, the
northern-born would tend more to be dissatisfied than the
southern-born. This finding was at variance with the expect-
ation based on the previous finding that more southern-born
workers dislike their jobs. However, the importance of this
factor could not be determined on the basis of the information'
at hand.

No significant difference was found to exist between
the samples in their feelings toward working with foreign-
born workers. There was no difference between the preportions
of northern and of southern origin who worked with foreign-
born workers, and responses indicated favorable attitudes for
approximately two-thirds of the respondents of each group.

The question was asked, "Are there Negroes working

where you work?" Analysis of reSponses indicated that, with

58

southern-born Negroes left aside for obvious reasons, no

significant association existed between region of origin

and employment of Negroes in a plant. Thus southern-born

workers were just as likely to be working with Negroes

as northern-born workers. ReSponses to a later question

concerning respondents' attitudes toward Negroes indicated

no significant differences between southern-born and northern-

born workers. The responses were mostly negative, with two-

thirds of the southern-born and about half of the northern-

born indicating negative feelings toward Negroes, (Table XIX),
However, the fact that there was no difference between

the groups was somewhat surprising in view of the allegedly

13

stronger race prejudices of the southern-born.

Conclusions
On the basis of material presented in this chapter,

certain statements can be made concerning the hypotheses
presented at the first of the chapter. The first hypothesis
must be considered to have been rejected. The difference
found in occupational level, desirability of company and job,
and level of income between southern-born and "other” or
northern-born workers could not be demonstrated as being

significant.

 

13In addition to responses concerning these three
groups, responses of 157 ”other" workers concerning their
attitudes toward southern-born workers were analyzed. .Al-
most three-Quarters of the responses indicated negative
attitudes toward southern-born workers.

59

TABLE XVIII

ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN‘WORKERS BY REGION OF ORIGIN

 

 

Region of Origin

 

 

 

 

.Attitude Southern-born Northern-born Total
Percenta es

Positive 5 Neutral 66 R7
Negative 3h 56 53

Total 100 100 100
Number of Responses 56 35k #10

2
x =8.78 d.f.81 .01>p >.001 C=.23
TABLE XIX

ATTITUDES TOWARD NEGRO WORKERS BY REGION OF ORIGIN

 

Region of Origin

 

 

.Attitude Southern-born "Other" Total
Percenta es
Positive a Neutral an E7 h?
Negative 56 53 53
Total 100 100 100
Number of Responses 39 h08 uh?

x2=.15 d.f.=1 .70 >p >.50

 

60

On the basis of one item, responses to the question,
”How do you like your job?” the second hypothesis can be
considered substantiated. However, many questions are raised
by the findings concerning the factors which cause this claimed
dissatisfaction.

The overall picture of the southern-born worker in
the midwesternrlabor force, at least as far as his job and
his feelings about it are concerned, doesn't seem too differ-
ent from the picture of any other worker in the same labor
force, with the single exception that southerners indicated
less satisfaction with their jobs, for some reason which

cannot be determined on the basis of the data here analyzed.

61

CHAPTER IV
COMMUNITY INTEGRATION OF SOUTHERN-BORN WORKERS
AS COMPARED WITH NORTHERN-BORN WORKERS

Severalvvariables dealing with the position and
participation of southern-born workers in their community
of residence were examined in an attempt to determine their
degree of community "integration" and how it differed form
that of the other groups under consideration. This chapter
presents the results of analyses in this area and attempts.

to draw some conclusions from the findings.

Community Integration

Community integration was defined as a feeling on
the part of an individual that a particular community is
his "home," that he belongs there, and that he rightfully
takes part in community activities. It was felt that some
indication of the comparative degree of integration between
southern and northern-born workers could be brought out by
systematic analysis of several factors felt to be important
to the social existence of the workers within the community.1

No assumption that this constituted a comprehensive picture

of the community integration of the respondents was made,

 

1For a fairly complete statement of "community inte-
gration” and some of the factors on which it is felt to be
based, see Robert C. Angeli, "The Moral Integration of American
Cities," American Journal of Sociolggy, July, 1951, (Part 2
of Volume LVII, No. 1), Chapter II.

62

for the factors which contribute to the community integration

of a particular individual consist of many personal, social

and economic elements. Only a few of these were considered

in this study, but it is haped that their analysis is sufficient
to present a rough picture of the workers' comparative adjust-
ment to the community in which they live.

The statement of the hypotheses formulated for this
area of inquiry gives some indication of the factors under
consideration:

1. Southern-born workers are less satisfied with
their present communities of residence than are
northern-born workers.

2. Southern-born workers participate less in the
formal structures and voluntary organizations
of the community than do northern-born workerS.

The first hypothesis was formulated in part on the
expectation that southern-born are more transient than
northern-born workers, transient status being indicated by
the length of time in the community and by the number of
communities of residence (or the number of communities
worked in). An attempt was made to test the validity of
these expectations before the hypothesis was taken up.

The second hypothesis was approached by the analysis
of responses concerning memberships in organizations, partici-
pation in such organizations to the extent of holding office
or of being active on committees, and voting behavior. .A high

degree of community integration would have consisted of

63

participation in many organizations, activity to the extent
of holding office in several organizations, of being active
on several committees, and of having voted in the previous

election.2

Mobility
Before looking into the data dealing directly with

the hypotheses, the attempt was made to determine the compara-
tive mobility status of the southern-born and the northern-
born. This was done by analyzing data on the number of
communities worked in by the respondents and the differences
between the total years in the Lansing labor market and the
continuous years in the Lansing labor market. The assumption
underlying the latter was that a person indicated more tran-
siency by moving into and out of Lansing more frequently.

The first expectation was based on the feeling that workers
who migrated from the South would tend to be more venturesome

and be more apt to move than the general population. .A rough

 

gActually, it was not expected that many of the

reSpondents would be found to be active social participants.
Studies have indicated that the industrial workers in a
community, of which this sample was largely composed, do
not participate to the same extent or in the same manner as
do other elements of the population. (See Herbert Goldhamer,
' "Voluntary.Associations in the United States," in Paul K. Hatt
and Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Editors, Reader in Urban Sociolo ,
Glencoe: The Free Press, 1951, pp. 505-5IC. See also Mirra
Komarovsky, I'The‘VoluntaryAssociations of Urban Dwellers,"
American Sociological Review, December, l9h6, pp. 686-698.)
However, it was felt that the comparative participation could
be detenmined as an indicator of community integration. The
northern-born, as relative "insiders" were assumed to be
"integrated."

6h

adjustment for the inherent difference between the samples
caused by southerners' having already moved at least once,
to the North, was made by subtracting that one move from the
mean number of communities worked in. The results indicated
no significant difference between the sub-samples. Thus,
except for the degree of mobility involved in making the
original move from south to north, the southern-born seemed
no more mobile than the northern-born. The same conclusion
was drawn from analysis of the total number of years as
compared with the number of continuous years in the Lansing
labor market. As would be expected, the northern-born have
resided in Lansing longer (mean of 16.5 years as compared to
a mean of 10.36 years for the southern-born), but no differ-
ences were indicated in the number of moves in and out of
Lansing.3 Hence the expectation that the southern-born

are more transient than the northernpborn was not substantiated

by the data.

Satisfaction with the Community
Responses to the direct question, ”How do you like
living in this neighborhood?" were analyzed by region of
origin. The majority of responses were positive, no signifie
cant differences could be found between any of the groups.
It was concluded that, at least as far as satisfaction with

neighborhood is an indicator of satisfaction with the community,

 

3The results are similar when comparisons are made
'with.the Lansing-born pulled out of the northern sample.

65

the southern-born are no more nor less satisfied with the
community than are the northern-born.

A.somewhat more objective factor was studied on the
assumption that a possible cause of dissatisfaction, if found
to exist, would_have some bearing on the workers' satisfaction
with the community. Responses indicating the number of friends
residing in respondents' neighborhoods were examined. The
findings indicated that most of the respondents' friends
for both southern and northern-born lived in Lansing, but not
in the respondents' neighborhoods. The conclusions drawn
are that, whatever the extent to which the position of the
workers' homes in relation to those of their friends has a
bearing on satisfaction with the community, there were no
significant differences between the northern and southern-
born samples. This may be a factor in the finding that there
were no differences between the groups in their liking for
the ndghborhoods in which they live. However, no statement
to that effect can be made with any degree of certainty on
the basis of this analysis.

.A final factor investigated was the relative amount
of consideration given to moving from the neighborhood or
community. This was felt to be especially important in view
of the fact that southern-born workers were found to reside
in areas of lower socio-economic status. Responses indicat-
ing the incidence on smh consideration show no significant
differences between the samples. In all samples, approximate-

’ly'three-fifths indicated that they intended staying in their

66

neighborhoods. Of those that had considered moving, the
majority had contemplated some other location in Lansing,
only a few reporting any desire to leave Lansing. Again, there
were no significant differences between the sub-samples.

On the basis of the material considered it was con-
cluded that southern-born workers feel no differently about
Lansing than northern-born workers. Most workers seem to
view Lansing in a favorable light, whether from the South or

the Nor th e

Community Participation

The first indicator of community participation
analyzed was the number of formal organisations to which the
respondents belonged. The mean number of organisations re-
ported was calculated for each group and the means were comp
pared for differences. The southern-born mean of l.hh did
not differ significantly from the "other" mean of 1.67.
However, differences were noted between the southern-born
whites and all of the groups with which they were compared.
The mean of the southern-born whites was 1.17, the lowest
mean of any sample. Oh the other hand, the mean of the
southern-born Negroes was the highest noted, 1.86.

1A chi-square test was made for the southern-born
to determine the association between race and membership in
one or more than one organization (See Table XX). The
chi-square of 9.30 is significant to the .01 level, showing

that an association exists between the variables. The

67

C of .59 indicated that the degree of association is
moderately high. These findings coincided with the results
of an analysis of the number of non-union officerships and
committeeships held by southern-born whites and Negroes.“
Certain conclusions may be drawn from.this. The
southern-born group as a whole did not differ significantly
from the northern-born in their participation in formal
community organizations, the number of such organizations
in which they participated, or the amount of actiiity they
engaged in as members of such organizations. However, the
southern—born whites were low in community participation, as
indicated by their low mean number of memberships and their
relativelyslight degree of organisational activity. The
Negroes, on the other hand, participated to a larger extent
than the so uthern-born whites, and were much more active
in their participation. Thus, the whites, considered alone,
substantiate the hypothesis, but the lNegroes act contrary
to the expectations.5
The final indicator of community participation con-
sidered consisted of resPonses to the question, ”Did you vote
in the last election?" Table XXI presents the results of

‘the analysis. Almost three-fifths of the southern-born as

 

hOne-tenth of the white respondents, as compared to
Eflpg of the Negroes indicated that they held positions in
*vardous organizations. The chi-square was 13.h6, d.f.)d,
.001) p, C was .68 (high degree of association).

5There are indications that Negroes tend to be more
active in the community in any case. See Charles P. Loomis
and J. Allan Beegle, Rural Social Systems, Prentice-Hall,
Inc., New York, 1950, p. 3%, and AngeIT,’ o . cit., p. 97.

68

TABLE XX

NUMBER OF ORGANIZATIONAL MEMBERSHIPS FOR
SOUTHERN-BORN BY RACE

I!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Race
Memberships White Ne ro Total
Rercenta es
One 61 I7 he
More than one 39 83 58
Total 100 100 100
Number of Responses 33 2h 57
x2=9.3o d.f.=l .01 >p>.001 €2.59
TABLE.XXI
'VOTING BEHAVIOR BY REGION OF ORIGIN
Region of Origin .
Vote in Southern-born Other" Total
Last White Negro Total
Election 4a) (1:) LC) Isl)
Percenta es

Yes AB 7 9 68 67
No 52 25 hl 32 33

Total 100 100 100 100 100
Number of
Responses #2 28 70 A72 5&2

SUMMARY OF TESTS

Comparisons X2 d.f. p Cfii
ab LL. 13 1 e05 >p >002 e37

 

69

compared with slightly over two-thirds of the "other” group
voted in the last election. The chi-square indicated that

this was not a significant difference. The only significant
results which were determined were those between the southern-
born whites and Negroes. The Negroes showed a higher incidence
of voting, 75% as compared to u8% for the whites. The chi-
square indicated that the difference was mgnificant to the

.05 level. The conclusion here is that southern-born whites

do not participate to any less degree than the northern-

born, but that southern-born Negroes participate to a higher

degree than do any of the other groups considered.

Conclusions

On the basis of the foregoing analysis, it was
concluded that the controlling hypotheses for the investi-
gation of the community integration of the southern-born,
as compared to the northern-born, must be considered un-
tenable, (with the single exception of the exPectation
that the southern-born participate less in community struc-
tures, and that only if the southern-born whites are consider-
ed alone). If there is any validity to the hypotheses, they
cannot be substantiated by the factors considered here.

The southern-born seem.to like their neighborhoods
and their communities as much as the northern-born and also,
with some qualifications, there are no significant differences
between them and the northern-born in the amount of community

participation undertaken. The conclusion is that the southern-born

70

workers do not show any less community integration than the
northern-born, even though they are recent arrivals and have
a minority-group status. The fact that neither of the hypo-
theses were substantiated stands as verification of this
conclusion.

The manner and degree of deviation from the other
groups which is indicated by the southern-born Negroes should
be noted. All the evidence indicates a higher degree of
community integration on the part of this group than on the
part of any other. This tends to uphold some speculations
which have appeared (see footnote above) to the effect that
the Negroes are more highly integrated to their (sub-)
communities than are many other elements of the population.
It is felt that the rigid social lines drawn for this minor-
ity group are probably a major:factor underlying this be-

havior.

71

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

A sample of ENS workers, drawn from the Lansing,
Michigan manual work force, has been examined in an attempt
to indicate whether the regions of origin of the sub-groups
included, with special emphasis on the southern-born, is
associated with certain variables having to do with their
demographic madeup, their integration to their Jobs, and
their integration to their present communities of residence.
The sample consisted of 70 southern-born workers, 28 of which
were Negro, and h75 ”Other" workers, h8 of which were foreign-
born.

A.set of expectations was formulated concerning the
comparative demographic characteristics of the southern-
born sample and the "other" category. These expectations
concerning the age, rural-urban origins, number of children,
education, home-ownership, and socio-economic status of
dwelling area of the southern-born in comparison with the
northern-born were tested by means of statistical comparisons
between the two groups. It was felt that, if these expecta-
tions were valid, the factors involved might well be important
in determining the degree of Job and community integration
of the southern-born workers in the community. The expecta-

tions were that the southern-born workers are younger, more

often of rural origin, have more children, are less well-educated,

72

have been in Lansing for a shorter time, are less likely to
own their own homes, and tend to live in areas of lower
socio-economic status than the northern-born.

.All of the expectations with the exception of that
concerning the number of children per family proved reliable:

l. The mean age of the southern-born group, h0.29
years, proved to be significantly different from that of the
northern-born sample, hl.Sl years. An additional finding
was that the mean age of the foreign-born was extremely high,
over 57 years.

2. It was determined that a significantly larger
proportion of the southern-born.sample was of rural origin
than of the northern sample. This was according to the
expectation.

3. The finding that the southern-born did not have
significantly more children per family than the northern-
born was contrary to Us expectation. No explanation for
this comes to mind.

h. The analysis indicated that the southern-born
had less education than the northern-born.

5. As might be expected, the southern-born had been
in Lansing for a shorter period of time than the northern-born.

6. Southern-born workers tended to own their own
homes to a lesser degree than the northern-born. An additional
finding was that the foreign-born were more likely to own their

homes than were the northern-born.

73

7. Based on analysis of classification of the
workers' dwelling areas into six socio-economic status
levels, the findings indicated that the southern-born workers
tended to live in homes which are in lower socio-economic
status areas than those of the northern-born.

Hypotheses concerning the integration of the southern-
born workers to their Jobs were tested. The hypotheses held
that the southern-born were lower in the occupational and
industrial hierarchy of the areas to which they had migrated,
as indicated by lower occupational level, holding of Jobs in
the larger, absentee-owned production plants, and lower income
level than the northern workers; and that they cared less for
their Jobs and for the companies for which they worked than
did the northern-born.

The findings did not substantiate the hypotheses,
as most of the factors investigated were almost the same for
the southern.and northern groups. Both groups were essenti-
ally on the same occupational level; they worked in plants
of the same size and type of ownership,(usually absentee),
and they received similar incomes. Some deviations from the
findings were demonstrated for the foreign-born. They were
found to be more often employed in smaller plants and to have
worked for their present employer longer than the northern-
born. It was found also that, with the exception of the
responses to the question, "How do you like your Job?" all
of the "indicators" of company and Job satisfaction, feelings

of discrimination or of partiality, presence of and attitudes

7h

toward certain "marginal” workers in the plant, and the number
of attempts to change Jobs, indicated that the southern-
born.were as well integrated to their Jobs and to the compan-
ies for which they worked as the northern-born. In response
to the question however, the southern-born indicated strong
job dissatisfaction. This response is contradictory to the
other information received.

It was hypothesized that the southern-born were less
integrated to the community than were the northern-born. This
was based in part on the previous findings concerning home-
ownership and socio-economic status of dwelling area, and in
part on the further expectation that the southern-born
would take leSs part in community organizations. The variables
analyzed indicate no significant difference between the south-
ern and northern-born in the degree of community integration
demonstrated. The variables considered were; stated liking
for the community; number of friends residing in the neigh-
borhood and in the community as Opposed to the number not
in the neighborhood and community; consideration given to
moving to another neighborhood or community; the number of
formal organizations in which memberships were held; the
degree of activity in such organizations, as indicated by
the number of officerships and committee positions held in
organizations other than the union; and voting behavior, as
indicated by whether or not a vote was cast in the previous

election.

75

In none of the above characteristics was any signi-
ficant difference noted between the southern-born as a group
and the northern-born. However, considerable differences were
found to exist between southern-born whites and Negroes, with
the latter evidencing higher community participation.

It should be pointed out that, though findings in
the three areas of demographic, occupational, and community
characteristics did not indicate statistically significant
differences between the sub-samples, many differences were
found which were in the expected direction. These differences
should not be completely discounted. Given conditions only
slightly different from those of this study, they could be

significant:

Conclusions

It was concluded that the southern-born, while
differing significantly from the northern-born in some of
the characteristics analyzed, are really essentially similar
to the dominant midwestern group. The points of difference
between the groups (age, education, rural origins, extent
of home ownership, and socio-economic status, as indicated by
dwelling area) do not seem to have affected the comparative
degree to which the southern-born are integrated to their
Jobs or their communities. It seems that, although they
have not been on the midwestern scene as long as have the

native northern-born workers, they have not been adversely

76

affected to any substantial degree by their minority group
status, even though it is indicated that a majority of the
dominant group holds negative attitudes toward them.

The existence of unionism might have had much to do
with the equalization of some of these factors. It is felt
that the effects of unionism.on the economic and Job conditions
of the southern-born probably had an effect on their social
conditions also, in the direction of equalization of status
with the workers of northern-origin.

It must be concluded that the southern-born are as
highly integrated to their Jobs as are the northern-born.
However, this statement must be modified by findings that
the southern-born were much less satisfied with their Jobs
than the northern-born. Probably the best unqualified con-
clusion is that the factors here considered do not probe all
subjective dimensions of Job integration. Perhaps more
comprehensive analysis of data dealing with such matters as
the structure of the work groups in the plants, the type and
degree of social interaction, and the presence on the Job
scene of people with similar backgrounds would be more useful
in an attempt to detemmine why the southern-born are more
dissatisfied. The type of work required in mass production
industries may be another important variable.

The hypothesis that the southern-born are less inte-
grated to the community was also rejected on the basis of

the findings. However, some findings were contradictory to

77

this conclusion. The strongest indicator considered, responses
to the question on liking for the community, shows no signi-
ficant differences between the groups. This is strengthened
by the analyses of most of the other factors considered.
However, the southern-white group differs from the northern-
born in the anount of social participation. This was demon-
strated by a comparatively low proportion of organizational
memberships and a low prOportion of voting in the previous
election. However, the possibility that these are not really
good indicators remains.

The finding that the southern-born tend to own their
own homes to a lesser extent than the northern-born leads
to the conclusion that this is a variable which is tied up
somehow with their minority group status, a characteristic
that seems to linger longer than many of the other variables
considered here, even hanging on after they have attained
some degree of acceptance to the labor market and the commun-
ity.

.Probably the most obvious conclusion to be drawn
from the data is that southern-born Negroes show a much
higher degree of integration to the "community" than do
southern-born whites, indeed even higher than the northern-
born, though not significantly so. However, it is highly
probable that their integration is to the Negro sub-community
rather than to the community as a whole. This is probably a

function of the rigid social strictures under which all Negroes,

78

southern and northern, find it necessary to exist. .As a
result of not being allowed any extensive amount of social
interaction with the dominant group, the Negroes demonstrate

heightened participation within their own sub-community.

Limitations of the Study

Those limitations which were pointed out in Chapter 1
are here noted once again. The fact that the data used were
not gathered specifically for this study was felt to be
relatively unimportant due to the excellent design of the
original interview, the manner in which the original study
was carried out, and the types of information gathered and
used in the original study as compared with the types used
in this study. All of these factors, it is felt, tend to
minimize the problems inherent in the use of such data. The
fact that the groups compared were of such disparate size
should have been taken care of by the statistical techniques
to some extent, but even at that, the size differences
shouldn't have been too important as the conclusions dealt
with directions and tendencies rather than with statements
of Quantitative exactitude.

In addition to these limitations, there are some
other factors which are felt to be more important. In the
first place, the factors used in the determination of the
major areas of study, Job and community integration, consisted
of only a very few items out of many different alternative

factors which could well have influenced the relative position

79

of the southern-born. It is felt that the underlying causes
of the social phenomenon considered here must be much more
complex than is indicated by the analysis of a few items.

In addition, the community studied is a particular
type of community, one which may not be entirely ”typical” of
of midwestern industrial complex. It is certain that Lansing
is quite different in many respects from.such cities as Chicago
and Detroit, where social origin could well have important
bearing on the position and integration of the southern-born
members in the labor force. Lansing has probably been better
able to absorb the southern-born workers because their invasion
of Lansing has been relatively small and slow.

Finally, the study involves a group of workers at
a particular time, i.e., after a certain number of months
or years in Lansing. It is felt that their position in the
community and in the labor force certainly must have changed
since their arrival and it may well change more in the future.
Therefore, the conclusions are of an applicability limited by
the rate of change which exists for such a group in such a

community.

Relevance for Further Study
Some of the limitations mentioned above indicate
possible fruitful areas for further study. Two in particular
come to mind. It would seem that studies in other communities,
both similar to and different from Lansing, would give a

somewhat more complete picture of the southern-born in the

80

northern industrial scene. Perhaps the differences noted
between communities in the positions of this and other
minority groups could be helpful as factors in the study of
the differing social organizations of different communities.
In addition, it would seem fruitful to study groups
of southern-born migrant workers with different longevity
in the northern community. Perhaps a continuum of acceptance
as indicated by the varying Job and community acceptance
of the various groups could be constructed. Such studies,
it would seem, could be significant in the understanding of
minority group relations, of patterns of geographical as
related to occupational and social mobility, and of group

acculturation.

81

LITERATURE CITED

Adams, Leonard P., and Robert L. Aronson, Workers and
Industrial Changg, Cornell University Press, Ithaca,

O

Angeli, Robert C., "The Moral Integration of.American Cities,"
American Journal of Sociology, July, 1951, Part 2.

Beynon, Erdmann D., "The Southern-White Laborer Migrates
to Michigan," American Sociological Review, June,

1938: PPo BBB-A3:

Dixon, Roland 3., Louis Halphen, and Imre Ferenczi, "Migra-

tions," Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Volume 10,
The Macmillan Cb., New Ybrk, 1935. pp. RED-21.

Dixon, Wilfred J., and Frank J. Massey, Jr., Introduction
to Statistical Analysis, 2nd Edition, McGraw-RIII
Book Co., Inc., New York, 1951.

Drake, St. Clair, and Horace Cayton, Black Metropolis,
Harcourt, Brace & Co., New York, 1955.

Goldhamer, Herbert, "Veluntary.Associations in the United
States,” in Paul K. Hatt and.A1bert J. Riess, Jr.,
Editors, Reader in Urban Sociolggy, The Free Press,
Glencoe, 1951:,

Goodrich, Carter, 3; a1, Mi ration and Economic ortunit ,
university of_FennsyIvania Press, FHiladeTphIa, I9E6.
Hagood, Margaret J., and Daniel 0. Price, Statistics for

Sociolo ists, Revised Edition, Henry Holt and Co.,
ew ork, 52.

 

Haller,.Archie 0., "Farm Residence and Levels of Educational
and Occupational.Aspiration," American Journal of
Sociology, January, 1957, pp. E57-11.

Kilian, Lewis N., "The Adjustment of Southern-White Migrants
to Northern Urban Norms," Social Forces, October, 1953,
pp 0 66-69 .

Komarovsky, Mirra, "The Voluntary.Associations of Urban

Dwellers, " American Sociological Review, December,
l9h6, pp. 686-698,

Hornhauser,.Arthur, Detroit as the PeOple See It, Wayne
university Press, Detroit, 1952.

 

82

Loomis, Charles P., and J. Ailan Beegle, Rural Social Systems,
Prentice-Hall, Inc., New York, 1955:

MCCormick, Thomas C., Elementary Social Statistics, McGraw-
Hill Book Co., Inc., New York, l9hl.

Meyers, Charles, and George P. Shults, The D namics of a
Labor Market, Prentice-Hall, Inc., New York, I951.
National Resources Committee, The Problems of a Chan in

Population, United States Government Printing fice,
washington, 1938.

Nosow, Sigmund, "Labor Distribution and the Normative System,"
Social Forces, October, 1956, pp. 25-33.

Reynolds, Lloyd G., The Structure of Labor Markets, Harper
and Brothers, New York, 1951.

Smith, Joel, An Analysis of Selected Characteristics of the
ngulation of Lansingis Census Tracts, Social Research
SErvice, Department of Sociology and Anthropology,
Michigan State Colle ge, East Lansing, March, 1955.

Thompson, Warren 3., Population Problems, nth Edition,
McGraw-Hill Book 80., Inc., 1953.

Thornthwaite, C. Warren, Internal Mi ration in the United
States, University of PennsyTvanTa Press, PKIIadelphia,
193E.

Uhited States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census,
1950 Census of Pogulation, Volume 2, united States
Government Printing Office, 1951.

, united States Census of Manufacturers, Volume 3,
UfiTted States Government Printing Office, 195k.

Votaw, Albert N., "The Hillbillies Invade Chicago," Harggr's
Magazine, February, 1958, pp. 6u-67.

ROOM USE can“

10731496143
its 26 19621’: ~