A GEOGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION OF THE GUATEMALAN FISHING INDUSTRY Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY DAVID M. JONES 1968 THESIS n .a vx - ‘i I. [BK x1 K Y Mwnigan State v T . . A bmvcrsxty r" ' mu W'K‘u-rq‘. f: BIN-LING av ‘5 . II HUAG 8: SENS' Il .BUUK BINDERY INC. Ia LIBRARY BINDERS M SPRIISPORT. Mlcllsn .I I Ii - ABSTRACT A GEOGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION OF THE GUATEMALAN FISHING INDUSTRY by David M. Jones This thesis constitutes an analytical survey of the major phases of the Guatemalan fishing industry. Included are the production, distribution, and marketing sectors of the salt-water, brackish—water, and fresh-water fishing in- dustry. Interest is focused upon the possibilities for, and deterrents to, increased production and consumption of fish foods in Guatemala. The production phase is divided between seafood pro- duced for export and that for domestic consumption. The Pacific Coast is presently the source of about seventy-five percent of the fish and other seafood consumed in Guatemala and almost 100 percent of the exports. Production is ori- ented chiefly toward exports of high-value shrimp to markets in the United States. However, fish caught in the shrimping operations are directed to domestic markets in increasing quantities. Most typical of the fisheries in Guatemala are small producers with very limited means. These are clustered David M. Jones about the brackish lagoons bordering the Pacific Coast and along the Caribbean shore. The volume of local and regional production is closely related to available transportation. Fresh and dried fish from inland lakes are distributed over extensive areas, but in very limited quantities, while fish from ponds have not yet been produced on a commercial scale. Fish in some form are distributed to even the most remote areas, especially during Holy Week. However, the largest markets center upon the principal urban agglomera- tions. Individual entrepreneurs distribute most of the fish and other seafood marketed on the national level. Individ- ual buyers usually obtain small quantities of fish from a given village. The fish are then iced and transported via local bus lines to one of the regional markets. Here the fish are sold at high per-unit profits. Excessively high prices and low quality characterize the sale of fish anywhere outside of the immediate producing area. This is due chiefly to the very small volume of trade and to inadequate means of transportation and marketing. An- nual consumption of seafood is minimal, only slightly more than one pound per capita. Peak consumption coincides with Holy Week, a period of little meat consumption. Thus, low- volume production, high prices, and a negative consumption habit militate against expansion of the industry. Increased volumes of fish entering the Guatemala City market and new efforts to reduce prices, however, are beginning to effect David M. Jones some change in this picture. The expansion of ocean fish- eries, plus new efforts to exploit brackish waters effec- tively, offer some hope for an improved and cheaper diet for Guatemalans. A GEOGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATION OF THE GUATEMALAN FISHING INDUSTRY BY ,I-xfl fl“ David M? Jones A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Geography 1968 PREFACE Advance planning is particularly necessary for ef- fective research outside of the United States. Due chiefly to the stateside and in-country (Guatemala) efforts of my academic and thesis advisor, Dr. Clarence W. Minkel, the groundwork for this study was established carefully prior to departure. Our mutual concern for "development" in Latin America was directed toward research that would be both of interest and of possible use within Guatemala. Thus, at- tempts were made to assure the involvement of apprOpriate Guatemalan and international agencies within the republic. The extent to which these attempts were successful was re- flected in the high degree of cooperation and enthusiasm encountered. The support of several Guatemalan agencies was parti- cularly valuable throughout the research period. Three agen- cies offered direct assistance and participation in the study: 1) the National Geographic Institute offered its physical fac- ilities, transportation, an assistant, and publication of the report in Spanish, 2) the Wildlife Division of the Ministry of Agriculture offered full c00peration in office work, and 3) the Center for Industrial Development and Productivity made office space and secretarial help available. The staff ii of the United States Agency for International Deve10pment (A.I.D.) in Guatemala was also very helpful. Other agen- cies which aided the research were the National Economic Planning Council, the Department of Public Works, and the Institute of Production Deve10pment (INFOP). Plans were originally designed for a three month research period, beginning April 1, 1966, and financed with personal funds. A Ford Foundation grant administered through the Latin American Studies Center of Michigan State Univer— sity permitted the project to be extended through August, 1966. For this financial aid, and to the people who made it possible, the author is extremely grateful. The addi- tional months of field research allowed a more thorough and comprehensive investigation. Transportation within the country was a primary con- cern prior to arrival in Guatemala. It was here that the material aid of Guatemalan agencies was perhaps most bene- ficial. The National Geographic Institute provided a vehicle and driver during much of the study, particularly on the Pacific Coast and in the eastern highlands. Thanks are extended to Dr. Arthur L. Burt, Coordinator for Maps and Publications, U.S. Department of State, for encouraging my participation in a tourism study of Guatemala which af- forded extensive market coverage in less accessible areas of the country. He and his son, Al, aided greatly in gathering fishing data for me at the same time. Mention iii must also be made of the assistance given by Dr. Oscar H. Horst, and his students from Western Michigan University, in the Quezaltenango area. Many individuals helped to make the five-month period of field research both profitable and enjoyable. Special thanks go to Dr. Don Hoy, Dr. Gene Martin, and Mr. Robert N. Thomas in the Agency for International Develop- ment program; Ing. Alfredo Obiols G., Ing. Manuel Castillo B., and Rudolfo Velasquez R. of the National Geographic Institute; Dn. Mario A. Saavedra of the Wildlife Division, Ministry of Agriculture; Dr. Luis Schlesinger, Ing. Einar Klanderud, and Ing. Hector Sanchez Latour of the Center for Industrial Deve10pment and Productivity; and Ing. José Lopez Toledo of the Department of Public Works. During the period of writing and thesis preparation, numerous people aided my progress. The author appreciates the financial support as a graduate assistant of the Michi- gan State University geography department. The many hours spent with Dr. Clarence W. Minkel, a friend as well as ad- visor, will surely never be forgotten by either party, and the thorough second reading by Dr. Paul C. Morrison is also gratefully acknowledged. Parental concern and backing throughout the endeavor could not have been substituted. Finally, the aid and understanding of my fiancé, Julie, provided a necessary stabilizing force. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE O O O O 0 C O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O i i LIST OF TABLES O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O 0 ix LIST OF MAPS o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o x CHAPTER I 0 INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O I O O 1 Objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Related Research . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Summary of Findings . . . . . . . . . . . 8 II. PRODUCTION AND PROCESSING: THE PACIFIC COAST O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O O 0 14 Primary Production Centers . . . . . . . 17 Champerico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l7 Iztapa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Secondary Production Centers . . . . . . 29 San José . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Other Secondary Centers . . . . . . . . 32 Ocos-Tilapa . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Tulate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Sipacate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 El Paredon . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Hawai, Chapeton and Las Lisas . . . . 43 Tertiary Production Centers . . . . . . . 47 Development Planning . . . . . . . . . . 47 III. PRODUCTION AND PROCESSING: THE CARIBBEAN AND INLAND WATERS . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Caribbean Coast Fisheries . . . . . . . . 50 Secondary Production Centers . . . . . 53 Livingston . . . .~. . . . . . . . . 55 Puerto Barrios . . . . . . . . . . . 58 V Table of Contents (Continued) CHAPTER The Lake Izabal Centers San Felipe . . . . .7 Mariscos . . . . . . El Estor . . . . . . Tertiary Production Centers Punta de Manabique . . . E1 Chapin . . . . . . . . Inland Lake and River Fisherie Lake Fisheries . . . . . Lake Izabal . . . . . . Lake Atitlén . . . . . Santiago Atitlan . . Santa Catarina Pa10p6 San Pedro La Laguna . Other Lakeshore Villag Lake Amatitlan . . . . Lake Atescatempa Lake Gfiija . . . Lake Ayarza . . . Lake Lemoa . . . Lake San Cristobal Lake Pino . . . Lake Petén Itza Other Lakes . . River Production R10 Nahualate . R10 Motagua . . Fish Pond Production . . . . Barcenas Experimental Station San Jerdnimo Substation . . . Current Status of Production 0 o o o o o 0 U) o o o o o S o o o o o o o o o o o o (D o o o o 0 IV. DISTRIBUTION . . . . . . . . . . Distribution to the Exterior Champerico . . . . Iztapa . . . . . . Domestic Distribution Pacific Coast . . . Champerico . . . Iztapa . . . . . . . Secondary and Tertiary Cen Ocos-Tilapa . . . . Tulate . . Paredon . . coo-(+0.00... San José . . . Hawai . . . . El Ahumado . . . . Garita Chapina . . . . . vi Page 60 60 61 62 63 63 64 65 66 67 67 72 72 73 73 74 75 76 76 78 78 79 80 80 80 81 82 84 84 85 85 87 90 90 91 93 93 94 96 96 101 102 102 103 104 104 105 Table of Contents (Continued) CHAPTER The Caribbean Coast . Livingston . . . . Puerto Barrios Mariscos . . . El Estor . . . Inland Lakes . . . . . . Lake Atitlan . . . . . Lake Amatitlan . . . . Lake Atescatempa . . . Lake Gfiija . . . . . . The Distribution Pattern . V. MARKETING AND CONSUMPTION . . The Export Market . . . . . The Domestic Market . . . . Guatemala City . . . . . Municipal Markets . . . Private Markets . . . . Productos Fresquitos Corufiesa . . . . . . Mariscos Frescos . . Other Seafood Outlets Secondary Market Centers Regional Sketches . . . . Region I--Jutiapa, Santa Rosa Jalapa Departments . and Region II--Escuintla Department . . . Region III--Retalhuleu and Suchitepéquez Departments . . . . . Region IV--San Marcos, Quezaltenango, Totonicapén and 801015 Departments. Region V-—Chima1tenango, Sacatepé- quez, Guatemala and El Progreso Departments . . . . . . . . . . . . Region VI--Chiquimula, Zacapa and Izabal Departments . . . . . . . . Region VII--Alta Verapaz and Baja Verapaz Departments . . . . . Region VIII-—Huehuetenango and E1 Quiché Departments . . . . . . . Region IX--El Petén Department . . . Consumption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Conclusions . . . . . . . . Recommendations . . . . . . Production . . . . . . . Page 105 106 108 109 110 111 111 113 113 114 114 117 118 120 124 124 128 129 129 132 132 133 144 144 144 146 146 147 147 148 148 149 149 152 152 155 155 Table of Contents (Continued) CHAPTER APPENDICES BIBLIOGRAPHY Distribution Marketing and Consumption viii Page 158 159 163 178 TABLE 1. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. LIST OF TABLES Daily food consumption per capita in Central America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . COPESGUA landings (ocean catch, in pounds). . Secondary production sites on the Pacific Coast: fishermen and productivity . . . . Tertiary production of seafood on the Pacific Coast of Guatemala . . . . . . . . . . . . Caribbean Coast yields of seafood, with small-scale fishing gear . . . . . . . . . Fish production ofi the Caribbean Coast . . . Fishing licenses issued in Santiago Atitlan, Guatemala, 1956-1965 0 o o o o o I o o o 0 Fish production from principal Guatemalan lakes and rivers . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exports from COPESGUA, 1961—1965, by port and destination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Domestic distribution of seafood from COPESGUA, 1961-1965 c o o o o o o o o o o 0 Frozen shrimp buying prices of wholesale dealers in the New York market, June 14, 1967 O O O I O O O O I O O O O O O O O O 0 Estimated fresh seafood sales in selected municipal markets of Guatemala City . . . . Selected Corufiesa seafood prices, June 11, 1966 O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O 0 Principal market towns of Guatemala and their 1964 populations 0 O O O O O O O O 0 ix Page 2 22 46 48 53 64 71 83 92 94 119 128 131 136 LIST OF MAPS Guatemala: Centers of Seafood Production . Guatemala: Pacific and Highland Production centers 0 I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Guatemala: Caribbean Production Centers . Guatemala: Major Lakes and Rivers . . . .— Guatemala: Seafood Distribution Routes and Marketing Centers . . . . . . . . . . . . Guatemala: PrOposed Planning Regions . . . Page 10 18 54 68 135 145 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION World food problems are notably difficult to solve or even ameliorate. Food production on a world-wide basis has fluctuated greatly, due to natural and human causes, while population growth has constantly strained productive capabilities. Especially acute is the situation in most develOping sectors of the world. The 1966 annual report of the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) indicates that 1965 food production in Africa, the Far East, and Latin America drOpped two percent from the previous year. This, as part of an equal drOp in total world production, was the worst setback per capita since World War II. Yet, these startling figures tend to indi- cate only one aspect of the problem. Latin American concern centers about the quality of food intake, rather than the bulk. Nutritional deficiencies constitute an endemic human condition throughout most of the region. High quality protein foods are especially expensive, and thus unavailable to the vast majority of the population. Within this picture, the production and consumption of fish and other seafoods are particularly underdeveloped. The 1 recent, spectacular development of the fish meal industry in Peru has focused international attention upon one spe- cialized phase of the fishing industry. The Peruvian catch increased from 31,000 tons in 1947 to over 6.9 million tons in 1963, and surpassed that of Japan, formerly the world's largest producer.1 This production is oriented chiefly toward obtaining necessary foreign exchange, and is thus used only indirectly to feed the local populace. Fish for human consumption remains a neglected resource in most of the Latin American countries.. Conditions in Guatemala illustrate the general pat— tern. A known deficiency of animal proteins exists in the average diet. Guatemala occupies the lowest position among the Central American republics in caloric, protein, and fat consumption, as is shown in Table 1. Table l.--Dai1y food consumption per capita in Central America. Calories Proteins(Grams) Fats(Grams) Costa Rica 2,520 63.1 63.8 Honduras 2,330 61.1 40.4 Nicaragua 2,190 62.1 55.7 El Salvador 2,000 53.8 47.2 Guatemala 1,970 50.0 34.7 Central America 2,450 60.0 42.0 Source: El Grafico, of Guatemala, August 10, 1966, quoting the Inter-American Committee for Agricultural Development. lFrancis T. Christy, Jr., and Anthony Scott, The Common Wealth in Ocean Fisheries,(Ba1timore: Press, 1965): p. 146. John Hopkins The actual quantity of food consumed is deemed sufficient for daily needs by United Nations standards, but protein intake is considerably below recommended levels. Fish would, ideally, provide an economical food to help overcome this imbalance. Yet, Guatemala is probably the country in Central America which has most neglected its fishery re- sources.2 With frontage on both the Caribbean and the Pacific, a considerable potential would seem to exist. Among the important prerequisites to rational de- velopment of uncharted resources are related investigations and some stimuli for exploitation. The available informa- tion concerning Guatemalan fisheries is very sketchy. In- terest in the industry's potential is mounting, however, and with it the need for pertinent information. Objectives The immediate concern of this research is to provide enlanalytioalsurvey of the major phases of the Guatemalan fishing industry. Included has been the investigation of production, distribution, marketing, and consumption. In- terest has been focused upon the possibilities for, and deterrents to, increased production and consumption of fish 2U.S.,Department of Interior, Fish and Wildlife Ser- vice, The Fisheries and Fishery Resources of the Caribbean Area, by R. H. Fiedler, M. J. Lobell, and C. R. Lucas, re- v1sed by J. A. Smyth, Fishery Leaflet 259, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1957), p. 122. food within Guatemala. The working hypothesis is that in- creased consumption of fish products is entirely possible and intrinsically desirable in the national picture. Study objectives have been two-fold: 1) to provide a report use- ful for planning purposes within the Republic of Guatemala, and 2) to fulfill thesis requirements for the Master's de- gree in Geography at Michigan State University. Procedures A survey of related research was undertaken at Michigan State University prior to field work and was con- tinued in Guatemala. There is a paucity of literature directly concerned with Guatemalan fisheries, and many of the works that are available are general in nature. A comprehensive bibliography is included in this study. Interviews with knowledgeable and interested United States, Guatemalan, and international officials assured a basis of support and information within the country. Close working arrangements were established with the National Geo- graphic Institute of Guatemala, the Wildlife Division of the Ministry of Agriculture, and the Center for Industrial De- velopment and Productivity. Once a base of Operation was assured, the actual field work was greatly facilitated. No systematic, sector-by-sector, modus operandi was possible, since movement about the country was determined in large part by the availability and patterns of local transportation. Nevertheless, all phases of the industry were observed and studied firsthand whenever possible. The principal techniques used in obtaining infor— mation were critical observation and personal interviews. An integrated approach was used within each region investi- gated. That is, productive areas served as foci for the field study, but the local distribution, marketing, and consumption patterns were noted at the same time. The field work within producing zones was divided areally among, 1) the Pacific Coast, 2) the Caribbean shores, 3) the interior lakes and rivers, and 4) the widely distributed fish pond developments. All fishing villages bordering the Pacific Coast which were accessible by a rugged, four-wheel-drive truck were investigated. In addi- tion, a boat was used for a portion of the Chiquimulilla Canal. Coverage on the Caribbean side was more limited, as bus transportation was used to Puerto Barrios and local water transportation from there to Livingston and Lake Iza- bal. All major fresh-water sources of fish, with the ex- ception of the Lago de Gfiija, were personally investigated, and activities along the larger rivers were also noted. Fish pond and stocking activities were observed selectively in most sections of the country. Personal observations and investigations were supplemented by secondary sources in certain instances to amplify the areal coverage. In each fishing center information was obtained through interviews with fishermen and townspeOple, and by personal observation. Interviewing techniques varied with the circumstances, but a formal questionnaire was used only in the case of the largest fishing concern. Desired infor- mation included: equipment and methods of catch, numbers of fishermen, types of fish caught, methods of processing and preservation, prevailing pricés, and the marketing pro- cedures and consumption at the site. Information concerning the historical development of fishing was also gathered wherever possible. Distribution routes and modes of transportation from the fishing zones to the rest of the republic were traced through interviews at the production and marketing points. Precautions taken to preserve fish quality were determined in the same manner. Interviews with personnel of the sev- eral large distributing companies in Guatemala City aided in obtaining information on practices for bulk shipments. Focal points for the marketing sector of the study were the public markets. The plan was to investigate the market place in each town having a population exceeding 2,000, and any other significant regional market. Data was obtained from 102 of the 117 towns meeting this cri- terion (1964 Census). Within the weekly or daily markets, fish and other seafood sellers were searched out and ques— tioned as to: l) the place of origin of the fish, 2) the approximate quantities sold on a weekly or daily basis, and 3) the prices and varieties of fish. Depending upon the rapport established with the seller, additional information concerning consumer preference, social class differences in buying habits, and historical aspects of the business were ascertained. Within the larger urban centers, seafood stores and restaurants were checked for sales and general consumption patterns. In addition, a number of families along Pacific Coast transportation routes were interviewed to determine consumption habits near the sources of fish. Related Research A major study of fisheries in Central America is presently underway. The agreement for a six-year United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization project was signed, after some delay, in 1966. The goal of the project is to increase production and consumption of ocean and brackish water seafood in the entire region. The project consists of four principal segments: 1) the consolidation of fisheries administration and planning, 2) the development and management of a diversified fishing industry, 3) the in- vestigation of fishery resources, and 4) the improvement of processing and marketing procedures. All of the Central American republics and Panama are included in the study, and the project headquarters is in El Salvador.3 A pr0posed 3Panama, Ministerio: de Agricultura, Commercio e In- dustrias, Proyectoypara e1 desarrollo pesquero en Centro- america, Anexo A-54, (Panama: 1966). study of brackish waters in the Republic of Guatemala has been canceled, at least temporarily, due to a lack of funds. Summary of Findings The development of commercial fisheries has been a very recent occurance in Guatemala. Surplus fish from in- terior lakes, and dried fish from selected sites on the coast, have a long history of minor trade, but only with improved transportation and storage facilities have salt water fish been marketed throughout the republic. Present production is still characterized by the small producer with very limited means. Not until 1959 was there any ocean—going vessel Operating from Guatemalan shores. Since that time, development of ocean resources has been sporadic, and thirty shrimp boats now constitute the entire Guatemalan fishing fleet. Thus, the fishing industry has attained no great importance in either inter- nal or external trade, even in comparison with that of neighboring countries. However, recent interest in the in- dustry indicates a potential change in the situation. Plans for a still-water fishing port on the Pacific appear likely to be implemented in the near future, expansion into fish meal production by the largest fishing concern in Guatemala is imminent, and several schemes for increasing productivity in the extensive brackish waters along the Pacific are in the planning stage. Production now centers along the Pacific Coast. Champerico and San José-Iztapa (Map l) are the major pro- ducers for both the domestic and export markets. Commer- cial fishing fleets at these locations are concerned mainly with the export shrimp market but also serve a growing Guatemalan market for fish and other seafood. External distribution from these centers is directed almost entirely to the United States market, while internal distribution focuses upon Guatemala City. Most of the small fishing villages of Guatemala are also along the Pacific Coast. The small-scale producers at these locations use rudimentary methods to obtain seafood for sale to middlemen and actually provide most of the fish found in local and regional markets throughout the country. Production is seasonal, as many fishermen "turn farmer" with the advent of the rainy season. Two general classes of fish, first and second-class, have developed according to consumer acceptance. In addition to fresh fish, much of the catch is crudely salted and dried. Fish are distributed outside of producing areas only in times of substantial surplus, or in periods of high demand. These facts of production also characterize fishing villages on the Caribbean shores. The inland lakes of the highlands are significant producers only On a limited local and regional scale. Fish from Lakes Atitlan,Amatit1én,A¢escatempa, and Gfiija reach 10 OJ GUATEMALA .._..._.....J \u “i\ ‘v. firuw/HA \Nu \-. u E x IC 0 I LNL)’ ._m_— ._.J I./ _/ u./ // 12 o _ ’ / LAKE mm: a (. \_ . . ,/ I" j- (’ ... " Aft/HAN \ Q OUATIIAI.‘ can ) Q 6:“: f w I . \~Q fififimu O Tv/“\mAa \ LAKE } ““- ntsartmj' ‘W‘ / EL SALVADOR PRODUCTION CENTERS C9 PRIMARY 0 SECONDARY o TERTIARY O 30 60“. BRHWSH HONDURAS HONDURAS SECONDARY CENTERS . LA. USA. . LIVINGSTON . PUIRTO IARIIOI . IAN FILIPI . IAIISCOI . EL [01"). .‘PPPFP.’ OCO. - TILAPA TULATI IIPACATI IL PARIDON NAUAI CHARITOI MAPl 11 a surprisingly extensive area, but in minimal quantities. Rivers in the republic rarely attain more than local im- portance as sources of fish. Subsistence-level production is the general rule at these locations. Distribution of seafood from Guatemalan production zones occurs on two levels. Export items are carefully packaged and frozen then taken by modern refrigerated trucks to the Caribbean port of Matias de Galvez or loaded directly on the Pacific side. Cities along the east coast of the United States are the chief markets for shrimp. Internal movement of fish occurs mostly on.a small scale, with little quality control. Much of the transportation is by bus. The volumes involved are thus dependent to a large degree upon local road patterns and conditions, and the frequency of bus service. The largest urban agglomerations are primary centers for the distribution of fish. All roads lead to Guatemala City, so to speak, with Quezaltenango a weak second. The principal regional markets, most of them department capi- tals, also serve as minor centers of distribution. Fish in some form are sold in the most remote areas, but the gen- eral pattern shows extremely small quantities involved in such movement. Buyers generally Obtain twenty—five to fifty pounds of fish from several fishermen in a given fishing village. The fish are then iced and carried via local bus lines to one of the regional markets. Here the fish are 12 sold for twice the price paid at the fishing site. Dried fish are transported in approximately the same manner and volume. Larger shipments of fish are destined chiefly for the Guatemala City market. Individual entrepreneurs market most of the fish and other seafood on the national as well as the local level. An exception to this small-scale trade is in the Guatemala City area, where several large distribution and marketing firms account for much of the total volume of trade. Packaged goods can be found in most of the super- markets, but the majority of the pOpulace Obtains fish in the Open market place, if at all. The varieties of fish acceptable to the consumer are increasing, but local pref- erence is still for the traditional snook (rObalo) and red snapper (EEEE2)° Excessively high prices characterize the sale of fish anywhere outside of the immediate producing areas, and quality is doubtful. This is due chiefly to the very small volume of trade and to inadequate means of transportation and marketing. Consumption of seafoods is thus minimal, under one pound of fish per capita per year!4 Peak consump— tion coincides with Holy Week (Semana Santa), a period of little meat consumption by the predominantly Catholic 4Ramiro Bolafios Yela, Los recursos pesqueros de Guatemala, fuente atractiva de inversion, Thesis, Facultad de Ciencias EconOmicas, (Universidad de San Carlos de Guate- mala: 1964), p. 84. 13 population. Thus, low-volume production, high prices, and a negative consumption habit militate against the industry. Increased volumes of fish are entering the Guatemala City market, and efforts to reduce prices are beginning to make some headway. Expansion of the ocean fisheries, plus ef- forts to exploit brackish waters effectively, Offer hope for an improved and cheaper diet for the peOple of Guatemala. CHAPTER II PRODUCTION AND PROCESSING: THE PACIFIC COAST The development of fishery resources has been of minor significance to date in the economy of Guatemala. This has been due in part to the interior location of pOp- ulation centers, a relative abundance of agricultural land for subsistence crops, the poor transportation facilities, and the highly perishable nature Of seafoods. Any feeling of urgency for the expansion of fisheries was perhaps most negated by the predominantly agricultural orientation of the country. It could be hypothesized that nations have turned to the sea for sustenance only when arable land proved insufficient relative to pOpulation, as illustrated by Norway or Japan. However, this need not be the case. A balanced approach to resource development in Guatemala must challenge the above hypothesis. National self-sufficiency in seafood has not yet been attained. During the recent past, dried fish have been transported by pack mule from Tapachula, Mexico, to serve the seasonal market for seafood in Guatemala.1 In lFelix W. McBryde, Cultural and Historical Geography of Southwest Guatemala, Smithsonian Institution, Institute for Sociology and AnthrOpology, Publication No. 4, (Washing- ton, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1947), p. 79. 14 15 addition, dried varieties, chiefly cod, are still signifi- cant imports from Europe.2 Salvadorian resources have also 3 The gradual been tapped for fresh and processed fish. growth of a domestic ocean-going fishing fleet dates only from 1959, and the commercial processing of seafood within Guatemala has likewise been a recent phenomenon. The present production and processing activities of the Guatemalan industry can be divided conveniently into four general aspects: 1) the Pacific Coast fisheries, 2) Caribbean Coast fisheries, 3) inland fisheries, and 4) in- land fish pond and stocking activities. This chapter deals specifically with production and processing as related to the Pacific Coast fisheries, while Chapter III is concerned with that of the Caribbean and inland waters. The coastal fishery sites on both the Pacific and Caribbean are classi- fied as primary, secondary, or tertiary according to the equipment used, numbers of persons involved, volume of production, and market accessibility. Pacific Coast fishing provides an estimated seventy- five percent of the fish and other seafood consumed domes- tically, and almost 100 percent of the exports. However, this dominance is an occurance of recent years. Of the 2Guatemala, Ministerio de Economia, Direccion Gen- eral de Estadistica, Anuario de comercio exterior, 1965, (Guatemala: 1966). 3John Thompson, "The Fisheries Industry of El Sal- vador," Journal of Inter-American Studies, Vol. 3, No. 3 (1961), p. 438. 16 three major geographical divisions, Pacific, Caribbean, and inland waters, the Pacific waters were the last to be ex- ploited significantly. Considering the proximity of this coast to the major population centers, mere distance can- not have been the dominant factor in this slow development. The most likely explanation centers upon the physical nature of the coast itself. The unarticulated coastline provides no protected anchorages for boats of any type along the entire 160 miles from the Mexican border.to that of El Salvador. The steep gradient of the shore and the resulting heavy surf also discouraged early sea-going attempts. Associated with these conditions is a very narrow continental shelf, which has restricted the number of fish varieties readily available. These negative factors were overcome only by the allure of high-value shrimp along the coast which were first exploited by United States, Mexican, and Salvadorian fishermen. Prior to 1959, fishing by Guatemalans was practiced almost exclu— sively in easily navigable brackish waters.4 Here, a series of lagoons and estuaries still permits significant local fishing. Subsistence-level production also continues in the numerous rivers flowing from the mountains of the interior. 4An attempt at ocean fishing in 1950 was reported by José Furlan in, Informe sobre posibilidades de organizar una cooperativa de pescadores en Iztapa, Instituto de Fomen- to de la Produccién, GuatemaIa, 1950. 17 Production centers along the Pacific may be classi- fied according to the level and intensity of fishing endeav- ors. Three degrees of significance are noted: 1) primary production sites, which actively exploit the resources of the open sea and have the concomitant benefits of large- scale production, 2) secondary centers in which a smaller percentage of manpower and time is devoted to fishing acti- vities, yet that have a significant daily catch and are endowed with year-round transportation facilities, and 3) tertiary villages, in which only sporadic production occurs and from which fish enter only slightly into regional trade. The location and relative significance of Pacific Coast pro- duction centers are shown on Map 2. Primary Production Centers Primary fishing centers in Guatemala are found only on the Pacific Coast. The only vessels and plants used for harvesting and processing ocean resources are based at Champerico and near Iztapa or San José. These sites are unrivaled in their importance for local and external trade in seafoods. Champerico Champerico is the most significant production and processing site in Guatemala. The Compania Pesquera de Guatemala (COPESGUA) and Pesca, S.A., a joint Guatemalan- Japanese enterprise, was established here in 1961. Ownership 18 mmdz a .33 «3 .8 £20 «...-3 ..n «3.33 94 .2 go .o. 33.5 .8 :4 1.. gun a 3 as; .5 In a» «(a .0. 8c! 1.. .0 it .5" 214:: 03...; I g»: on darn! .o. .2»! .u g a an 31830» «33 a on in»: .3 «I; ..u A! 8136 a .80: ...u ..u 0841 98:3 :3 on £5. .8 a: I"! .n. as 0 up; .8 08.3: 22.10 (i an g‘ it :4 (4 ,0. 30 .u. g n 3.12 .0 a; an upgéhidou» .0. 09.5.5. ... g ..u .u 13.-p.88 .. mmuhzwo 9.4.. mcwhzwo >52...sz mmmpzmo gum coo (>4 4 m 4 w «I: \ t .\ gt. ||\. 4 .iuh!‘ a 8g. Shflnua. a .nu .g. 8.50 .0 may—.28 gin mKMHzmo ZO_._.oDoOmn_ 024410.: 024 DEG/E <.._¢(.h¢mh o >¢¢(3_¢1 G mmmhzwo zo_._.unoomn_ 19 is sixty percent Guatemalan, while the administration is largely Japanese. This company purchased and expanded a small shrimp processing plant and imported a number of boats from Mexico. The fleet now includes twenty small vessels, ranging from fifty-two to eighty—four tons each. The open roadstead of Champerico provides only a rough Offshore anchorage. From this port the boats, with a standard crew of five men, ply the entire coastline for their catch. Shrimp are the desired species, and the ves- sels may range up to twenty—five miles from shore in fol- lowing the shrimp migration. Each boat is equipped with two otter-trawl nets which capture rather indiscriminately. Thus, lobster, squid, and a variety of fish are netted in addition to the shrimp. The lower-valued fish now provide "fill-in" during the last several days of each two-week voyage. The percentage of marketable fish caught has in- creased from ten percent of the total catch by weight in 1962, the first full year of operation, to nineteen percent of the catch in 1965. Lobster and squid account for one percent or less of the total catch. Five classes of shrimp are harvested: blue, white, brown, pink, and chacalin. The blue, white and chacalin shrimp are generally found nearest the coast, the brown at ten to twenty miles from shore, and the pink at twenty to twenty-five miles out. Standard procedure is to fish near shore during the day and drift seaward in the evening. All 20 fish caught incidentally are tossed overboard until the last several days of the trip. Then, marketable white— fleshed varieties are used to fill the holds. Varieties normally retained for the commercial market include: grouper, red snapper, croaker, goby, sole, cabrilla, and EEESE (Appendix A). Species with no present market value are tossed back into the sea, usually lifeless. Some seasonality of catch can be noted. The peak period of commercial shrimping occurs during October, Novem- ber and December, while minimal catches are associated with June and July.5 Each shrimp variety has a slightly differ- ent cycle, but the above statement indicates the general pattern. Little is known about the variability of fish species caught during the year. Initial processing of the catch occurs on shipboard. The shrimp are sorted according to class, deheaded, and washed before being placed into the cooling compartments in the hold. Other high-value seafood such as lobster and squid may be placed in a separate compartment. Fish kept are selected and cleaned on the decks before they join the rest of the catch in the hold. The COPESGUA boats are usually sent on thirteen-day voyages and arrive at the pier from Monday through Thursday. 5The Mexican catch also corresponds to this cycle. See Mercados erroductos section of Comercio Exterior, Vol. 17, No. 87IMexico: 1967), p. 663. 21 Unloading the catch at the Champerico pier is a relatively slow, labor-intensive process. The shrimp and fish are pailed from the hold into old oil drums which are trans- ferred to the pier by a power winch. Railway flatcars convey the filled drums to the shore, where they are trans- ferred to an open pick-up truck. This vehicle transports the drums to the processing plant only minutes away. The entire unloading process takes two to three hours per boat, and usually includes a minimum of two tons of seafood. The processing of the catch is a straightforward and simple procedure, given the prOper equipment. When the drums of shrimp, already roughly sorted by class on shipboard, arrive at the plant they are emptied into an ice-cold brine. Then the shrimp are fed along a conveyor belt where the re- moval of damaged and odd varieties occurs. The remaining shrimp, now consistently of one class, are then machine- graded by size.6 Two grading machines may be used. Packers place the sorted shrimp neatly into standard five-pound cartons, water is added, and the shrimp are placed into the freezer. Relatively small amounts are packaged in one-pound polyethylene bags for local consumption. Most of the shrimp are packaged in their shells. A limited operation for de- shelling and cleaning shrimp occurs during several afternoons, 6Shrimp size is calculated by the number of equal- sized shrimp in one pound; e.g., size fifteen indicates fifteen shrimp to one pound. 22 but this is an almost insignificant sideline. Lobster and squid are similarly packaged in cartons of five or ten pounds before entering the freezers. The products are kept in the blast freezer several days and then transferred to the cold storage area. Fish are maintained under freezing conditions without further processing until distribution to Guatemala City, where additional preparation for sale may occur. Freezing facil- ities at Champerico include a 25,000-pound blast freezer and space for 120,000 pounds of frozen storage. Equipment is also available to make up to five tons of ice per day. The entire operation from catch through processing employs approximately 340 persons, including about 100 wo- men who are employed exclusively in the plant. In addition, the main office of COPESGUA, in Guatemala City, employs twenty to twenty-five persons.7 A summary of COPESGUA land- ings is presented in Table 2. Table 2.--COPESGUA landings (ocean catch, in pounds). Shrimp TOTALS Oct.-Dec. Jan.-June 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 388,162 1,177,455 1,898,016 2,859,052 1,940,451 1,305,645 Fish 32,657 143,266 236,142 439,866 480,323 366,065 Lobster 425 10,069 22,605 37,295 16,306 13,787 Squid 1,390 9,848 8,251 11,105 combined 421,244 1,332,180 2,166,611 3,344,464 2,448,185 1,685,497 Source: COPESGUA, Guatemala City. 7Interview with Dr. José LOpez Iza, COPESGUA, Gua- temala City, April 6, 1966. 23 The 1965 decline in shrimp catch can perhaps be attributed to a low period in the shrimp cycle. Half-year totals for 1966 would indicate a catch approaching the 1964 peak. The drOp in lobster production was not ex- plained. The increasing fish catch shown is perhaps the most significant item in the table. Iztapa The only commercial seafood processing plant other than that at Champerico is located midway between San José and Iztapa. With its recent return to operation, an ele- ment of competition again entered the picture. The Maris- cos de Guatemala plant, directed by three brothers, Guatemalans of Chinese extraction, was founded originally in 1961. Mexican boats and crews were used and these operated in Guatemalan waters with government permits, until they were revoked in 1963. Then the factory stood idle for nearly three years, until the Siu brothers gathered enough capital to finance their own boats. Renewal of operations at this site near the Chiqui- mulilla Canal. began in May, 1966. Ten boats are now based here, near the Barra de Iztapa. These vessels were built in Mexico of modern steel construction and average fifty- nine feet in length and eighty-five tons in weight. Tech— niques of catch and processing are similar to those of COPESGUA at Champerico. The boats average fourteen days 24 per run on the open sea. Four refrigerated compartments with capacities of one metric ton each are standard equip- ment on all of the boats. In preparation for a voyage one tank is filled with fresh water for drinking and cooking purposes, while in another tank the water is frozen so that fresh food can be kept for the crew. For fish and shrimp preservation the water in the remaining tanks is maintained at approximately 32°F. Mexican nationals again play a significant role in the fishing operations. Due to the lack of trained Guate- malans, each of the ten vessels is captained by a Mexican fisherman. The crews are obtained locally, however, and have yet to develop responsibility and efficient operational skills. The schedule of thirteen to fifteen days "on and two days "off" necessitates some dedication! A systematic training program for interested Guatemalans is a "must" if the industry is to expand with a firm national base. The zone of catch parallels the entire Pacific coastline of Guatemala. The prime item of exploitation is the high-value shrimp, as is the case with Champerico's COPESGUA organization. The most fruitful shrimping grounds are found offshore from the estuaries of the numerous rivers discharging into the Pacific. Even in these areas, however, the greater percentage of seafood netted consists of fish. In fact, up to ninety-five percent of the catch may be fish, 25 and most of these are thrown overboard.8 Not until the last several fishing days are selected species put into ,the freezing compartments to fill out the catch. Accord- ing to one Siu brother, a graduate of a California uni- versity, each boat normally unloads about 1,000 pounds of commercial fish after each two-week voyage.9 This would account for approximately twenty-five percent of the "stan— dard" catch by weight. If one then considers the quantities of fish lost through rough handling, and exposure during the early portions of the fishing trips, the waste is sub- stantial. This, however, is an unfortunate characteristic 10 Some kind of shrimping Operations throughout the world. of integrated fishing Operation would be needed to alleviate this recognized problem. The lack of suitable unloading facilities on the Pacific Coast is well illustrated in the plight of the small Mariscos de Guatemala fleet. Two Options are Open, each with its dangers and advantages: 1) the pier facili- ties at San José'may be used, or 2) the outlet of the Chiquimulilla Canal at Iztapa may be entered for the 8Interview with Carlos Siu, Mariscos de Guatemala, Iztapa, August 10, 1966. 91bid. 10Maurice Stansby, ed., Industrial Fishery Technology, (New York: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, 1963), p. 67. 26 unloading process. That this choice must be made between less-than-optimum sites only accentuates the need for a still-water port with facilities for various-sized vessels. The fishing industry of the Pacific Coast cannot really be efficient and effective until modern facilities are avail- able. The first alternative, the San José pier, was ob- served during the unloading of the second catch destined for the newly re-Opened plant. The pier itself extends slightly beyond the breakers but is still subject to con- siderable wave and swell action. In a heavy sea, even the unloading of sturdy lighters is extremely dangerous, if not impossible. The antiquated pier facilities compound the problem. Thus, the unloading of shrimp is extremely slow, and painful to observe. A system of rOpes and pul- leys is used to transfer the drums of shrimp and fish from the bobbing deck of the small boat to the floor of the pier, some thirty to forty feet above the water. The ef- ficiency level is such that one or two drums are raised at approximately ten-minute intervals. Once on the pier, the contents are poured into wire—bottomed crates, weighed, and tallied. The entire unloading occupies nearly three hours, during which time the shrimp are exposed excessively to the warm air and sunlight. From the shore a truck trans- ports the catch ten to fifteen miles to the processing plant. The entire Operation is not only time consuming but also wasteful of shrimp quality. 27 Use of the narrow barga, the other alternative, has numerous advantages for the Mariscos plant. The rel- atively.sheltered waters of the interior canal offer more favorable unloading conditions than does the open sea at San José, and direct transfer from the deck to a waiting truck greatly simplifies the process. The proximity of the plant to the canal, only a few hundred yards, also facilitates quality control. These positive aspects are tempered, however, by the tricky and dangerous entrance to, and exit from, the canal. The fishing boats must await high tide to enter or leave, and thus they have to combat the maximum speed and roughness of the tidal cur- rents. The ocean surf must also be traversed in the pro- cess. This alternative, therefore, presupposes a sturdy boat construction and a skillful captain. The wooden boats used during the initial period of operation in 1961-63 did not fare well, but the steel construction of the present fleet provides a partial answer to these difficulties. By August, 1966, all of the boats were using the narrowbreach into the Chiquimulilla Canal. Only one boat had encountered serious trouble while entering the 23553 and fortunately escaped damage. Consequently, it appears that the ease of unloading and transporting the catch from the canal site more than compensates for the problems associated with the tidal outlet. 28 Processing operations at the Mariscos de Guatemala plant are essentially the same as at COPESGUA, though there are slight differences in plant capacity and equipment. The COPESGUA plant has greater capacity, but the handling of seafood is similar. In a new operation the "breaking- in" period is always the most difficult, especially when a pool of skilled or experienced help is non-existent. Four or five varieties of shrimp, which appear much alike to the layman, must be sorted by hand. Training an efficient team, women in this case, to sort and package the shrimp was one of the primary problems. Fortunately, a sufficiently large number of women eager to earn extra money assured at least minimal selection standards. Within the plant approximately twenty-five workers are employed in selection, washing, and packaging. Follow- ing separation by type, the shrimp are moved along a con- veyor belt and machine-graded. Packaging in five-pound cardboard cartons then occurs, after which the shrimp are frozen and placed in cold storage. Freezing and storage facilities consist of a 2,500- pound compression-plate freezer, a 20,000 pound blast freezer, and 80,000 pounds of frozen storage. The smaller freezer has the capacity to freeze a load of shrimp within four hours, while the larger chamber requires eight to ten hours. The freezing time is important in quality control and, thus, the quick freezer is a prize possession. 29 The relatively small quantities of lobster and squid are packaged and frozen with the shrimp. Although some fish may be bagged, the bulk of the fish catch is made available immediately and without further processing to local buyers. Secondarnyroduction Centers For purposes of this study, secondary production sites are defined by the following criteria: 1) fish pro- duction exceeds 100 pounds daily, 2) the number of part and full-time fishermen exceeds fifteen, 3) equipment used for the catch includes several large nets or trasmallos, and 4) year-round transportation links with interior mar- ket areas are available. Included in this category are towns bordering brackish waters, for the most part, but also one place, namely San José, oriented toward ocean. fishing. San José San José serves as a focal point for both large and small-scale fishing. This is perhaps inevitable con- sidering its role as a port, or roadstead, with excellent highway connections to interior pOpulation centers. How- ever, under present conditions no large-scale fishing concern uses the port facilities.- Earlier fishing data usually listed the Mariscos de Guatemala fleet as being of 30 San José11 but, as has been seen, this is no longer techni- cally accurate while the bagga is in use. Even without large-scale fishing by boats, however, significant use is made of the ocean frontage at San José. Small Open fishing boats and numerous pier fisher- men provide the ocean catch. Approximately fifty men pur- chased licenses to fish in the Open sea in 1966, and another 12 The combined 150 had licenses to fish from the pier. production from the two methods supplies most of the fish consumed in San José. This is a unique situation, since most coastal towns, including Champerico, are served from the neighboring brackish waters. Fishermen may own a small inboard or outboard boat privately or COOperatively. The Operators of these craft generally travel short distances from shore in the evening or early morning hours to cast their lines or small toss- nets. Ten to fifteen boats are involved and Operate in a rough rotation, following a routine fishing schedule during "normal" times. The catch, from fifty to 300 pounds daily per boat, is generally cleaned upon return to shore, and the fish are strung together and carried to the market areas llU.S., Department of Interior, Fish and Wildlife Service, Fisheries Survey of Shrimp Fisheriesjin Guatemala, El Salvador, and Mexico, Market News Leaflet 74, (Washing- ton, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1962), p. 12. 12The license requirement for pier fishermen was revoked by the new government in the summer of 1966. 31 nearby. Most of the fish caught are ranked as second-class, but a wide range in size and type is common. Some of the most frequently harvested varieties include croaker, goby, sole, mulet, juilin, and sardine. The quantity of fish caught from the pier also plays an important role at San José. Productive fishing generally occurs in the evening and morning, but even during the day thirty to forty fishermen of all ages can be Observed on the pier. Most of these use a simple hook and line, baited with small sardines, pieces of shrimp, or other lures. The bare line may be held in the hand or between the toes depending upon one's habit or affluence! When a bite is felt, the line is drawn up hand-over-hand. This can be painful to the neOphyte, or even to the veteran, if the fish is of any size. In addition to the hook and line, most of the serious fisher- men own small cast nets, or atarrayas, and may catch fifteen to twenty pounds of fish in a good evening. Small sardines are often taken in this manner and may provide a reasonable cash return. The sardines are usually dried in the sun and then put into bags to be transported to interior markets. Small-scale fishing such as this from boats and pier, is extremely sporadic. Good fishing may last several days or a week and be followed by a period of varying duration with a minimal catch. Opportunistic fishermen swell the numbers involved during favorable periods, while only a hard- core remains active during less productive times. 32 Other Secondary Centers Villages located on brackish waters which have a steady annual production of fish are few and of little con— sequence individually. Seven are considered to have a slightly greater production in comparison with other brackish-area communities., Enumerated from west to east, these are: OcOs-Tilapa, Tulate, Sipacate, El Paredén, Hawai, Chapetén, and Las Lisas. Following a description and analysis of brackish-water fishing in general, these sites will be considered individually. The Pacific Coast, although almost completely un- articulated, is paralleled by numerous interior estuaries and lagoons. These waters are brackish because they are influenced by both river flow and ocean tide. Their depth and extent vary greatly during the year. In the rainy season, May to October, an expansion in area occurs, and the water is less saline than during the dry season. The biological fertility of such waters is well documented: "They are frequently referred to as biological soup, con- stantly enriched by material carried down rivers from inland and brought from the deeps by marine currents and tides."l3 Exploitation of the fauna is facilitated by the protected 13Anthony D. Scott, "Food and the World Fisheries Situation," in Natural Resourcesiand International Develop- ment, Resources for the Future, Inc., (Baltimore: John HopEins Press, 1964), p. 140. 33 nature of the waters, small craft being used and manipulated easily in the harvest. A ready supply of fish and ease of navigation assured a relatively early and continuous exploi- tation. Small settlements along the coast use the seafood resources as a cash crop, as well as for subsistence. How- ever, few of these villages are dedicated solely to fishing. Shifting agriculture plays a dominant role during the rainy season. During the dry season, numerous sites associated with the brackish lagoons along the Pacific account for the bulk of the nation's salt production. Villages are widely scattered and maintain little contact with each other. Although roads radiate from the interior to the coast, only a few are all-weather connec— tions. Moreover, there are no regular surface communica- tions parallel to the coast to facilitate travel and interaction between the villages. Contact by coastal water routes is available only where interlocking canal or river systems are found, such as in the Chiquimulilla Canal. The construction of a road close to and paralleling the coast would integrate the region and greatly stimulate the fish— ing industry. The present level of technology used in fishing the brackish waters is suited only for small-scale Operations. Dugout canoes, or cayucos, provide the most common means of navigation, and these are rarely fitted with outboard motors. 34 Customary fishing gear includes the hook and line; a small circular casting net, or atarraya; and a long, narrow gill net, or trasmallo. Most frequently used by the average commercial fishermen is the atarraya, while trasmallos are generally owned by the wealthier fishermen. Of this gear, only the latter net requires more than one individual, three men normally being required to manipulate its length. The fishing is usually coordinated with tidal move- ments. The best catch occurs before and after the peak of high tide. Favored fishing hours are in the evening and early morning, but limited daytime fishing also occurs. Scientific harvesting methods are unknown, or at least, not understood. Due to either custom or the lack of capital, planned rotation of fishing grounds and experi- mentation with different nets and techniques of catch are not practiced. Modifications in the traditional activity have been accepted only slowly. The intensity of fishing throughout the coastal zone is highly irregular. The number of fishermen varies greatly with the season and the immediate run of fish. Peak production coincides with the advent of Holy Week, or Semana Santa, when all available hands become fishermen to take advantage of the expanded market and high prices. In contrast, only the hard-core fishermen are active during the invierno or rainy months. This, in effect, indicates a six to seven month fishing season in much of the area. 35 The chief factor modifying the effective length of the fishing season, as well as overall production, is the availability of transportation. Fishermen can be employed continuously, and produce a significant volume of fish, only where year-round transportation is available. With- out ready transportation during the rainy season, fishermen must dry and salt all of their surplus catch and wait for an occasional buyer to arrive on horseback or on foot. Thus, the most significant production centers are the ones served by all—weather roads, followed in importance by those sites connected by interior waterways, and finally by those having little or no communication for parts of the year. The types of fish caught for commercial purposes in brackish waters include: snook, red snapper, mulet, croaker, mojarra, juilin, and marine catfish. Only the snook and red snapper bring constant first-class prices. Other species taken, but that enter the market infrequently, are shark, grouper, pinchincha, ojuda, aleta, tacasonte, tarpon, dentOn, and camiseta. Shrimp, crabs, oysters, snails, and clams are also caught in marketable quantities. The shrimp (camarones and camaroncillos) are by far the most important of the latter group. Techniques for the preservation and processing of the catch have remained simple. The dugout canoes are not fitted with preservation chambers of any kind. Banana leaves may provide the catch with its only protection from 36 the heat and sun during the several hours of fishing. When landed, the catch may be sold "fresh" or may be "processed" further. If sold fresh, the fish are merely cleaned and perhaps scaled. A simple salting and drying process takes place when no buyer for the fresh product arrives. The large fish are split open and numerous knife cuts made in the flesh. Then, crude salt is rubbed into the cuts, and the fish are placed on racks in the sun to dry, or are merely air-dried during the rainy season. The smaller fish are treated similarly, but the cuts are made through the skin after the fish have been scaled. In either case, the re- sultant product is usually only partially salt-cured and thus of poor quality. Each secondary fishing site is a significant re- gional producer of seafood. Yet, the level of fishing technology involved and the volume of catch indicate a marginal economic activity. These towns are distinguished from lesser centers in various ways: 1) a year-round fish- ing season, each village having some form of all-weather connection with the interior; 2) an average daily harvest exceeding 100 pounds of seafood; 3) fifteen or more part and full-time fishermen; and 4) more subtle indicators of relatively intensive fishing, such as significant numbers of drying fish nets, "parked" cayucos, and hileras, or simple coolers. 37 OcOs-Tilapa Océs and Tilapa are situated on opposite sides of the mouth of the Rio Naranjo, only a short distance from the Guatemalan-Mexican border. With an "urban" population of approximately 600 people, OcOs is the fourth largest community on the Pacific Coast. Formerly a port of some national importance, it has declined greatly in this regard since the eruption of the volcano Santa Maria and the re- lated earthquake in 1902 caused the pier at OcOs to be lo- cated some distance from the sea. Ships continued to call, anchoring off-shore, however, until 1929. A railway line still serves the town, with three trains weekly, and pro- vides the only sure all-weather transportation. The road reaching OcOs from Tecfin Uman is deep in dust during the summer dry season (November to May) and impassable during much of the rainy season. Tilapa is a much smaller village, with eighty-five inhabitants, and has its own seasonal road connection on the eastern side of the river. However, much of the winter catch of fish is boated across to OcOs to be freighted out by train. Fishing activities at OcOs-Tilapa focus on the mouth of the Rio Naranjo and adjacent estuarine areas. The muni- cipal secretary lists thirty-five to forty fishermen in OcOs and eight to ten in Tilapa, but others estimate the total as high as eighty to 110. The majority of these men fish from dugouts, and the elite may have a four or five-horsepower 38 outboard motor to give added range and prestige. One am- bitious person is building a larger wooden boat that may be suitable for ocean fishing, but the customary fishing range is limited to enclosed waters. The "normal" catch includes snook, red snapper, grouper, mulet, croaker, sardine, shark, pinchincha, ojuda, aleta, tacasonte, and mojarra. The first three of these species are favored and bring the highest prices. The esti- mated daily take averages about 300 pounds in OcOs and eighty pounds in Tilapa. However, the daily or weekly variance is considerable. In addition to fish, a seasonal catch of river shrimp is obtained at the beginning of the rainy season. These blue shrimp are noted throughout the country for their size and flavor. The catch is usually sold fresh. Little process- ing, other than the cleaning of fish, occurs here. Small quantities of fish, perhaps forty to eighty pounds weekly, are smoked, whereas the more common salting process else- where is apparently not practiced. Indicative of the rela- tive importance of the fresh fish trade is the large number of coolers or hileras used. Nine peOple own the coolers in OcOs. Generally of tight wooden construction, these rec— tangular boxes of about home-freezer size provide some insulation from the tropical heat. The fish are placed in the hilera and partially packed with ice for preservation. Amounts of ice used are minimal, due chiefly to the high cost. The ice is generally trucked in from 39 Pajapita, and costs $1.80 per hundredweight. In a situa- tion of marginal profits, the owners of the coolers often "cut corners" on the ice. In reasonably well-packed ice, however, the fish will usually keep for at least four days in the hileras. Production problems enumerated at OcOs were re- flected in complaints about the poor road connection, lack of decent fishing equipment, and the indiscriminant use of insecticides on the nearby cotton farms. The shifting nature of the sand bar and the river outlet also affects the steadiness of the catch. These variables are commonly associated with low-level production sites throughout the fishing zones of Guatemala. Tulate The recent fortunes of this coastal village have been linked intimately with those of La Méquina agricul- tural colony, begun in 1957.14 As the redistribution of land gradually resulted in permanent settlement, an all- weather road was built to connect with the immediate coast at Tulate. For Tulate this provided year-round transporta- tion and ready access to an expanded market. The town increased in size, and its function as a fishing and rec- reational site was enhanced. Tulate is now chiefly a 14 . Ross Pearson, "Zones of Agricultural Deve10pment in Guatemala: An Experiment in Land Reform," The Journal of Geography, Vol. 62, No. l (1963), p. 13. 40 fishing village, with very minor agricultural interests. Approximately 100 families are clustered near the Rio Ican estuary, and most of these fish at least occasionally for both subsistence and commercial gain. An estimated twenty to thirty persons make their livelihood directly from fish- ing. Part-time fishermen may raise the count to fifty or sixty men during favorable fishing periods. A good tide may yield a single individual up to 100 pounds of fish, but a normal "good" catch ranges from thirty to fifty pounds per day. Shoreline fishers, who include many boys, must generally be satisfied with only ten to fifteen pounds on a good day. Here, as in OcOs-Tilapa, the trade is in fresh, rather than processed, fish. Hileras, however, are not found in Tulate. This fact may be explained by the extreme ease of transportation. Regularly scheduled buses and trucks assure the ready movement of the highly perishable product so that storage is unnecessary. Temporary migration to more productive fishing sites is a unique characteristic of Tulate fishermen. Several of the "hard-core" fishermen have on occasion traveled east by cayuco to the Rio Icén and then to the village of Churirin, a distance of about twelve miles. If word reaches Tulate of good fishing at Churirin, combined with poor catches near home, the men try their luck in Churirin. Thus, at least occasional communication exists between these 41 shoreline ‘villages. This migration of fishermen appears to be a lone exception to the rule, but it opens specula- tion concerning possible effects of a shoreline highway upon cooperative efforts and fish production. Sipacate The village of Sipacate is located on the periphery of a zone of cotton cultivation. This fact is particularly significant during the harvest period, when large numbers of laborers migrate to the area. Sipacate then serves as a major supplier of food and place Of recreation for the workers. On the ocean front, beach cabins and tables indi- cate some influx of vacationers, undoubtedly associated with the all-weather road which assures easy access from the interior. In addition to the recreational function, however, a significant fishery exists. The westernmost navigable segment of the Chiqui- mulilla Canal begins at Sipacate,and this channel provides a favorable brackish habitat for exploitable varieties of fish and shrimp. An estimated fifteen to twenty full-time fishermen together harvest an average of about 200 pounds daily. One enterprising and relatively well-to-do gentle- man in the town owns three transmallos, which are "rented out" to experienced fishermen in the area. With the use of one of these long gill nets, a good catch ranges from 100 to 200 pounds per fishing day. This is divided four 42 ways: one—fourth to the owner of the net and one—fourth to each of the three fishermen needed to manipulate it. Shrimp provide a secondary crop of considerable signifi- cance to Sipacate fishermen. Adult shrimp of good size are caught in the inlet, and the smaller camaroncillo are usually netted by individuals from the shoreline. A man or boy normally casts for five to ten pounds a day, which affords a reasonable daily income at twenty to twenty-five cents per pound. It is estimated that fifty pounds Of shrimp approximates the total daily average. The only processing done in the village relates to the camaroncillo. This small shrimp is generally cooked in brine and then dried to cure and preserve it. The bite- sized crustaceans are eaten as bocas, or snacks, in beer parlors and in the home. El ParedOn El Paredén is perhaps the community most dedicated to, and dependent upon, fishing. Only a small village of 100 to 150 inhabitants, it lives by fishing. The shore of the Chiquimulilla Canal is here lined with cayucos of all sizes, many with small outboard motors. Within the village, additional small motors may be seen, and numerous fish nets provide a practical decor with an aura of fishing. Fifteen to twenty-five men can be considered full-time fishermen, but nearly all the inhabitants fish at least occasionally. 43 The activity is confined almost exclusively to an accessible sector of the Chiquimulilla Canal. Due mainly to the position of E1 ParedOn, on the canal distant from any outlet to the ocean, the fishing is areally more ex- tensive than is true of those sites on the barras. Fewer first-class fish migrate to interior canal sectors, so the bulk of the local catch consists of second-class varieties. Mulet and marine catfish form the basis of subsistence and commercial fishing, while snook and red snapper, the first- class types, are extremely limited. At the time of inves- tigation, in May, 1966, fishing was reported to be poor. An average daily catch with an atarraya averaged ten pounds. During good times the catch might be double or triple this amount per fisherman. In addition to cast nets and the hook and line, there are six gill nets in use along the immediate stretch of canal, which is an indication of an intensive fishing effort. Seasonal variation in catch is minimized by the accessability of the San José market. Produce can be shipped by the canal route to San José in thirty to forty minutes by motorized launch. Hawai, ChapetOn and Las Lisas Each of these sites borders the Chiquimulilla Canal east of San José, and each is maintained chiefly through year-round fishing activities. The navigable canal assures ease of transportation to "break in bulk" points where all- weather roads connect the water route with the interior. 44 Hawai, where an estimated twenty to twenty-five men harvest a daily catch of 100 to 125 pounds, is the most important of the three canal sites. The cayuco count along the shore and the display of numerous fish nets are indica- tive Of the dependence upon fishing. The presence of the highly regarded snook in some quantity is another indica- tion of better fishing. Here, too, are found the only flat-bottomed motorized launches, which assure steady and economical transportation for perishable produce. Chapetén is located adjacent to a barrg or outlet. This is normally a favorable situation but may also have its disadvantages. Immediately prior to the day of inves- tigation, May 19, 1966, the village of twenty to twenty-five houses felt the rath of an angry sea. The ocean Opened a new breach in the sand and washed away a substantial pro- portion of the thatched bamboo houses. Undaunted, and rather fatalistically, the villagers regrouped and rebuilt a little farther down the beach. Fishing here is somewhat more seasonal than at Hawai. All families tend a subsistence plot, or milpg, during the rainy season, when fishing becomes a secondary interest. Nevertheless, ten to fifteen men fish during the entire year. During favorable periods fishermen come from considerable distances and may then exceed thirty in number. Within the village large nets, trasmallos and chin- chorros, hang on stakes in front of every habitation, 45 emphasizing again a heavy dependence upon fishing. The sporadic nature Of small-scale fishing was notable on a day in mid-May. Two cayucos went out during high tide, but arrived back after several hours with nothing to show for the efforts of their occupants. Most of the catch is transported fresh to trans- shipment points on the canal. The presence of several outboard motors in the community indicates significant surplus sales. Often, however, these outboards remain idle for lack of fuel. Only infrequently are they used in fishing voyages. They are used instead for subsequent transportation of the catch. Las Lisas is one of the most attractive seashore villages on the Guatemalan Pacific Coast. Relative ease of access, some overnight facilities, and a fairly level beach have made it a pOpular vacation spot. In addition to its recreational function, the village serves as a fish- ing center. But here, the importance of fishing is on the wane. Fishermen now travel some distance to the bagga, be- cause few fish enter the canal proper. Reports indicate an abundance of fish and shrimp ten years ago, but no ex- planation other than fate is given for this presumed phenom- enon. Most families in the village still depend upon fish for a substantial part of their diet, but surpluses for sale have been curtailed considerably. A specific example of this decline is the recent "bankruptcy" of one of the 46 local fish retailers. This leaves only one person with an hilera that can store fresh fish for several days. Despite these circumstances an estimated twenty to twenty-five per- sons are actively engaged in producing about 100 pounds of fish per day. Table 3 provides summary data for each of the sec- ondary production sites on the Pacific Coast. Table 3.--Secondary production sites on the Pacific Coast: fishermen and productivity. Number of Estimated Daily Yearly Catch Site Fishermen Catch (Pounds) (300 Days, Pounds) San José 75-150 500 150,000 OcOs-Tilapa 40-50 380 114,000 Tulate 20-30 250 75,000 Sipacate 15-20 200 60,000 ParedOn 10-25 125 37,500 Hawai 20-25 125 37,500 ChapetOn 10-15 100 30,000 Las Lisas 20-25 100 30,000 TOTALS 210-340 1,780 534,000 47 Tertiary_Production Centers The remainder of the small fishing villages along the Pacific Coast differ from the secondary centers only in a smaller volume of production and a greater degree of isolation. Due chiefly to isolation, these villages are associated with a part-time fishing activity that centers about the high demand period of Semana Santa. This condi- tion is altered slightly in the small production points bordering the Chiquimulilla Canal. Here, the important limiting factor appears to be a paucity of fish. Produc- tion in most locations, however, could probably be doubled or tripled with a combination of rapid transportation and an efficient exploitation of the waters. A summary of cur- rent production data from tertiary centers is presented in Table 4. It seems apparent that these locations together provide a yearly catch a little under half as large as that of the secondary centers. Development Planning The only intensive and modern commercial venture for fishing the brackish lagoons, or esteros, of the Pacific Coast is still in the planning stages. La Verde farm, lo- cated slightly northwest of Tulate, is the site of a pro- posed shrimp Operation. A number of lakes and an outlet to the sea make this a fine natural area for shrimp and fish, and the farm was formerly a major supplier for the 48 Table 4.--Tertiary production of seafood on the Pacific Coast of Guatemala. Estimated Yearly Catch Number of Daily Catch (200 Days, Site Fishermen (Pounds) Pounds) {El Chico Manchén Champerico Acapan 60-70 400 80,000 Area Ixtan \Chapan La Verde 2-4 40 8,000 Churirin 10-15 100 20,000 Tahuesco 10-20 80 16,000 Chicago 10-15 80 16,000 Nueva Venecia 5—10 80 16,000 El Porvenir 8-10 40 8,000 Huitzizil 4 15 3,000 Las Trosas 2-4 10 2,000 Las Lagunas '8-16 80 16,000 Tecojate-Coyolate 8-10 80 16,000 La Laguna Rama Blanca 4 15 3,000 Iztapa 20-25 80 16,000 Monterrico 12-15 75 15,000 Papaturro 2-4 25 5,000 El Ahumado 5-6 50 10,000 Garita Chapina 4-5 25 5,000 TOTALS 174-237 1,275 255,000 49 local markets. Recently, a number of part-time fishermen have been ejected in order to regulate fishing. If the plan is implemented, a processing plant will be constructed on the farm, and the shrimp will be marketed through the Corufiesa fish store in Guatemala City. The national and Central American markets are professed goals for distribu- tion of this product. A major port is planned for the Pacific Coast. The construction of a still-water sanctuary with adequate un- loading facilities would greatly stimulate the development of an efficient fishing fleet and would yield innumerable other benefits. The site selection for such a port must be evaluated carefully. Economic momentum points to the booming Guatemala City-Escuintla-San José axis, but devel- opment goals might well fix the need closer to Champerico and the rich but underdeveloped Mazatenango region. National needs should dictate the final location. The possible con— struction of another Pacific port associated with a sulfur company in Santa Rosa department15 might offer some addi- tional facilities. 15U.S., Department of Interior, Bureau of Mines, Mineral Trade Notes, Vol. 64, No. 8 (1967), p. 11. CHAPTER III PRODUCTION AND PROCESSING: THE CARIBBEAN AND INLAND WATERS The Caribbean and inland waters are characterized by small-scale fishing efforts. The historical develOpment of both sectors indicates an early concern for fishing, in contrast to the experience on most of the Pacific Coast. The importance of these fisheries, however, has remained largely local. Yet, the potential for exploitation is con- siderable. In this chapter the status of the Caribbean Coast fisheries, the inland lake and river fisheries, and the fish pond program will be analyzed. Caribbean Coast Fisheries The shores of the Caribbean Sea in Guatemala are much less extensive, and physiographically less formidable, than those of the Pacific Ocean. The Bay of Amatique pro- vides relatively calm waters for navigation and numerous refuges for small craft. The waters along the coast are variable in depth but are everywhere sufficiently shallow for favorable fishing conditions. The Caribbean fisheries were therefore the nation's primary source of seafood until the 1960's. A 1952 report by de Buen indicates the greater 50 51 develOpment Of Atlantic fishing,l while Holloway proclaimed in 1953 that "with the possible exception of shark and tuna, the Caribbean offers more favorable possibilities for fish- ing."2 Production figures are even more revealing. The total 1955 harvest of seafood from both oceans was calcu- lated at 208 metric tons, of which the Pacific contributed only twenty tons.3 The peak of production activity (about 400,000 pounds) on the Caribbean Coast was reached in 1962, when thirteen shrimp boats were based at Puerto Barrios. Only one small shrimp boat now Operates in the area, and it is about to be retired. Factors related to this decline in- clude: 1) an extreme range in reliability of the harvest, 2) sharp coral formations and a rough sea floor which play havoc with fishing nets along the limited shoreline of about seventy miles, 3) variable salinity of Amatique Bay, due to the number of rivers emptying into it, which in turn limits lRafael de Buen, "Estudio de la pesca maritima en Guatemala," Monitor del INFOP, Vol. 9,(Guatemala: June, 1952), p. 23. 2Ancil D. Holloway, "Recomendaciones para el desar- rollo de los recursos pesqueros de Guatemala," Monitor del INFOP, Vol. 12,(Guatema1a: January, 1953), p. 46. 3Ramiro Bolanos Yela, Anteproyecto de solicitud de préstamo al Banco Interamericano de Desarrollogpara e1 es- tablecimiento de una plantaypara congelar carne de pescado en la costa del Pacifico, Instituto de Fomento de la Pro- ducci6n, Guatemala, (1961), p. 7. 52 the variety and "clustering" of sea fauna, and, 4) a lack of trained and dedicated personnel. The decline of off-shore fishing does not mean that the present production and distribution of seafood in the area is insignificant. It is in exports that the region has regressed. The small-scale producers in this area still play an important role in providing Guatemala itself with fresh and dried fish. The small-scale methods of catch show little varia- tion throughout the region. Cayucos, or dugout canoes, are used in the open water and only rarely are fitted with small outboard motors. Common equipment includes the simple $27 52319, or hook, the atarraya, or cast net, and the trasmallo, or gill net. Less common are the chinchorro, a long net which is generally manipulated from the shore, the harpoon, and the fish pot or trap. An indication of the minimal ef- ficiency of the above types of gear is given by figures portraying the "average" catch and absolute range for each within the region (Table 5). These figures are the result of interviews with local fishermen and should be viewed as approximations of the yields per unit per day. All methods are subject to the "luck" of the fisher- men, but the harpoon seems to be more dependent upon the skill of the user, and is thus the most efficient gear em- ployed in the area. 53 Table 5.--Caribbean Coast yields of seafood, with small- scale fishing gear. Average Daily Catch Range in Daily Catch Gear (Pounds per Unit) (Pounds per Unit) Hook and Line 2-8 0-20 Fish Trap 6-9 0-30 Cast Net 15-25 0-50 Gill Net 40-60 0-200 Harpoon 50-80 20-300 Three major production zones can be recognized within the Caribbean Coastal region: 1) Puerto Barrios- Punta de Manabique, 2) Livingston, and 3) Rio Dulce-Golfete- Lake Izabal. These areas, shown on Map 3, include approxi- mately 200—250 fishermen and can be subdivided according to the scale of production at individual sites. The Caribbean is currently without a primary site employing large-scale methods of catch, but five secondary centers account for a significant total production. Secondary Production Centers Secondary centers, when considered on a nation-wide basis, include Livingston, Puerto Barrios, and three vil- lages on Lake Izabal. These centers are important producers on the local and regional level and also serve the national market. mam/NS 5Q 54 3:: (inh‘a 8 (0.4.:tuc (J 8 SCI—I303; 44.030 1“! 83.1; ... 0.“ I 9 I ESE”: . 23233 a mmmkzuo ZOFUDOOE x 1., 39.6035... ; .I ,1 r: Arr/r. // If I V.)\ \._ (fr [(n \R. I \ .( Set—in mo L‘s \I. . / .r J... )3. TR. .x/ 55; d . t/ )l ,./. deb /.w ~./.I.).K ‘ ‘lullI.l-I Ga 53356 f . . .I\. . / ,0 /. 9:320: :22... . I /./. / . 92.03538 no 42:... _ mmmkzmo zo_._.o:oomn_ zooocm> I I ooo.m oma.mm I odoummm oom.oea oom.mea oom.mma ooo.mm ooe.me oomeoemum omm mmm.o~m ooo.HeH omm.mmm oom.moe omm.em moaooqa mod mem.mo~ mma.mma mm~.m~ om~.m I ooem oppose oom.amo ooe.eoe.a omm.mmo.a omo.moe ooo.mma eno» zoz mom.am maa.oea omm.mo omo.moa omo.nm flame: “OB muuomxm odm.mma moo.mmo.m moH.HmH.H omm.mam om~.omm No>awo mo mompoz meo.mem meo.mmm omm.eee ooo.emo omo.oma ooflpmosmeo “Eoum muuomxm moma eoma mead «Goa Hooa .Ampcsomv cowumcflpmmp pom upon mp .momHIHomH .RDOmmmOO some mpuooxmuu.o wanes 93 fish catch within the country, this estimate may have to be revised.3 The familiar five-pound cartons are stamped in English, so it can be assumed that the United States market is expected to absorb most of the catch. Shrimp will be the primary item of export, while fish are sold directly at the plant for the local market. Domestic Distribution The patterns of fish distribution within Guatemala are perhaps the least documented segment of the fishing in- dustry. Because of the multitude of small entrepreneurs involved in the transport of fish domestically, it is ex- tremely difficult to make a definitive analysis. The sur- plus of production can only become of value when it is transferred to areas of demand. This movement in Guatemala has thus far originated chiefly in the small-scale secondary and tertiary producing areas. However, the primary produc- tion centers, as described in the chapters on production, are playing an increasingly important role in supplying the domestic market. Pacific Coast The most prolific production zone in the republic should presumably generate the heaviest domestic traffic 3U.S.,Department of Interior, Op. cit., Market News Leaflet 74, (1962), p. 9. 94 in fish, and such is indeed the case. Distribution from the Pacific zone covers most of the heavily populated areas of the country. The large—scale operations at Champerico and Iztapa are again in a class by themselves. Champerico The COPESGUA plant at Champerico has distributed an increasing volume of fish to the national market, as illustrated in Table 10. Table 10.-—Domestic distribution of seafood from COPESGUA, 1961-1965 (pounds). Seafood Type 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 Shrimp 12,012 250,039 195,176 357,362 312,033 Fish 31,585 137,384 237,128 393,119 488,004 Lobster - 16,776 16,428 13,436 6,483 Squid - 1,365 7,973 12,650 - TOTAL 43,597 405,564 456,705 776,567 806,520 Source: COPESGUA, Guatemala City. The associated distributor for COPESGUA within Guatemala is Productios Fresquitos, formerly SILSA. One truck with cooler tanks makes two trips weekly from Cham- perico to Guatemala City. These deliveries have averaged 7,000 to 8,000 pounds of shrimp and fish per week, with fish predominant by weight. The seafood is taken to a 95 central storage building on the southwestern outskirts of Guatemala City, where it is placed in cold storage while awaiting further distribution. The fish, most of it croaker, is distributed in a deheaded form or packaged as filets. Approximately sixty percent is sold as it is brought in, while the remainder is processed into filets. Of the six- teen employees, five are women who filet the fish and package them in clear plastic bags. Distribution from Fresquitos is chiefly within the city, although small quan- tities of seafood are also sent to Escuintla and Antigua. Three panel trucks are used to supply approximately forty- five major outlets in the city, chiefly restaurants, hotels, and supermarkets. The movement of seafood from Champerico includes small quantities of fish not marketed directly by the COPESGUA organization., One retailer in Champerico has been given exclusive rights of marketing COPESGUA-caught seafood on the coast, but his business is in small quantities during most of the year. Only during Holy Week does he do a truly significant business. Much of western Guatemala receives small shipments of fish from the general area of Champerico. The fish are caught in brackish waters paralleling the coast and are brought to the Champerico highway for distribution. Thus, fish may originate in ManchOn, El Chico, Acapén, or Ixtan, yet be considered a product of Champerico by the ultimate 96 buyer. Much of this catch from tertiary production centers is sent via the paved highway to Quezaltenango, with some sales en route at Retalhuleu and Mazatenango. Most of Retalhuleu, Suchitepéquez, and Quezaltenango departments are included in this supply area. Iztapa An internal pattern of distribution had not yet evolved for the new operation at Iztapa by the time of in- vestigation. The entire fish catch was made available at the plant to individual buyers, so no further distributive function was carried out by the Mariscos organization. Initial contacts had been made with several fish stores in Guatemala City, but distribution plans were to remain flex- ible until regular outlets could be established. Secondary and Tertiary Centers The process of distribution from small-scale cen- ters is quite uniform throughout most of the republic. Fishermen seldom engage in the transport of fish beyond the fishing village itself. If buyers are present the transfer may take place directly from the boat. Otherwise, some storage procedure is necessary. If the fish are to be sold fresh, they may be stored in hileras, or coolers, up to four days before being sold to the distributor. If the catch is salted and dried, preservation is extended indefi- nitely and the need for a ready buyer is decreased. The 97 important point is that the initial buyer generally goes to the source of production. He may live in the fishing village itself or may travel some distance to reach the source of production. If the buyer lives in the area he is commonly a relatively well-to-do person and has some ready means of transport at his disposal. In these cases, fish are often collected from the surrounding area to as- sure a full load to the interior. Buyers from the outside are usually persons of lesser wealth. These individuals arrive at the production sites by means of local transporta— tion and purchase from regular suppliers. This arrangement has often been develOped over a period of time, during which mutual confidence has been established, and has been continued as a matter of custom. Small-scale deliveries are accomplished with little ceremony. Fresh fish are packed into wicker baskets or metal tubs, most of which have a capacity of from seventy- five to 100 pounds. Banana leaves or plastic sheets may be placed at the bottom, and the fish are then packed in layers with chopped ice scattered throughout. The fish are roughly sorted by class, but there is little concern for quality control. The use of ice is generally so conserva- tive that even a short trip in the hot sun may convert the :ice to a luke-warm puddle of water by the journey's end. Prices paid at the source average ten cents per pnound for second-class and fifteen cents for first-class 98 fish. The catch from the brackish areas along the Pacific Coast seems predominantly second-class varieties, so in cer- tain areas any fish weighing over one pound each gains the first-class price. Prices generally rise five cents per pound during the high demand period of Holy Week. Dried fish receive even less careful handling than the readily perishable fresh fish. Piles of grayish, rather unsavory looking and ill-smelling fish are tied and then wrapped with leaves or a large cloth. The quantities trans- ported per load may range up to several hundred pounds, but loads of fifty to one hundred pounds are more common. One hundredweight of fish brings no more than $15 during most of the year, but the price soars to $30 for second-class varieties and $60 for first-class fish during the Holy Week marketing period. Another phenomenon peculiar to the Lenten season is a migration of residents from highland communities to the coast to catch fish to supplement both diet and income. The extent of this practice is not known but is assumed to be small. Documentation is limited to one source, and to one town northwest of Quezaltenango. "Many of the inhabi- tants of Cajola travel to the Pacific Coast during the closing weeks of March and the first few weeks of April to obtain fish, which are dried on the coast and transported back to the highlands and sold in the market."4 4John G. Hehr, Charcoal: Its Multifarious Effect in a Rural Guatemalan Community, thesis, Western Michigan Uni- versity (1967), p. 56. 99 Transportation efficiency from the producing sites is quite disparate. Normal modes are by bus, open-bed truck and private vehicles, while in some areas horses and bicycles may be used. The bus is the most common carrier, with fresh or dried fish piled on top and transported for a small fee. Long-distance bus lines may have regulations prohibiting the transport of fish in any form because of the objectionable Odor. This in itself suggests a lack of freshness at the beginning of the journey. Open trucks may operate on indefinite schedules, yet provide an alter- native outlet for areas that cannot support adequate bus service. Transportation by horse is significant in isolated areas during the rainy season. Trade with such areas may be limited entirely to this slow method of transport during two to six months of the year. Bicycles are used in the fish trade only where substantial populations are located adjacent to producing zones and within urbanized areas. This condition exists primarily on the Pacific Coast only where cotton fincas use a seasonal labor force which pro- vides a nearby market for fish during part of the year. A rough pattern of marketing from the Pacific Coast can be sketched as follows: 1) the coastal zones where fish are readily available, 2) a gap in distribution between the immediate coast and the piedmont, 3) a string of market towns on the piedmont along the Pacific Coastal Highway, and 4) the larger population centers of the highlands. 100 Along the coast itself there is very little lateral movement of marine produce. Villages fronting the ocean are generally self-sufficient in seafoods. Thus, except for a minor flow to collecting points along the shore, the distribution pattern is at right angles to the coast, fol- lowing the dominant road pattern. Distribution from the coast is chiefly to major centers of population. Most cities in Guatemala are lo- cated in the interior of the country, leaving a population gap in the lower coastal plain. Thus, the volume of fish distributed does not increase gradually in relation to dis- tance from the coast but abruptly in relation to urban population densities, both on the piedmont and in the highlands. The destination of most fish and seafood for the domestic market is Guatemala City. The capital also serves as a redistribution point for much of the highland area, and particularly so for dried fish products. For example, much of the dried fish arriving in Quezaltenango has been shipped via Guatemala City. Likewise, smaller quantities are bought in the Quezaltenango market for redistribution to local markets in the western highlands. Fresh fish, on the other hand, are generally shipped directly to individual markets. This trade is in small quantities to meet the im- mediate demand of the smaller urban centers. 101 Océs-Tilapa.--This site is somewhat of an anomaly among the fishing villages, since Océs is served by both road and railroad. As previously noted, only the railroad provides a year-round connection with the interior. During the dry summer period fish are shipped three times per week by bus, chiefly to Coatepeque, San Pedro Sacatepéquez, and Quezaltenango, and occasionally to Guatemala City. Al- though the road is in poor condition a shipment reaches Coatepeque in 1—1/2 hours, whereas the same trip requires about three hours by train. When the road is impassable because of winter rains, the thrice weekly train is used to transport the bundled fish. Thus, by one means or the other, fish are sent out at least three times weekly throughout the year. Within Océs itself fishermen sell their catch to owners of hileras, or coolers, who in turn sell to buyers from other communities or handle the subsequent distribu- tion themselves. If the distribution from OcOs is attempted by the six or seven hilera owners themselves, outside mar- keting contacts must be maintained. Therefore, the majority prefer to deal with buyers arriving from the outside. In addition to the trade in fresh fish, a thriving business is done in smoked fish (including garfish) during the Holy Week period. The trade area of OcOs includes much of southwestern Guatemala. Fresh fish from OcOs are directed first to Tecfin 102 Uman, where approximately 100 pounds are marketed weekly. The bulk of the catch, however, continues by rail or high- way to Coatepeque or Malacatén. From these larger centers limited quantities may be redistributed to highland commun- ities. The smoked fish attain a wider distribution. These "delicacies" are especially conspicuous in the markets of Quezaltenango and environs. Tulate.--A good all-weather road connects Tulate with La Maquina agricultural colony and the Pacific Coastal Highway farther inland. At least five scheduled buses leave Tulate daily, assuring adequate transportation facil- ities. Three regular buyers use the bus lines to transport fish, chiefly to Tiquisate and Mazatenango. In addition, fish are distributed to La Méquina on bicycles by at least five enterprising individuals. The bicyclists haul an average of fifty pounds per trip and sell on a house-to- house basis. One female seller delivers small quantities to the agricultural colony but takes larger amounts, one hundred pounds or more, to the Mazatenango market. This practice of delivering larger-than-normal quantities longer distances to more attractive markets is commonly encountered along the seaboard. ParedOn.--The village of ParedOn has a seasonal road connection with Sipacate and a year-round water route to San José. Considerable quantities of fish are distributed to cotton farms by a pick-up truck when the harvest is in 103 progress. At that time 300 to 400 pounds may be sold weekly. During most of the year, however, the road is little used and the more important distribution route is the Chiquimulilla Canal. At least two distributors make weekly trips east on the canal by motorized launch to San José, with several hundred pounds of fish on each voyage. There the fish are sold for distribution to the nearby re- gional markets and Guatemala City. San José.--The port of San José serves as a collec- tion and distribution center for a significant segment of the Chiquimulilla Canal. Fish are collected from the west as far as ParedOn, and from the east to Iztapa. In San José a small unloading zone with an adjacent covered market serves as the collecting point for fish and other produce to be sent to the interior. Regular buyers await the loads of incoming fish, most of which come from ParedOn. Several semi-permanent hileras are stationed in the market area and are kept stocked with ice. The three or four major buyers take their fish to the Guatemala City market and can afford to be selective when purchasing. Snook, snapper and shrimp are preferred, and the second-class fish are often left for the smaller distributors. Three to four hundred pounds of fish and fifty to 100 pounds of shrimp are transported in ice on a weekly or bi-weekly basis by each "volume" buyer. Once in the capital city, the fish are resold to established vendors in the market place. Thus, several middlemen are 104 involved and the prices reflect it! In the city markets the price per pound is at least ten cents higher than that at the point of production. nggi.--Fish from the attractive little village of Hawai, on the Chiquimulilla Canal, are taken regularly by the canal route to the collection point, La Avellana. Motorized launches from the village transport fish and other produce such as coconuts, to the outside three times a week. An average of 500 to 600 pounds of fish is trans- ported weekly by the one launch Operating on a regular schedule. Several others haul fish periodically but with- out fixed schedules. The fish are iced before the half—hour trip, and upon arrival some additional ice may be added. Buses leave La Avellana three times daily and transport most of the production to Guatemala City, with stops en route at Taxisco and Escuintla. The launches, meanwhile, return to Hawai with 600 to 800 pounds of ice and various consumer goods for the community. E1 Ahumado.--The small canal village of El Ahumado has problems of distribution that are typical of those in many other tertiary centers. Intermittent fishing is done throughout the year, but the major activity is concentrated prior to the Lenten season when nearly all of the catch is shipped to the Guatemala City market. During this peak season 500 to 600 pounds of fish are transported weekly, and the local distributor must compete in the cut—throat 105 city market for his sales. Another problem is that of ob- taining sufficient ice for the catch,with the result that approximately forty percent of the annual fish catch must be salted and dried. The development of markets in nearby urban centers would help to solve both the marketing and preservation problems, but lower prices must also be estab— lished through more efficient operation. Garita Chapina.-—The village of Garita Chapina is located in an isolated coastal area east of the Chiquimu- lilla Canal and maintains closer commercial ties with El Salvador than with Guatemala. No all-weather road reaches the ocean at this point, and therefore local produce is carried along the beach into El Salvador. Fish caught in the small interior lakes of the region, as well as from the brackish lagoons near-by, also follow this pattern. Established trade routes lead especially to Sonsonate, El Salvador, which offers a nearer and more profitable market than do the closest Guatemalan cities. This trade, however, is entirely in smoked or sun-dried fish, since the journey is slow and destructive of fish quality. The Caribbean Coast The distribution pattern of the Caribbean fisheries focuses upon two trade routes. One of these, composed of the railroad and the paved Atlantic Highway, connects Gua- temala City with Puerto Barrios and carries most of the 106 commercial fish produced in the zone. The other originates at El Estor, on the northwest shore of Lake Izabal, and also leads to Guatemala City. Livingston The regularity and quality of seafood distribution from Livingston surpasses all but that from the two primary centers on the Pacific Coast. Preservation of fresh fish is greatly facilitated by the availability of block ice, which is made in the town. Even with this advantage, how- ever, the catch must still be transported shortly after it is caught, irrespective of prevailing market conditions for fresh fish. The significance of the lack of freezing facil- ities in relation to the distribution and marketing phases can hardly be exaggerated. Distribution has been influenced considerably by the formation of a fishing COOperative at Livingston. The twenty fishermen involved in the organization act collec- tively to distribute their catch. Under present marketing conditions, only the first-class species are selected for crating and shipment to Puerto Barrios, and an average of four or five crates, each containing 150 to 200 pounds of snook and snapper, are transported weekly by the co-op. Once at Puerto Barrios, after a boat trip of 1-1/4 hours, the crates are transferred to railway cars for the trip to Guatemala City. Fish that arrive at the port in the early 107 morning hours are normally received in Guatemala City the same evening or at the latest the following morning. Thus, the fish have generally been in ice for l-l/Z days before being sold or frozen. Finding an outlet in Guatemala City was the main obstacle for the cooperative at the beginning of its Operations, but now the COPESGUA-Mariscos Fresquitos distribution agency absorbs all the first-class fish that can be supplied. Fish from Livingston currently provide two to five percent of the fish distributed by this firm to the Guatemala City market. Aside from the cooperative's activities, five or six individual buyers purchase directly from Livingston fishermen and transport the fish themselves. Their sales are oriented toward the Puerto Barrios hotel trade and ex- tend to the United Fruit Company Operations in Bananera. These distributors naturally oppose the cooperative, and this situation has lead to minor price wars. "Normal" prices for first-class fish range from thirteen to fifteen cents per pound on site, but immediately rise by at least ten cents per pound when the fish reach Puerto Barrios. Dried fish are greatly exceeded by fresh varieties in volume of shipment from Livingston, yet the trade is not insignificant. The dried fish are distributed widely along the main highway to Guatemala City, and a major part is destined for the city market itself. From the central market in the capital, Livingston fish may be redistributed in small quantities throughout the republic. 108 Puerto Barrios Puerto Barrios serves as the center from which most of the Caribbean fish catch is distributed. Highway and railroad lines connect this seaport with interior popula- tion centers, and the truck and train provide the dominant modes of transportation for shipments of fish. On short trips local buses may also serve as carriers, but for long trips, such as to Guatemala City, the distance and heat combine to make the odor of fish Objectionable to passen- gers. Therefore, most bus companies prohibit the transporta- tion of either fresh or dried fish. In so doing they considerably limit the potential number of seafood buyers and distributors since buses are the most convenient and quickest means of delivery. Most large consignments are packed on the train and arrive in the capital city after a twelve to fourteen hour journey. Practically the entire harvest of fresh, first-class fish is sent directly to the Guatemala City market, where prices are favorable enough to pay for the transportation and still allow a good profit. Intra-departmental trade on the other hand is limited chiefly to small transactions in second-class fish. Dried varieties receive a wide distri- bution because of their relative imperishability and ease of transportation, but also are primarily directed toward Guatemala City. There they may be redistributed, in part, to the various regional centers. 109 A semi-isolated segment of the lower Rio Motagua lies slightly south of Puerto Barrios. Here, the exten- sive range of marketing dried fish is perhaps best illus- trated. A buyer-distributor from Quezaltenango, among others, journeys to the mouth of the Motagua twice a month and carries away an average of 3,000 pounds of dried fish on each trip. These fish, chiefly catfish, are trans- shipped at least ten times before arriving in Quezaltenango. There, about half of the cargo is left to be sold in the central market, while the remainder is transported to mar— kets in small towns of the surrounding area. Mariscos The village of Mariscos is one of two collecting and shipping points for Lake Izabal fish. Fishermen of nearby lakeshore communities usually dry their small sur- pluses and transport them in dugout canoes to Mariscos whenever the quantity warrants a journey. Fresh fish sel- dom enter into this trade, since it is only when over one hundred pounds are accumulated that it is profitable to transport the fish any distance. Thus, the producing sites must have access to good fishing grounds and a supply of ice if fresh fish are to be sold. Only two villages qualify in this regard, Mariscos itself and San Felipe. Even in San Felipe more fish are salted and dried than are shipped fresh, but at least one buyer is attempting to distribute 110 a fresh product from the zone. Ice is transported from Mariscos to stock a cooler in San Felipe, but problems arise in keeping sufficient ice and in gathering adequate volumes of first-class fish. Both the fresh and dried catch are carried by motorized launch across the lake to Mariscos on a weekly basis, but this procedure will prob— ably soon change with the completion of a direct highway connection to San Felipe from the existing Atlantic High— way near Morales. An unpaved road of poor quality connects Mariscos with the Atlantic Highway. Three daily buses are scheduled, and a private pick-up truck is also used to transport the fish from Mariscos on this route. Local distributors, as well as buyers from Morales and Bananera, serve the imme- diate areaalong the highway but only occasionally visit the Guatemala City market. El Estor Unlike the situation at Mariscos, the fish trans- ported from El Estor are caught chiefly within a limited distance of the town. One buyer accumulates most of the first-class fish and transports this catch personally to the Guatemala City market, where it is distributed among various sellers. Reportedly, he makes the trip once or twice weekly, with 1,000 to 2,000 pounds of fish on each trip. A pick-up truck is used for the day-long drive to 111 Guatemala City and the fish are packed in ice to withstand the trip. Formerly, the Cobén market was also served with about one hundred pounds of fish weekly, but this minor' trade has been discontinued. Some local trade in fish is carried by buses leaving El Estor twice daily, but any sig- nificant movement is limited to the high demand period surrounding Holy Week. Inland Lakes Fish from interior lakes reach a surprisingly ex- tensive area. However, this movement is usually in small quantities to markets of limited local or regional impor- tance. The only lakes from which fish are distributed to Guatemala City are Izabal, Atitlan, and Amatitlén. Lakes Atescatempa and Gfiija are the other fresh-water lakes serv- ing extensive market areas. First-class fish species are found only in Lake Izabal, for which the distribution pat— terns have been discussed above, while small Central Ameri- can and introduced species are found in the other lakes. The latter fish are distinctive in appearance and therefore relatively easy to trace in the market place. The distri- bution patterns from the various lakes are not complex, but their extent and importance do vary considerably. Lake Atitlén Distribution patterns from Lake Atitlan are still in a state of flux. Established trade routes of ten years 112 ago have been severely disrupted with the decline of the native fish population, as discussed in Chapter 3. For- merly extensive distribution of a tiny dried fish, pepesca, has been replaced by a less widespread and smaller trade in fresh fish. Though in limited quantities, fish from this lake reach the large Guatemala City and Quezaltenango mar- kets and are even found in a few Pacific piedmont towns. Only two of the lake—shore villages, Santiago Ati- tlan and Santa Catarina PalopO, are major producers of fish, and only Santiago Atitlén supplies the distant markets. From Santa Catarina, fish are transported by boat or road to Panajachel. There, they may be distributed on a house- to-house basis or may be shipped about five miles to the 801016 market. Every three or four days fishermen at San- tiago Atitlan pool the fresh catch that is not sold in the local market place, pack it in ice, and send it by bus or truck to Guatemala City and intermediate points. Three distribution routes may be used: 1) by water to Panajachel on the northern lake-shore, from which point buses carry the fish to Quezaltenango and Guatemala City, 2) by road, skirting the southern and eastern shores of the lake until meeting the paved highway to Guatemala City, or 3) by a seasonal road leading south and joining the Pacific Coastal Highway at San Antonio Suchitepéquez. The trip entirely by road to Guatemala City is the one favored in terms of volume carried to market. 113 Lake Amatitlén Fish distribution from Lake Amatitlén occurs in small lots but reaches an extensive and populous area. Since fishing is done with hook and line, individual buyer- distributors must collect the fresh catch of at least several fishermen in order to make a profitable trip. A good transportation network surrounds the lake, so distri- bution to Escuintla, Guatemala City, and Antigua, the largest consuming sites, is easily achieved. As is true from the larger lakes, more fresh then dried fish are dis- tributed, although small amounts of the latter are also involved. Lake Atescatempa The area supplied from Lake Atescatempa includes much of the eastern highlands. Distribution follows the Inter-American Highway west from the Salvadorian border to Jutiapa and branches north from there to Jalapa. To the east some fish enter El Salvador and probably reach at least to Santa Ana. Fishermen also line the highway skirt- ing the lake and sell to individual motorists going in either direction. All of this distribution is in very small quantities, probably not exceeding thirty to forty pounds per distributor for any one shipment. Strings of fish are often sent by bus to nearby markets without any cooling or icing, since transportation is so rapid and readily available. 114 Thus, most of the fish are shipped fresh, although small amounts are dried for later sale. Lake Gfiija Fish from Lake Gfiija sell in competition with those of AteScatempa in the east-central department of Jutiapa but are also distributed to parts of Jalapa and Chiquimula departments where other fish seldom reach. Transportation to the west is by a seasonal road leading to the Inter- American Highway. Thus, during the rainy season the horse is the principal carrier. Transportation north by the Guatemalan-Salvadorian railroad is year-round, and fish are hauled as far as Chiquimula. Chiquimula and Ipala are the leading markets of the area, and here the fresh fish distribution terminates. Dried varieties are transshipped to many of the smaller regional markets by bus. The Distribution Pattern Distribution patterns for seafood have a two-fold division, the export trade and that directed to the domes- tic market. Shrimp from the commercial fishing ports of Champerico and Iztapa are destined chiefly for the United States. The shrimp are carefully packaged and frozen, then transported by refrigerated trailer truck to Matias de Galvez on the Caribbean or shipped directly from the Pacific roadsteads. About eighty-five percent of the shrimp caught,plus most of the lobster and squid, are exported. 115 Domestic distribution is generally on a smaller scale, with much less concern for quality. Exceptions to this rule are again the commercial firms at Champerico and Iztapa, which package some shrimp and freeze their entire secondary fish catch for the Guatemala City market. The other fishing villages sell their entire surplus domes- tically. The Pacific coast supplies perhaps three-fourths of the total domestic trade, while the remaining one-fourth is divided between the Caribbean coastal fisheries and those on the inland lakes. The domestic trade involves both fresh and dried fish. Distribution of fresh fish is limited mainly to those villages with rapid and reliable means of transportation. The fresh product is usually distributed in small quanti- ties, except that destined for the Guatemala City market, which generally receives shipments exceeding 100 pounds. The distribution of fresh fish is increasing relative to dried varieties as transportation and storage facilities improve. Dried fish are sold throughout the country. Even the most remote village is likely to receive small amounts of dried sardines, because of their relative imperishability and lack of bulk. Much of the dried fish is shipped to the Guatemala City market, or to other large regional centers, and is then transshipped throughout the republic. The catch is shipped by individual distributors on the available public transportation. Buses are the most 116 common carrier, but are seldom used for long-distance hauls in the warm coastal areas because of the odor. The trade is oriented toward municipal markets for the most part, and the largest population centers attract the greatest volume. CHAPTER V MARKETING AND CONSUMPTION The marketing and consumption phases of Guatemalan fisheries provide the closest links to the family dinner table. It has been noted that relatively small amounts of seafood actually enter the domestic trade, and some of the factors bearing upon this situation have been discussed in the previous chapters. Bottlenecks restricting the indus- try are also found in the market place, however, and in consumer buying patterns. A circular relationship between production and consumption is often cited to partially ex- plain" low levels of trade in seafood. The exploitation of any resource is directly related to the demand for that product. With a low level of demand, the immediate incen- tive for increased production is lacking. A limited sea- food market leads to restricted capital investment in fishing equipment, and these factors result in an underde- veloped fishing industry. Potential consumers thus remain unaware of the product or are unable to afford its purchase. This "vicious circle" is beingbreached in Guatemala largely as a result of the foreign demand for shrimp. Com- Inercial seafood exploitation centered initially upon shrimp 117 118 for numerous reasons, the most important of which were at- tractive prices and a ready world market. H. R. Padgett has listed a number of additional factors which emphasize the appeal of shrimping to a developing nation: 1) the mass capture of shrimp is relatively easy, 2) the edible part of the shrimp is large in relation to total weight, 3) only a low level of processing is required, and mechani- cal equipment is available and simple, 4) the marketing of shrimp is possible in canned, frozen, or fresh forms, and 5) shrimp reach commercial size the same year they are spawned.l As a high-value product, shrimp has been pro- duced in Guatemala primarily for export, but spin-off ef- fects from this industry are also greatly influencing the domestic scene. The Export Market Guatemala depends almost exclusively upon the United States as the external market for shrimp. Demand for this crustacean has increased steadily in the stateside market. In the last three decades consumption has quintupled, grow- ing from 60,240,000 pounds in 1931 to 317,588,000 pounds in 1963. The United States imported only 1.8 percent of its needs in 1931, but this figure had risen to 52.8 percent by 1H. R. Padgett, "The Sea Fisheries of the Southern United States," The Geographical Review, Vol. 53, No. l (1963), p. 36. 119 1963.2 The Guatemalan share of these imports averaged about one percent of the total during the four-year period 1963- 1966. Thus, little leverage for higher prices can be exerted from Guatemala, but any increased production could be easily marketed. Shrimp from Guatemalan waters command good prices in the United States market. Pricing is based upon whole- sale buying figures of dealers in the New York metropolitan area, and quotations are published and distributed weekly in the so-called "Green Sheet." Specific entries for shrimp from Guatemala are included in the sheet and are listed by type and size. Prices vary slightly according to the season. A sample quotation from the listing indicates something of the value of the exports. Table ll.--Frozen shrimp buying prices of wholesale dealers in the New York market, June 14, 1967. Size Price Shrimp Type (No. per Pound) (Per Pound) White under 10 $1.50 White under 15 1.37 White 21 to 25 1.25 Brown under 15 1.35 Brown 21 to 25 1.23 Brown 31 to 35 1.00 Source: Daily Market News Service, Fishery Products Report, June 14, 1967. 2Costa Rica, Banco Central De Costa Rica, Programa pesquerozggprimera parte, (Costa Rica: 1965), (Appendix), Table 8. ‘l 120 It should be noted that prices are in relation to size, the larger shrimp commanding a more favorable price. White shrimp are the preferred type and are also generally larger than the others. Quoted prices may vary slightly from the list price, according to port of entry. Exporting procedures are similar for both the Guate- malan exporters, COPESGUA and Mariscos de Guatemala. At least two marketing arrangements are Open to these firms: 1) shrimp may be shipped at the company's expense to a United States port, where all unspoiled shrimp receive the list price at the time of delivery, or 2) the shrimp can be purchased by a U.S. buyer at the Guatemalan port. The shrimp price there is less than that quoted in the Green Sheet, but the buyer is then responsible for transportation charges. Frozen shrimp are shipped chiefly by "fishy-back" ferry from Matias de Galvez to Miami. From this point the marketing is in the hands of United States wholesalers. The Domestic Market Marketing and consumption of seafood within Guate- mala can be described as weak but develOping. Low levels of consumption, under one pound per capita annually, are especially serious. Illustrative of this point are the dietary habits of the Guatemalan Indians: "The average Indian workingman eats two pounds of corn daily in the form of tortillas, tamales, and atole (gruel). By weight, corn 121 constitutes about 75 to 85 percent of his diet; the remainder consists of beans, sugar, chili peppers, coffee, salt, a few garden vegetables, wild herbs, and occasionally a little meat."3 It is likely that some fish enter the diet, if only during Holy Week. Despite the over-all pattern of under- development, an expanding use of seafood seems to be taking place. Familiarity with fresh fish is increasing, while the wide-spread sale of dried fish varieties assures a steady, if small-quantity, market. In addition to the con- sumption of domestic seafood, canned and dried fish have been traditional imports. These products attain greatest use during the Lenten season. Protein consumption has been chiefly a matter of individual preference or habit, as determined by purchasing power and tradition. The influence of government planning has not yet been effective in increasing the availability and use of fish protein. Indeed, to "plan" diet improve— ment on a national scale is extremely difficult. It has become abundantly clear that it is extremely difficult to change fixed food habits. Market re— search and feasibility studies must give proper atten- tion both to family income and to existing habits and taboos. It has been demonstrated that dietary customs gag be changed. . . . but success in any such under- taking requires time and a carefully prepared program of consumer education. In summary, any program to remedy malnutrition which involves changing traditional 3E. C. Higbee, "The Agricultural Regions of Guate- mala," The Geographical Review, Vol. 37, No. 2 (1947), p. 181. 122 food habits is highly likely to be ineffective in the short-run and even a long range plan must be carefully programmed for the specific local situation. Seafood under present conditions is, without doubt, low on the list of food preferences in Guatemala. Knowledge of the relationship between income and food habits that de- termines this status would be useful in the planning process. However, the variables are many and complex. Negative habits revolve chiefly around the obvious unfamiliarity with, and distrust of, fresh seafood. It is a conclusion of this study, however, that considerable increase in fish consump— tion could be obtained by lowering retail prices. This would be the most direct way to confront the negative consumption pattern, although this approach alone might not provide a panacea. Some agreement with the monetary approach to in- creasing consumption is found in the literature: "They seem to eat fish . . . the small and salted ones . . . . The need is to reduce costs, so that ten to twenty cents can provide enough for a family."5 "The use of fish in quan- tity probably depends partly on taste, but chiefly on 6 wealth." An even more specific corroborative statement 4U.S., President's Science Advisory Committee, The World Food Problem-Volume I, (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 17. 5Lin, op. cit., (1963), p. 32. 6Sol Tax, Pennnyapitalism, A Guatemalan Indian Economy, Smithsonian Institution, Institution of Social An- thropology, Publication No. 16, (Washington, D.C.: Govern— ment Printing Office, 1953), p. 172. 123 concerns the Salvadorian fisheries: "It is the better en- dowed economic classes and the fishermen who account for most of the consumption of fisheries products. Other groups, chiefly urban, regard fish and crustaceans as luxuries; ordering or serving them mainly during religious and other festive occasions."7 A Venezuelan example illustrates what may be done to influence dietary habits: When the first of the present dairy organizations at- tempted to sell cartons of pasteurized milk in Caracas, they found few buyers. Milk was not among the major items in the Venezuelan diet. Again foreign influ- ences, for the most part, brought rapid change. The companies proceeded to give away their entire produc- tion for a few weeks, and the consumption of milk increased enormously. Today, in any of the larger urban communities of Venezuela, fresh milk is one of the most widely consumed food items.8 The domestic retailing of seafood occurs chiefly in public markets. Of 117 towns with urban populations ex— ceeding 2,000 people (1964 Census), ninety-four were observed personally, while secondary sources provided information on other communities (See Appendix B). General patterns of mar- keting and consumption of fish thus became apparent. It is not surprising that large urban agglomerations generate the most sales, while small towns draw only an occasional tra- veling merchant. 7Thompson, op. cit., p. 437. 8Minkel, Clarence W., The Industrial Development of the Basin of Valencia, Venezuela, Dissertation (Syracuse University: May,’1960), pp. 166-167. 124 Guatemala City_ Guatemala City's 577,100 inhabitants comprise less than 15 percent of the total population of Guatemala, but consume thirty to forty percent of the domestically distri- buted fish catch. This dominance is quite recent and re- flects the improved accessibility to both coasts attained since World War II. A high proportion of the fresh or frozen fish are retailed in the city, while dried fish sales may be greater outside of the capital. The predomi— nance of fresh fish is due, in part, to availability of modern storage facilities, plus a more "SOphisticated" consumer in the big city. The system for marketing seafood has grown with the city. Municipal open markets continue to provide the food needs of most city dwellers, but establishment of ad- ditional sources, such as supermarkets and seafood stores, has broadened the sales base. The Municipal Markets The greatest volume of seafood sales in Guatemala City occurs in the municipal markets. These open markets have traditionally provided the widest selection of con- sumer goods at the lowest prices, and this remains essen- tially the case today. Fisheries products are a small part of the total sales of merchandise, yet it is here that most consumers come in contact with this food. 125 Guatemala City has fourteen municipal markets. The service area for each of these varies considerably, ranging from small neighborhoods to essentially the entire city. Likewise, the demand for individual commodities in different markets has a wide variance. Two or three markets have by far the greatest volume of fish sales, while the remaining centers have little or none. The major markets for seafood, as well as in total sales, are the Central and Terminal Markets. These two mercados also best exemplify a special- ization in source of fish supply. The majority of Caribbean fish are distributed from the Central Market, while the chief outlet for Pacific and fresh—water species is the Terminal Market. Each market seems to have one chief supply area, although numerous minor production sites may be rep- resented. This distribution pattern appears to be the result of a slow evolution. Distributors from particular production centers were able to stake out claims in market Centers, and these connections have remained relativelyr stable. The working relationship between distributor and retailer has also developed over considerable time. Many of the established retailers once participated as direct buyers and retailers, and some even began as fishermen, but eventually graduated to a fixed sales position in the capi- tal. Most have been involved in the business for at least ten years, and thus their contacts have had time to mature. 126 These retailers seem to have a firm allegiance to their steady suppliers, who in turn attempt to maintain their regular outlets above all else. In this manner a mutual confidence is reached, although some of the ground rules might change with new competitive conditions. Not all sellers depend upon distributors, however, some retaining a dual role as distributor and retailer. The majority are small-volume operators who may bring in for sale a basket of twenty-five to fifty pounds of fish once or twice a week. Such operators are the most characteristic among fish vendors within the city and throughout the republic. Retailing space for seafood within the markets is generally limited and the facilities rudimentary. Perma- nent stalls or simple cleared areas are rented to each retailer, and fees are assessed by the municipality accord- ing to the type and size of each "store." The fixed stalls are generally located in the meat section of the market, where they are greatly outnumbered by beef and pork stands. These stalls are in the preferred locations, however, and are generally rented on a monthly or annual basis by the established retailers. The occasional seller must be con- tent with a moveable stand, or simply a place to squat and display his wares, for which he pays a correspondingly lower daily rental fee. Little care is taken in the display and storage of the product. The fish and other seafoods are offered in 127 Open baskets and may be partially covered with chopped ice. No mechanical refrigeration is used, but the larger dealers usually have a wooden cooler, or hilera, which is kept stocked with ice. Fish may be kept two or three days, which, when added to the distribution time, does little to preserve the quality. A customer may choose the entire fish or a smaller portion of his liking, filets and cross-sectional slices being the favored cuts. Snook and red snapper re- main the preferred species, although a greater acceptance of new fish types is develOping among the consumers. The fish is selected, after a check of the gills for relative freshness. It is then scaled with a wire brush, cut on a chOpping block, and neatly wrapped in newspaper. Present pricing is unfavorable for volume sales. The cheaper cuts of beef are directly competitive in most locations and have a greater consumer demand. Only the middle and upper classes can afford enough fish for a com- plete meal. Even so, most of them buy no more than one pound, which is perhaps used to season a soup. Fish heads are a popular and relatively cheap item for this purpose. Use of good quality fish as the basis for a meal is still relatively rare. Table 12 indicates the estimated sales volumes with- in selected Guatemala City markets. The numbers and values present a very generalized picture, however, since they are based upon observations made only during a certain period of the year and during a certain time of the day. 128 Table 12.--Estimated fresh seafood sales in selected munici- pal markets of Guatemala City. Weekly Annual Number of Sales Sales Market Retailers (Pounds) (Pounds) Source of Seafood Central 6-10 500 25,000 Livingston Atitlan San José Terminal 20-25 750 37,500 Iztapa Amatitlén Atitlan San José Marti 6-10 150 7,500 Livingston Iztapa Amtitlén Mercado #2 8-10 200 10,000 San José Livingston Ocoé Atitlén Mercado #3 4-6 100 5,000 Puerto Barrios San José El Presidente 3-5 150 7,500 San José Atitlan TOTAL 47-66 1,850 92,500 Private Markets Most seafood sold through retail outlets other than municipal markets in the city is supplied directly or in— directly by the two fishing concerns, COPESGUA and Mariscos de Guatemala. Only the former has its own distributing agency, Productos Fresquitos, while the latter depends upon individual buyer-distributors. The Corufiesa seafood store 129 is also a major retailer-distributor, but much of the sea- food it sells is obtained from Productos Fresquitos. Super- markets, stores, and restaurants are the chief recipients from these sources and, in turn, are major retailers in the city. Productos Fresquitos.-—The Productos Fresquitos company, a COPESGUA affiliate, obtains approximately 95 to 98 percent of its seafood from Champerico. Of the total, fish comprise seventy-five percent by weight, while the re- mainder is chiefly shrimp. The supply is received in a frozen state, for the most part, and may be redistributed immediately or placed in cold storage for sale during peri- ods of low production or high demand. Sales by this wholesale concern are made to retailers and others throughout the city. At least forty-five steady customers are served, including fish stores, supermarkets, restaurants, and hotels. An average monthly sale of 60,000 to 70,000 pounds of fish and shrimp has been reached, in- cluding both unprocessed and packaged goods. The packaged products are sold primarily to supermarkets and restaurants, while seafood stores often buy only the whole frozen fish. Daily deliveries are made from the storage site, since no direct retail outlet is associated with the operation. Corufiesa.--The two retail outlets associated with Corufiesa have a slightly international source of supply. Seafood sold here is chiefly from the national Pacific 130 Coast fisheries, but perhaps ten percent by weight is trucked from La Uni6n, El Salvador. Importing fresh fish is apparently advantageous, because of considerably lower purchase prices in El Salvador. The Salvadorian product may be obtained for as little as five cents per pound, for example, as Opposed to about sixteen cents in Guatemala. The owner of Corufiesa also imports small quantities of lob- ster from his cay off the coast of British Honduras. Monthly sales total $7,000 to $9,000 on an average of 15,000 to 20,000 pounds of fish and 4,000 to 5,000 pounds of shrimp handled. Sales to individual consumers account for less than half of the total. Stores, restaurants, and various institutions make the bulk purchases. The owner, being of Spanish origin, has a natural advantage in selling to the eight to ten Spanish-owned restaurants in Guatemala City, yet these sales are small in comparison with those made to institutions such as the Casa de los Nifios orphan- age and the National Army. Preservation and processing procedures are under- taken as part of the business. Each of the two Corufiesa outlets has several home freezers, while the main store boasts a cold storage room where considerable quantities may be preserved. Fresh fish are not only sold whole, but in a processed form. On major delivery days twenty people may be occupied in the back of the store preparing filets; ten women in a morning shift and ten military personnel in 131 the afternoon. Regular filets are sliced and bagged, small quantities of shrimp and filets are breaded, and some 9223: £32! or chopped seafood, is packaged for sale. Table 13 illustrates the expensive nature of sea- food. Beef prices at the same time ranged from about forty—five cents per pound for the cheaper cuts to eighty- five or ninety cents for the most expensive ones. The competitive position for fish, therefore, cannot be con- sidered good. Table l3.--Selected Corufiesa seafood prices, June 11, 1966. Price Price Item (Per Pound) Item (Per Pound) Giant Shrimp $1.10 Snook Steaks $0.50 Medium Shrimp 0.75 Snook, Entire 0.45 "Extra" Filets 0.65 Squid 0.45 Corufiesa Filets 0.60 Sole 0.20 Small Shrimp 0.55 Croaker 0.20 The owner Of Corufiesa has ambitious plans to expand his business. Two of the more promising are: 1) the Opera- tion of ten shrimp boats in Pacific waters once the proposed new fishing port has been constructed, and 2) development of a brackish-water area on the Pacific Coast for the cultiva— tion of shrimp and shellfish. The latter proposal has been 132 submitted to the Inter-American Deve10pment Bank (IDB) for funding consideration. If established, the facility could provide a source of supply for seafood sales in all parts of the Central American Common Market. Mariscos Frescos.--The only retail establishment that has customarily received all its fish and shrimp sup- plies from non-Guatemalan sources is Mariscos Frescos. Refrigerated trucks formerly delivered fish from E1 Triunfo, El Salvador, on a bi-weekly basis. At the time of investi- gation, no trips had been made for nearly five months, and the management was phasing out seafood sales in favor of a meat and sausage business. One minor exception was a fish sausage being produced experimentally with an eye toward exporting. Several factors might account for the desire to close out the sale of fish. These include increasing competition; decreasing profits, which may be related in part to more stringent import licenses; and a greater profit from the sale of beef products than from fish. All of these reasons were implied during the interview. Estimates of previous sales indicated an annual volume of about 36,000 pounds of fish and shrimp. This total was entirely to the Guatemala City market and reached a seasonal peak during Holy Week, when 4,000 to 6,000 pounds were marketed. Other Seafood Outlets.—-Supermarkets and a variety of other stores serve as outlets for packaged shrimp and 133 fish, some entire frozen fish, and imported canned seafood. The filets prepared by Productos Fresquitos and Corufiesa can be found displayed in freezers just as similar products are in the United States. In Guatemala City, too, the at— traction of quick preparation foods has reached the middle and upper classes. Such stores as supermarkets serve to acquaint a growing number of people with a clean, well- prepared and well-preserved food item. At the time of this study several of the larger stores were also participating in a publicity and market drive, backed by the Ministry of Agriculture, to sell ocean fish at fifteen cents per pound. Generally small and unfamiliar fish were involved, but at least it seemed to indicate some concern and appreciation for the problem of protein availability. Even the smallest general store may carry some canned seafood. Since no fish canning Operation exists in Guatemala, this seafood is imported from other parts of the world. Sales are very slow during much of the year, and the prices are high, but considerable turnover occurs during the Lenten season. It is this period that accounts for most of the consumption of imported seafoods. Secondary Market Centers Outside Of Guatemala City the demand for fish drops abruptly. Since the Guatemalan market system centers upon the public market place, the volume of food items sold quite 134 naturally depends upon the population hinterland of each town and the effective demand of the people drawn to its market. In general, the larger the overall market the greater the food sales, and this is particularly the case for a marginal item like seafood. Thus, regional centers such as Quezaltenango, Escuintla, Mazatenango and Retal- huleu provide the major set of secondary outlets for fish. Since still smaller markets reflect few dissimilarities to the general pattern of the regional ones, they can also be included in the characterization of the secondary centers. (Map 5 and Table 14). The public market serves as the major sales point for fish throughout the country. Many variables combine to give each market place its own personality. It may be held in a special building, or may simply occupy the main plaza of the town. Thus, great variation exists in the facilities available to the individual vendor. Fixed stalls may be rented for periods of time in the larger mar- kets, while the smaller ones are organized on the basis of available space and the first-come-first-served principle. Overflow from the plaza or market building may sprawl hap- hazardly through nearby streets of the town on particularly busy days. Another variable concerns the market day or days. Larger centers are able to support daily markets, but in such cases one or two days are generally more notable for their volume of sales. Smaller towns have only a weekly 135 GUATEMALA SEAFOOD DISTRIBUTION ROUTES r' AND MARKETING CENTERS ff 5 I (~'\/ / ,_._ _._i < : I I I ,1 I : L I I w 1 I r/ I '- I I T ——————— | ( ‘ ‘\ E I * '-\ 42 I BRITISH ‘ "\-._ I HonouaAs I \,_ I I I , § \ I I ,3 K. I 1 Q? MEXICO "7 I I If . ' II I . p o ,_......._.__.__....:__.._J I 1' .- I / / C ~ \ fl / / / // / -' HONDURAS . S <. I /..J EL SALVADOR DISTRIBUTION ROUTES MARKET TOWNS — MAIN ROADS . INVESTIGATED — sscouomv ROADS . not Invasrmrzo ~ RAILROAD 00" 10 I 8 MAPS 136 Table l4.--Principal market towns of Guatemala and their 1964 pOpulations. Region—-Department * Town Population Region I Jutiapa 2 Jutiapa 7,747 El Progreso 2,991 Santa Catarina Mita 3,011 1 Asuncién Mita 6,341 Jalapa 3 Jalapa 10,035 San Luis Jilotepeque 5,795 Monjas 2,857 Mataquescuintla 2,709 Santa Rosa Cuilapa 3,657 4 Barberena 2,982 5 Chiquimulilla 5,412 Guazacapan 3,956 7 La Avellana ** Region II Escuintla 8 Escuintla, 24,832 Santa Lucia Cotzumal- guapa 9,104 9 Tiquisate 10,348 San,José (Puerto) 5,771 Palin 5,583 San Vicente Pacaya 2,528 Region III Suchitepéquez 12 Mazatenango 19,506 Cuyotenango 3,109 Santo Domingo Suchitepéquez 2,147 Samayac 3,771 11 San Antonio Suchitepéquez 3,938 Chicacao 2,727 Patulul 3,632 Rio Bravo 2,242 137 Table 14 (Continued) Region-—Department * Town Population Region III (Continued) Retalhuleu l3 Retalhuleu 14,366 San Sebastian 4,769 San Felipe 2,916 Champerico 3,823 Nuevo San Carlos 4,0053 10 La Méquina ** Region IV San Marcos San Marcos 5,569 18 San Pedro Sacatepéquez 9,210 Nuevo Progreso 2,479 17 Malacatén 4,843 16 Ayutla (Tecfin Uman) 3,017 15 Pajapita 1,728 Quezaltenango Quezaltenango 45,195 Salcajé 5,271 Olintepeque 2,277 Ostuncalco 5,244 Almolonga 3,735 Cantel 2,412 Zunil 2,848 14 Coatepeque 13,657 19 Cajolé 749 Totonicapan 20 Totonicapén 7,292 San Cristébal Totonicapan 3,186 San Francisco El Alto 1,992 Momostenango 3,148 801015 21 501016 3,957 Nahuala 1,369 San Andrés Semetabaj 809 Panajachel 2,932 San Lucas Toliman 3,810 San Pedro La Laguna 3,663 Santiago Atitlan 9,300 Table 14 (Continued) 138 Region--Department * Town POpulation Region V Chimaltenango Chimaltenango 9,077 San Martin Jilotepeque 2,806 Comalapa 9,202 Tecpan Guatemala 5,350 Patzfin’ 6,854 Patzicia 6,223 San Andrés Itzapa 5,243 Parramos 2,199 Zaragoza 3,338 Sacatepéquez 22 Antigua Guatemala 13,576 Jocotenango 2,249 Pastores 2,175 Sumpango 6,110 Santo Domingo Xenacoj 2,321 Santiago Sacatepéquez 4,591 Santa Maria de Jesus 5,735 Ciudad Vieja 5,721 San Miguel Duefias 2,225 Alotenango 4,718 San Antonio Aguas Calientes 2,708 Guatemala Guatemala City 572,937 Santa Catarina Pinula 2,186 San José Pinula 2,531 Palencia 3,017 26 Chinautla 2,471 San Pedro Ayampuc 3,363 Mixco 7,705 San Pedro Sacatepéquez 3,894 San Juan Sacatepéquez 5,362 Chuarrancho 3,342 24 Amatitlan 12,225 Villa Nueva 6,062 25 Villa Canales 3,544 San Miguel Petapa 2,035 23 Bércenas ** El Progreso E1 Progreso 3,458 San Agustin Acasaguastlén 3,113 Sanarate 5,581 Table 14 (Continued) 139 Region--Department * Town Population Region VI Chiquimula 28 Chiquimula 14,760 Esquipulas 5,508 Quezaltepeque 2,578 27 Ipala 3,190 Zacapa 29 Zacapa 11,173 Estanzuela 2,897 Gualén 4,425 Teculutén 1,723 30 Chispén ** Izabal Puerto Barrios 22,242 Livingston 3,026 32 Morales 1,710 Los Amates 1,131 31 Bananera ** Region VII Baja Verapaz Salamé 4,442 Rabinal 4,155 33 San Jerénimo 1,498 Alta Verapaz 35 Cobén 9,073 34 San CristObal Verapaz 4,379 San Pedro Carcha 3,966 San Juan Chamelco 1,924 Region VIII Huehuetenango 38 Huehuetenango 10,185 Chiantla 2,143 Jacaltenango 3,873 San Mateo Ixtatén 2,892 Concepcién 2,242 San Antonio Huista 2,222 El Quiché 37 Santa Cruz del Quiché 6,472 Chajul 4,187 36 Santo Tomas Chichicastenango 2,099 San Juan Cotzal 3,653 Nebaj 5,185 140 Table 14 (Continued) Region--Department * Town POpulation Region Ix E1 Petén San Benito 2,870 39 Tikal ** *Numbers refer to Map 5. **Official pOpulation not available. market, for the most part, while a few of those investigated had no market at all. The latter places were generally lo- cated adjacent to major market centers, as in the case of Chinautla, just north of Guatemala City. The merchandise in a market varies greatly, depending upon the time of year and other factors. For example, the heaviest concentration of seafood is present during the Lenten season, and, depend— ing upon the harvests, this period may or may not catch the public with ready cash to spend. Cultural factors also in- fluence the character of the market. The public market as an institution is strongest in the heavily Indian sectors of the country, where market days serve both a commercial and a social function. Each market place provides an individual example of seafood sales, but essential similarities outweigh the differences. Every market visited, with only minor and ex— plicable exceptions, had fish for sale in some form and 141 quantity. Throughout most of the country the retailers serve as both distributors and vendors of the produce. In other words, they travel to the production site to buy the fish they sell in the market. However, some vendors pur- chase fish in the larger regional centers for resale in smaller markets in the vicinity. A prime example of this practice is in the Quezaltenango area, where relatively heavy traffic occurs between Quezaltenango and the surround- ing towns. Frequently the retailers have been in the sea- food business for a number of years. One woman contacted in the Totonicapan-market had been selling fresh or dried fish in that market for thirty-six years. People involved in the sale of seafood are generally mestizos, although Indian women from Lake Atitlén and other lakes often sell in the larger markets. Most vendors are quite willing to discuss the problems of their business, although greater reticence and suspicion is displayed in the western, more Indian section of the country. Depending upon the gregari— ousness of the salesman interviewed, one can rapidly gain insights into the local market situation or leave with nothing more than a head count of sellers and a guess at the volume of sales. The main division of seafood in the market place is between fresh and dried products. Dried fish are clearly dominant in terms of volume available and numbers of sellers, but the turn-over is extremely slow. Thus, most vendors of 142 dried fish also have numerous other food and non-food items displayed for sale. For instance, small piles of dried sardines may occupy a bin or piece of canvas adjacent to chili peppers and rice. There are usually at least two sizes of sardines and perhaps three sizes of dried shrimp available. Larger dried fish may also be sold during at least part of the year, but these are most often stocked by vendors who sell only seafood. Quality of the dried product is extremely variable. The smaller varieties look and smell rather innocuous, but the larger fish tend to be less well cured. One positive aspect of these fish is that they are boneless. Sales are made by weight, number, or the measure. Tiny dried sardines are usually sold by the ounce, or by a small measure such as a jar lid, so it is obvious that large quantity sales seldom occur. Small lake or river fish are sold by the string or by weight, and the larger ocean species are invariably sold by the pound. Individual sales generally are very small, one pound or less, and a vendor is fortunate to average several pounds per week. This pattern changes radically during the Lenten season, however, when fish becomes a pOpular item. Fresh seafood has entered rather recently into many regional markets and generally at the expense of the dried product. Fish are predominant among the fresh items avail- able, but shrimp, crabs, and clams are also sold. Retailers of these products seldom engage in the sale of any other 143 merchandise. Ten to fifty pounds of fish are displayed in baskets with small amounts of chopped ice as a preservative. Sales are usually by the pound, but may also be by the string or the individual fish. Seldom does a purchase ex- ceed one pound, so daily quantities sold per vendor are small. Most sellers of fresh fish may average five to ten pounds per day and up to 100 pounds or more during Holy Week. Bargaining is usually very much a part of the mar- ket system, but very little is attempted in buying fish. Sellers rarely drop prices in order to increase sales. Current prices seem to be set at the upper limit of accept- ability, and the goal is apparently to sell a little at substantial profit rather than greater quantities for less gain per unit. The variation in retail prices is slight throughout the country. The prices per pound for fresh fish are fixed at about twenty-five cents for second-class species and thirty-five cents for first-class ones. Prices for dried varieties also seem quite stable, but have a greater range according to size and type. The larger dried fish sell for fifteen to thirty-five cents a pound, depend- ing upon species and quality of preservation. Since beef can compete directly with the best quality fish, the fish vendors often market their product only on days when cattle have not been slaughtered. 144 Regional Sketches A proposed set of planning regions for Guatemala, as shown in Map 6, provides an apprOpriate framework in which to outline specific market patterns. Reference is also made to Appendix B, which gives sales information on selected markets and indicates the surpluses available during the period of investigation. Region I~-Jutiapa, Santa Rosa, and Jalapa Departments The main centers of fish consumption in Region I are AsunciOn Mita, Jutiapa, Chiquimulilla, Barberena and Jalapa, (Map 6) but none averages more than about 100 pounds of fresh fish weekly. Fresh water sources such as Lake Atescatempa and the Rio de los Esclavos provide most of these sales, but ocean fish also reach the markets, es- pecially the nearer ones, from the south coast. The dis- tribution of fish is widespread in these departments, but only in small quantities. Region II-—Escuint1a Department The two leading markets for fish in Escuintla De- partment are Escuintla and San José, the latter place having the highest per capita consumption by far since it is also a major production site. Most of the fish from this port are destined for the Guatemala City market, but Escuintla is an important intermediary stop. Two market 145 GUATEMALA PROPOSED PLANNING REGIONS /" I I I I I I I ! I I SEA BRITISH HONDURAS I§;-I;:------——_--__--_-__---___...L- HONDURAS EL SALVADOR DEPARTMENTS I. “man It. ucnnnouu 2. sun non I3. OUATIIALA a. nun Io. IL nouuo 4. ucumru Is. cmoumuu s. sucmunauu Io. nun c. unwuuu I7. IZAIAL 1. an uncos In, ALTA vuunz wow u. outnuuauoo I0. nu vnanz D. TOTONICAPAN to. ouIcul Io. sown zI. numutnuuon II. cumautumco :2. nun sonnet: nun coumsmvo in uswuujagu autumn” «I W a II RIPUILICA u GUAYKIALA mu) u 146 buildings are located in Escuintla and the seafood is segre— gated according to fresh-water or salt-water sources. Each group of vendors maintains that the public prefers its line of goods. In addition to the aforementioned centers, Tiqui- sate and the several agricultural colonies within the de- partment provide steady, if small, markets for fish and other seafood. Region III-—Retalhuleu and Suchitepéquez Departments Quantities of fish sold in Region III are very small. The average is about five to ten pounds per seller per day. The maximum sold per vendor in larger markets such as Mazatenango is about fifty pounds daily. Fish are: available every day in Mazatenango and Retalhuleu, but as a rule only once a week in the smaller towns. The great- est per-capita consumption takes place in Champerico, which is the leading production center in the republic. Prices average twenty to twenty-five cents for second-class fish and thirty to thirty-five cents for the first-class species. Region IV--San Marcos, Quezaltenango, Totonicapan and Solola Departments Much more dried fish is sold throughout Region IV than in any other. In addition to fish, this region is also notable for the amounts of smoked lagarto, or small alligator, that are sold in the markets. The source for 147 this delicacy is the OcOs zone. Quezaltenango is by far the largest market in Region IV for both fresh and dried fish, while OcOs and some of the small towns around Lake Atitlén, lead in per capita consumption. This region is quite densely populated, however, and per capita consump- tion is low. This is also mainly an Indian zone, and the in- habitants have eating habits that include fish only during the Lenten season. Region V--Chimaltenango, Sacatepéquez, Guatemala, and El Progreso Departments Consumption levels for seafood in the departments of Region V are also very low. Only the larger centers, Guatemala City and Antigua, maintain significant steady markets for fish. Subsistence fishing occurs in Lake Amatitlan and along the Rio Motagua, and some fish also enter the commercial trade from these sources. Much of the fresh and dried fish sold in the region is first pur- chased in Guatemala City for resale in the smaller towns. Region VI--Chiquimula, Zacapa and Izabal Departments The capital cities of Chiquimula and Zacapa depart- ments constitute small but steady markets for fresh and dried fish. Each is dependent to a large extent upon fresh— water sources, chiefly the Rio Motagua. Outside of the two main cities little fish is seen, except in areas of subsis- tence fishing as along the Motagua. In contrast, the 148 department of Izabal has probably the heaviest per-capita consumption in the nation. With Lake Izabal, the Rio Mota- gua, and the Caribbean waters to provide fish, it is amply supplied with subsistence and commercial yields. Livingston literally lives from fishing and has one of the highest levels of fish consumption in the country, while Puerto Barrios is not far behind. Region VII-—Alta Verapaz and Baja Verapaz Departments Fresh fish reach Alta Verapaz and Baja Verapaz de- partments only in small quantities, but dried fish are marketed throughout the area. The fresh product available is either from Lake Izabal or from a local lake or river,. rather than from the ocean. The Department of Wildlife plans to greatly intensify the fish pond program in this region. Region VIII--Huehuetenango and Quiché Departments Consumption of fresh fish in Region VIII is limited chiefly to the city of Huehuetenango, where perhaps 100 pounds are sold weekly. During the Lenten season even fish from the Petén reach this market, but the normal supply comes from Champerico, via Quezaltenango. The large Indian markets of Chichicastenango and Quiche are well supplied with dried fish, but little or no fresh fish is found. 149 Huehuetenango and Quiché are also departments where the fish pond program is to be promoted vigorously. Region IX--El Petén Department There are numerous rivers and lakes in the Petén, and subsistence fishing is common. However, there is little commercial production. This region holds perhaps the great- est possibilities for expansion of fresh-water fishing. Consumption Little is really known about seafood consumption in Guatemala except that it is low. Numerous estimates have been made, and most indicate a national consumption of less than one pound of fish per person annually. A 1966 Ministry of Agriculture report portrays the daily consumption per person in urban areas as three-tenths of an ounce, and even less in rural areas.9 The same report indicates a peak con- sumption of seventy-two grams daily in the municipality of Livingston. Personal estimates based upon overall produc- tion and import figures indicate a total national consumption of at least 4,600,000 pounds annually, or a per-capita figure of about 1.1 pounds. The structure of the consumption pattern is almost completely unknown. It is presumed that per—capita consumption 9Guatemala, Ministerio de Agricultura, DivisiOn de Fauna, Informe de la economia pesquera en Guatemala, Guate- mala, 1966, p. 7. 150 is highest in the producing zones. In addition to the Mini- stry of Agriculture figures on Livingston, the example of Champerico is documented. Fifty families, with a total of 282 members, were interviewed in 1965 on a house-to-house basis and asked about their use of seafood. The families ate fish on an average of twice a week. The average con- sumption was 4.7 pounds weekly, or 0.72 pounds per person. Of the total, 26 percent of the families ate one pound or less per week and 34 percent ate five pounds or more.10 In contrast to the pattern in Livingston and Champ- erico, a personal survey of thirty-six families in the coastal area to the north of Champerico showed a near op- posite condition. These families are located along two roads radiating toward the coast from Mazatenango, on direct distribution routes from small production centers. Twenty- one of the families eat no fish, fourteen eat small amounts, perhaps once a month, and only one family consumes fish on a weekly basis. These families are all at low income levels, and most report that fish is available but too ex- pensive to buy. There are five principal uses of fish in Guatemala: 1) bits of fish, especially fish heads, are used in flavoring soups, 2) fish are cooked with rice to give added flavor and 10Guatemala, Direccidn General de Obras Pfiblicas, SecciOn de Estudios Geogréficos, Estudio Geogréfico Champ- erico, Guatemala, 1965, p. 45. 151 food value to an inexpensive meal, 3) fish and other sea- food are noted as being good for hang-overs, and small bgggg of salted and dried shrimp are eaten while imbibing, 4) relatively small amounts of fried fish are eaten by the upper classes as a main course, and, 5) shrimp and other seafood are consumed frequently by cultural minorities, such as the Chinese. Much more information is needed concerning general consumption habits. In-depth studies should be undertaken to pinpoint the more specific obstacles to increased con- sumption of fish and other seafood. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS This investigation of the Guatemalan fishing indus- try was conducted in a five month period, from April to September of 1966. During this time it was possible for the writer to become familiar with the major phases of the industry and to learn something of its importance in the life of Guatemalan peOple. As a result of the study cer- tain conclusions have been reached and a number of recom- mendations formulated. Conclusions The development of fisheries has been a slow pro- cess in Guatemala. Not until 1959 was an effort made to more efficiently exploit the ocean resources with a sea- going fishing fleet. Before that time exploitation of brackish and fresh waters, plus the importation of dried cod, adequately met the small demand. With the development of a national shrimping fleet new impetus was given to fisheries as a whole. The production activity can be divided between fish produced for export and fish destined for domestic-consumption. 152 153 The Pacific Coast is currently the source of about seventy- five percent of the fish and other seafood consumed in Guatemala and almost 100 percent of that exported. The open roadsteads of Champerico and San Jose-Iztapa are the home ports for the entire Guatemalan ocean-going fleet, a total of thirty shrimp boats.- The operation of this fleet is oriented chiefly toward the export of high-value shrimp to markets in the United States. However, all of the fish caught by the shrimpers are directed to domestic markets, and in increasing amounts. A significant expansion of ocean fisheries is dependent upon the construction of a protected port, which is now in the planning stage. More typical of the fisheries in Guatemala, and most numerous, are the small producers with very limited means. Their villages are clustered around the brackish lagoons bordering the Pacific Coast and along the Caribbean shore. The volume of local and regional production is closely re- lated to available transportation. The trade of villages with all-weather connections is on a year-round basis, while more isolated communities are restricted to seasonal sale, mostly of dried and salted fish. Fresh and dried fish from inland lakes are distributed over extensive areas, but in very limited quantities, while fish from ponds are not currently produced on a commercial scale. Considerable expansion in productivity seems possible, es- pecially in the brackish areas, and several private schemes 154 in the planning stage are directed toward this end. In- creased experimentation with stocking procedures in rivers and lakes, and the develOpment of working fish ponds, also Offer considerable promise on the local level. The distribution of fish in some form includes even the most remote areas, especially during Holy Week. How- ever, the greatest market areas are naturally the large urban agglomerations. Guatemala City is the destination for much of the fresh fish, while Quezaltenango is the leading secondary center. Regional centers, usually the departmental capitals, serve as redistribution points for much of the surrounding country. Individual entrepreneurs distribute most of the fish and other seafood marketed in Guatemala. This movement is on an extremely small scale for the most part. Buyers may obtain twenty-five to fifty pounds of fish from a given production site. The fish are then iced and transported via local bus lines to one of the regional markets. There, the fish are sold at approximately twice the price paid at the fishing site. The same process, with minor variations, occurs in the distribution of dried and salted varieties. The great majority of seafood sales occur in public or municipal markets. A stable and traditional system is encountered here. Fish vendors have usually been in the business for years, and the prices favor high profit-low volume sales. Excessively high prices characterize the 155 sale of fish anywhere outside of the immediate producing area, and quality is doubtful. Thus, low consumption levels are to be expected, and national estimates indicate that per capita consumption of seafoods approximates one pound per year. The period of maximum use coincides with the Lenten season, when prices also reach their peak. To break the cycle of low production and high prices is very difficult, especially with the seemingly negative consumption habit characteristic throughout most of the Re— public. Slow but steady increases in the volume of fish entering the Guatemala City market in particular may even- tually alter the picture there. The chief hOpe, however, centers about the expansion of the ocean fisheries which offer promise for rapid production increases.. Recommendations It appears logical and practical that more emphasis should be placed on developing the fishing potential that exists within Guatemala. The following are some recommen- dations that should aid in this development. The listings are not necessarily in order Of importance, and obviously the implementation of a recommendation for improvement within one aspect of the industry may also have a positive effect upon others. Production 1. Greater knowledge concerning the exact nature of the ocean resources along the Guatemalan coasts is of prime 156 importance to the develOpment of a more intensive fishing industry. An inventory of the types and quantities of fish and seafood available is basic to any expansion of efforts. A detailed survey of the ocean floor, with an accompanying map showing the bottom configuration, would also be of great value for commercial ventures. Hopefully, the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization sur- vey of Central American fisheries will provide such information. 2. The expansion of ocean-going fleets should be planned to most effectively exploit the available resources on a long—term basis. A small, deep-sea fishing fleet of four or five ships should be supported easily on the Carib- bean, even with present inadequate knowledge of the fishing grounds. 3. Better, more efficient fishing methods should be employed by the small-scale producers. Present produc- tion could be greatly increased merely with the addition of small motors to the boats to give added range to fishing efforts. Rotation of the fishing grounds would also raise yields. Various types of nets should be tested to determine relative efficiencies. 4. The organization of working cooperatives in fish- ing communities would offer the obvious benefits of pooled effort. Working together to improve both fishing methods and distribution of the catch could have far-reaching effects. 157 5. A training program for fishermen would aid in forming a sense of union among the producers. Notions concerning all phases of catching and marketing seafood could be discussed. Careful treatment after catch should be stressed to assure greater quality control, and instruc— tion in methods of improving the salting and drying process would also be useful. Dried fish production has perhaps the greatest potential for expansion under present trans- portation and storage systems, and the product could be improved greatly in quality and appearance. 6. On the Caribbean, the sand bar limiting access to the port of Livingston and the Rio Dulce should be dredged. This would open Lake Izabal to larger commercial efforts, as well as increased sport fishing. 7. Possibilities for increased stocking of major rivers and lakes, such as the Rio Motagua and Lake Izabal, should be investigated. This would necessarily mean the enforcement of some fishing regulations, but could signifi- cantly increase both regional consumption and national distribution. 8. The construction of a canning or freezing plant for fish and shrimp on the Caribbean Coast would provide a great incentive to production. 9. As is currently being effected in Brazil, spe- cial incentives might be granted to the fishing industry. Exemptions from import regulations and taxes are included 158 to stimulate investment and research.1 Such changes in the legal structure are extremely important as a stimulant to investment. Distribution 1. Storage facilities for fish and other items should be located strategically throughout the country. The avail- ability and distribution of ice should also be expanded. With a means of preserving the fish during times of surplus,‘ the entire supply system would be improved greatly and pro- duction would be stimulated. 2. Establishment of new and improved transportation facilities could significantly affect distribution and stim- ulate production. On the Pacific Coast a shoreline highway linking Champerico and San José, for example, would aid not only fishing but also agriculture, the salt industry, and tourism. This project should be given very serious thought. A road from Matias de Galvez to Livingston would open an attractive beach area for fishing and tourism, and would stimulate farming along the Caribbean shore. Improved con- nections between principal markets and the El Estor and Mariscos areas, on Lake Izabal, and a road into the Petén region, would also have immediate and favorable effects. 1Brazil, "Guide to Investing: Industrial Incentives Noted," Brazilian Bulletin, Vol. 23, No. 486, (Brazil: 1967), p. 4. 159 3. Use of a few refrigerated trucks with regular routes would greatly increase production and improve dis- tribution. Small pick-ups could be used to distribute fresh fish throughout the republic and in this way combat the negative consumption habit. 4. The present distribution process could be im- proved by the addition of some simple but more efficient means of transporting the fresh catch. Fiber glass insu- lating containers, for example, would assure better preser- vation of the fish en route. Better care of the fresh and dried fish to assure quality at all phases is of utmost importance in extending the range of distribution. 5. An organization of distributors, those middlemen who buy from producers and sell to the consumers, could assure a steadier and more complete coverage of the country. Regular schedules for collection and transport could also significantly increase the efficiency of production and distribution. Marketing and Consumption 1. In-depth consumption studies in various parts of the country are necessary for the understanding of pre- sent dietary habits. Special attention should be given to the effect of the Holy Week peak period upon consumption during the remainder of the year. 2. A general and drastic lowering of retail fish prices is necessary to significantly increase consumption 160 in those areas which are most in need of animal protein. Ideally, prices should be lowered to fifteen or twenty cents a pound. Through increased and steady production, and addi- tional storage facilities, some of the excess price could be reduced. Common complaints of high transportation and icing costs should also be investigated. If necessary, some type* Of price control might be necessary to break down the tradi- tional low volume-high profit complex. 3. A reasonable guarantee of freshness and quality is necessary for good consumer acceptance. Especially in hot coastal areas, fish are very susceptible to spoilage. Care at the fishing village and along the distribution route is necessary to assure quality. Here again educational ef- forts are important. 4. Improved marketing practices should be instigated. The fish should be well covered by ice while in the market place, instead of lying exposed in small baskets. Some at- tempt at making the catch attractive to the eye could also improve sales. 5. A full-scale educational program directed toward greater consumption of seafoods is necessary. This can be accomplished in the newspapers, on the radio, and by an active poster campaign. A national fish week or month might be considered. The school systems and the military estab- lishment would be appropriate institutions in which to pro- mote fish consumption. 161 The importance of world-wide fishery resources is increasingly recognized, and production from the seas is expanding rapidly. The estimated world production of fish has more than doubled in the last two decades, from less than 20 million tons in 1948 to more than 50 million tons in 1965. This growth, which is considerably faster than that of either the human pOpulation or the over- all production of food, means that fish are making an increasingly important contribution to the world's supply of animal protein. In the world as a whole fish contribute about 10 percent of the total animal protein intake but considerably more in some areas such as the Far East. An increasing proportion of the total catch is not used directly for human con- sumption but is converted to fish meal. . 2 The total catch of marine fish in Latin America in- creased at an annual rate of twenty-six percent between 1960 and 1964, or from 4.6 million to 11.5 million live- weight tons.3 During this same period the Guatemalan catch grew by nearly forty-five percent annually, but the total harvest has since been maintained at approximately the 1964 level. Although concern for overfishing is already being voiced in many areas, most of Latin America has no imme- diate problem in this regard. Perhaps greater concern should be given to developing the fish resources for the 2United Nations, Food and Agricultural Organization, The State of Food and Agriculture 1967, (Rome: 1967), p. 119. 3Inter-American Development Bank, Agricultural De- velopment in Latin America: The Next Decade, (Washington, D.C.: 1967), p. 133. 162 benefit of the local pOpulations. Fisheries will never provide the panacea for low protein diets but could con- stitute an important element in their improvement. The Guatemalan situation has illustrated some of the problems, as well as partial solutions, to the further evolution of fisheries. Despite the many obstacles, it is maintained in this study that Guatemala is an apprOpriate place for an intensified development of fisheries, inland as well as marine. APPENDIX A COMMON FISHES AND SEAFOOD OF GUATEMALA English Spanish Scientific Ocean and Brackish Waters Grouper Jew fish Red snapper Croaker Goby Sole Mulet Sardine Snook Marine catfish Shark Tarpon Yellow jack Skipjack Leather jack Spanish mackerel Sawfish Barracuda Squirrel fish GafftOpsail Garfish * it Mero Mero Pargo Corvina Guavina Lenguade Lisa Sardina RObalo Bagre TiburOn Sabalo Jurel Jurel Zapatero Sierra Pez sierra Picuda Dorado Pez vaca Machora Juilin, Chunte Mojarra 163 Epinephilus mystacinus Promicrops itaira Lutjanus colorado Stellifer sp. Dormitator maculatus & sp. Achirus sp. Mugil cephalus Sardinella sp. undecimalis ensiferus Centropomus Centropomus Galeichthys (Gunther) Galeichthys Carcharhinus sp. assimilis caerulescens Tarpon atlanticus Megalop atlanticus Caranx bartholomaei Caranx hippos Hegoplites sauras Sierra cavalla Pristis sp. Sphyraena barracuda Holocentrus sp. Bagre marinus (Mitchell) Lepisoteus tropicus (Gill) Rhamdia guatemalensis Cichlasoma maculicaudum Gerres cinereus & sp. 164 Appendix A (Continued) English Spanish Scientific * Palomita Cichlasoma spilurum * Cabrilla * * RatOn * * Pinchincha * * Ojuda * * Aleta * * Tacasonte * * DentOn * * Camiseta * Manatee Manati Trichechus manatus Shrimp Camar6n Panaeus stylirostris Camaroncillo Panaeus schmitti & sp. Lobster Langosta Homarus sp. Squid Calamar Loligo sp. Conch Caracol Strombus sp. Crab Congrejo * II. Lakes, Rivers, Carp Tilapia Black bass Mountain mullet * * * * * and Ponds Carpa Tilapia Lobina negra Tepemechin Pupo Gulumina Pepesca Guapote Chumbimba Ciprinus carpio Tilapia mossambica Micropterus salmoides Agnonostomus monticola Mellienesia sphenops Profundulus guatemalensis Astyanax fasciatus Cichlasoma motaguense Cichlasoma maculicaudum *Uncertain 165 .mmmHH mmq .WmOb smm « me 9 .Mnwa mxmq .mmfimpmommp¢ wxmq omIom wIN m mqu abHoc5m¢ .n .Mnwa mxmq .mmfimumommud mxmq A NIH Q .mHHwo mxmq .mdsmpmommua mxmq mmImm mIH m MQMHuse .m .mOHHHmm ounmsm .WmOb cam « MIN o .cmpmumm .WmOh cam .mo>MHomm mOH omm OOHIom NIH m mcmumnumm .m xx « Hlo Q .WmOh com Opumsm OHIO HIo m mmmHHsU .v «« * vlm Q .mO>MHomm mos oflm .mMqu was .ouusummmm oomIOOH mum m MHHHHssstHao .m as « vlm Q .mmmfiq mmq omIom NIH m :wmmomNmsO .m xx « mIN UOHHD .mcmHHm>¢ ma .mmmHH mmq mNIo NIH Amonm OOmema .H H cOHmmm cmHm mo muusom Ampcsomv muopcm> mama mumxumz mmHmm MO .02 anm memmz .umm fiHflSflB¢DU ZH mZBOB Emmmmz HflmHUZHmm Bfi mqum mmHm m0 NmOEzm>ZH m xHDmem¢ 166 #14. k. 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I NIo a .muHo mHmsmumsw .uoumm Hm I MII o .HmnbumHHo cmm .uoumm Hm OHIOM HIM m cwnoo .MOH .HOUmM Hm I HIo a Wm .Aoumm Hm .HmnmumHno cam IIMH ONIOH MIN m Nmmmum> ngmumHAo cam .NOH l .Houmm Hm I MIH a .WmOh cmm .mHHU mHmEmumnw ONIOH NIH a wEmHmm .HOH .MHHO MHmsmumso I IIN a .mumusQHHa mochu OHM mIo HIo a HmcHQMM .OOH HH> aonmm .coummcH>HH I NIH OmHHQ .noummaH>HH OOMIOON oHIG ammum coummaH>HH .MM cmHM mo monsom Hmpcsoav mn0pcm> mama mumxnmz mmHmm mo .02 amHa memmz .umm Hpmchucoov m xHOcmaaM .Omchqu Doc mumaII .mmmmo umoE OH mumnesc HO mmHqucmsa HmEHcHE umOmE mumEHumm OzI I MMOIHHv o MMM.MIOMM.M MMMIOMH M mHmaoa .wnoxmmmm umxuma HmEHOm oz meHa .NHH Ma OOHmmM .moano on I NIH a .moano OHM OHIm NIH M mmHsamomm .HHH “H .OmcmcmuHmNmso .muHU MHmEmumsw I OHIO o l .OmcmcmuHmNmso I HIO M WMOHDO HmO NsHU mucmm .OHH .cwHuHu< mme .muHo «HIEmHmsO I MHIOH a .GWHHHDM mMMH OHIO NIO M omcmcmummOHQOHsu .mOH .omcmcmumssmsm I NIH a II I I M mOOxH cmsb cmm .MOH .Omcmcmumssmsm I NIH UmHuO .omgmcmumsnmsm mIO HIO 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