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HAITIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC, VODOU AND CULTURAL
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HAITIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC, VODOU AND CULTURAL IDENTITY: AN
EXAMINATION OF THE CLASSICAL FLUTE COMPOSITIONS BY HAITIAN
COMPOSER WERNER A. JAEGERHUBER
By

Mary J. Procopio

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
In partial fulﬁllment of the requirement
For the degree of
DOCTOR OF MUSICAL ARTS
School of Music

2005

ABSTRACT
HAITIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC, VODOU AND CULTURAL IDENTITY: AN
EXAMINATION OF THE CLASSICAL FLUTE COMPOSITIONS BY HAITIAN
COMPOSER WERNER A. JAEGERHUBER
By
Mary J. Procopio

Haitian indigenous culture and traditional music have long inﬂuenced Haitian
classical music, also known as mizik savant ayisyen. Prior to the US. occupation of Haiti
‘ from 1915-1934, many Haitian composers identiﬁed with European cultural models in
order to distance themselves from the negative perceptions that foreigners had of Haitian
culture. Yet, during and after the US. occupation of Haiti, many of these same
composers began to identify with lower class Haitians and started incorporating elements
taken from Vodou (the religion of rural Haitians) in their musical works. These elements
included rhythmic variations taken from ceremonial drumming, melodies (and text, in the
case of vocal music) taken from religious and rural folk songs, and language in the form
Of Haitian Creole.

This document examines how music, nationalism and identity intersect in Haitian
culture. Haitian art music composers like Werner J aegerhuber fostered a national identity
among Haitians by drawing upon the melodies and rhythms from traditional ceremonial
music. Using the ﬂute solo and chamber music compositions by J aegerhuber as a basis
for discussion, I identify the traditional elements J aegerhuber utilized in these
compositions. I discuss how Jaegerhuber transformed the music Of the Vodou ceremony
by setting his ethnographic transcriptions in the context of art songs and by incorporating

them in his chamber music for ﬂute. Additionally, I discuss the ﬂute compositions by

Haitian composer Julio Racine, who was inﬂuenced by J aegerhuber and utilizes the
melodies and rhythms from Haitian traditional music in his ﬂute compositions. In the
twenty-ﬁrst century Racine deals with many Of the same issues that J aegerhuber dealt
with in the twentieth century.

In order to put the ﬂute music by Jaegerhuber in perspective, I ﬁrst examine the
role of Vodou in Haitian society and the various social and political inﬂuences that
affected Vodou and Haitian classical music during the twentieth century. I then look at
the ethnographic research that J aegerhuber conducted as it relates to that done by
Melville Herskovits and Harold Courlander in the early twentieth century.

In its attempt to unite Haitians at home and in the diaspora, mizik savant ayisyen
promotes a sense of Haitian identity by crossing class and social boundaries, as well as
international borders. At the same time, mizik savant serves as an educational vehicle
that reaches out to an international audience and enables non-Haitians to obtain a deeper
understanding of the controversial history, religion, and culture Of Haiti through its
music. By examining mizik savant in a historical context as it relates to Haitian
indigenous culture and traditional music, we can see how Haitian art music has been a

driving force behind Haitian nationalism and identity at home and in the diaspora.

Copyright by
MARY J. PROCOPIO
2005

DEDICATION

This paper is dedicated to the people of Mirebalais, Haiti, who from the very beginning
were friendly, kind and inﬁnitely patient with me as I attempted to communicate in
Creole, to the staff and students of the St. Trinity Music Camp in Leogane, who in one
summer touched my heart and my life, and to my Grandmother, who always encouraged.
and supported me. She passed away just before I began my studies on Haiti, and so was
not able to share in my happiness and the excitement of my newfound studies. I know
she is my ti bon anj who watches over me and keeps me safe there. I think you would

have liked Haiti, Gram.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This document would not have been possible without the support, encouragement,
and assistance of numerous individuals who have assisted me throughout the writing
process since this document’s conception.

Thank you to the members of my ﬁeldwork class at Michigan State University—‘
Stephanie Krehbiel, Melissa Angel-Strauss, Carmen Mauret, Flory Gingging, Justin
Valla, and Michael Largey, for your input, Openness and encouragement. Sharing that
class with all of you was truly one of the most memorable semesters of my college
career.

Thank you to my D.M.A. committee members who were patient and allowed me
the freedom to vary from the norm in writing this document: Michael Largey, Wesley
Broadnax, Richard Sherman, Bruce Taggart and Ted Tims.

A special thank you to Anna Celenza for your continued patience and support Of
everything that I have done over the past few years. I only wish that I had started taking
classes with you sooner so that I could have learned even more from you. You had a
major impact on me in a short period of time; your presence at MSU will truly be missed.

Thank you to my dear friends, Stephanie Krehbiel, Nicole Riner and Jennifer
Kennard, for countless readings of my revisions, for answering my questions when I
called at all hours of the day and night for advice, and for listening patiently as I talked
endlessly about Haiti. Above all, thank you for encouraging me to write what I felt

passionate about.

vi

Thank you tO Stephanie Krehbiel and Michael Largey for assisting me with my
translations from French and Creole.

Thank you Thony, for being my teacher, guide, protector and best friend in Haiti.
Thank you for watching out for me and keeping me safe. I could not have accomplished
half of what I did in Haiti without you. I hope that someday when you come to the
United States I will have the opportunity to do the same for you.

Thank you to Gerdes and Florienne F leurant, for your hospitality, guidance and
advice, and for treating me like family when I am in Haiti.

Thank you to the many consultants, friends and acquaintances throughout the
Central Plateau in Haiti and in Leogane, for your kindness, generosity and assistance.

Thank you to Claude Dauphin and John Jost, for providing me with the much-
needed information required to further my goal in performing and promoting Haitian
classical music.

Thank you to Julio Racine for your support and encouragement, for your
continued patience in answering my endless questions, and for being so willing to share
your knowledge and gift of music with me. It is my honor and privilege to be able to
perform your music.

Thank you to Jim F orger, Ted Tims, and the Michigan State University School of
Music and Graduate School for the generous ﬁnancial support through travel grants that
you provide for graduate students. Without this funding, many Of my presentations
would not have been possible.

Thank you to the Flint Institute of Music School of Performing Arts, the St.

Cecilia Music Society and the Florida Flute Association for their ﬁnancial support of my

vii

research endeavors both in the United States and in Haiti. Much Of my ﬁeldwork and
research would not have been possible without the generous ﬁnancial assistance that you
provided and made available to me.

To Kenneth Weygand, thank you for a lifetime of guidance and support and for
always believing in me. Thank you for being like a father to me, as well as a teacher,
mentor, colleague and dear ﬁiend. I would never have made it here if it weren’t for you.

To Marshall Onoﬁio, for your continued guidance, encouragement, and ﬁiendship
over the years, and for making a difference at an important time in my life, I can never
thank you enough. Even from a distance your inﬂuence and inspiration is and always
will be a continuing factor in my life. Thanks Doc.

And to Michael Largey, my teacher, mentor, advisor and friend, I wish that I
could ﬁnd the words to express my gratitude to you. Your patience is truly amazing, and
your encouragement and guidance have helped me more than you know. Your passion
and dedication to Haiti and to teaching have truly been an inspiration to me. By
introducing me to ethnomusicology and the beauty of Haiti and her people, you have
given me the greatest gift imaginable. Haiti and you have truly changed my life. Mési
anpil anpil.

To my mother, Barbara Procopio, for being the only person in my family who
didn’t ask “Why Haiti” when I said I wanted to do my research there, for asking about
my work and giving it importance, and for listening to me talk for hours about my
research and how wonderful Haiti is, even though you didn’t understand a lot of what I

was saying ©—thank you from the bottom of my heart.

viii

Lastly, to the poor and homeless people of Haiti, I cannot think of Haiti without
thinking of you. You humbled me, and made me realize that I was no different from the
people that I was trying to distance myself from. Your words will forever remain with
me as a reminder to always look and listen. There is no way that you can know, but

mwen te tande ou.

ix

PREFACE

This study is the result Of research based on ethnomusicological ﬁeldwork and
performance practice done in Haiti and the United States. As a ﬂutist and
ethnomusicologist, I wanted to ﬁnd a way to combine my interests in both ﬁelds; because
of this, my document contains information outside the norm of a ﬂute performance-
related document.

While the main focus of this document is on the music of Werner J aegerhuber,
there are other Haitian composers, including Julio Racine, who have written for ﬂute. I
have included the relevant information on these pieces in the appendix at the end of the
document. As Racine has composed two major works for ﬂute, 'I write at length about his
music in chapter ﬁve. My goal is to continue to promote and perform this music, and to
commission new solo and chamber music for ﬂute by Haitian composers. Through these
endeavors, I hope to do a small part in educating others about a country that has become
very dear to me, and which has changed my life in numerous ways. To my knowledge, at
the time of this writing the compositions by J aegerhuber and the other pieces listed in the
appendix have not been performed by any other ﬂutist in the United States.1 It is my
honor and privilege to have the opportunity to perform this music, and to bring some
recognition to these composers and to the music and culture of Haiti.

I became interested in Haiti after taking a class on music of the Caribbean. My
advisor at Michigan State University, Dr. Michael Largey, is a scholar of Haitian art

music; therefore, I had the Opportunity to take several other classes focusing on Haitian

 

I Julio Racine has performed his music, but I am unaware of any other ﬂutist in the US.
who has performed any of these pieces.

music, nationalism, and culture. I also had the good fortune of making contacts with
several other Haitian scholars during the course of my research. Dr. Largey was an
unending source of knowledge and inspiration throughout the research, ﬁeldwork and
writing phases of this document. Dr. Gerdes Fleurant, a Haitian ethnomusicologist and
initiated Vodou priest, opened many doors for me in Haiti that may not otherwise have
Opened. Julio Racine, a Haitian composer and ﬂutist, shared his music with me and
allowed me the honor of performing it at various conferences and recitals throughout the
country over the past two years. Mr. Racine also put me in contact with Claude Dauphin,
3 Haitian scholar and composer at the University of Montreal, who generously provided
me with the music that is included in this paper and which I performed on my lecture
recital. Without the help of each of these individuals, this study and my lecture recital
would not have been possible.

This study is interdisciplinary in nature and is connected to contemporary
scholarship and literature on Haitian music, issues of nationalism and identity,
anthropology, religious studies, and folkloric studies. To my knowledge, this is the ﬁrst
in-depth study on the instrumental chamber music of J aegerhuber, and is the ﬁrst to focus

speciﬁcally on the ﬂute compositions of Jaegerhuber and Racine.

xi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES ......................................................... x

INTRODUCTION ............................................................................ 1

CHAPTER 1 ‘

MIZIK ENDIJEN: THE ROOT OF HAITIAN NATIONALISM AND

IDENTITY ...................................................................................... 12
The Importance of Music in Haitian Society .................................... 12
Haitian Vodou: Music, Religion and Daily Life ................................ 12
Historical Background .............................................................. 15

Jean Price-Mars: The US. Occupation and the Mouvement Folklorique. . .18
Mizik Savant Ayisyen, Nationalism and the Haitian Elite: Traditional

Music and Its Inﬂuence on Haitian Art Music ......................... 22

CHAPTER 2

ETHNOGRAPHIC RESEARCH IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY HAITI ............. 27
On Music and Folklore: Harold Courlander and Melville Herskovits ....... 28

CHAPTER 3

THE TRANSFORMATION OF TRADITIONAL MUSIC: WERNER

J AEGERHUBER, MUSICAL FOLKLORE AND HAITIAN IDENTITY ........... 34
The Process of Transcription ....................................................... 38
The Transformation of Ceremonial Music ........ ‘ ................................ 42
The Evolution of J aegerhuber’s Transcriptions .................................. 42
Complaintes Hai'tiennes ............................................................. 44
The Signiﬁcance of Jaegerhuber’s Contribution ................................. 63

CHAPTER 4

FROM MUSICAL TRANSCRIPTION TO PERFORMANCE: THE SOLO

AND CHAMBER WORKS OF WERNER J AEGERHUBER ......................... 66
Folk and Ceremonial Inﬂuenced Works .......................................... 67
Works in the Western Tradition .................................................... 88

CHAPTER 5

MUSICAL CROSSROADS: JAEGERHUBER’S INFLUENCE ON THE FLUTE

COMPOSITIONS OF HAITIAN COMPOSER JULIO RACINE ..................... 100
The Flute Compositions of Julio Racine .......................................... 101
T angente au Yanvalou ............................................................... 101

xii

Vodoo Jazz Sonata .................................................................... 109

Haitian Folk Songs .................................................................... 116
CONCLUSION
MUSIC IN HAITI AND ITS DIASPORA IN THE TWENTY-FIRST
CENTURY ...................................................................................... 125
APPENDIX A .................................................................................. 131
APPENDIX B .................................................................................. 134
APPENDIX C .................................................................................. 136
BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................................................. 139

xiii

LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES

Chapter 3.
Ex. 3.1. Jaegerhuber, Ethnographic Transcription No. 1, “Erzulie,” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 77) ................. 41
Ex. 3.2a. Jaegerhuber, “Erzulie Malade” from Complaintes Hai'tiennes, mm. 1-21 (score) .................... 46

Ex. 3.2b. Jaegerhuber, “ethnographic transcriptions No. 13, “Erzulie Malade” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 89). . ...47

Ex. 3.2c. Jaegerhuber, “Erzulie Malade” from Complaintes Hai'tiennes, mm 22—33 (score) .................. 48
Ex. 3.2d. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 12, “Erzili E” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 88) ................ 48
Ex. 3.3a. Jaegerhuber, “M’Agué ta Royo” from Complaintes Haitiennes, mm. 1-4 (score) .................. 50
Ex. 3.3b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 4. Agoué (Jaegerhuber 1985, 80) ..................... 51
Ex. 3.4a. Jaegerhuber, “Invocation a Dambala” from Complaintes Hai’tiennes, mm. 1-12 (score). . . . . .......52

Ex. 3.4b. Jaegherhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 15, “Dambala Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 91). . . ...53
Ex. 3.5a. Jaegerhuber, “Gros Loa Moin” from Complaintes Hai'tiennes, mm. 1-15 (score) ................... 54

Ex. 3.5b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 6, “Gros Loa Moin” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 82). .......55

Ex. 3.6a. Jaegerhuber, “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie $3!” from Complaintes Hai‘tiennes, mm. 1-8 (score) ......... 57
Ex. 3.6b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 11, “Erzili Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 87) .............. 57
Ex. 3.6c. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 24, “Erzuli Ca” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 100) ............ 58
Ex. 3.7a. Jaegerhuber, “Marassa é ion” from Complaintes Hai'tiennes, mm 1-11 (score) ..................... 60
Ex. 3.7b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription NO. 20, “Marassa” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 96). . ...60
Chapter 4.

Ex. 4.]. Jaegerhuber, Trio, ﬁrst movement (score), mm. 1-5 ....................................................... 69
Ex. 4.2a. Jaegerhuber, Trio, ﬁrst movement (ﬂute part), mm. 48-54 .............................................. 69
Ex. 4.2b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription NO. 15, “Dambala Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 91) .......... 70
Ex. 4.3. Jaegerhuber, Trio, ﬁrst movement (score), mm. 81-87 ................................................... 71
Ex. 4.4a. Jaegerhuber, Trio, second movement (ﬂute), mm. 31-41 ............................................... 71
Ex. 4.4b. Jegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 14, “Sole Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 90) ................. 72
Ex. 4.5. Jaegerhuber, Trio, second movement (score), mm. 31-41 ................................................ 73
Ex. 4.6a. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 11, “Erzili Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 87) .............. 74

xiv

Ex. 4.6b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription NO. 14, “8016 Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 90) ............... 74

Ex. 4.7. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcriptions from Le vodou haitien, 206-207 (Maximilien, 1945). . .75

Ex. 4.8. Jaegerhuber, Trio, second movement (score), mm. 1-4 ................................................... 77
Ex. 4.9. Zepol rhythm, Rada drum battery, found in The Drums of Vodou (Wilcken 1992, 68) .............. 77
Ex. 4.10. Jaegerhuber, Trio, third movement (score), mm 1-5 .................................................... 78
Ex. 4.11. Jaegerhuber, Trio, fourth movement (score), mm. 1-4 .................................................. 78
Ex. 4.12a. Jaegerhuber, Trio, fourth movement (ﬂute part), mm. 14-20 ......................................... 79
Ex. 4.12b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 12, “Erzili E” (Jagerhuber 1985, 88)................80
Ex. 4.13. Jaegerhuber, Trio, fourth movement (ﬂute part), mm. 26-29 ........................................... 80
Ex. 4.14a. Jaegerhuber, Musique pour Aieules de J.F. Brierre, sixth movement (condensed

score), mm. 1-5 ................................................................................................. 81
Ex. 4.14b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 14 “Sole Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 90) ............... 82
Ex. 4.15. Jaegerhuber, Musique pour A ieules de J. F. Brierre, fourth movement (condensed

score), mm. 7-10 ................................................................................................ 82
Ex. 4.16. Jaegerhuber, Invocation, second movement (condensed score), mm. 1-4 ............................ 83
Ex. 4.17. Jaegerhuber, Les Petites Serenades, second movement (violin part), mm. 1-4 ...................... 84
Ex. 4.18. Jaegerhuber, Divertimento, ﬁrst movement (ﬂute part), mm. 1-2 ..................................... 84
Ex. 4.19. Jaegerhuber, Trio, ﬁrst movement (ﬂute part), mm. 8-9 ................................................. 85
Ex. 4.20. Jaegerhuber, Divertimento, ﬁfth movement (ﬂute part), mm 1-10 .................................... 85
Ex. 4.21. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 1, “Erzulie” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 77) ................... 86
Ex. 4.22. Jaegerhuber, Divertimento, sixth movement (ﬂute part), mm. 1-12 ................................... 87
Ex. 4.23. Jost, Kim Ba La, rehearsal letter ‘0’ (score), mm 41-53 ................................................ 87
Ex. 4.24. Jaegerhuber, “Quand ou vous dira” from T rois Chansons (score), mm. 1-5 .......................... 89
Ex. 4.25a. Jaegerhuber, “Amour” from Trois Chansons (score), mm 1-4 ....................................... 90
Ex. 4.25b. Jaegerhuber, “Amour” from T rois Chansons (score), mm. 19-21 .................................... 91
Ex. 4.26. Jaegerhuber, “Nirvana” from Trois Chansons (score), mm. 1-4 ....................................... 93
Ex. 4.27. Jaegerhuber, Preludio for solo ﬂute, second movement (In F ugam), mm 27-29 ................... 94
Ex. 4.28a. Jaegerhuber, Preludio, second movement, (In F ugam), mm. 14-16 .................................. 95
Ex. 4.28b. Jaegerhuber, Preludio, second movement (In F ugam), mm. 21-24 .................................. 95

XV

Ex. 4.29. Jagerhuber, Piccola Sonatina, second movement (violin part), mm. 1-8 .............................. 98

Chapter 5.
Ex. 5.1. Racine, T angente au Yanvalou (ﬂute part), mm. 16-17 .................................................. 105
Ex. 5.2. Racine, T angente au Yanvalou (ﬂute part), mm. 31-32 .................................................. 105
Ex. 5.3a. Yanvalou bell pattern found in Dancing Spirits (F leurant 1996, 51) ................................. 106
Ex. 5.3b. Yanvalou bell pattern found in The Drums of Vodou (Wilcken 1992, 63) ........................... 106
Ex. 5.4. Racine, T angente au Yanvalou (piano part), mm. 22-23 ................................................ 106
Ex. 5.5. Racine, T angente au Yanvalou (piano part), mm. 25-26 ................................................ 107
Ex. 5.6. Racine, Tangente au Yanvalou (piano part), mm. 25-26 ................................................ 107
. Ex. 5.7. Manman and segon drum parts, Dancing Spirits (Fleurant 1996, 60) ................................. 108
Ex. 5.8. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, ﬁrst movement (piano part), mm. 3-5 .................................... 109
Ex. 5.9a. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, ﬁrst movement (piano part), m. 14 ..................................... 1 10
Ex. 5%. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, ﬁrst movement (piano score), mm 26-29 ............................. 110
Ex. 5.10. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, ﬁrst movement (piano part), mm. 58-61 ............................... 111
Ex. 5.11. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, second movement (ﬂute part), mm. 9-13 .............................. 111
Ex. 5.12. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, second movement (piano part), mm 1-3 ............................... 111
Ex. 5.13. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (piano part), mm.1-4 ................................. 112
Ex. 5.14. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (ﬂute part), mm. 15-18 ................................ 112
Ex. 5. 153. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (piano part), mm. 63-65 ............................ 113
Ex. 5.15b. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (ﬂute part), mm 61-68 .............................. 113
Ex. 5.16. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (piano part), mm. 71-73 ............................... 114
Ex. 5.17. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (ﬂute part), mm 71-74 ............................... 114
Ex. 5.18. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (piano part), mm. 98-101 ............................. 114
Ex. 5.19. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (piano part), mm. 126-128 ............................ 115
Ex. 5.20. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (ﬂute part), mm. 132-135 ............................ 115
Ex. 5.21. Racine, “Mési Bon Dié” (piano part), mm. 1-3 ......................................................... 117
Ex. 5.22a. Racine, “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie, Sa!” (piano part), mm. 1-3 .......................................... 119
Ex. 5.22b. Racine, “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie, Sa!” (piano part), mm. 10-15 ....................................... 120

xvi

Ex. 5.23. Racine, “Erzulie Malade” (piano part), mm. 1-4 ........................................................ 121
Ex. 5.24. Racine, “Belle Haiti” (piano score), mm. 1-5 ........................................................... 121

Ex. 5.25. Racine, ”Belle Haiti” (piano part), mm. 25-27 .......................................................... 122

xvii

HAITIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC, VODOU AND CULTURAL IDENTITY: AN
EXAMINATION OF THE CLASSICAL FLUTE COMPOSITIONS BY HAITIAN
COMPOSER WERNER A. JAEGERHUBER

INTRODUCTION

Known as the poorest country in the western hemisphere, Haiti is a country rich in
culture and folklore; its various musical genres continually evolve and respond to the
change brought about by the political, social and economic climate of the country. Two '
of these genres include mizik rasin, also known as “roots” music, a form of popular music
that has been around since the mid 19805, and mizik savant ayisyen, Haitian classical
music. Both Of these musical forms ﬁnd their origins in the traditional music of Haiti and
served a similar function at different times during the twentieth century.

Mizik rasin brought the world’s attention to Haiti’s music, culture and politics in
the late twentieth century. By ﬁising Haitian traditional music with other genres and
focusing on its country’s past and current political and social events, mizik rasin united
Haitians in Haiti and throughout the diaspora. Michael Largey, an ethnomusicologist and
Haitian music scholar, notes how the ceremonial music of Haitian Vodou has enjoyed an
overwhelming popularity in the conunercial market, thanks to roots music groups that
have become involved in the research and recording of the ceremonial music found in
Vodou ceremonies (Largey 2002, 184). He states that “Haitian roots musicians are part
of a feedback loop which strengthens traditional music practice and brings the music of
Vodou to international audiences” (Largey 2002, 184-185). In the early twentieth
century the less well-known tradition of mizik savant dealt with very similar issues to that

Of mizik rasin, and addressed the tendency that elite Haitians have to connect themselves

to their rural folk past.

Like mizik rasin, Haitian classical musical draws upon the melodies and rhythms
from traditional ceremonial music and fosters a nationalistic identity among Haitians.
Composers like Werner Jaegerhuber borrowed melodies and rhythms from Vodou
ceremonial music and incorporated these traditional elements into their art music
compositions. Utilizing elements taken from the Vodou ceremony gives mizik savant a
distinctly Haitian sound. While ceremonial music was associated with the peasants and '
rural Haiti, it was recognizable by people from all walks of life. By examining mizik
savant in a historical context as it relates to Haitian indigenous culture, traditional music
and popular music including mizik rasin, we can see how Haitian art music has been and
continues to be a driving force behind Haitian identity.

In its attempt to unite Haitians at home and abroad, mizik savant ayisyen promotes
a sense of Haitian identity by crossing class and social boundaries, as well as
international borders. At the same time, mizik savant serves as an educational vehicle
that reaches out to an international audience and enables non-Haitians to Obtain a deeper
understanding of the controversial history, religion, and culture of Haiti through its
music. This study demonstrates how the traditional ceremonial music of Vodou and
folkloric music of the countryside inﬂuenced Haitian art music during the twentieth
century, which in turn led to a stronger sense of nationalism and identity among the
people of Haiti and created a uniﬁed front for Haitians against American and European
imperialism.

This document also examines how music, nationalism and identity intersect in
Haitian culture. In his forthcoming book, Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural

Nationalism, Largey discusses how composers made use of Haitian folk sources and

inﬂuences from Vodou to “claim a unique, Haitian cultural identity” during the United
States occupation of Haiti (3). This study will explore this premise as it relates to the art
music of Haitian composers during and following the US. occupation.

Finally, this study focuses on how ethnographic research, musical transcription
and performance come together in the works for ﬂute by Haitian composer Werner
J aegerhuber. I contend that Jaegerhuber’s contribution to Haitian art music and
ethnography is comparable in its signiﬁcance to those made by other well-known
scholars and ethnographers. This is evidenced by the depth and breadth of J aegerhuber’s
musical output and by the inﬂuence that J aegerhuber’s research had on his colleagues and
others who succeeded him.

This study demonstrates how J aegerhuber realized the creation of a uniquely
Haitian musical experience by taking the music of the Vodou ceremony out of context
and transforming the melodies in his art music compositions. This in turn led to a
stronger sense of nationalism and identity among the people of Haiti. This is evidenced
by the number of Haitian composers and musicians inﬂuenced by J aegerhuber;

J aegerhuber’s contemporaries and successors followed his example of utilizing '
traditional melodies and rhythms to create a uniquely Haitian sound with which Haitians
could identity. By incorporating musical transcriptions into his art music compositions,
Werner J aegerhuber took the process of ethnographic research done by Harold
Courlander further; he utilized Haitian traditional music in a way that appealed to a
broader base, reached out to an international audience, and attempted to bring together
the Haitian peasantry and elite class in a manner that was unique, unprecedented, and at

times controversial (Largey 2004, 19).

Using the ﬂute solo and chamber music compositions by J aegerhuber as a basis
for discussion, I identify the traditional elements J aegheruber utilized in these
compositions and discuss how Jaegerhuber transformed the music of the Vodou
ceremony by placing his musical transcriptions in a different context. I hold that by
transferring the music of the Vodou ceremony into art music compositions Jaegerhuber
transcended the spiritual essence of the music by giving new meaning to these melodies, '
even as he continued to preserve many of them in their original form. Furthermore, by
appropriating the music of the peasants and incorporating folk and ceremonial songs into
his classical compositions, Jaegerhuber ensured that his music would appeal to a broad
range of Haitians (for its indigenous attributes) as well as to foreign audiences (for its
classical and Western attributes).1

This study is interdisciplinary in nature and is connected to contemporary
scholarship and literature on Haitian music (Largey 1994, 2004, forthcoming 2006;

F leurant 1987, 1996; Grenier 2001), issues of nationalism and identity (Anderson 1991;
Appadurai 1996; Turino 2000), anthropology (Smith 2001; Herskovits 1975; Métraux
1960, 1972), religious studies (Brown 2001; Desmangles 1992), and folkloric studies
(Courlander 1939, 1960; Ramsey 2002; Price-Mars 1973 [1928]). While there are
contemporary scholars who have researched and published on the music of Werner

J aegerhuber (Largey, Grenier), Grenier’s focus has been more on J aegerhuber’s larger

choral works and Largey examines speciﬁc songs in Complaintes Haitiennes that relate

 

1 Largey argues “In order to foster both domestic and foreign respect for Haitian culture,
Haitian composers attempted to write classical music that was both unique and universal”
(forthcoming, 4). Haitian composers sought to make their music unique in the use of
rhythmic and melodic elements that were Haitian, and universal in their incorporation of
Western elements such as harmony, structure, etc.

to his discussion on presentational and participatory music.2 TO my knowledge this is the
ﬁrst in-depth study on the instrumental chamber music of Jaegerhuber, and is the ﬁrst to
focus speciﬁcally on the ﬂute compositions of J aegerhuber and Julio Racine.

Michael Largey has done extensive research on the ethnographic research and
musical transcriptions of J aegerhuber and how they relate to that done by Harold
Courlander and Melville Herskovits. Thus, chapters two and three of this document rely
on a summary Of Largey’s research to preface the focus of this study—the signiﬁcance Of
traditional music and Haitian identity as it relates to the classical ﬂute compositions of
J aegerhuber and Racine. In his article “Ethnographic Transcription and Music Ideology
in Haiti: The Music Of Wemer A. J aegerhuber” Largey notes that by transforming the
songs of the Vodou ceremony into compOsitions for voice and piano and later to “choral
pieces in a ‘vodouesque’ style,” J agerhuber succeeded in realizing Jean Price-Mars’s goal
of making Vodou ceremonial music a “cultural commodity” that could appeal to non-
Haitian audiences (Largey 2004, 1-2). This document examines this transformation and
adds another dimension to Largey’s study; it examines the evolution of J aegerhuger’s
transcriptions into instrumental works and addresses how the meaning of these melodies
changes with the omission of the text.

This study differs from Largey’s in its focus on J aegerhuber’s ﬂute compositions,
and on J aegerhuber’s inﬂuence on Julio Racine as demonstrated through an examination

of Racine’s compositions for ﬂute. Like Largey, I discuss J aegherhuber’s Complaintes

 

2 Largey’s research extends to other Haitian composers as well, especially the music of
Occide Jeanty and composers from the early twentieth century (Ludovic Lamothe, Justin
Elie). His research includes orchestral works as well as piano compositions. See his
forthcoming book Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural Nationalism for
information on these composers and their music.

Haitiennes, yet I analyze some of the songs found in Jaegerhuber’s Complaintes
Hai'tiennes more in depth; 1 look at how the melodies from J aegerhuber’s ethnographic
transcriptions that appear in these songs were utilized in his ﬂute compositions.3
Chapter one, “Mizik Endije‘n: The Root Of Haitian Nationalism and Identity,”
begins with a discussion on the importance of music in Haitian society.4 Haitians utilize
music in their daily lives as they work in konbit yo (cooperative work forces that people - .
within rural areas undertake to assist one another in times of need), as they pray (through
~ the use of traditional music and dance) and as they celebrate (through the use of popular
music forms like konpa and mizik rasin).5 As much of this music is rooted in the
traditional ceremonial music of Haitian Vodou, I also address the difference between
Vodou and voodoo, explain the signiﬁcance that Vodou holds in Haitian life and in'the
country’s history, and discuss how the traditional music of the Vodou ceremony

inﬂuenced art music during the twentieth century.6

 

3 See Largey 2004, 17-24 for his discussion on Complaintes Hai'tiennes.

4 Mizik endijén refers to the indigenous music of Haiti.

5 Yo is the plural indicator in Haitian Creole.

6 Some scholars make a distinction in the spelling and pronunciation Of these two words,
while others use them interchangeably. I use Vodou to refer to Haitian religion and
culture and voodoo to refer to the negative depictions and stereotypes associated with
Vodou. I should also note that a new orthography for Creole, called Institut Pédagogique
National d ’Hai’ti (IPN) was mandated by the Haitian government in 1979. While I use
the IPN orthography in this document, the orthography used by several of my sources
differs from IPN. Therefore there are times when different spellings for the same word
are found throughout this paper; these are not grammatical errors. Rather than revise the
text, I have included the spelling provided and utilized by the various scholars and
sources that I quote in this study. For example there are numerous spellings of Erzulie:
Erzulie (Racine), Ezuli (F leurant), Erzilie (Herskovits), Ezili (Brown, Largey), and Ezilie
(Courlander). It is interesting to note that while J aegerhuber uses the spellings Erzulie,
Erzili, and Erzuli in his ethnographic transcriptions and art songs, he uses the spelling
Hersulie in the transcriptions he provided for Le vodou haitien (see Maximilien, chapter
16), and uses the spelling Erzulie in his notecards.

Additionally, in chapter one I examine the relationship between Haitian classical
music, nationalism, and the Haitian elite. I discuss the inﬂuence that Haitian scholar Jean
Price-Mars had on J aegerhuber and other Haitian composers, and his role in the
development of Haitian nationalism and identity through Haitian music and culture. I
give a brief overview of the ﬁrst American occupation of Haiti in order to “place the
cultural practice of mizik savant ayisyen in its historical and political contexts.”7 I argue
that while elite Haitians distanced themselves from Vodou due to the negative discourse
that surrounded it, elite Haitian composers like J agerhuber retained a deep appreciation of
their culture and traditional music as evidenced by their use of these elements in their
classical music compositions. Jaegerhuber recognized the importance of using
traditional music as a basis to create a uniquely Haitian experience in his art music
compositions. I follow with a discussion on the various movements that occurred during
the early-mid twentieth century—including the anti-superstition campaign and folkloric
movement—and their effect on Haitian music, religion and culture.

In the second chapter, “Ethnographic Research in Twentieth-Century Haiti,” I
discuss the ethnographic research and musical transcriptions done by scholars Harold
Courlander (1908-1996) and Melville Herskovits (1895-1963) during the 19308. I
examine their methodology, the inﬂuence their work had on Jaegehuber, and the
signiﬁcance of their contribution to ethnographic research on Haiti.

The third chapter, “The Transformation of Traditional Music: Werner

J aegerhuber, Musical Folklore and Haitian Identity,” focuses on J aegerhuber, his

 

7 (Largey forthcoming, 15). See Largey’s book for a more in-depth discussion of the ﬁrst
US. occupation of Haiti, also Renda (2001), Shannon (1996), Millspaugh (1970 [1931]),
and Schmidt (1971).

ethnographic research on the folkloric music of the countryside, and how he embraced his
Haitian identity by incorporating many Of his folkloric transcriptions into his art music
compositions.8 In this chapter I examine J aegerhuber’s methodology of transcribing folk
songs and how it relates to that of Courlander. I discuss J aegerhuber’s motives for using
these melodies in his art music compositions, and address the impact his research has had
on the study of ethnography and Haitian music as it relates to Haiti and its diaspora.

J aegerhuber’s work had a signiﬁcant and lasting impact on Haitian art music during the
twentieth century; his contribution of ethnographic transcriptions is a noteworthy
contribution to the scholarship on Haitian culture. This chapter also examines how

J aegerhuber transformed the music of the Vodou ceremony by giving the melodies new
meaning in his art music compositions.

In chapter three I also examine J aegerhuber’s Complaintes Haitiennes. While
others (Largey and Grenier) have written about Complaintes Hai'tiennes, this study looks
at this collection of songs in more detail as they compare to J aegerhuber’s original
ethnographic transcriptions. An examination Of Complaintes Haitiennes is necessary
because it bridges the evolution of J aegerhuber’s ethnographic transcriptions and their
appearance in his chamber music compositions. A discussion of this collection prefaces
the connection in chapter four between J aegerhuber’s transcriptions, art songs and similar
material that he utilized in his chamber works for ﬂute; as well it illustrates J aegerhuber’s
transformation of songs from Vodou ceremony to art music setting. An examination of

Complaintes Haitiennes will also tie into the discussion in chapter ﬁve on Racine’s

 

8 While Jaegerhuber’s transcriptions were taken from the ceremonial music of Vodou,
J aegerhuber and other Haitian elites termed these melodies as “folklore” to separate them
from their religious context.

arrangement of Haitian folk songs, some of which were based on those done by
J aegerhuber.

Chapter four, “From Musical Transcription to Performance: The Solo and
Chamber Works of Werner J aegerhuber,” is a case study of the compositions for ﬂute by
J aegerhuber, which examines compositions inﬂuenced by ceremonial and folkloric music
as well as those rooted in the Western tradition.9 In this chapter I demonstrate how
J aegerhuber implemented his ethnographic transcriptions—at times note for note—into
the ﬂute parts Of his art music compositions and identify the various ceremonial songs
that he used. I include examples from the ﬂute part and score of some of these pieces,
examples of J aegerhuber’s ethnographic transcriptions (to reference the songs that are
quoted in his musical compositions), and J aegerhuber’s analysis of the particular song
under discussion.

The ﬁfth chapter, “Musical Crossroads: J aegerhuber’s Inﬂuence on the Flute
Compositions by Haitian Composer Julio Racine” examines the ﬂute compositions of
I Haitian ﬂutist and composer Julio Racine, who was inﬂuenced by J aegerhuber and shared
his philosophy. In the twenty-ﬁrst century Racine deals with many of the same issues
that J aegerhuber dealt with in the mid-twentieth century. Like J aegerhuber, Racine
recognizes the importance of identifying with the traditional music of Haiti, and he
utilizes melodic and rhythmic elements taken from Vodou ceremonial music in his ﬂute

compositions.

 

9 Almost all Of the music included in this study is in manuscript form and has not been
published. I include several works in this document that were written for other
instruments (or for voice) that work equally well on ﬂute. I also include works in the
western tradition (without any reference to traditional elements), to illustrate the various
styles in which Jaegerhuber composed.

In the conclusion, “Music in Haiti and Its Diaspora in the Twenty-First Century,”
I note J aegerhuber’s inﬂuence on the many Haitian composers—contemporaries and
those who succeeded him—who have followed his example and have been inspired by
his work. I discuss the signiﬁcance of mizik savant outside of Haiti in the twenty-ﬁrst
century and the continued inﬂuence of traditional music on Haitian and non-Haitian
composers and musicians in the diaspora. From the latter half of the twentieth century
through the present, many pieces written by J aegerhuber and his contemporaries have
been performed by Haitian and non-Haitian composers in Haiti, the United States and
Canada who are eager to promote the art music of Haiti. ’0 Furthermore, Haitian
composers at home and abroad continue to draw upon and incorporate the traditional
music of Haiti in their compositions as they strive for a sound that is uniquely and
identiﬁably Haitian. The conclusion also revisits the relationship between mizik savant
and mizik rasin and how both genres have served to educate audiences about Haitian
culture.

Examining the ethnographic research and musical output by J aegerhuber provides
insight into the relationship between elite and lower class Haitians; the Haitian elite
utilized traditional elements in their music while Haiti’s peasant class incorporated
traditional music into their daily lives. Furthermore, it provides an opportunity to learn
more about Haiti’s political and social situation during the twentieth century, the effect of

US. occupation on the development and growth of mizik savant ayisyen, and the role that

 

'0 Included in the appendix is a list of works for ﬂute by J aegerhuber, along with
additional solo and chamber works for ﬂute by other Haitian composers. The majority of
these compositions are available through the Haitian music collection maintained by the
Société de Récherche et de Diffusion de la Musique Hai’tienne at the University Of
Québec in Montreal.

10

traditional music has played and continues to perform in the context Of Haitian identity

and nationalism.

ll

Chapter 1. Mizik Endije‘n: The Root of Haitian Nationalism and Identity
The Importance of Music in Haitian Society

The majority of Haitian music, be it popular music or art music, has its roots in
the traditional and ceremonial music of Haitian Vodou. A basic knowledge of Vodou and
how it has been depicted inside and outside of Haiti provides an understanding and
appreciation of the relationship that composers and other Haitian elites had with Vodou. '
This, in turn, will assist in understanding the relationship between the elite and peasant
classes, the inﬂuence that ceremonial music had on Haitian art music, and the important
role that J aegerhuber played as a forerunner of composers who incorporated traditional

elements into their classical compositions.

Haitian Vodou: Music, Religion and Daily Life

Haitian Vodou, an often misunderstood and misrepresented religion, is an integral
part of Haitian culture, identity and life. In April 2003 Vodou became an ofﬁcially
recognized religion in Haiti.1 It is a syncretic religion that blends African spiritual
traditions with Catholicism, and “a religious practice focused on the spiritual and

emotional well-being of its practitioners” (Largey forthcoming, 2).2 Many Haitians who

 

' Boston Haitian Report, May 2003, 10.

2 Elements of African inﬂuences incorporated into Vodou include mode of worship—
speciﬁc dances and rhythms are associated with speciﬁc spirits (lwa or loa)——the
importance Of song in calling the spirits (from Africa or Ginen), the call and response
format that many of the songs follow, the signiﬁcance of sacriﬁce in the rituals, and that
rituals are held on days sacred to the particular spirit being worshipped (also similar to
feast days in the Catholic church that are held for speciﬁc saints). Inﬂuences of
Catholicism include the lithographs and icons of saints that are found on Vodou altars
and in homes and businesses, the use of candles in the ceremony, baptismal rights (which
also includes godparents), and the blessing and sanctiﬁcation of objects used in Vodou
religious ceremonies through the sprinkling of holy water (as done in the Catholic

12

“serve the spirits” also consider themselves to be good Catholics and good Christians.3

There is a popular saying that 80% of Haitians are Catholic, 20% are Protestant and
100% are Vodou. Sociologist Laennec Hurbon describes Vodou as “express[ing] a
particular interpretation of the world, a way of making sense of the world and of human
existence. . .as such, it is part of human patrimony. In its ties with the struggle against
slavery and against the American occupation, Vodou attests, moreover, to having positive
aspects in the quest for the expression of human dignity and liberty” (Hurbon 1995, 196).
- Vodou plays an important role in Haitian’s understanding of their historical past, present
and future.

Vodou has a tradition and history that has been passed down orally for many
years and it places a strong emphasis on family and community. Structurally speaking,
there is a well-deﬁned organizational hierarchy in Vodou. The priest (ougan or manbo)
is the spiritual leader of the temple, followed by Ofﬁcers, initiates and community
members, all who work together for the beneﬁt of the community and come together to
assist one another in times of need. More than a religion, Vodou is also a justice system
based on moral values, an educational system based on oral tradition, a health-care
system based on natural and spiritual healing methods, and an expression of culture that

encompasses art, music and dance.

 

mass).Vodouists also practice a form of penitence like Catholics, to Obtain forgiveness
from a lwa that they may have offended (Metraux 1972 [1959], 332-333), and novenas
are held to pray for the sick and needy (Herskovits 1937, 129).

3 In Haiti, people do not say that they practice Vodou or follow Vodou, but say that they
serve the lwa (spirits). Haitians pray to the lwa much in the same way that Catholics pray
to Saints. Lawless states that one must be baptized Catholic “in order to serve the lwa”
(Lawless 1992, 155), and noted scholar Karen McCarthy Brown states those who “serve
the Vodou spirits consider themselves to be good Christians” (Brown 2001 , 111).

13

While Vodou is largely associated with peasant culture and rural Haiti, people of
all walks of life serve the spirits. Gerdes Fleurant, a Haitian ethnomusicologist and
initiated Vodou priest, describes Vodou and its importance to Haitians of all class and

social levels:

Those unfamiliar with Haiti oﬁen question what part of the Haitian population is
linked to Vodou practice. Yet the more pertinent question may be, who is not? A
religion that sustained slaves, peasants, and the dispossessed, Vodou remains
inextricably ingrained in national culture. And though the country’s elite has
sought to distance itself from association with Vodou—rarely a status-symbol for
those eager to climb the social ladder—many members of the middle and upper
classes, in time of need, patronize Vodou rituals and avail themselves of the

advice and services of the oungan and manbo4 (F leurant 1998, 100).

Fleurant’s view is especially noteworthy due to his status as an ougan and a
member of Haiti’s upper class. Many of Haiti’s art music composers also come from the
Haitian upper class. Although Haiti’s elite initially chose to distance themselves from
Vodou due to their own prejudices and to the negative manner in which Vodou was
depicted outside of Haiti, the ﬁrst occupation of Haiti by the US. military (1915-1934)
led Haitians of all class levels to te‘t ansanm (to cooperate—literally, to put their heads
together) and call upon their traditional music to ﬁght the military dominance of the

American troops and the cultural dominance of the United States. Music and the

 

4 An oungan (ougan) and manbo are a male and female Vodou priest, respectively.

14

expression of culture were two of the ways by which Haitians of all class levels could
ﬁght back against colonialism and, in a small way, successfully resist the occupation
forces.5 The American occupation resulted in a resurgence of nationalism and identity
among the Haitian elite, which led many of them, beginning with J agerhuber, to become
more connected to their roots and to embrace Vodou as an important part of their cultural

heritage.

Historical Background

Haitian Vodou originated out of necessity among the slaves prior to the
revolution. Until 1791 Haitians were under French rule and suffered inhumane treatment
at the hands of the slave owners.6 In order to be able to endure the hardships that they
suffered at the hands of the French, Haitian slaves gave the African spirits (lwa) the
names of Catholic saints.7 Thinking that they had been converted, French plantation
owners allowed slaves to follow this faith, which appeared to be Catholicism. Hurbon
notes “As in the war of independence. . .Vodou served as a cultural protection, a force of

community solidarity” (Hurbon 1995, 195). This “community solidarity” enabled the

 

5 In Vodou Nation Largey notes “Composers used Haitian folk sources as the basis of an
art music tradition that. . .established an artistic tradition of resistance by elite Haitians
toward U.S. imperialism” (forthcoming, 3).

6 For more information on the treatment of slaves before the Haitian revolution see The
Black Jacobins (1963) by C.L.R. James.

7 African slaves were not allowed to pray and worship their African spirits. For more
information on Vodou spirits and their Catholic counterparts see Herskovits (1937, 278-
281) and Brown (1991, 3). Also see Spirits of the Night: The Vaudun Gods of Haiti
(Rodman & Cleaver 1992, XII & 1-2) for depictions of vévé—ceremonial drawings
representing the various lwa—which are found throughout the book, along with detailed
descriptions of each lwa represented.

15

slaves to organize themselves and unite; together with many middle class Haitians they
drove the plantation owners out of Haiti.8

The negative depiction Of Vodou throughout the twentieth century is due in large
part as a reaction to Haiti becoming the ﬁrst black independent nation in the world and
the second free republic in the world after the United States. Furthermore, the fact that
Haiti was founded on a slave revolt that lasted from 1791-1804 was a cause for concern -
for the US. and other countries throughout the Americas.9 Fear at the thought of a
similar uprising happening outside of Haiti provoked the media to depict Vodou in a
negative and dangerous light.IO Largey notes how “foreign journalism and literature
about Haiti in the nineteenth century was based on exploiting Vodou’s dangerous
reputation in order to bolster foreign claims of Haitian backwardness and barbarism”
(Largey forthcoming, 11).” As a result Of this false propaganda and exploitation, Haiti
was isolated and ostracized by the rest of the world for many years.

In order to become more accepted in the world, elite Haitians, the Catholic

Church and government ofﬁcials in Haiti attempted to eradicate Vodou in the early-mid

 

8During the revolution many of the plantations were destroyed and crops were burned.
Following the revolution France forced Haiti pay a dept, which all but bankrupted the
country.

9 The revolution in Haiti ended with the French being thrown out of the country in
November 1803 but independence was not ofﬁcially declared until January 1, 1804.

'0 During the time of the Haitian revolution the United States and “other countries in the
Americas had thriving slave economies” (Largey forthcoming, 4). In his chapter entitled
“American Fantasy and Haitian Vodou” in Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou (1995), Hurbon
notes “With slavery still prevailing throughout the Caribbean, as well as in the US, it
was necessary to isolate and strangle Haiti so as to avoid all contagion of the bad example
it represented by its escape from slavery” (1995, 183).

H Hurbon notes that marines and the American Observers in Haiti used derogatory terms
such as “savages” and “cannibals” to refer to cacos—Haitian peasants who resisted
American forces—in order to “better consolidate and awaken the racist prejudices of the
many Western readers” (1995, 185).

16

twentieth century. In 1935, one year after the US. troops left Haiti, Haitian President
Stenio Vincent signed a law against les pratiques superstitieuses (superstitious practices).
Anthropologist Kate Ramsey points out that during this period the government insisted
on making a distinction between popular dance—referred to as “national culture” because
it attracted tourists and beneﬁted Haiti economically—and superstitious practice, which
was set apart by the “performance of sacriﬁce” (Ramsey 2002, 13). Ramsey continues, '
“The 1935 law made animal sacriﬁce the deﬁnitive mark of ‘superstitious practice’” (30),
and she referred to animal sacriﬁce as the “legal litmus test” [that] distinguish[ed]
prohibited rituals from the newly protected category of popular dance” (30).12 Folkloric
groups performing in public spaces were forced to abstain from any reference to animal
sacriﬁce or risk being apprehended by ofﬁcials.

Several years later, in 1939, the Catholic Church began a campagne anti-
superstitiuse (anti-superstition campaign), which was a war it started against Vodou
(Ramsey 2002, 20).13 During this time, temples were raided, ceremonial drums and
religious objects were burned and destroyed, and many people connected to Vodou
(manbo and ougan in particular) were killed. The anti-superstition campaign continued
throughout the presidency of Elie Lescot, a member of the Haitian elite who was elected

in 1941.14 Although Lescot oversaw the destruction of many temples throughout the

 

’2 At the end of her article Ramsey discusses how “the 1935 legislation played a key
role. . .in perpetuating the political marginalization, social stigrnatization, and everyday
economic exploitation of the subaltem majority in Haiti” (Ramsey 2002, 31).

’3 Hurbon also refers to the anti-superstition campaign as the “Campaign Of Rejection”
because it “aimed to force every Vodouist to reject, by oath, each belief and practice of
Vodou” (Hurbon 1995, 190).

'4 There are some discrepancies as to when the anti-superstition campaign ﬁrst began.
Hurbon refers to its start in 1940 (190). Both Largey (forthcoming, 142) and Grenier

l7

country, he could not remove Vodou entirely; it was ﬁrmly rooted in Haitian culture and
in the masses of the Haitian peasants. Regardless of the attempts by those like Lescot to
erase Vodou from Haiti and irregardless of how Haitian elites and the Catholic church
viewed Vodou, Haitian Vodou began to manifest itself in other forms through the art,

music and dance of Haiti in the early to mid-twentieth century.

Jean Price-Mars: The US. Occupation and the Mouvement F olklorique

Around the same time that the anti-superstition campaign was taking place, there
was also a movement known as the mouvementfolklorique (folkloric movement). During
this period many Haitian served as consultants to ethnographers and/or were involved in
folkloric and traditional music performances on some level, either for commercial or
religious purposes.15 This newly founded interest in the music of Haiti was fueled by the
United States occupation, which resulted in a resurgence of nationalism and cultural
identity among Haitians of all levels of society. '6

In her article Ramsey notes that following the US. occupation, “from the early
19405 on, the Haitian state was highly invested in constructing new images of Haitian
national culture and identity through dance and music folklore” (Ramsey 2002, 17).
According to Ramsey, Jean Price-Mars—doctor, teacher, and founder of the Institut d’

Ethnologie—was the driving force behind Haitian’s realization of their culture as a

 

(2001, 41) make reference to it beginning in 1941, and Ramsey states that it began with
the Catholic Church in 1939 (2002, 20)..

15 This movement was also referred to as le movement indigéne, “known outside of Haiti
as Négritude” (Largey 1994, 105). In addition to music and dance, it encompassed art,
literature, linguistics, and many other aspects of Haitian culture and life.

‘6 Ironically, for all of the damage and harm done during the US. occupation, it brought
together the people of Haiti and instilled a strong sense of nationalism and cultural
identity through music, the arts and literature.

18

nationalistic emblem (Ramsey 2002, 7-8). Price-Mars called upon Haitians to reevaluate
their culture “through the intense study of [Haitian] folklore” (9).17 Throughout the US.
occupation, Price-Mars inspired Haitian elite composers to connect with their historical
past and urged them to look towards their Aﬁican heritage rather than identifying with
France and the West (9). Ramsey describes how “with the restoration of Haitian
sovereignty in 1934, the postoccupation [sic] state constructed popular practices, and
particularly ritual dance, as indices of ofﬁcial Haitian identity and modernity, but framed
such performances intemationally as revivals of a transcended cultural past” (10). Price-
Mars called upon Haitians to stand up against the Americans and to ﬁght back
“culturally” even as they were overwhelmed by American culture.

During the 19205 Price-Mars encouraged both elites and peasants to come
together, take pride in their uniquely Haitian culture, and resist the cultural and political
dominance of the American occupation by identifying with their country’s Vodou
traditions and African-derived folklore (Largey forthcoming, 34-35).18 Both Largey and
Ramsey note how Price-Mars urged artists to turn to Vodouesque sources and Haitian
folklore as inspiration for their artistic endeavors (Largey forthcoming, 40; Ramsey 2004,

9).19

 

’7 The Bureau d ’Ethnologie de la Republique d ’Haiti was founded by Jacques Romain, a
Haitian novelist, on October 31, 1941. Shortly thereafter Price-Mars founded the Institut
d ’Ethnologie.

'8 Largey notes how Haiti’s Aﬁican-derived folklore “distinguished” Haitian culture from
that of other countries in Latin America (forthcoming, 34).

’9 Price-Mars’s views can be found in his monograph Ainsi parla l’oncle (So spoke the
uncle) (170), his study of the folkloric and traditional practices of Haiti. In his book
Price-Mars saw Vodou as a religious practice (Price-Mars 1983, 39), urged Haitians to
connect with their Aﬁican roots, and criticized elite Haitians for identifying with French
and Western ideals.

19

Although Price-Mars encouraged elites to connect themselves to their rural folk
past, he felt that folklore could not be “consumed” by elites in its “unreﬁned form,” and
that it was necessary for elite composers, artists and writers to take these folk traditions
and develop them into something that could be presented to an international audience
(Largey forthcoming, 40). Largey notes the following in regard to the role elite Haitians

needed to play in order to restructure Haiti’s folklore in a presentable format:

According to Price-Mars, the Haitian intelligentsia was responsible for
transforming the raw materials of Haitian folklore, its tales, legends, beliefs,
superstitions, riddles, proverbs, and folksongs into a national literature and music
respectively. Price-Mars claimed that Haitians were capable of structuring a
national literature which would combine the cultural values of the Haitian ab_itan

[peasant] with the formal criteria of European art (Largey forthcoming, 40).

Like Price-Mars, J aegerhuber also felt it necessary for the music of the peasants to
undergo a transformation; it needed the inﬂuence of European standards and ideals in
order to be presentable to elite audiences (Largey 2004, 2). While popular dances of
19205 incorporated the rhythms of Vodou, Haitian art music during that time period did
not. Price-Mars called upon elite composers to develop a Haitian national music that
would be inspired by the ceremonial music of Vodou and J aegerhuber heeded this call
(Price-Mars 1983, 182.)

Price-Mars’s view broke from the popular view that elites had of Vodou as being

part of peasant culture. Rather than separate Vodou as a religious practice in order to

20

justify its use in music, art, dance, he called upon Haitians to embrace Vodou as part Of
their cultural identity and African heritage. In his book Ainsi parla l’ oncle (1928) Price-
Mars emphasized Vodou as a religious practice. The following excerpt is from Price-

Mars’ argument regarding Vodou as a religious practice.

Voodoo is a religion because all its adherents believe in the existence of spiritual
beings who live anywhere in the universe in close intimacy with humans whose
activity they dominate. . .Voodoo is a religion because the cult appertaining to its
gods requires a hierarchical priestly body, a society of the faithful, temples, altars,
ceremonies, and ﬁnally a whole oral tradition which has certainly not come down
to us unaltered, but thanks to which the essential elements of this worship have
been transmitted. Voodoo is a religion because, amidst the confusion of legends
and the corruption of fables, we can discern a theology, a system of representation
thanks to which our African ancestors have, primitively, accounted for natural
phenomena and which lies dorrnantly at the base Of the anarchical beliefs upon
which the hybrid Catholicism of our popular masses rests (Price—Mars 1983

[1928], 39).

This excerpt reﬂects Price-Mars’s philosophy and ideals regarding Vodou and the

meaning it should have for Haitians.20 He felt that the “songs, stories, and beliefs of the

 

2° The contempt Price-Mars felt for the views of other elite Haitians is evident in the
condescending manner in which he addresses other elites in the words that follow this
excerpt. (See Price-Mars 1983, 39). The material in Ainsi parla l’ oncle was taken from
lectures that Price-Mars gave during the 19205 in which he “chided the elite for their

21

Haitian lower-classes was the basis for a new Haitian nation that would withstand the
corrosive effects of the US. occupation” (Largey forthcoming, 46).” The following
pages examine the outcome of Price-Mars’s call to arms as it relates to the incorporation
of traditional inﬂuences in Haitian art music, beginning around the time of the ﬁrst

American occupation and continuing into the twenty-ﬁrst century.

Mizik Savant Ayisyen, Nationalism and the Haitian Elite: Traditional Music and Its
Inﬂuence on Haitian Art Music

Haitian indigenous culture and traditional music have long inﬂuenced Haitian
classical music. Prior to the ﬁrst US. occupation Of Haiti, many Haitian composers
looked negatively upon Haitian Vodou; they identiﬁed with European cultural models in
order to distance themselves from the negative perceptions foreigners had of Haitian
culture (Largey forthcoming, 4). Yet, during and after the US. occupation some Haitian
composers began to identify with lower class Haitians and started incorporating elements
taken from Vodou—the religion of rural Haitians—into their musical works. These
elements included rhythmic variations taken from ceremonial drumming, melodies (and
text, in the case Of vocal music) taken ﬁ'om religious and rural folk songs, and language
in the form of Haitian Creole. Michael Largey describes the connection between Vodou,
art music, and culture: “By using Vodou in Haitian art music, composers create
opportunities for performers to embody Vodou ritual, taking the melodies, rhythms, and

in some cases, the movements from Vodou ceremonial rituals as the basis of a new,

 

snobbishness and argued for a recognition of Haitian peasant culture” (Arthur and Dash
1999,300)

2’ Werner J aegerhuber believed strongly in the ideals Of Price-Mars and was inspired by
his philosophy.

22

culturally informed understanding of Haitian culture” (Largey forthcoming,13). The US.
occupation of Haiti was the catalyst for this new, “culturally informed understanding of
Haitian culture,” which reached out across social boundaries to Haitians of all class levels
and to an international audience during and after the American occupation.22
Throughout history upper class elites (lelit) in Haiti have separated themselves
from the lower class (peasants, or abitan), both physically and intellectually. This
separation extends to religious and musical practices as well; the elites were (and still are)
associated with the practice of Catholicism and Haitian art music and the peasants were
associated with the practice of Vodou and Vodou-inﬂuenced music such as ram and
carnaval.23 As mentioned earlier, to many Haitians of the lower class Vodou is more
than a religion; it is a way of life, a means whereby they can connect with their Aﬁican
identity. Because the outside world termed the practice of Vodou as synonymous with

witchcraft and black magic, members of the Haitian elite disassociated themselves from

Vodou.24 They looked upon Vodou and its musical inﬂuences as identifying with the

 

22 Largey states “by incorporating Vodou into Haitian art music, Haitian composers tried
to retain the “use value” of Vodou music with its connection to Haitian lower-class
culture while expanding the “exchange value” of Vodou in an international market, thus
demonstrating their connections to a larger, cosmopolitan audience” (forthcoming, 12).
By utilizing rhytluns and melodies taken from ceremonial music, composers could
connect with the peasant class. At the same time, the genre of art music appealed to elite
Haitian and non-Haitian audiences and presented the music of the Vodou ceremony in an
acceptable format.

23 Ram is a Lenten processional music that takes place in the streets in the weeks leading
up to Easter, beginning on Ash Wednesday and ending on Easter Sunday. The national
carnaval in Haiti takes place the second weekend before Lent, while the J acmel carnaval
begins the weekend before Lent and ends on Fat Tuesday.

24 See Spirits of the Night: The Vaudun Gods of Haiti for an overview of some Of the
stereotypes typically associated with Haitian Vodou. (Rodman & Cleaver 1992, XII & 1-
2).

23

peasantry and lower class denomination of Haiti and shunned those associated with its
practice.25

The ﬁrst US. occupation of Haiti succeeded in unifying the Haitian population
and led Haitian elites to look at Vodou and Vodou-inﬂuenced music in a new light. The
false propaganda and negative press generated during the occupation eventually aligned
Haiti’s elite with the lower class in support of Vodou, and led the upper class to “turn to -
Vodou as a potential defense against foreign cultural encroachment” (Largey
forthcoming, 11).26 Although elite Haitians initially did not want to be connected with
the music of the Vodou ceremony, many found a way to connect themselves to their rural
past while remaining disassociated with the negative propaganda surrounding Vodou.
Largey explains how the Haitian elite were able to integrate the music of Vodou in their
musical compositions without conﬂict, “By labeling Vodou-derived music as folklO
[folklore], elites distanced themselves ﬁ'om the religious aspects of Vodou music while
maintaining a cultural connection to rural Haiti” (Largey forthcoming, 11). This outlook
enabled members of the elite to continue to separate themselves from Vodou as a
religious practice even as they incorporated the music of Vodou into their own musical
works.

Werner J aegerhuber, a Haitian composer and amateur ethnographer who

appreciated the folkloric and musical traditions of the peasants, was one of Haiti’s most

 

25 In her article, Ramsey notes that when the dance troupe directed by Lina F ussman-
Manthon “began learning and performing choreography based on ritual, as Opposed to
simply singing harmonized folksong, they began to be stigmatized by some of their peers
from bourgeois families” (2002, 23).

26 In his forthcoming book Largey “argues that Haitian composers turned to Vodou. . .tO
bolster their claims Of an “authentic” national identity during the United States
occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934” (forthcoming, 3).

24

proliﬁc composers. Inspired by the philosophy of Price-Mars, J aegerhuber was one Of
the ﬁrst composers to incorporate the traditional music of the Haitian peasants into his art
music compositions. In 1937 J aegerhuber “organized two conferences at the Société
Scientiﬁque in Port-au-Prince to make a plea for the establishment of a national music
based on the study of the nation’s folklore” (Largey 1994, 113, emphasis added).

Even though many elite composers like J aegerhuber were able to separate the
music of Vodou from its ceremonial context, some elites continued to associate the music
of peasants with Vodou and were uncomfortable with that connection. While
J aegerhuber found beauty and inspiration in the traditional folk and religious music of
Haiti, many of J aegerhuber’s colleagues did not share his appreciation of Haiti’s

indigenous music and culture. In his forthcoming book, Largey states:

J aegerhuber invoked the ire Of elite Haitians who were ashamed of their culture’s
Vodou antecedents as well as the disdain Of Haitian classical musicians who felt
that the music of the Vodou ceremony was not sufﬁciently sophisticated to
warrant arrangements in European-style art compositions. His works, especially
the Haitian songs that he set to piano accompaniment, were most widely
distributed as promotional materials for Haitian tourism, not as art songs intended

for the concert stage” (Largey 2004, 2).

Although J aegerhuber’s music was not well-received by some audiences and he did not

receive the recognition that he arguably deserved, by following the calling Of Price-Mars

25

to “identify with Haiti’s Vodou traditions” (Largey forthcoming, 35), J agerhuber and
others succeeded in creating a nationalistic music with which all Haitians could identify.
In the next chapter I discuss how this outpouring of traditional-inﬂuenced music
and dance drew American anthropologists and folklorists to Haiti. Using Largey’s
research as my source (along with that done by Courlander and Herskovits), I examine
the methodology and contributions of Courlander and Herskovits to provide insight into '

the signiﬁcance of J aegerhuber’s ethnographic research.

26

Chapter 2. Ethnographic Research in Twentieth-Century Haiti

After the United States occupation Of Haiti, ethnography began to take on more
importance in Haiti; people began to realize the signiﬁcance of traditional music and
peasant culture as something uniquely Haitian. As people began to express an interest in
discovering more about Haitian folk traditions, several things occurred that reﬂected the
increasing importance of Haiti’s indigenous culture. The Bureau d ’Ethnologie and the
Institute d’ Ethnologie were established in the capital city of Port-au-Prince in 1941. The
folkloric movement in Haiti encouraged people to identify with their African heritage,
and those “vying for control of the country’ ’I began to realize the importance of peasant
culture as the basis for a national culture.1 In addition to Haitians who were interested in
the ethnography of Haiti, American anthropologists and folklorists became very interest
in Haitian culture.2 Harold Courlander and Melville Herskovits conducted ethnographic
research in Haiti during the 19305. This chapter examines the work done by Courlander
and Herskovits, their methodology, and the signiﬁcance their work has had on the
ethnographic research on Haiti. This will preface the discussion on Werner J aegerhuber

and his methodology and contribution to Haitian music in chapter three.

 

I Largey tells us that two of the three political groups vying for control of the country
believed that the “Haitian peasantry was essential in deﬁning a unique Haitian culture
and that ethnography would provide insight into that culture” (Largey forthcoming, 143).
2 Haitian ethnomusicologists Gerdés Fleurant and Claude Daphin have written
extensively on the ceremonial music of Haiti. Fleurant’s monograph, Dancing Spirits:
Rhythms and Rituals of Haitian Vodun, the Rada Rite (1996), is the ﬁrst major study
devoted entirely to the music Of the Rada rite and is based on his Ph.D. dissertation, “The
Ethnomusicology of Yanvalou: A Study of the Rada Rite in Haiti” (1987). Dauphin’s
monograph Musique du vaudou: fonctions, structures et styles (1986) analyzes and
interprets the music of the Vodou ceremony. It also includes the transcriptions, texts and
translations of ﬁfty Haitian songs taken from the folkloric and ceremonial repertoire. The
contribution of Haitian scholar Michel Laguerre should be noted here as well; his Voodoo
Heritage (1980) is devoted to the classiﬁcation and interpretation of Vodou songs
(Fleurant 1996, 72).

27

A history of negative discourse surrounds Haitian culture and religion, especially
those aspects Of Vodou associated with possession trance and “zombies” (zonbi yo). TOO
Often the information obtained by researchers and reporters was taken out Of context,
exploited and used to appeal to and attract tourists.3 In Largey’s words “Haiti was
believed to be a mystical place where the spirit and human worlds intersected” (Largey
forthcoming 148). The Vodou ceremony was at the heart of this mysticism. Some
Haitians and non-Haitians exploited aspects of the Vodou ceremony for ﬁnancial gain,
which succeeded in fueling the negative propaganda that had become rampant in the
news media during the American occupation. Yet there were those—like J aegerhuber,
Courlander and Herskovits—whose purpose was to preserve the traditional culture of
Haiti and to educate others about its importance.4 While inspired by Jean Price-Mars,
Werner J aegerhuber’s ethnographic work was inﬂuenced by the research done by
American anthropologist Melville Herskovits and American folklorist and novelist
Harold Courlander, both of whom considered Vodou to be “one of the richest repositories

of African culture in the Americas” (Largey 2004, 6).

On Music and Folklore: Harold Courlander and Melville Herskovits
Harold Courlander shared Price-Mars’s view that the origins of Haitian music

were from Aﬁica and found in the music of the peasants; from 1932-1938 he made ﬁve

 

3 A good example of this practice later in the twentieth century was the research
conducted on zonbi yo by American anthropologist Wade Davis. Davis’s resulting
monograph, The Serpent and the Rainbow (1997 [01985]), was made into a Hollywood
movie. As Davis had sold all rights to the movie, the sensationalized ﬁlm did much to
exacerbate the negative discourse on zonbi yo and Vodou in Haiti.

4 F leurant and Dauphin continue to preserve Haiti’s traditional culture and to educate
others on its importance.

28

trips to Haiti and collected hundreds of Haitian folk songs.’ Courlander’s book Haiti
Singing (1939) was “the ﬁrst book-length monograph devoted entirely to music of the
Haitian countryside” (Largey 2004, 6). In his book Courlander includes musical
examples of drum patterns and melodies taken from his research. Chapter seven includes
transcriptions of drum parts for two Haitian dances, while chapter eight consists of one
hundred and twenty-six melodies accompanied by text taken from ceremonial songs (see'
Courlander 1939, 177-226).

Courlander hired Haitians living in rural areas as ﬁeldwork assistants who aided
him in collecting songs in the southern part of Haiti. He attended Vodou ceremonies
throughout this region, in the villages of Leogane and Kenscoff, among others. As
Largey points out, while Courlander attended ceremonies and other types of
performances during his time in Haiti, the transcriptions in his book are taken from
“studio sessions” with Lyncee Duroseau and the singers that he contracted.6 Courlander
brought in local singers from the area to sing and Duroseau transcribed the melodies
while Courlander wrote down the text.7 Due to the lack of electricity in the countryside
and the deteriorated roads that made travel difﬁcult, Courlander was unable to bring his
recOrding equipment to the singers; thus, he held many of his recording sessions on the

veranda of the Hotel Oloffson in Port-au-Prince. (Largey 2004, 8).

 

5 Largey notes how “Courlander was interested in making a ritual taxonomy of Haitian
music by collecting and classifying as many songs as possible associated with the Vodou
ceremony” (forthcoming, 150).

6 Duroseau was an accomplished Haitian violinist who lived in Port-au-Prince.

7 According to Courlander, at times the process was so time consuming that the singers
would begin improvising, which would result in arguments as to whether or not the
improvisations were part of the original song material. (1939, 231).

29

Courlander’s knowledge Of Haitian culture and religion was strengthened as a
result of his research. He began to understand the signiﬁcance of the songs he studied
and stated, “If one could only understand what the songs were saying he would
understand everything about Vodoun” (Courlander 1939, 230). Courlander also came to
realize that these songs were a “storehouse of old customs and ideas” (230). In
Courlander’s words, “I think that if a thousand Haitian folk songs could be gathered and '
analyzed as far as anthropological knowledge permits we would know ten times as much
about Haitians as we know now, and about Vodoun and its antecedents” (230). These
revelations were so striking to Courlander that on his second trip to Haiti he threw away
the songs he had collected up to that point because he felt that the transcription of them
had been rushed, and he began his research from the beginning (230).

Courlander’s interest in Haiti did not stop after the publication of Haiti Singing.
Shortly after Haiti Singing, Courlander published Uncle Bouqui of Haiti (1942a), a
collection of Haitian folk tales for children. This was followed by another collection Of
twenty-six Haitian folktales, “The Piece of F ire and Other Haitian Tales (1942b).8
Additionally, in 1960 he published another book on Haitian music entitled The Drum and
the Hoe: Life and Lore of the Haitian People, which examines “the entire life and lore of
Haiti” (F leurant 1996, 70). Chapter six, “Songs of the Peristyle,” includes ﬁfty-seven

excerpts of ceremonial songs, while chapter nineteen includes one hundred and eighty-six

 

8 Courlander also wrote two articles on Haiti “Haiti’s Political Folk Songs” (1941) and
Recollections of Haiti in the 19305 and 405” ( 1990), and co-authored Religion and
Politics in Haiti (N .D.). In addition to books published on Haiti, Courlander has authored
numerous books and collections of Asian, African and African American based music
and folklore.

30

musical notations of songs and drum rhythms done by Mieczyslaw Konlinski taken from
the ceremonial and folk repertoire. 9

While in Haiti, Courlander also worked with Melville Herskovits, who shared
similarities with Courlander’s ideals and methodology. Like Courlander, Herskovits
shared Price-Mars’s view that Haitian music should be associated with its African origins
found in the music of rural Haiti rather than in the European-derived music of the elite
(Largey 2004, 6). Herskovits classiﬁed and categorized the numerous lwa of Vodou and
conducted research on the various dances found in the Vodou ceremony. His research
was carried out in the Mirebalais Valley—located in Haiti’s Central Plateau region—
towards the end of the United States occupation of Haiti.

Herskovits ﬁrst arrived in Haiti in the summer of 1934 and spent three months
there with his wife conducting research. His research culminated in a book entitled Life
in a Haitian Valley (1937), the ﬁrst ethnographic study published in English that focused
on life in rural Haiti (Largey 2004, 6).

While Courlander and Herskovits shared many similarities in their methodology,
several distinct differences can be noted. Courlander conducted research throughout
Haiti, with special attention to the Central Plateau and Southern Haiti; Herskovits carried
out a regional study and focused his research in the Mirebalais Valley only. Unlike
Courlander, who attended ceremonies throughout the country and conducted his research
based on observations that he made on multiple visits to Haiti, Herskovits placed strong

emphasis on second-hand information for much of his research, and focused on one

 

9 In his book, Dancing Spirits: Rhythms and Rituals of Haitian Vodou, The Rada Rite,
Gerdes Fleurant states that some of the excerpts found in chapter Six “suffer from serious
defects, ranging from misquotation to incorrect translation” (Fleurant 1996, 70).

31

geographic area during a limited time period.10 The emphasis of Courlander’s research
was on music; while Herskovits included drumming in his research, he focused more on
the dancing and cultural aspects of Haitian Vodou as a religion, the daily life of rural
peasants, and the Aﬁican heritage of Haitians before they were brought to Haiti as slaves.

In his book Herskovits notes the importance Of ethnography and historical data to
provide knowledge to those who undertake research on Haiti. When discussing he
methodology he contends, “In studying Haitian culture. . .the employment of both
historical and ethnological data is almost mandatory” (Herskovits 1937, 325). Herskovits
believed scholars needed to utilize the “ historical sources” that were available in order to
understand the ethnology of others, and to utilize data ﬁ'om current ethnographic research
to aid in the evaluation Of current groups under study (326). After his research in Haiti
was complete, Herskovits continued to act as a intermediary between researchers and
cultural institutions in the United States and those in Haiti.'1

As mentioned previously, both Courlander and Herkskovits saw Vodou as “one of
the richest repositories of Aﬁican culture in the Americas” (Largey 2004, 6). Their
contribution to the literature assisted others like Jaeg'erhuber, Fleurant and Dauphin who
followed in their path. While Courlander’s “shorthand” transcriptions “ignored the
social, cultural, and pOlitical contexts in which [Vodou ceremonial] songs were used”
(Largey 2004, 7), his research was the ﬁrst to document ceremonial songs in this manner.

It provided others interested in the traditional music of Haiti with a starting point from

 

’0 See Herskovits 1937,” Some Comments on Methodology” 321-322.

H In May 1941 Herskovits was instrumental in bringing a folkloric group from Haiti to
the US. for the eighth annual National Folk Festival in Washington, DC. (Ramsey
2002,18) '

32

which they could depart. This methodology was very similar to that which was
undertaken by J aegerhuber shortly thereafter, and by other Haitian ethnomusicologists in
the latter part of the twentieth century.

While Courlander, Herskovits and J aegerhuber all shared similarities in terms Of
their ethnographic research, J aegerhuber went beyond transcribing the ceremonial songs
as he transformed them in his art music compositions. The following chapter looks at
J aegerhuber’s ethnographic research and methodology as it compares to that of
Courlander and Herskovits, the signiﬁcance of J aegerhuber’s research and musical

output, and his contributions to Haitian music and culture.

33

Chapter 3. The Transformation of Traditional Music: Werner J aegerhuber, Musical
Folklore and Haitian Identity

J aegerhuber’s calling as an ethnographer and composer of art music steeped in the
indigenous music of Haiti serves as a model for both Haitian and non-Haitian composers,
ethnographers and musicians. As one of the most proliﬁc composers in Haiti’s history—
with more than sixty compositions to his credit that spanned all genre——and as the most -
proliﬁc Haitian composer of music for ﬂute, Jaegerhuber has made a signiﬁcant
- contribution to Haitian art music. In addition, his contribution to ethnographical research
has had a signiﬁcant impact on those that followed him.

This chapter focuses on J aegerhuber, his ethnographic research on the ceremonial
and folkloric music Of the countryside, and how he embraced his Haitian identity by
incorporating many of his ethnographic transcriptions into his art music compositions. In
his article “Ethnographic Transcription and Music Ideology in Haiti” and in his
forthcoming book, Michael Largey talks at length about the relationship between the
research done by Jaegerhuber and that undertaken by Courlander.I Using Largey’s
research as a resource, in this chapter I discuss Jagerhuber’s methodology of transcribing
folk songs and how it closely resembled that of Courlander. Courlander and Jaegerhuber
brought a different perspective to their research due to their varied and diverse
backgrounds. Using the compositions of J aegerhuber as an example, in this chapter I also
discuss how mizik savant deals with similar issues to that Of mizik rasin.

Although J aegerhuber did not share the same success or receive the same

recognition as Courlander or Herskovits, I contend that the research he conducted, the

 

I See Largey 2004, 5-9 and Largey forthcoming, chapter ﬁve, 148-152.

34

contributions that he made to music and ethnography during the twentieth century, and
the inﬂuence that he had on his colleagues and the Haitian composers who succeeded him
were noteworthy contributions to the scholarship on Haitian culture. J aegerhuber’s
ethnographic research shared many similarities with that done by Courlander yet went
beyond Courlander’s in scope. While taken out of context, by transferring the music of
the Vodou ceremony into art music compositions Jaegerhuber utilized Haitian traditional
music in a way that appealed to a broad audience and reached a large market. This
chapter examines how J aegerhuber transformed the music of the Vodou ceremony by
giving the melodies new meaning in his art music compositions. To this end part of this
chapter will focus on J aeagerhuber’s ethnographic transcriptions and his Complaintes
Haitiennes set for voice and piano.

Courlander and J aegerhuber brought a different perspective to their ethnographic
research and the results of that research due to their different backgrounds. As an
American, Courlander was an outsider who learned more about Haitian culture as he
conducted his research. As a Haitian elite who spent most of his life living in Haiti,
Jaegerhuber had prior knowledge of Haitian culture, and retained a connection with the
music that he researched; yet he came from a different perspective as a member of Haiti’s
upper class.

J aegerhuber lived from 1900-1953 and received his musical training at the Voight
Conservatory in Germany. At a time when much of the world was looking negatively
upon Haitian traditional religion J aegerhuber recognized the beauty and power in the
traditional music of rural Haiti; he “ was perhaps the ﬁrst composer to systematically

document his contact with Haitian peasants” (Largey 2004, 3). Through his efforts

35

J aegerhuber brought a national importance to the traditional music of Haiti and infused in
classical music an element with which all Haitians could identify. Kate Ramsey makes
reference to this connection between the traditional music J aegerhuber incorporated into
his music and nationalism. Ramsey discusses how J aegerhuber, “in the tradition Of
Brahms and Liszt, sought to locate the Haitian ‘national character’ through the distillation
of popular musical themes” (2002, 15). To this end, Jaegerhuber took the melodies and ~
rhythms from his transcriptions of Haitian religious and folkloric music and employed
them in his musical compositions. Through his ethnographic research and resulting
compositions, J aegerhuber challenged the negative preconceptions that foreigners had of
Haitian Vodou as being dangerous and evil (Largey forthcoming, 137).

J aegerhuber conducted most of his ethnographic research on the ceremonial songs
of Vodou from 193 7-1945 (Grenier 2001, 41). Largey notes that after the American
troops left Haiti Jaegerhuber returned tO his homeland and “immersed himself in the
study of Haitian folklore. . .Jaegerhuber believed that only through a careful collection
and examination of the musical folklore of the country could composers use folk music as
a part of their art” (2004, 4). Elsewhere Largey points out how Jaegerhuber attempted to
arrange the folksongs in a manner that “reﬂected the rhythmic complexity” of the music,
and preferred to “set the melody in a rhythmic framework that communicated the original
feeling of the song” (1994, 113). While Largey notes the importance of retaining rhythm
and meter in J aegerhuber’s music, Robert Grenier notes that according to Lina Mathon
Blanchet Jaegerhuber simpliﬁed rhythms to make them more accessible to others: “in
order to render them more accessible to all and especially to non Haitians. . .[Jaegerhuber]

succeeded in mastering a happy simpliﬁcation of the complicated rhythms of our song’”

36

(Grenier 2001, 50). 2 These two conﬂicting ideals reﬂect the conundrum J aegerhuber
faced in trying to make his music both acceptable to Haitians and accessible to an
international audience.

Of the more than four hundred musical compositions by Haitian composers in the
Catalogue des Partitions, J aegerhuber composed over sixty pieces that spanned all
genres, including: masses, Operas, string quartets and quintets, choral and orchestra]
compositions, and numerous pieces for mixed instruments with and without voice.3 The
titles of many of these compositions reﬂect the inﬂuence that traditional music and
culture had on J aegerhuber’s musical output.4 These pieces include J aegerhuber’s
Chansons Air de la Mambo (N .D.) for soprano solo and mixed choir,5 Oﬂrandes

Vodouesques (N.D.) for voice and piano, and Sinfonietta Legba (1934) for orchestra.6 In

 

2 Grenier is another scholar of Haitian art music. He cites Blanchet from page one of the
preface to Complaintes Haitiennes by J aegerhuber. In chapter four I will give examples
where J aegerhuber has take rhythm and/or meter from some of his transcriptions and
simpliﬁed them in his chamber works for ﬂute. I believe this was done to make the
music more accessible for non-Haitians who were unfamiliar with the rhythmic
complexity of Haiti’s music.

3 Catalogue des Partitions is a collection of classical music by Haitian composers
Obtained by the Société de Récherche et de Diﬁfusion de la Musique Hai'tienne at the
University of Quebec in Montreal.

4Claude Dauphin, a Haitian ethnomusicologist, is a professor at the University of Quebec
in Montreal where he is in charge Of the Haitian classical music collection. Dauphin
recognize the importance of Vodou in J aegerhuber’s compositions; in an interview with
Michael Largey he used the Creole expression “Misik li te bIayi sou roch galet Vodou a”
[His music was spread out on the riverstones of Vodou] (Dauphin 1979, English transl.
by Largey, 3). In his translation of Dauphin’s article Largey refers to the image Dauphin
conjures with this reference; in Haiti women do their laundry along the riverbanks and
spread their clothes out on the stones so that they may dry in the heat of the sun. Dauphin
used this analogy to emphasize that Vodou was an essential element in J aegerhuber’s
musrc.

5 As noted earlier in this study, a mambo is a female Vodou priest. The songs from Air
de la Mambo were taken from J aegerhuber’s Opera Nai’ssa based on a livret (little book)
of Louis Maximilien (Catalogue des Partitions, 17).

6 Legba is one of the lwa—Vodou spirits.

37

 

addition tO instrumental compositions J aegerhuber wrote many choral pieces that
included text as well as melodies taken from ceremonial songs.

Grenier has conducted extensive research on some .Of J aegerhuber’s best-know
choral works. He notes how Jaegerhuber’s Complaintes Hai’tiennes (1945) consists of
“texts and musical material [that] are derived entirely from the rituals of Haitian Voodoo”
(Grenier 2001, 29), and his Messe F olklorique Hai'tienne (N .D.), “originally
commissioned for thel 50th anniversary of Haiti[’s] independence, is based in part on the
melodies and rhythms of Haitian Vodou” (St. Peter’s Seminary Library resource, 2).7
Later in this chapter a discussion of Complaintes Hai'tiennes—a collection based on the

ceremonial music of Haitian Vodou—provides an Opportunity to gain a deeper insight

into Haitian culture.

The Process of Transcription

There are several parallels between the methodology used by Courlander and that
J aegerhuber. Largey notes how J aegerhuber worked with Haitian folklorist Louis
Maximilien on his monograph Le vodou haitien (1945), a book that gives insight into the
various aspects of the Rada nanchon, just as Courlander teamed up with anthropologist
Melville Herskovits to assist with the musical aspects of his research (Largey 2004, 9).8

In discussing Maximilien’s book Largey notes that chapter sixteen, “Erzulie Freda

 

7 Due to the negative views of elites towards Vodou, J aegerhuber labeled the parts of this
piece as Messe F olklorique Hai'tienne, while the conductor’s score was titled Messe
Vodouesque (Largey 2004, 25). This enabled J aegerhuber to stress the folkloric element
of the piece to the orchestra and audience devoid of its religious connection to the Vodou
ceremony, thereby making the music more acceptable to upper-class Haitians.

8 Nanchon are the various denominations of lwa. Courlander later with
ethnomusicologist Mieczyslaw Kolinski (who provided the melodies Haiti Singing
(Courlander 1960, x; Fleurant 1996, 117) and George Herzog transcribed the drum parts.

38

 

Dahomey,” was “a collaboration between Maximilien and J aegerhuber. Maximilien
wrote the text of the chapter and Jaegerhuber provided several transcriptions of songs
associated with Vodou religious practice” (Largey 2004, 9). Jaegerhuber’s collaboration
with Maximilien by providing musical transcriptions for his book is similar to the manner
in which Duroseau provided musical transcriptions for Courlander (9). Yet as a musician
Jaegerhuber had an advantage over Courlander in that he did not need the assistance of '
others in transcribing the songs he collected; instead J aegerhuber was able to assist others
wiﬂr their work.9

Neither Courlander nor J aegerhuber Obtained their transcriptions in the context of
the Vodou ceremony. As Largey tells us, J aegherhuber’s research and methodology for
musical transcriptions closely resembled that of Courlander; they both collected and
catalogued the ceremonial songs of the Vodou ceremony. J aegerhuber brought singers to
his home for recording sessions in the same manner that Courlander worked with singers
at the Hotel Oloffson.10

As Largey explains the resemblance between J aegerhuber’s and Courlander’s
research extended beyond similarities in methodology. At one point they even shared

informants; one of J aegerhuber’s informants, Libera Bordereaux, was the singer who

 

9 In addition to working with Maximilien J aegerhuber also collaborated with Lina
Mathon-Blanchet (then known as Lina F ussman-Mathon), collecting and harmonizing
songs that Mathon-Blanchet later performed as popular songs with her dance troupe
(Ramsey 2004, 19).

10 As Largey notes, “J aegerhuber’s transcription notebooks indicate [that] none Of his
song transcriptions were made in a ceremonial context” (2004, 21). However, it has been
said that Jaegerhuber “lived in the mountains and recorded folkloric songs from the same
mouths of the peasants” (Dumervé 1968, 273, translation by author). Grenier cites
Blanchet as making a similar statement in the preface to Complaintes Hai‘tiennes (Grenier
2001, 39). It is likely that Dumervé and Blanchet were making a distinction between the
songs taken from the Vodou ceremony and other forms of songs sung by rural peasants
(konbit and folk-derived songs).

39

worked with Harold Courlander as he transcribed the folk songs for Haiti Singing.
(Largey 2004, 18). What differed ﬁ'om their information was that Bordereaux was from
the rural area, while the majority of J aegerhuber’s informants were Haitian elites who
were “active participants in the art music movement that J aegerhuber was promoting”
(Largey forthcoming, 159).I 1

J aegerhuber had some deﬁnite ideas about the various melodies he employed and-
their origins. In his article “Les origines de la musiquefolklorique hai‘tienne” (1943)

J aegerhuber describes three district groups of songs:

The songs of the sea, their movements like the waves and the swinging of cars;
the songs of the mountains, with changing rhythms and phrases of more or less
irregular lengths; and the songs of the plains that are found with rather extensive
note lengths, and with melodic elements that resemble ribbons in the way they

wind around the dominant note (1943, 53).’2

J aegerhuber goes on to add that there are a number of improvised songs for other
occasions such as music to accompany work (as in a corvée), celebrations, and dance

(1943, 53).13

 

’1 One of these informants included Dr. Louis Mars, a psychiatrist and the son of Jean
Price-Mars (Largey forthcoming, 159).

12 Translation by author.

’3 A corvée is similar to a konbit in that it is a collective work force, but a corvée is
usually connected to forced labor; konbit yo are cooperative work forces. During the ﬁrst
American occupation of Haiti US. troops tied together groups of Haitian men in corvée
yo and forced them to build and repair roadways throughout the country.

40

While many Of J aegerhuber’s songs are associated with a speciﬁc locality or
region of Haiti, many of the melodies and motives Jaegerhuber utilized are also
associated with a speciﬁc lwa. For example, the C major triad is often associated with
the lwa Ezili who represents love; Ezili is the counterpart of the Virgin Mary in

Catholicism (see example 3.1; also see ethnographic transcriptions No. 11 and 24).14

 

Ex. 3.1. Ethnographic Transcription NO. 1, “Erzulie,” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 77).

In addition to using traditional melodies in his compositions, J aegerhuber made
extensive use of the pentatonic scale, which he considered to be an “identifying trait”
found in ceremonial songs (Grenier 2001, 34). While J aegerhuber followed Price-Mars’s
calling by turning to his African rather than European roots, he also sought to make a

connection between Haitian classical music and Gregorian chants and Greek musical

 

1" While ethnographic transcriptions No. 1, 11, and 24 are all centered on Ezili,
J aegerhuber also employs the C major triad in the opening of No. 2 (Main T ande Gnioun
Cannon) and NO. 23 (Sibaoh).

41

 

modes.15 Largey notes how J aegerhuber claimed that Haitian art music was “both
culturally unique and musically universal...” (2004, 2). In his desire to connect with both
Haitian and non-Haitian audiences, J aegerhuber simultaneously gave credence to the
importance of the traditional music of his country even as he strove to connect his music

with something other than his African heritage.16

The Transformation of Ceremonial Music

Taking songs out of the context of the Vodou ceremony and utilizing them in art
music compositions—whether chamber music or grandiose choral works—gave new
meaning to J aegerhuber’s music. Rather than symbolizing the song of a particular lwa as
they did in the ceremonial context, the melodies that J aegerhuber utilized now reﬂected
music that was disassociated with the Vodou ceremony. This made the music accessible

to the peasant class and acceptable to elites.

The Evolution of Jaegerhuber ’s Transcriptions
The evolution of J aegerhuber’s research can be traced from the simple melodies
he transcribed to harmonized songs arranged for voice and piano to instrumental chamber

works for ﬂute.17 Through this process the meaning of these songs was transformed; as

 

'5 Largey notes how Courlander and Duroseau traced Haitian culture to Africa
exclusively, [while J aegerhuber and Maximilien included Greek modes], “locat[ing] the
wellspring of Haitian song in both Aﬁica and Europe” (2004, 9).

’6 Chapter four will illustrate how J aegerhuber employed both aspects in his chamber
works for ﬂute.

’7 Largey tells us that by harmonizing these songs (which in their original form are
monophonic) Jaegerhuber “created a new art song style. . .in hopes of transforming [these
songs] into works that could be shared with audiences outside of Haiti. . (2004, 5).
Chapter ﬁve and the conclusion will illustrate how Jaegerhuber’s hope was realized

42

the melodies were incorporated into an instrumental art music genre, the text—which was
integral in understanding the meaning of the songs—was omitted. By incorporating these
simple melodies into the context of art music devoid of text, ceremonial music was
associated with Western music and upper-class culture; thus it became more accessible
and more acceptable to people outside of the peasant class and outside of Haiti. If elite
Haitians recognized the melodies and knew of their association with Vodou, they could -
now ignore this connection because the music was presented in an acceptable format,
while non-Haitians would be unlikely to possess knowledge of the melodies’ origin.18
Much of J aegerhuber’s music contains reference to traditional music; his
Complaintes Hai'tiennes is one of his best-known works and is based fully upon his
ethnographic transcriptions. An examination of how J aegerhuber treated his
transcriptions in Complaintes Haitiennes will further the understanding of how these
melodies evolved in his chamber works for ﬂute. The importance of the text in
understanding the meaning of these songs will also become clear, as will the signiﬁcance
of the lack of text in contributing to a different meaning when these melodies are found in

his ﬂute compositions.

 

through his inﬂuence on musicians in Haiti and the diaspora as they continue to perform
his compositions into the twenty-ﬁrst century.

’8 After various performances that I gave of J agerhuber’s Trio for ﬂute, viola and cello,
non-Haitian audience members stated that while they enjoyed listening to the piece, they
did not detect elements in the music that connected it with Haiti. To assist non-Haitian
audiences in making the connection between classical compositions and the indigenous
melodies they utilize, it is necessary to isolate the melodies taken from J aegerhuber’s
transcriptions and point out the relationship with their traditional origins.

43

 

Complaintes Haitiennes

In 1945 Jaegerhuber published Chansons F olklorique d ’ Haiti, a collection Of
songs for voice and piano that were based on his ethnographic transcriptions; this
collection was later reprinted under the title Complaintes Hai'tiennes (1950). While each
song in J aegerhuber’s Complaintes Haitiennes retains the name of the Vodou spirit it
depicts, the title of Complaintes Haitiennes reﬂects J aegerhuber’s attempt to distance his
transcriptions from a religious context and put them into a more folkloric context.19 This
is evidenced even more so by the title of the ﬁrst edition of Complaintes Hai'tiennes,
which in Largey’s words “underscored the songs’ folkloric rather than religious
connotations” (2004, 21).

Complaintes Hai'tiennes is one of J aegerhuber’s most popular art song
compositions performed in Haiti and the diaspora. The collection consists of six songs:
1) “Erulie Malade” 2) “M’ Ague Ta Royo” 3) “Invocation a Dambala” 4) “Gros Loa
Moin” 5) “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie Sa!” and 6) “Marassa é iou.”20 In this setting the songs
are simpliﬁed rhythmically as compared to the original transcriptions. To provide a
better understanding of each song under discussion I will include the text of each song

along with its translation.21 J aegerhuber describes the ﬁrst song, “Erzulie Malade,” as a

 

’9 Complaintes Haitiennes translates as “plaintive song,” the song of the Haitian peasant
(Largey 2004, 21). J aegerhuber’s original transcriptions—brief melodies jotted on small
note cards that were his references for Complaintes Hai'tiennes—were published by the
Bureau D’Ethnologie in 1985.

20 “Invocation a Dambala” can also be found in J aegerhuber’s Trio for ﬂute, viola and
cello that I will discuss in chapter four, as well as in Julio Racine’s Vodoo Jazz Sonata
which I will discuss in chapter ﬁve.

2’ All translations of song texts in this chapter are by J aegerhuber and found in the score
to Complaintes Haitiennes unless otherwise noted. The texts in Haitian Creole are taken
from J aegerhuber’s ethnographic transcriptions published by the Bureau d’Ethnologie
(1985)

44

 

“song of mercy for Erzilie, Great Goddess of Love in the VOOdOO Mythology”
(Complaintes Haitiennes score, 1950).22 In the ﬁrst half of this song J aegerhuber uses the
same melody found in his transcription (NO. 13) but changes the meter and the rhythm
from that of his original transcription; Jaegerhuber’s ethnographic transcription is in 3/4
meter while this version alternates between 2/4 meter and 5/8 meter. (Ex. 3.23 and
3.21)).23

“Erzulie Malade”

Ouai Erzuli malade oh

Ouai Moin pa gagnin chance oh
Nan poin d’leau nan ciel oh
Sole boulé te oh

Erzuli malade oh

Papa v3 treté’l

. . . . 24
“Ezrlr IS Sick”

Ouai, Ezili is sick, Oh

Ouai, I don’t have any luck, oh
Not a drop of water in the sky, Oh
The sun has burnt the earth, oh
Ezili is sick, oh

Father will care for her

“Erzulie is Sick” 25
Ouai! Erzulie is sick Oh (bis)

Ouai! I have no luck
The sun’s burnt the ground oh!

 

22 In his descriptions found in Complaintes Hai'tiennes, J aegerhuber refers to the various
lwa as gods and goddesses, but they are actually spirits (Saints in the Christian faith) who
are intermediaries between the Haitian people and Bondye (God, also known as Gran
mét).

2" J aegerhuber’s notcard No. 14 entitled “Ouai, Erzuli Malade Oh!” contains the same
melody but is set in 5/8 meter.

24 Author’s translation of text taken from ethnographic transcription No.1.

25 J agerhuber’s translation of song “Erzulie Malade” taken from Complaintes Haitiennes.

45

We are doomed

By her wrath

We have no luck oh!

My friends oh!

Erulie Eh! Erzulie Eh! My oh! (bis)
I am so unlucky my friends

The one little child I call mine oh!
Erulie Eh! Erulie Eh! My oh! Oh!
Ouai! Erzulie Mother! Oh!

Just one little child I call mine (bis)
Erzulie Eh! Erzulie Eh! My Oh!

 

Ex. 3.23. Jaegerhuber, “Erzulie Malade” from Complaintes Hai'tiennes, mm. 1-21 (score).

46

 

E

Ex. 3.2b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 13, Erzulie Malade (Jaegerhuber 1985, 89).

The second half Of “Erzulie Malade” (Ex. 3.2c) contains the melody found in

J aegerhuber’s ethnographic transcriptions NO. 12 “Erzili E” (Ex. 3.2d).26 J aegerhuber

sets this melody in 5/8 meter in his song, the same as in his ethnographic transcription.27

 

26 Interestingly, an examination of J aegerhuber’s notecards reveals that he entitles
transcription No. 12 as “Erzulie Sa-Oh.” While J aegerhuber entitles notecard No. 12 as
“Erzulie Sa-Oh” it has no relation to the song “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie 83” that will be
discussed later in this chapter. The notecards referred to here are the notecards that
Largey refers to (2004). They are a collection of thirty-ﬁve melodies that are more
detailed than J aegerhuber’s other transcriptions published by the Bureau d’EthnOlogie
and contain transcriptions Of the drum parts that accompany the melodies.

27 J aegerhuber’s notecards place this melody in 3/4 meter; however, he includes a version
variante in Petro that appears in 5/8 meter (the same version found in his transcription).
Whereas the Rada rite is taken from Africa and associated with “cooler” deities, the
Petro (Petwo) rite is rooted in Haiti; it grew out Of slavery and is associated with “hotter”
deities.

47

 

Ex. 3.2c. Jaegerhuber, “Erzulie Malade” from Complaintes Haitiennes, mm. 22-33 (score).

 

Ex. 3.2d. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcriptions No. 12, “Erzili E” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 88).

48

 

The piano doubles the vocal line throughout this song and J aegerhuber makes use of the
quintolet rhythm in the bass during the 5/8 meter sections of the piece.”
In “M’ Ague ta Royo” (from transcription No. 4 “Agoue”) J aegerhuber writes
Agwe is “God Of the Oceans, of esoteric importance. One has to be deeply initiated to
approach him. In the song “Ti moune” meaning: little children, signify the profanes who
cannot stand his contact” (Complaintes Haitiennes score, 1950).29 Out of the six songs *
that appear in this arrangement, this one differs the most ﬁ'om J aegerhuber’s original
transcription. J aegerhuber notes the melody in 3/ 8 meter in his transcription and begins
the melody on an ‘e’. In this song setting, J aegerhuber places the melody in 2/4 meter

(though he does add one bar of 3/8 meter in m. 9), and begins a fourth higher, on an ‘3’

(Ex. 3.33 and 3.3b).

“M’ Ague Ta Royo”

M’ Agoueroyo dim coté’m demere
Timoune pa passe la

Agoue yo

Nan la me’m té yé

Nan zilé’m té yé

M’ Agouero

“God of the Ocean”

M’ Agué Royo

Tell me where do I live

Li’l children can’t come close
Agué Oh!

On the sea I was

 

28 The quintolet is 3 ﬁve-note pattern that is the basis of the Haitian mereng (meringue)
and the rhythmic pattern played on the boula for the banda, petwo and other rythms
found in ceremonial music. The boula is also called a kata; it is the smallest drum in the
Rada battery.

29 Agwe is the IPN spelling Ongué.

49

On the isle I was

Ague Royo

Tell me where do I live

Li’l children can’t come close
Ague Oh!

 

 

Ex. 3.33. Jaegerhuber, “M’ Ague ta Royo” from Complaintes Hai'tiennes, mm 1-14 (score).

50

 

Ex. 3.3b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription NO. 4. Agoué (Jagerhuber 1985, 80).

In this brief arrangement, Jaegerhuber makes use of a pedal chord throughout the Opening
of the piece. Operatic in nature, this piece utilizes tremolo in the left hand bass; 3 sense
of drama is felt from the bass line in the piano part. Unlike several of the other songs in
this collection, there is little. doubling of the vocal line (except for four measures in the
middle of the piece).

In the song “Invocation a Dambala” (No. 15 “Dambala Oh”) Jaegerhuber places
the melody a fourth higher than noted in his transcription (beginning on an “F” instead of
a “C”) and simplifies the melody rhythmically (Ex. 3.43) as compared to his transcription
(Ex. 3.4b).3’0 In Jaegerhuber’s words Dambala is the “God of great power of Olympian
character, Dispenser of Life, coming from the Kingdom of Allada whose symbol is a
serpent (Dangbé)” (C omplaintes Hai'tiennes score, 1950).

“Dambala Oh”
Dambala oh

Dambala nom sacré oh
Dambala,

 

3° In Jaegerhuber’s Trio for ﬂute, viola and cello the melody of Dambala is the same as it
appears in the ethnographic transcription, though the rhythm varies as it does here.

.51

Dambala cuedo
Dambala nom sacré Oh

“Invocation a Dambala”

Dambala Oh!

Dambala sacred name Oh!
Dambala Dambala Ouedo
Dambala sacred name
Oh! Dambala oh!
Dambala sacred name oh!
Dambala Dambala Ouedo
Dambala sacred name
Dambala oh!

 

Ex. 3.43. Jaegerhuber, “Invocation a Dambala” from Complaintes Hai‘tiennes, mm. 1-12 (score).

52

 

Ex. 3.4b. Jeagerhuber, ethnographic transcription NO. 15, “Dambala Oh" (Jaegerhuber 1985, 91).

In the Opening eight measures of this song J aegerhuber uses an interesting technique of
tripling at the octave under 3 fairly free sounding vocal line. The piano then alternates
playing block chords with doubling the vocal line.

Largey notes how the next song “’Gros Loa Moin’ (transcription No. 6) illustrates.
Jaegerhuber’s goal of making Haitian music “universal” by linking Haitian art song and
the African American concert spiritual. Rather than translate the title of the song. as “My
Great Spirit,” J aegerhuber opted for a transcription more in keeping with African
American vernacular, calling the song ‘Great Spir’t O’ Mine’” (Largey 2004, 23). Like
several of the other songs in this collection, J aegerhuber provides an explanation for the
text along with his translation. In J aegerhuber’s words, “the boat here symbolizes the
adept’s prosperous business which all of sudden come [sic] to a standstill. He implores
Zimbi, (Simbi), divinity of the Water asking the reason why. In fact it is due to his not

fulﬁlling his duties towards Zimbi (Simbi)” (Complaintes Hai'tiennes score, 1950).

“Gros L03 Moin” retains the 5/8 meter but like “Invocation a Dambala”.is
transposed 3 fourth higher than the original transcription (Ex. 3.53 and 3.5b).
“Grois Loa Moin”

Gros loa moin, gro loa moin
Simbi nan d’leau

Gros loa moin, gros loa moin
Papa Simbi

Gros loa moin, gros loa moin
Papa Simbi

Batiment moin chita nan baie la
Pap ca maché, pap ca maché 0

“Great Spir’t O’ mine”

Great spir’t o’ mine (bis)

0 God Zimbi

Great spir’t o’mine (bis)

Papa Zimbi

My li’l boat

15 now standing still

And, can’t cross the bay

0, I wonder Great spir’t O’mine
What can it be? (bis)

Oh! . ..

 

Ex. 3.53. Jaegerhuber, “Gros Loa Moin” from Complaintes Hai'tiennes, mm. 1-15 (score).

54

 

Ex. 3.5b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 6, “Gros L03 Moin” (J aegerhuber 1985,
82).

The preceding example (Ex. 3.53) illustrates how J aegerhuber utilizes another version Of
the quintolet rhythm, this time with ﬁve equal eighth notes as opposed to the dotted
rhythm utilized as a basis for some Of the traditional drumming patterns. The right hand
of the piano again doubles the vocal line, though it takes a more active role in this song
by adding ornamentation (trills) and variations on the melodic line.

In J aegerhuber’s words, “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie 83!” (Ex. 3.6a) “pictures the ruined
man, symbolically, represented by a frail boat drifting on the waves facing disaster at any
moment” (Complaintes Haitiennes score, 1950). While the title of “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie
S3!” references both transcription No. 11 “Erzili Oh” (Ex. 3.6b) and transcription NO. 24,
“Erzuli Ca” (Ex. 3.6c), the song contains no referenc’e to melody in “Erzili Oh”; the

music and text are taken solely from “Erzuli C3!” (transcription No. 24).31 In this song

 

3 l The melody found in the ﬁrst half Of this song is also found in J aegerhuber’s notecard
No. 13 entitled “Erzuli e Erzuli ca”.

55

J aegerhuber uses the same melodic intervals as “Erzuli Ca!” and varies the rhythm only

slightly in this setting.32

“Erzili Oh” “Erzuli C3”

Erzili Oh, Erzili é Erzuli é, Erzuli ca

Moin nan mise Oh Erzuli mambo femme chance

Vine aidé’m Erzuli ca en-hé

Erzili Oh, Erzili é Nan 13 me canotte moin vlé chaviré
Vine aidé’m Fo’n prié Bon Dié pou moune pa néyé
Erzili Oh Erzuli e 93 oh, Erzuli ca

Erzuli mambo femme chance

Erzuli c3 en-hé

Nan 13 me canotte moin vlé chaviré
Fo’n prié Bon Die’ pou moune pa néyé

Erzulie Oh! Erzulie Sa (Sac)33

Erzulie Eh! Erzulie $3134

Erzulie Eh! Erzulie Sa! Enhé!

' On the sea we’re facing certain death
We must pray to You

So we shall not drown!

Erzulie Eh! My hope!

Erzulie Sa!

Erzulie Mama! My hope!

Erzulie eh! Enhé!

On the sea we’re facing certain death
We must pray to You

So we shall not drown!

 

32 It should be noted that J aegerhuber utilizes all three spellings oszili—Erzulie, Erzuli
3nd Erzili—in his transcriptions as noted in the texts of the songs included here.

3" “Erzulie 830 means Erzulie the Siren, spirit of the Ocean wife of Agué.” (Complaintes
Hai'tiennes).

34 In the score J aegerhuber notes “Erzulie $3! is pronounced like 83 as in sat” yet the
pronunciation would be closer to the ‘a’ in father.

56

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ex. 3.6a. Jaegerhuber, “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie 83!” from Complaintes Hai'tiennes, mm. 1-8 (score).

 

Ex. 3.6b. J aegerhuber, ethnographic transcription NO. 1 l, “Erzili Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 87).

57

 

Ex. 3.6c. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 24, “Erzuli C3” (Jagerhuber 1985, 100).

Unlike all of the other songs in this collection, which double the vocal line at
some point in time, this song contains no doubling. Jaegerhuber uses repetition Of the
Opening chords to set up the melody in the vocal line. He utilizes both dissonant and
consonant chords, giving the music a sinister sound that that portrays the impending
“disaster” that the drifting boat could face “at any moment” (Complaintes Hai‘tiennes
score, 1950).

i In “Marassa é iou” (transcription NO. 20,“Marassa”) J aegerhuber again varies the
meter; this time he alternates between 3/4 meter and 4/4 meter for the ﬁrst section of the
piece, then remains in 3/4 meter (versus 4/4 meter noted in the transcription). In this
song, Jaegerhuber opens the melody in the piano part—not the vocal line as he does in

the other arrangements—and sets the song in a different key. When the voice enters

58

J aegerhuber uses the text taken from the chorus (response) section Of his transcription to
begin, followed by the main melody in the voice (Ex. 3.73 and 3.7b). In this ﬁnal song
J aegerhuber again makes use Of block chords in the Opening and doubles the vocal line
some of the time.

“Marassa é iou”

Moin ce pitite

Moni pa gagn mille

Pou moin marassa é yon

Moin p3 gagnin maman

Moin pa gagnin papa

Marassa é yon, é yon, é yon, é yon
Marassa é

“Marassa, God of Twins”
E iou é iou é iou3S
I am a child without a place to sleep
Marassa é iou

Without a Dad

Without a lovin’ Mom

Marassa e iou

E iou é iou é iou

Marassa é iou

Without a Dad

Without a lovin’ Mom

Marassa é iou

E iou é iou é iou

Marassa é iou

Where is my Dad

Where is my Mom

Marassa é iou

E iou é iou é iou

 

35 Although J aegerhuber does not include the accent grave mark over the capital letter ‘E’
in Complaintes Haitiennes, I have included it here for consistency. In the score to
Complaintes Hai'tiennes J aegerhuber notes the pronunciation for “é iou” as “a you”

(J aegerhuber 1950).

59

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ex. 3.73. Jaegerhuber, “Marassa é iou” from Complaintes Hai'tiennes, mm. 1-11 (score).

 

Ex. 3.7b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 20, “Marassa” (J aegerhuber 1985, 96).

60

Jaegerhuber’s solid foundation in theory provided him with the knowledge needed
to harmonize these melodies from his ethnographic transcriptions. While some of the
hannonizations found in Complaintes Hai’tiennes are simpliﬁed in that the right hand of
the piano Often doubles the vocal line, Julio Racine afﬁrmed Jaegerhuber’s talent at
counterpoint and harmony (e-mail correspondence with author, 1/28/05).36

While J aegerhuber included drum parts in nineteen of his thirty-ﬁve ethnographic
transcriptions, he did not transfer these drum parts to the piano part of his folk song
arrangements (Largey 2004, 23). Yet even without these drum parts being evident,

J aegerhuber’s music “made the listener ‘tande tanbou’ (hear the drum) whether or not
such a drum part appeared in the score” (23).37 Haitian poet Jean Brierre also notes this

,9,

reference to hearing the drum part; in his “introductory ‘homage to J aegerhuber that
appears in Complaintes Hai'tiennes “ Brierre claimed that ‘One hears distinctively the

soliloquy of the drum in the silences of [his] music’ (1950)” (transl. by Largey 2004, 23).

Largey notes in regards to the “hidden drum” part:

For those Haitian listeners who understood Jaegerhuber’s commitment to
preserving the legacy of Haitian peasant song, his “hidden” drum part was a
conﬁrmation that Haitian musical elements would survive the transformation of
peasant songs into art music compositions. The tanbou kache (hidden drum part)

also demonstrated that the Haitian composer and audience asserted their own

 

’6 Racine thought one possible reason for J aegerhuber to have simpliﬁed the harmony
was perhaps the singer he was working with had pitch problems (e-mail correspondence
with author, 1/28/05).

37 Largey, interview with Julio Racine, 1988.

61

forms of agency in the production and consumption of Haitian art music (Largey

2004,23)

More than just a timekeeper, the drum is a sacred object in Haitian Vodou used to call the
spirits to the ceremony. Each rhythm references a particular nanchon and spirit. As the
drum plays such an important role in ceremonial music, it is no wonder the “hidden
drum” is heard by Haitians familiar with the melodies in J aegerhuber’s music.

As Largey argues, J aegerhuber demonstrated that he was a strong advocate of
Haitian traditional music and the music of the Vodou ceremony at a time when the elite
class of Haiti was doing its best to disassociate itself from VOdou. The tanbou kache
heard by Haitians in art music compositions demonstrates how Haitians identify with
their traditional music and connect mizik savant with an element that is uniquely Haitian.
That J aegerhuber could incorporate the tanbou kache in his art music for Haitians to
identify with also illustrates how Haitian composers are able to preserve an indigenous
element in music that may outwardly appear to have no obvious connection to Haitian
traditional music. While non-Haitians may not be conscious of the music’s implications,
composers like J aegerhuber enable Haitians—individually and collectively—to identify

with their country and its cultural past.

62

The Signiﬁcance of Jaegerhuber ’5 Contribution

Unlike Courlander, J aegerhuber did not receive wide spread recognition for his
scholarly contributions and ethnographic research done on Haitian music.38 Yet, through
his musical compositions and ethnographic research, J aegerhuber provides others with
insight into the political and social issues of Haiti during the twentieth century. He also
provided Haitians and non-Haitians with the opportunity to learn more about Haitian
music, culture and religion.

In addition to inspiring a generation of Haitian composers and researchers to
recognize the signiﬁcance of Haiti’s indigenous music, J aegerhuber’s etlmographic
research also led to the formation of several folkloric groups in Haiti in the 19605 and
19705 (Largey forthcoming, epilogue, 4; also Racine, e-mail correspondence with author,
1/28/05). As well, other Haitian composers like Férerre Laguerre (1935-1983) followed
Jaegerhuber’s lead by undertaking ethnographic research and composing music based on
the traditional melodies of Haiti’s indigenous music. Largey tells us “[Laguerre’s] efforts
constitute a bridge between the mouvementfolklorique of the 19405 and 19505 and the
roots music successes of the late 19805 (Largey forthcoming, epilogue, 4). As has been
mentioned elsewhere in this document, other Haitian ethnomusicologists like Gerdes
Fleurant and Claude Dauphin continue to place importance on ethnographic research as it
pertained to the traditional music of Haiti.39

Through his art music compositions, J aegerhuber created a genre of music with

which both Haitians and non-Haitians could identify—3 music that crossed social

 

38 Largey points out that J aegerhuber did not receive notoriety for his compositions or his
research on Haitian music “in part because of Haitians’ ambivalence toward his music”
(Largey forthcoming, 137).

39 See chapter two, page 27 (second footnote).

63

boundaries within his own country as well as international borders. Like mizik rasin,
mizik savant deals with issues of identity and nationalism. By utilizing the melodies of
Vodou in the context of art music, J aegerhuber ensured that peasants and elite Haitians,
as well as non-Haitians, could relate to his music. While he strove to make a connection
with the people of Haiti through music that was undeniably Haitian, J aegerhuber had
other motives for using these folk melodies in his art music compositions. Largey notes -
how “both Haitian roots musicians and art composers have used Haitian traditional music
as a means to educate Haitian audiences about the value of their culture” (Largey
forthcoming, Epilogue, 3).40 By incorporating traditional music in a genre that appealed
to elite Haitians as well as to an international audience, J aegerhuber introduced the
traditional music of Haiti to people who may not have otherwise been exposed to Haiti’s
indigenous music.

In presenting ceremonial music to an international audience through his art music
compositions, J aegeruber paved the way for scholars and educators to delve further into
[his music and identify the traditional elements he utilized in order to teach others about
the indigenous music of Haiti. While this may not have been Jaegerhuber’s intention,
this top-down approach to teaching others about Haitian traditional music and its
signiﬁcance may be more widely accepted by those who would resist the outright
introduction of traditional music in its ceremonial context.

Even when removed from the ceremonial context, singing these songs in an art

music form can still be a spiritual experience for both performer and audience. Yet in the

 

40 In the epilogue Largey also notes, “in the introduction to Complaintes Haitiennes
Robert Savain, the director of the Haitian government’s music agency, reported that

J aegerhuber was preparing a book of folkloric songs in three voices for the Haitian school
system” (Savain 1950; Rocourt 1988).

64

same respect, while a performer knowledgeable about the songs may be able to interpret
these songs without the words, the text is an essential element that conveys the meaning
of the songs—the essence and implied emotional content—and enables others to
understand them. While it may be possible for the ceremonial songs J aegerhuber
transcribed to retain their meaning when accompanied by text (as when found in the art
songs of Complaintes Hai'tiennes), with the text omitted in the context of instrumental
music these melodies take on different meanings; they can be interpreted in various ways
by different people (elite Haitians, rural Haitians, non-Haitians). The next chapter
illustrates yet another transformation of Jaegerhuber’s transcriptions as they appear in his
instrumental compositions. An examination of Jaeghehuber’s chamber works for ﬂute
will highlight the ﬁnal step in the evolution of his ethnographic transcriptions into art

music-compositions.

65

Chapter 4. From Musical Transcription to Performance: The Solo and Chamber Works
of Werner Jaegerhuber

This chapter is a case study of the compositions for ﬂute by Werner J aegerhuber,
some which were inﬂuenced by traditional music and others that are rooted in the
Western tradition. In this chapter 1 demonstrate how J aegerhuber incorporated his
ethnographic transcriptions—at times note for note—into the ﬂute parts of his art music
compositions, and identify the various ceremonial songs that he utilized. I include
examples of the ﬂute part from several of his works that utilize the traditional melodies,
examples of Jaegerhuber’s ethnographic transcriptions that reference the music quoted,
and J aegerhuber’s analysis of the particular ceremonial song under discussion.’

As one of the few Haitian composers who wrote for ﬂute, J aegerhuber’s works for
ﬂute outnumber those of any other Haitian composer to date. While there are more than
four hundred musical compositions by Haitian composers in the Catalogue des
Partitions, only ten of those pieces are written for ﬂute solo or chamber ensemble. Of
those ten pieces, seven were composed by J aegerhuber. Some of J aegerhuber’s
compositions include: Praeludio for solo ﬂute, along with several trios for ﬂute, violin
and viola and ﬂute, viola and cello. Most (if not all) of J aegerhuber’s ﬂute compositions
were written in the years shortly before his death, from 1951-1952. This period “marked
a peak time for classical music in Haiti” (Racine, e-mail correspondence, 3/22/04). I
believe that J aegerhuber’s sudden output of works for ﬂute during this time was due to
his writing music for Depestre Salnave, one of Haiti’s most accomplished ﬂutists.

Salnave studied at the Montpellier Conservatory in France, and was one of several

 

1 All musical examples are taken from J aegerhuber’s unpublished manuscripts unless
otherwise noted.

66

musicians who returned to Haiti to teach at the conservatory created by Madam Magloire
in the 19505.2 According to Julio Racine, a Haitian ﬂutist, composer and conductor who
studied with Salnave, “the world of classical music in Port-au-Prince was not very

large. . .Jaegerhuber and Salnave had the opportunity [to meet] on many occasions and

learned to appreciate each other’s talents” (e-mail correspondence, 2/22/04).

Folk and Ceremonial Inﬂuenced Works

One of J aegerhuber’s works that has obvious connections with ceremonial music
is his Trio for ﬂute, viola and cello (1952). I believe this is Jagerhuber’s best written,
most complex—musically, rhythmically, and harmonically—and most expressive
composition for ﬂute. J aegerhuber saw himself duty-bound to incorporate the indigenous
music of Haiti into his art music compositions in order for it to reach its fullest potential.
Nowhere in the ﬂute compositions of Jaegerhuber is this more apparent than in this trio.
Of all J aegerhuber’s works for ﬂute, this piece utilizes the most traditional music; in
some cases J aegerhuber takes excerpts directly from his ethnographic transcriptions and
incorporates them in the piece, while in other instances he transposes the key and changes
the rhythm slightly from its original form.

In this trio, J aegerhuber was most successful in realizing the means by which to
connect Haitian traditional music with art music. Largey notes “J aegerhuber’s turn
toward the ethnographic documentation of Haitian folksong most clearly demonstrated
his desire to link the music of the Haitian countryside with the concert hall, and afforded

a partial answer to the question of how a Haitian composers could preserve cultural

 

2 Madam Magliore was the wife of General Paul Magloire, the president of Haiti during
the early 19505.

67

connections between Haitian folksongs and art songs” (Largey 2004, 17). By utilizing
several ceremonial songs taken from his ethnographic transcriptions in the ﬂute part of
three movements of this trio, J aegerhuber successfully bridged the gap between
traditional music and art music. In addition to using Haitian folksongs in this piece,
Jaegerhuber also utilizes rhythms in the cello line that are reminiscent of the tanbou
(Haitian drum).3 While there is much that can be said regarding the melodic and
harmonic structure of each movement, my main focus is on that which relates to the
ceremonial music found in this piece.’

In the opening of the ﬁrst movement all three instruments have melodic material,
but the cello part interrupts the melodic line with a rhythm of two sixteenth notes
followed by two quarter notes, which appears intermittently throughout the movement

(Ex. 4.1).5 Several variations of this rhythm are found towards the end of the movement.

 

3 In the previous chapter I discussed how Jaegerhuber’s music made listeners tande
tanbou (hear the drum) (Largey 2004, 23). There are several places in this trio where an
argument can be made that J aegerhuber was incorporating the tanbou kache (hidden
drum part) in his music.

4 The text and translations of the ethnographic transcriptions under discussion can be
found in chapter three.

5 In Notes pour L 'Audition De put out by the Société de Recherche et Diffusion de la
Musique Haitienne by Claude Dauphin, the program notes on J aegerhuber also note the
reference to the drum in the ﬁrst and fourth movements of this work (Dauphin Vol. HI,
May 1980).

68

 

Ex. 4.1. Jaegerhuber, Trio, ﬁrst movement (score), mm. 1-5.

In the middle of the ﬁrst movement (Andante) Jaegerhuber implements the Vodou
song “Dambala Oh” in the ﬂute part (Ex. 4.23), which differs Slightly (rhythmically but

not melodically) from his ethnographic transcriptions (Ex. 4.2b).6

 

Ex. 4.23. Jaegerhuber, Trio, ﬁrst movement (ﬂute part), mm. 48-54.

 

6 It is interesting to note that all references to ceremonial songs occur in the ﬂute part; for
reasons unknown J aegerhuber does not utilize traditional melodies in the alto or cello.
Perhaps he was likening the ﬂute to the human voice; as the ﬂute is the soprano of this
ensemble he may have felt the transcriptions were best suited for that particular
instrument.

69

 

Ex. 4.2b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 15, “Dambala Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985,
91).7

J aegerhuber describes this transcription as being in a two-part form that is purely
invocation, and notes that during the invocation the drums beat without rhythm

(J aegerhuber 1985, 91). Jaegerhuber also notes that there is a second version of this
melody written in 3/ 8 meter intended for dance.

Another point to note in this movement is Jaegerhuber’s unexpected introduction
of an A major chord on the downbeat of measure 82 (Ex. 4.3). While the A minor chord
is prevalent throughout the rest of this movement, six measures from the end (In. 82)——
after enforcing the A minor chord for a full measure—Jaegerhuber suddenly tonicizes on

A major and continues in A major until the movement’s conclusion.

 

7 While there is no meter indicated this song is understood to be in 3/4 meter; therefore,
the half note in measures two and ﬁve is understood to be a dotted half note, as in the last
measure.

70

 

Ex. 4.3. Jaegerhuber, Trio, ﬁrst movement (score), mm. 81-87.

In the trio’s second movement (Allegretto) Jaegerhuber utilizes the basic melody
taken from the ceremonial song “8016‘: Oh” in the ﬂute part (Ex. 4.4a). While the melody
is altered both rhythmically (it appears in 5/ 8 meter in J aegerhuber’s transcriptions and in
4/4 meter in Trio) and melodically (the melody begins a fourth higher in the ﬂute part
than in the transcription), the intervals are the same; it is obvious that Jaegerhuber was

quoting this song from his ethnographic transcription (Ex. 4.4b).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ex. 4.4a. Jaegerhuber. Trio, second movement (ﬂute), mm. 31-41.

71

 

 

 

Ex. 4.4b. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 14, “Solé Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 90).

J aegerhuber identiﬁes this melody as a three-part form that is intended to be an
invocation sung by a single voice which denotes sadness, the words “Cote ou ye sole oh,
.m’pa moune icite” translate into “Where are you sun, oh, I’m not from here”
(Jaegerhuber 1985, 90).

Although Jaegerhuber does not utilize the melody of the ceremonial songs in the
viola or cello, he does harmonize the melody in the ﬂute and all three instruments share a

similar rhythmic structure (Ex. 4.5).

72

 

Ex. 4.5. Jaegerhuber, Trio, second movement (score), mm. 3141.

The motive found in measures 38 and 41 of this movement is also found in several other
ceremonial songs, including“Erzili Oh” (Ex. 4.63). Note how the rhythm and pitch of the
last three notes (c-e-g) are identical to those in “Sole Oh” (Ex. 4.6b), while the interval
preceding the motive changes (an ‘e’ precedes the motive in “5018: Oh” and a ‘d’ in

“Erzili Oh”) along with the rhythm.

73

 

Ex. 4.6a. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 11, “Erzili Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 87).

§>

 

 

Ex. 4.6b. Jaegerhuber, Ethnographic transcription No. 14, “8016: Oh" (Jaegerhuber 1985, 90).

In the chapter that J aegerhuber contributed to Le vodou haitien: rites radas-
canzo, J aegerhuber makes reference to the phrases that appear in various songs and are
associated with speciﬁc lwa. He also includes an example of excerpts from ten of his

transcriptions that include the ascending c-e—g motive, which he associated specifically

74

with Erzili (Maximilien 1945, 205). An example of some ofthese excerpts follows (Ex.

4.7).

 

 
   

6)

Ex. 4.7. Jaegerhuber, Ethnographic transcriptions from Le vodou haitien, 206-207 (Maximilien,
1945)

The melodies contained in Ex. 4.7 are taken from the following ethnographic
transcriptions: Ex. 1) No. 24 “Erzuli Ca” with a change in the Opening three eighths
(they appear as three ‘c’s in the original transcription as opposed to a C major triad), Ex.
2) No. 12 “Erzili E” with a slight change in rhythm (due to its 3/4 meter, versus 5/8) and
written down a fifth in this example, Ex. 3) No. 14 “8016: Oh” with a slight change in
pitches, Ex. 4) No. l “Erzulie”, Ex. 5) No. 13 “Erzulie Malade” with a change in meter

(5/8 versus 3/4 meter) and Ex. 6) No. 3 “Papa Simbi” with a change in pitches (written

75

down a ﬁfth) and placed in 2/4 meter versus 4/4 meter.8 It is interesting to note how
J aegerhuber placed many of his transcriptions in 5/8 in Le vodou haitien, yet many of the
same transcriptions appear in duple meter in the collection held by the Bureau
d’Ethnologie.9

In the first movement of J aegerhuber’s Trio I discussed J aegerhuber’s use of the
tanbou kache (hidden drum) in his art music compositions. The second movement also -
illustrates this technique as seen in measure 1-4 in J aegerhuber’s use of the triplet motive

-in all three parts, which is prevalent throughout the piece (Ex. 4.8).

 

8 Other J aegerhuber transcriptions that utilize this motive include: No. 2 “Moin Tande
Gnioun Cannon,” where it also appears several times throughout the song, No. 8 “Missi
Yé Ouezan,” No. 9 “Bouclé Noue,” and No. 23 “Sibaoh.” This motive can also be found
several times throughout No.7 “Yo oué Bomiocoué” (See J aegerhuber 1945, pp. 77-100
for all of the aforementioned examples).

9 The use (or lack thereof) of 5/8 meter by J aegerhuber is signiﬁcant; Largey notes how
“J aegerhuber thought that 5/8 meter captured the aesthetic sensibility of Haitian music
and that it also reﬂected a deeper Haitian mentality, one that allowed the elite composer
to tap into the exuberant ethos of Haitian ceremonial music” (Largey 2004, 15). It is
interesting to note that while J aegerhuber felt “Haitian musicians should not sacriﬁce
their ‘rhythmic’ connections to their African ancestry—especially the use of 5/8 meter—
in order to make folk music-based Haitian classical music legible to foreign audiences”
(Largey 2004, 17), In Le vodou haitien J aegerhuber also discusses Greek modes and how
they can be identiﬁed with speciﬁc lwa; for example, the Lydian mode, which

J aegerhuber felt exuded a sense of seductiveness and appealed to the senses, is associated
with Ezili (J aegerhuber 1945, 204-205).

76

 

Ex. 4.8. Jaegerhuber, Trio, second movement (score), mm. 1-4.

While the absent time signature is understood to be in 4/4 meter (as opposed to 12/8
meter) the use of triplets gives the feel of 12/8 meter, which likens the underlying
rhythmic feel to that of the zepol, mayi and nago, all which are found in 12/8 meter and
are based in some form on the rhythm J aegherhuber implements in this movement.lo The
zepol is perhaps the closest to J aegerhuber’s example, since the segon tanbou (middle
drum) alternates between a dotted quarter note and three eighth notes, similar to the

rhythm J aegerhuber employs (Ex. 4.9).

 

Ex. 4.9. Zepol rhythm, Roda drum battery, found in The Drums of Vodou (Wilcken 1992, 68).

 

'0 The zepol, may! and nago are all rhythms and dances associated with the Roda rite in
the Vodou ceremony (F leurant 1996; Wilken 2002).

77

The third movement (Andante, Tempo choraliter) is the only movement in this
trio that does not contain indigenous elements. Ratheryit is written in a choral style (as is
indicated following the tempo marking). The music in this movement is once again

reminiscent of J.S. Bach’s chorale style—hymn-like and chordal in structure (Ex. 4.10).

 

Ex. 4.10. Jaegerhuber, Trio, third movement (score), mm. 1-5.

In the opening of the fourth movement (Moderato) J aegerhuber once again uses a
repetitive motive in the cello that can be associated with the rhythmic pattern of

drumming (Ex. 4.11).

 

Ex. 4.11. Jaegerhuber, Trio, fourth movement (score), mm. 1-4.

78

Early on in the fourth movement J aegerhuber utilizes yet another ceremonial
song—“Erzili E”—-in the ﬂute part (Ex. 4.12a). Like “Sole Oh”, “Erzili E” (Ex. 4.12b)
has a 5/ 8 meter in J aegerhuber’s ethnographic transcriptions but appears in 4/4 meter in
the trio.11 Though in two different meters, this melody bears the closest resemblance to
its original form as compared to the other examples previously noted. However, unlike
the other examples, this one doesn’t complete the entire melody but rather, the last ﬁve ,
measures depart from what is found in the original ceremonial transcription. This may
have been necessary to create the transition that J aegerhuber desired into the next section

of the piece.

 

Ex. 4.12a. Jaegerhuber, Trio, fourth movement (ﬂute part), mm. 14-20.

 

” One possible explanation for Jaegerhuber using 4/4 meter versus 5/8 meter could be
perhaps he thought his music would be performed by non-Haitians; thereby making it
easier to read in 4/4 meter, or perhaps he found it easier to score the melody this way
within the framework of the movement.

79

 

 

Ex. 4.12b. Iaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. 12, “Erzili E” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 88.,

The next section of this movement begins with a transitional melody that sounds as if it
might be inspired by a ceremonial song; however, I have been unable to locate any
similarities between this melody and the ones included in Jaegerhuber’s ethnographic

transcriptions (Ex. 4.13).

 

Ex. 4.13. Jaegerhuber, Trio, fourth movement (ﬂute part), mm. 26-29.

I believe this trio to be the most substantial work for ﬂute written by J aegerhuber,

both in its use of traditional melodies as well in its overall quality—harmonically,

80

 

melodically and structurally speaking. Trio is dedicated to Rosemene, a young woman
who worked for J aegerhuber and cared for him in'his later years when he was in ill
health.12

J aegerhuber’s other chamber works for ﬂute also illustrate references to his
transcriptions. His Musique pour Aieules de J.F. Brierre for ﬂute, viola and cello (1951)
consists of six very short movements ranging from ten measures to twenty-ﬁve measures
(including repeats): 1) piano dolce, 2) no indication, 3) lente- (unreadable), 4 and 5) no
indication, and 6) piano dolce.l3 In this composition J aegerhuber again incorporates song
No. 14 “801?: Oh,” this time in the sixth movement (see Ex. 4.14a and 4.14b). Note that
while the rhythm in the ﬂutepart of this piece varies slightly from that in the second
movement of the trio, mm. 31-35 (see Ex. 4.5a), both pieces contain the same pitches

(again, written up a fourth from the original transcription).

 

Ex. 4.14a. J aegerhuber. Musique pour Aieules de J.F. Brierre, sixth movement (condensed
score), mm. 1-5.

 

‘2 In his program notes on J aegerhuber included in the Notes Pour L ’Audition De Claude
Dauphin notes that Rosemene was like an adoptive daughter to J aegerhuber (Vol. III,
May 1980).

'3 Aieules is the word for ancestors. Brierre was a Haitian poet who wrote in French.

81

 

Ex. 4.14b. Jaegerhuber, Ethnographic transcription No. 14,“Solé Oh” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 90).

J aegerhuber also utilizes non-Haitian songs; he bases the fourth movement of this work

on the French National Anthem (Ex. 4.15).

m ’\

    

K

Ex. 4.15. Jaegerhuber, Musique pour Aieules de J.F. Brierre, fourth movement (condensed score),
mm. 7-10.

82

 

 

In addition to Trio and Musique pour Aieules de J.F. Brierre, J aegerhuber
composed three other chamber works for ﬂute. Like Trio, his Invocation (1952) is
written for ﬂute, viola and cello, while Divertimento (1951) and Les Petites Serenades
(N .D.) are both composed for ﬂute, violin and viola. Invocation is in three movements,
ﬁrst movement (title illegible), Melodi (Andante ma non troppo), and moderato. While
J aegerhuber does not appear to directly quote his transcriptions in this piece, the second
half of the ﬁrst movement is reminiscent of Trio. Set in 3/4 meter, the melody of the

~ second movement is reminiscent of a popular song in the style of a march (Ex. 4.16).”

'—

   

   

42 A

Ex. 4.16. Jaegerhuber, Invocation, second movement (condensed score), mm. 14.

Unfortunately, missing parts make it more difﬁcult to discuss J aegerhuber’s
music for ﬂute, violin and viola at length. Both the ﬂute and viola parts are unavailable
(missing) for his Les Petites Serenades. The violin part reﬂects that this is a ﬁve-
movement work, shorter than Trio but considerably longer than Musique pour Aieules.

An examination of the violin part does not reveal any melodies or rhythms resembling

 

1" In an interview, Julio Racine mentioned that this movement reminded him of the
compositional style of Haitian composers like Occide J eanty and Ludovic Lamothe
(4/2/05).

83

 

J aegerhuber’s transcriptions, but does note him using the traditional Haitian mereng

(meringue) in the second movement (Ex. 4.17).15

 

Ex. 4.17. J aegerhuber, Les Petites Serenades, second movement (violin part), mm. 1-4.

The movements in this work include: 1) Moderato (a‘ laﬁlle d ’Europe), 2) Tempo di
meringue ((5 la Creole), 3) Moderato (a‘ la négresse (unreadable) 4) Allegretto (avec
coqueterie) and 5) Tempo Adi valse (Reminiscences).

The ﬂute part for Jaegerhuber’s other work for ﬂute, viola and violin,
Divertimento, is available; however, the strings parts are not. Still, an examination of the
ﬂute part indicates several interesting features. The ﬁrst movement, Lente, opens with
the exact material found in Trio (ﬁrst movement ﬂute part, two measures before rehearsal

number ten) (Ex. 4.18 and Ex. 4.19).

 

Ex. 4.18. Jaegerhuber, Divertimento, ﬁrst movement (ﬂute part), mm. 1-2.

 

15 The Haitian mereng is a popular form of dance music based on the quintolet rhythm.

84

 

Ex. 4.19. Jaegerhuber, Trio, ﬁrst movement (ﬂute part), mm. 8-9.

The next three movements, (2) Andante, (3) no indication, and (4) Moderato do not
appear to contain material related to Jaegerhuber’s ethnographic transcriptions or his
other works. However, the ﬁfth movement, Invocation (Ex. 4.20) is based on the ﬁrst
half of his ﬁrst ethnographic transcription “Erzulie” (Ex. 4.21). The difference is that in
this work he places the melody in 3/4 meter as opposed to 4/4 meter, writes it in the key
of Bb (as opposed to C) and places the melody in a higher register (up a seventh from its

original form.

 

Ex. 4.20. Jaegerhuber. Divertimento, ﬁfth movement (ﬂute part), mm. 1-10.

85

 

 

 

. ‘ I
’3 4,3“ 3 Q

Ex. 4.21. Jaegerhuber, ethnographic transcription No. l, “Erzulie” (Jaegerhuber 1985, 77).

The sixth and ﬁnal movement of this work, Allegretto (unreadable) opens with rhythmic
material that is found in a piece entitled Kim Ba La, a collection of Haitian folk songs
arranged by John Jost that he adapted from harrnonizations done by Lina Mathon-

Blanchet (Ex. 4.22 and 4.23).‘6

 

'6 J ost mentioned that while the last song in the collection he received from Férere
Lagguerre was entitled Kim Ba La, he thinks the original title was actually Kimbe La
(Kenbe la), which translates into “hang in there” (e-mail correspondence with author,
3/19/05). In Haitian Creole kenbe means “hold on” and la means “there. The story I
heard while in Haiti was that a blan (foreigner) incorrectly repeated the phrase “Kenbe
la” as “Kim Ba La” and so the title stuck.

86

 

 

 

Ex. 4.22. Jaegerhuber, Divertimento, sixth movement (ﬂute part), mm. 1-12.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ex. 4.23. Jost, Kim Ba La, rehearsal letter ‘0’ (score), mm. 41-53.

87

This section in Jost’s piece is entitled “Me Me.” Jost mentioned that he thought “Me
Me” was a folksong that J aegerhuber (or one of his sources) might have heard in the
mountains of Haiti (e-mail correspondence with author, 2/21/05).17 It is indeed
unfortunate that the latter two pieces are missing parts; both look to be substantial and
worthy of performance for their cultural and musical offerings.
Works in the Western Tradition

While J aegerhuber utilized traditional elements in many of his musical
compositions, a number of his works for ﬂute are rooted in the Western art music
tradition. Jagerhuber’s T rois Chansons (1951) written for voice, ﬂute (or violin), viola,
and cello consists of three very slow, short movements composed in the French chanson
style, each averaging one to two minutes in length. 18 The songs are based on poems
written by Haitian poet Ida Faubert. The ﬁrst song entitled “Quand ou vous dira”
(“When they tell you”) is in the key of E minor; both the music and text reﬂect the
implied sorrow portrayed in the song (Ex. 4.24).

“Quand on vous dira”

Quand on vous dira que vous étes seul

Que je suis partie au-dela des gréves

Loin des chauds soleils et qu’un froid linceul

Couvre a présent tous nos anciens réves

La douleur rendra votre esprit hagard

Et vous pleurerez l’amour que j ’emporte

Mais pour les regrets il sera trop tard

Quand on vous dira pourquoi je suis morte.
“When they tell you”

 

‘7 Laguerre received an arrangement of the songs he sent to J ost from his aunt, Lina
Mathon-Blanchet, who assisted J aegerhuber with some of his research on folk songs.
'8 The full title as it appears in the manuscript is T rois Chansons pour Voix, F [auto
(Violin), Alto, Violoncelle d’ aprés textes de: Ida F aubert.

88

When they tell you that you are alone

That I have gone beyond the beaches

Far from warm suns and like a cold shroud
Now covers all of our old dreams

Your haggard spirit will surrender to sorrow
And you will mourn the love that I take away
But it will be too late for regrets

When they tell you why I am dead.

 

Ex. 4.24. Jaegerhuber, “Quand ou vous dira” from Trois Chansons (score), mm. 1-5.

89

The second song, “Amour,” is set in G minor; both the text and music reﬂect a
melancholy that is in contrast to what one might expect given the song’s title (Ex.
4.25a).19 Yet, as the piece nears the end the mood changes; the music reﬂect a more
hopeful mood as the song ends on a G major chord (the same technique J aegerhuber also

used to conclude the ﬁrst movement of Trio) (Ex. 4.25b).

“Amour”

Quand 1e destin fera de ma route étoilée

Un vaste cimetiere 01‘1 gémira le vent

Lorsque tu me verras ates pieds écroulée

Ramasse a pleines mains mon pauvre coeur vivant.

“Love”

When fate makes of my starry route

A vast cemetery where moans the wind
When you see me, on your collapsing feet
Gather by handfuls my poor beating heart.

A,“ D

 

Ex. 4.25a. Jaegerhuber, “Amour” from Trois Chansons (score), mm 1-4.

 

19 While this song is entitled “Amour” in this collection, it has appeared elsewhere as
“Quand 1e destin” (“When the destiny/fate”) in a collection entitled T rois Poemes sur des
Poemes d ’Ida F aubert set for voice and piano (Largey, 2005, CD notes, ex. 18 from the
course Haitian Music, Cultural Nationalism and Musical Authenticity).

90

 

Ex. 4.25b. Jaegerhuber, “Amour” from T rois Chansons (score), mm. 19-21.

The ﬁnal song, “Nirvana,” is in D minor and incorporates an ostinato rhythmic
and melodic pattern in the violin (or upper voice, piano right hand) that continues through
the entirety of the piece, with only a slight change of pitches in the middle of the song
’ (Ex. 4.26). As with ﬁrst two songs, both the text and music reﬂect a sense of nostalgia
and feeling of despair.

“Nirvana”

Oh dormir indéﬁniment

Pour ne plus sentir sa souffrance

Ni son chagrin ni son tourment

Rien alentour que le silence

Fenner les yeux ne plus savoir

Que demain reviendra sans doute

Avec 1e meme désespoir

Qui jusqu’a l’ame vous prend toute

Enﬁn reposer son corps las

Pres de soi ne jamais entendre

Des sons de voix des bruits de pas
Ne plus réver, ne rien attendre

91

Oh! Dormir calme et sans rancoeur
Sous les grands arbres d’une allée
Pour ne sentir plus rien au coeur
Pour que l’ame soit consolée.

“Peace”

Oh, to sleep indeﬁnitely

To never again feel his suffering
Neither his grief nor his torment
Nothing surrounds but silence

Close the eyes and know no longer

That tomorrow will return without a doubt

With the same despair

Who (That) even up to my soul, you take everything.20
Finally to rest his weary body

Near himself, never to hear

The sounds of voices, the noise of footsteps

To dream no more, to wait for nothing

Oh! To sleep calmly and without rancor
Under the grand trees of a path

To feel nothing more in the heart

So that the soul may be consoled.

 

20 J aegerhuber’s original handwritten manuscript for the text in this song is illegible. The
typed text that is included with the songs has the word “Qui” at the beginning of this
sentence. However, it is possible that J aegerhuber could have written “Que” which
would then translate as “That even up to my soul, you take everything.”

92

 

Ex. 4.26. Jaegerhuber, “Nirvana” from T rois Chansons (score), mm. 1-4.

Grenier makes reference to the ostinato pattern found in the piano
accompaniments of J aegerhuber’s songs. He states in the “transformation of these folk
melodies into art songs. . .a prominent feature of the accompaniments is the use of
ostinatos in either the right or left hand. . .in other instances, a propulsive left-hand
ostinato is suggestive of a drumming pattern” (Grenier 2001, 59). While there is no
tempo indication for this song, the title “Nirvana” suggests a slower speed, which perhaps
negates the reference to a drum in this particular instance. 21 It is interesting to note that
upon hearing a performance of this piece, a Haitian scholar of Vodou ceremonial music
remarked that this piece reminded her of music by Chopin.22 This comment illustrates

the inﬂuence of Western art music composers on J aegerhuber’s musical compositions.

 

21 If this song was played at a faster tempo the ostinato pattern could be likened to the
drum pattern played on the boula for the Kongo rhythm.

23 Comment made by Lois Wilcken after the author’s performance of this work at the
Society for Ethnomusicology national meeting November 7, 2004 in Tucson, Arizona.

93

The following discussion of J aegerhuber’s work for solo ﬂute will illustrate the inﬂuence
of J .S. Bach and other Baroque composers on Jaegerhuber’s musical output.

Jaegerhuber’s Preludio for solo ﬂute (1952) is in two movements; the ﬁrst
movement is entitled Preludio, and the second, In F ugam. The stylistic differences
between the ﬁrst and second movement led me to question whether or not In F ugam was
from the same piece (as Preludio) and if it was originally written for ﬂute. While the ﬁrst
movement is reminiscent of the Bach studies for violin and cello, the second movement is
more “violinistic” in nature with fast, technical passages and large interval leaps of

almost two octaves (see Ex. 4.27).

 

Ex. 4.27. Jaegerhuber, Preludio for solo ﬂute, second movement (In F ugam), mm. 27-29.

The indication of two separate lines (half note above and eight notes below) can also be
attributed to a stringed instrument covering two parts, or simply to what J aegerhuber was

looking for the ﬂutist to portray (see Ex. 4.283 and 4.28b).

94

 

Ex. 4.28a. Jaegerhuber, Preludio, second movement (In F ugam), mm. 14-16.

 

    

L3-

.
~-

Ex. 4.28b. Jaegerhuber, Preludio, second movement (In F ugam), mm. 21-24.

I asked Haitian composer and scholar Claude Dauphin whether the In F ugam movement

was composed for ﬂute or violin. He responded:

Effectively the In F ugam does not look like ﬂute music but string music because
[of] the overlapping notes. Probably it is a fast transcription for the ﬂute of

another work and the composer did not adapt some passages. I found this page by

chance and I taught it as the second movement of the same work for solo ﬂute. . .I
am still convinced that they are two movements of a unique work for ﬂute solo:
the tonality, the format recto/verso, the dedication of the second page In F ugam to
the famous Haitian ﬂutist Depestre Salnave (e-mail correspondence with author,

1/16/04).

While it would make sense that the two pieces would go together from a musical
standpoint, the most convincing argument for me is the dedication to Salnave on the In
F ugam page, along with the composer’s signature and date the piece was composed. In
examining J aegerhuber’s other manuscripts for ﬂute, at the end they all note either a
dedication to Salnave or some closing verbage (the word Fine or the date and location of
the composition). Page one of Preludio contains no such indication at the bottom,
thereby lending credence to the argument that there is more to this piece than the ﬁrst
movement.

The Baroque inﬂuences in In F ugam are apparent as evidenced by its form,
harmonic structure, use of ornaments and implied counterpoint. In addition to the
prelude and fugue style that Bach utilized so often, the harmonic outline in mm. 14—1 5
demonstrates a direct relation to the same technique used in Bach’s cello suites. The use
of appoggiaturas, imitative passages, and motives reminiscent of Vivaldi and Handel all
reﬂect the Baroque inﬂuence on this piece, while the amount of chromaticism utilized by
J aegerhuber, the large intervallic leaps and the extended range reﬂect its modernity.
Claude Dauphin also noted the inﬂuence of the Baroque style on J aegerhuber; he stated,

“[A] few pieces from J aegerhuber are in a simple Baroque style. He used to do that when

96

he wrote for his students in composition, as it was the case for Depestre Salnave [who]
spent his sojourn in Haiti in the beginning of [19]503 for studying with J aegerhuber” (e-
mail correspondence with author, 1/19/04).

To my knowledge Preludio is the only ﬂute work by J aegerhuber that does not
utilize indigenous music in some form. However, there are several other chamber works
by Jaegerhuber that are written in the western tradition. Although they are composed for
string instruments they work equally well for ﬂute. One such piece is J aegerhuber’s
.Piccolo Sonatina (1938-1940) for violin, cello and piano.

Much more simplistic in nature than the later works of J aegerhuber, Piccolo
Sonatina is a light, refreshing work in three movements (Allegro moderato-Minueto-
Andante) that contrasts with the complex harmonic structure found in his other pieces
like Trio (1952). Piccolo Sonatina is decidedly Neoclassical in nature, as Robert Grenier

DOICSI

The best evidence for this [Neoclassical style] is provided in the title of the
second movement. This Minuet retains the grace and balanced structure
associated with this dance. The two framing movements display J aegerhuber’s
penchant for writing contrapuntal lines. He creates transparent textures by the
independence he gives his voices. Overall, the abiding impression of this music
suggests its afﬁnity to the chamber works of Franz Schubert. Like Schubert’s
music this piece was destined for private entertainment; the atmosphere

throughout is intimate and cordial: each player is given a moment to shine. 23

 

23 Taken from editor’s note included in score to J aegerhuber’s Piccolo Sonatina.

97

Grenier points out that piece’s most obvious Neoclassical elements are demonstrated in
the balanced phrases and style of the second movement, which is reminiscent of the J .S.

Bach Minuet in G Major for piano (Ex. 4.29).

 

     

y/V

Ex. 4.29. Jaegerhuber, Piccolo Sonatina, second movement (violin part), mm. 1-8.

While the Minueto consists of balanced phrases, the phrases in the ﬁrst and last
movements vary in length and often elide from one to the other. Tonal in nature, the
piece’s twentieth-century characteristics are evident in Jaegerhuber’s use of
chromaticism, changes of mode, and diminished seven chords, which are most prevalent
in the third movement.

In the editor’s notes that accompany this piece Grenier points out that the original
manuscript of this work did not contain a title page, signature or date. While it was
obvious from the musical style that J aegerhuber composed this work, Grenier determined
the title of the piece based on information found in a document written by Robert Durand,
a Haitian composers and a friend of Jaegerhuber. In the document, Durand mentions that
J agerhuber composed a piece for violin, cello and piano that was entitled Picola Sonatina

[sic] that dated from the years 193 8-1940. Grenier determined that since this work was

98

piccolo—small—and written for the same instrumentation, it was in all likelihood the
composition that Durand made reference to in his document.

As this chapter illustrates, J aegerhuber followed the example of other classically
trained composers—like Bartok and Villa Lobos—by composing art music based on the
traditional music of his country. Just as Bartok and Villa-Lobos introduced the world to
the music of their countries through their classical compositions, so too has J aegerhuber -
provided an opportunity for non-Haitians to learn more about the indigenous music of
Haiti through his art music.24 I suggest that the solo and chamber ﬂute compositions by
J aegerhuber are a valuable addition to the ﬂute literature in that they expose students to
music of another culture and present students with the opportunity to gain a deeper
understanding and appreciation of Haiti’s music, which is rich in cultural tradition.

The following chapter examines the ﬂute compositions of Julio Racine, a Haitian
composer who was inspired by J aegerhuber’s inﬂuence. Like J aegerhuber Racine utilizes
the melodies and rhythms taken from the ceremonial music of Haitian Vodou in his
music for ﬂute. Through his musical endeavors Racine continues J aegerhuber’s tradition

of educating audiences about Haitian music and culture.

 

24 Several Haitian composers have made this comparison of J aegerhuber to Bartok and
Villa-Lobos. In Conjonction 198 (1993, 85) Jean Coulanges notes that some Haitian
artists and non-Haitian artists who live in Haiti “follow[ed] the example” of Bartok and
Villa Lobo by utilizing “Haitian popular themes” in their classical compositions (cited in
Ramsey 2002, 36). In an interview with Sel, Robert Durand also noted how “. . .there is
something Haitian that always appears” in the majority of J aegerhuber’s compositions,
just as “. . .there is something Brazilian that always appears in [Villa-Lobos’s] music”
(Adrian and Urﬁe 1979, translated by Largey, 4-12).

99

Chapter 5. Musical Crossroads: J aegerhuber’s Inﬂuence on the Flute Compositions of
Haitian Composer Julio Racine

As argued throughout this study, Wemer J aegerhuber’s work had a signiﬁcant and
lasting impact on Haitian art music during the twentieth century. Robert Grenier notes
how the transformation of J aegerhuber’s transcriptions into art songs “marks an
important turn in the musical culture of Haiti; they are the foundation of a nationalistic
school” (Grenier 2001, 63).1 While there was no physical institution that espoused
J aegerhuber’s methods, the signiﬁcance of J aegerhuber’s contribution is evidenced by the
many Haitian composers—contemporaries and those who succeeded him—who have
followed his example and have been inspired and inﬂuenced by his work. Many of these
composers demonstrate the same nationalistic pride in Haitian culture by their continued
efforts to compose music drawn from indigenous elements.2

While there are many composers who have been inﬂuenced by J aegerhuber, this
chapter will focus on Haitian ﬂutist and composer Julio Racine. As mentioned in the
introduction of this document, in the twenty-ﬁrst century Racine deals with many of the
same issues that J aegerhuber dealt with in the twentieth century. Like J aegerhuber,
Racine identiﬁes with the importance of Haiti’s traditional music; he incorporates
elements taken from the Vodou ceremony into his music, arranges Haitian folk songs in
an art music style and promotes Haitian music to an international audience. Additionally,

Racine “departs from the traditional approach” by utilizing chromaticism and

 

l Grenier terms J aegerhuber’s transformation of his ethnographic material into art songs,
as “melodic vaudoo” (Grenier 2001, 63).
2 These composers will be discussed in the conclusion.

100

incorporating elements of jazz into his classical music compositions (e-mail

correspondence with author, l/28/05).

The Flute Compositions of Julio Racine

Julio Racine studied composition at the University of Louisville and has written a
number of orchestral and chamber works, including two major works for ﬂute. He is the
former director of the Orchestre Philharmnonique Sointe T rinité and the Holy Trinity
Trade School in Port-au-Prince and currently resides in Louisville, Kentucky.3 As a
young man in Haiti, Racine studied with noted ﬂutist Despestre Salnave, the person to
whom J aegerhuber dedicated much of his ﬂute music. While Racine never had the
opportunity to meet J aegerhuber, he stated that J aegerhuber “had a profound inﬂuence”
on him, and that he “embraced [J aegerhuber’s] philosophy for having a music that is
fundamentally Haitian” (e-mail correspondence with author, 1/28/05).4 Racine has spent
time analyzing J aegerhuber’s music and some of his folk song arrangements are based on

those found in J aegerhuber’s Complaintes Hoi'tiennes.

T ongente au Yonvolou
Racine’s T ongente ou Yonvolou for ﬂute and piano was composed in 1975 and
utilizes traditional rhythmic elements derived from the ceremonial music of Haitian

Vodou. This piece is inspired by the yonvolou, one of the basic Haitian folkloric rhythms

 

3 The music, elementary and trade schools are all part of the Holy Trinity complex known
as the Ecole Sointe T rinité (Holy Trinity School).

4 In the same correspondence Racine writes “[Jaegerhuber] is the one Haitian composer I
would have liked so much to meet personally. . .he was the ﬁrst to point out the necessity
for a locally inspired music” (e-mail correspondence with author, 1/28/05).

101

and an elegant ritual dance that originated in the area of West Africa now known as
Benin. Racine’s most recent ﬂute composition, Vodoo Jazz Sonata (2004), combines
rhythmic and melodic elements from the Vodou ceremony along with jazz idioms and
harmonies. In his arrangement of Haitian folk songs for voice and piano (2004)——which
works equally well on ﬂute and will be discussed at length later in this chapter—Racine
again fuses jazz and Haitian rhythms and utilizes jazz harmonies in the piano
accompaniment.

By utilizing traditional elements in his compositions Racine ensures that Haitians
are able to relate to his music. At the same time, through his classical compositions he is
providing those who are unfamiliar with Haitian music a glimpse into‘ Haitian culture. In
one of our e-mail correspondences Racine shared with me a statement that he had

recently come across, written by him some time ago:

All through my career, I have met numerous artists. Some came to Haiti and
soloed with the orchestra, some came and gave recitals of all sorts. I have also
met an inﬁnite number of people from different corners of the world. The one
thing I realize is that Haitian arts, except for painting is not known at all. It is
always a big surprise when those visitors discover that indeed there is such a thing
as Haitian classical music, and people who wrote the music are Haitians.
Consequently, I have decided to expose that music as much as possible. In fact,
being an echo of the Haitian soul itself, that music gives a good insight of the
Haitian culture. As a conductor, I managed to include at least one Haitian

composition in almost every concert I have conducted. As a composer I write in a

102

style that presents the fundamental of Haitian music. For many years I worked
with young musicians. I always tried not to deﬁne Haitian music for them but
rather expose them to that music and let them discover its originalin and richness

(e-mail correspondence with author, 3/25/04).

Retaining Haitian culture and traditional music, promoting the music of Haiti and
educating others about Haitian music and culture are all important to Racine. A study of
Racine’s works illustrates the similarities in ideology and methodology between Racine
and J aegerhuber. Before the fundamental elements of Haitian music that Racine employs
in his compositions can be identiﬁed, it is necessary to become familiar with the rhythms
and melodies of traditional Haitian music in order to better understand Racine’s
compositions.

According to Racine, Haitian music is rhythmically driven, and rhythmic
development is the most important element in Racine’s music (e-mail correspondence
with author, 10/03). Whereas J aegerhuber focused on melody, Racine stresses the
importance of rhythm in Haitian music. 5 Racine focuses on the rhythm from several
angles—in his words, “what was the rhythm like in the past, what form does it take
today, and what could it evolve into in the future” (10/03). Michael Largey discusses
how Racine and composers like him utilize the ceremonial music of Haitian Vodou “in
increasingly abstract ways” (Largey 1994, 115). He describes Racine’s T ongente ou

Yonvolou as “a series of variations for ﬂute and piano” based on the Haitian yonvolou

 

5 Racine mentioned that “J aegerhuber was a master in the melodic aspect of [Haitian]
music” and that in “picking up the torch after him [Racine] concentrate[s] mainly on
rhythmic developments” (e-mail correspondence with author, 1/28/05).

103

dance rhythm taken from the Vodou ceremony (115). The yonvolou dance honors the
spirits of the Roda nanchon (Fleurant 1996, 25). The elegant dance of yonvolou imitates
the undulation of the waves as they rise and fall, and also imitates the movements of the
serpent spirit, Dambala, a source of energy and life.

Gerdes Fleurant, describes yanvalou as “. . .a prayer, an invitation...” (Fleurant
1996, 25). The rhythmic importance of the yonvolou extends to the signiﬁcance of the
pulses that appear in groups of three, three being a symbolic number in Haitian religion

'and life. F leurant goes on to say that the yonvolou is:

both an invocation and supplication dance/music which must be played ﬁrst at all
ceremonies for the Rada rite. . .At a Vodun ceremony, yanvalou is the rhythm par
excellence. . .It is through the singing, playing, and dancing of the yanvalou that
vodunists establish contact with the ancestors in. . .Africa. . .the ritual function of
yanvalou is to call the lwa whose manifest presence is considered a “good

sign”. . .” (Fleurant 1996, 25).

Racine uses triple meter to invoke the dance-like quality of the yonvolou, as well
as rhythmic variations. He opens T ongente in 6/ 8 meter, but in a relatively short time
span moves from 6/8 meter to 5/8 meter, 6/8 meter to 7/8 meter and back to 6/8 meter.
Racine also takes us through several key areas, and utilizes a great deal of chromaticism
and changes of style throughout the piece. In some ways T ongente resembles a sonatina
in form, with its return of the opening thematic material and what could be considered a

coda at the very end.

104

Regarding the rhythm in T ongente, Largey quotes Racine“. . .the references to the
rhythm set up an expectation for the listener, but one that is never fully realized” (Largey
1994, 115). In Racine’s words, as the title of this piece suggests, the music you will hear
is “a tangent to [the yonvolou] in the sense that it only touches and suggests [the yonvolou
rhythm] and then moves away. . .Very often during the course of the piece the yanvalou I
either is missing one step or has one step extra” (Racine, e-mail correspondence with
author, 10/7/03). 6 There are places in T ongente (1975) where Racine incorporates the
yonvolou rhythm into the ﬂute melody, often leaving out a beat or adding one heat extra

(Ex. 5.1 and 5.2).

 

Ex. 5.1. Racine, Tangente ou Yonvolou (ﬂute part), mm. 16-17.

 

 

Ex. 5.2. Racine, Tangente ou Yonvolou (ﬂute part), mm. 31-32.

 

6 The yonvolou is in 12/ 8 meter. Much of the time Racine groups measures together in
such a manner that there is either one beat missing from the yonvolou rhythm or one beat
extra (ex. 6/8 meter+5/8 meter or 6/8 meter + 7/8 meter).

105

At other times, Racine appears to take the yonvolou bell pattern (Ex. 5.3a and 5.3b) and

manipulates the rhythm in the piano part by using a variation on the pattern (Ex. 5.4).7

 

Its reverse:

 

Ex. 5.3a. Yonvolou bell pattern found in Dancing Spirits (Fleurant 1996, 51).

Ex. 5.3b. Yanvalou bell pattern found in The Drums of Vodou (Wicken 1992, 63).

 

Ex. 5.4. Racine, Tangente au Yonvalou (piano part), mm. 22-23.

 

7 Ex. 5.33 and 5.3b are the two most common rhythmic patterns played on the ogan (bell)
in the yonvolou. -

106

In T ongente Racine also uses the piano to imitate the tanbou, or Haitian drum. At
certain points in the piece the left hand of the piano plays the yonvolou bell pattern
(Ex.5.5) while the right hand appears to imitate the interlocking ﬁgure of two of the Roda

drums (Ex. 5.6).

 

Ex. 5.5. Racine, Tangente ou Yonvalou (piano part), mm. 25-26.

 

Ex. 5.6. Racine, T angente ou Yonvolou (piano part), mm. 25-26.

In Dancing Spirits F leurant includes an example of this “dialogue” that takes place
between the monmon and segon (mother drum and second, or middle drum) during the

yonvolou as they interlock rhythms in a hocketed pattern (Ex. 5.7).

107

 

Ex. 5.7. Monmon and segon drum parts, Dancing Spirits (Fleurant 1996, 60).

While Racine uses Haitian rhythms in T ongente, all of the melodies are original,
and not derived from indigenous music. Racine takes a fairly simple melody and
develops it, both melodically and rhythmically. In an e-mail correspondence he stated
“rhythm is the most important element. . .in any Haitian melody. In Haitian melodies
[one should] always try to detect the implied accents” (10/03). For example, in the I
measure that the ﬂute enters in T ongente, Racine told me that I should “suggest a discrete
accent on the third note” of the bar when I perform the piece ( 10/03).

The ﬁnal melody of T ongente, which appears earlier in the piece in a more
complex form, is unsettling; it leaves the listener with the expectation that the piece will
continue. When I asked Racine if he had ever thought about writing another movement
to T ongente, he responded “I never consider[ed] writing another movement to the piece
since it is pretty much like a poem” (10/07/03). “. . .the ending of T ongente ou Yonvolou
leaves the listener with an undeﬁned question—a false nostalgia; [the ﬁnal note] in the
ﬂute fades away like something escaping into the silence of space” (e-mail
correspondence with author, 10/26/03).

When asked about his inspiration for composing T ongente, Racine said in order to

understand his inspiration I should read the deﬁnition that the Harvard Dictionary of

108

Music gives for Haitian music. This deﬁnition describes how “most Haitian [art music]
composers have written works using some native elements” but that these compositions
lack “the forceful expression of their original models” (365). It is easy to understand why
Racine would disapprove of this statement, given the breadth and depth of many classical
compositions by Haitian composers that exist. In an e-mail correspondence, Racine
wrote about his desire to exposeothers to Haitian music, which he refers to as “an echo '
of the Haitian soul itself” so that people outside of Haiti may get a “good insight of the
Haitian culture” ,(3/25/04). In 2004 Racine composed another work for ﬂute that draws

upon the folk music of Haiti.

Vodoo Jazz Sonata

As mentioned earlier, in his Vodoo Jozz Sonata for ﬂute and piano Racine utilizes
Haitian folk melodies mixed with light jazz melodies. The ﬁrst movement of Racine’s
sonata utilizes several drum rhythms in the piano taken from the Vodou ceremony. The
right hand piano part at the opening of the movement contains a rhythm similar to what

the boula plays in the kongo (Ex. 5.8).

 

Ex. 5.8. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, ﬁrst movement (piano part), mm.3-5.

109

In measure fourteen Racine references the kongo rhythm in the piano (ex. 5.9a).

lib

«r "if

 

 

Wife 3W
( t '
.u_
(L ll
.u,
‘1 Hi
hi ___—4 M

Ex. 5.9a. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, ﬁrst movement (piano part), 111. 14.

Measures twenty-six through thirty and eighty-eight to ninety also incorporate a rhythm

that can be interpreted as a variation on the kongo rhythm (Ex. 5%).

 

Ex. 5.9b. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, ﬁrst movement (piano part), mm. 26-29.

In measures 58-61 Racine employs a variation on the boula part taken from the kongo

and bonda rhythms (Ex. 5.10).

110

 

Ex. 5.10. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, ﬁrst movement (piano score), mm. 58-61.

The second movement, entitled Pryé (prayer), utilizesmelodic material that
references the lwa Ezili (Ex. 5.11.) The underlying ostinato in the left hand of the piano
throughout much of this piece can be likened to the ogon (bell) pattern taken from the

Kongo (Ex. 5.12).

 

Ex. 5.11. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, second movement, (ﬂute part), mm. 9-13.

 

Ex. 5.12. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, second movement (piano part), mm. 1-3.

111

In the opening of the third movement Racine incorporates the quintolet rhythm
played on the boula (koto) drum that is found in the bonda and petwo. He indicates in the
score that this should be played with two hands, as it would be played on the drum (Ex.

5.13).

    

1’

Ex. 5.13. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (piano part), mm. 1-4.

Racine implements this rhythm in the ﬂute part as well throughout the movement (Ex.

5.14).

 

 

 

Ex. 5.14. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonoto, third movement (ﬂute part), mm. 15-18.

In measures 63-65 Racine utilizes the bell pattern from the yonvolou in the piano part,

much like the way he did in T angente au Yonvolou (Ex. 5.15a).

112

 

Ex. 5.15a. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonora, third movement (piano part), mm. 63-65.

Racine also hints at the melodic and rhythmic elements found in the meringue

cornovolesque in the ﬂute part in mm. 61-68 (Ex. 5.15b).8

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Ex. 5.15b. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (ﬂute part), mm. 61-68.

In measures 71—86 Racine utilizes sextuplets in the piano part that could be reference to

the tanbou kache (hidden drum) (Ex. 5.16).

 

8 Racine, email correspondence with author, 3/ 16/05.

113

 

Ex. 5.16. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (piano part), mm 71-73.

Throughout this section Racine incorporates melodic material taken from the ceremonial

song Dambala in the ﬂute part (Ex. 5.17).

 

 

Ex. 5.17. Racine, Voodoo Jazz Sonoto, third movement, ﬂute part), mm. 71-74.

A variation on the boula drum pattern taken from the yonvolou can be found in measures

98-101 and 149-152 (Ex. 5.18).

 

Ex. 5.18. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (piano part), mm. 98-101.

114

The ogon (bell) pattern from the kongo rhythm can be found in the right hand piano part

in measures 126-129 (Ex. 5.19).

 

 

 

Ex. 5.19. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (piano part), mm. 126-128.

In measures 132-135 Racine once again, uses melodic material in the ﬂute part taken from
the ceremonial song, Dambala; this time he indicates a mood of nostalgic in the score

(Ex. 5.20).

 

Ex. 5.20. Racine, Vodoo Jazz Sonata, third movement (ﬂute part), mm. 132-135.

115

Haitian Folk Songs

Like J aegerhuber, Racine arranged a group of songs for voice and piano based on
the folk and ceremonial music of Haiti. In the same way that J aegerhuber utilized
pentatonic scales and modes in his art music compositions, so does Racine add an
external element to his compositions, that is, rhythmic and harmonic elements taken from
jazz.

Set in the key of B minor, “Mési Bon Dié” (“Thank You God”) is a harvest song

that Racine believes was likely written by Frantz Casseus.

“Mési Bon Dié”

Mési Bon Dié, gadé koman la mizé ﬁni pou nou
Mési Bon Dié, gadé tou sa la nati poté pou nou
Mési Bon Dié, gadé tou sa la nati poté pou nou
Mési Bon Dié, gadé koman la mizé ﬁni pou nou

Lapli tombé, mayi pousé
Tout timoun ki grangou pralé manjé

An nou dansé kongo
An nou dansé petro

Papa Bon Dié ki lan siél, la mizé ﬁni pou nou
Mizé ya ﬁni pou nou
Mizé nou ﬁni (Bis)

“Thank you God”9

Thank you God, look at how the misery ends for us
Thank you God, look at all that nature brings for us
Thank you God, look at all that nature brings for us
Thank you God, look at how the misery ends for us

Rain falls, corn grows

 

9 Translation by author.

116

All the children who are hungry will eat

Let us dance the kongo
Let us dance the petwo

Father God who is in the sky, the misery ends for us

Misery, yes, ends for us

Our misery is ended (repeat)

Although written in 4/4 meter, Racine incorporates the popular quintolet rhythm

throughout the piece in the right hand of the piano (see m. 2, Ex. 5.21).

 

Ex. 5.21. Racine, “Mési Bon Dié” (piano part), mm. 1-3.

In his arrangement of “Trois Feuilles, Trois racines Oh!” (“Three Leaves, Three
Roots”) Racine uses several changes of meter and tempi and sets the piece in the key of C
minor. The title and text of this song are infused with cultural meaning; earlier in this
chapter I discussed the signiﬁcance of the number three in Haitian culture. Leaves and
roots are also signiﬁcant; they are medicinal and considered to be sacred objects.10 This

song is taken from the Kongo-Petwo rite (Fleurant, correspondence, summer 2002).

 

‘0 In Haiti, ougans heal the sick through (primarily) spiritual means and dokte‘féyﬂeaf
doctors) use herbal and natural means to heal others. In the summers of 2003 and 2004
while on the pilgrimage to Sout d 'Eou—the sacred waterfall located in Haiti’s Central

117

“Trois Feuilles, Trois racines Oh!”

Twa féy, twa racino

jeté bliyé ranmasé sonjé
Twa féy, twa racino

jeté bliyé ranmasé sonjé
Mwin ginyin basin mwin
twa fey tombé ladan

jeté bliyé ranmasé sonjé
Mwin ginyin basin mwin
twa féy tombé ladan

jeté bliyé ranmasé sonjé

Zila Moyo

twa fey tombé lan basin mwin
Langano

twa fey tombé lan basin mwin
Kalié boumba

twa fey tombé lan basin mwin
Langano

twa fey tombe lan basin mwinll

“Three Leaves, three roots Oh!”

Three leaves, three roots

Throw away forget, gather up remember
Three leaves, three roots

Throw away forget, gather up remember
I have my basin

Three leaves fell in

Throw away forget, gather up remember

Zila Moyo

three leaves fell in my water basin
Langano

three leaves fell in my water basin
Kalie' boumba

three leaves fell in my water basin

 

Plateau—I was approached by people selling leaves that were to be used to cleanse
ourselves as we bathed in the waterfall.
H Racine uses a different orthography from the one I am using.

118

Langano _

three leaves fell in my water basin12
Racine’s arrangment of “Erzulie Oh, Erzulie Sa!” varies greatly from that of J aegerhuber.
Like in his Vodoo Jazz Sonata, Racine implements jazz idioms in this song, both
rhythmically and harrnonically. Whereas J aegerhuber’s arrangement was chordal
(without much harmonic motion), somber and dark, Racine’s arrangement. is playful; like
J aegerhuber he uses dissonances but in a different manner.13 The “bluesy” sounding bass

line carries through the ﬁrst section of the piece (Ex. 5.22a).

 

Ex. 5.22a. Racine, “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie, Sa!” (piano part), mm. 1-3.

 

12 Translation by author.

13 J agerhuber’s version is operatic sounding in nature (due to the tension created by the
dissonances he utilizes) and lacks harmonic motion, whereas Racine’s arrangement has
an active bass line and active inner voices that drive the music forward.

119

In measures 10-15 Racine sets the music to mirror the text; the descending scale
accompanies the words “Nan lan mé kanot mwin vle chaviré” (In the sea my boat wants
to capsize) while the line reverses and ascends when the boat’s occupants pray to God so
they don’t drown: “Fo’n priyé Bon Dié pou moun pa né - yé” (we need to pray to God so

the people do not drown) (Ex. 5.22b).

10 mt Iran-not mwin - vlé cha-vi - re’ Nan [an the

        
 

Iran-not mwin - vlé chi-vi-

    
  

” rc Fé'n pn-yc' Bon - Dié pou moun p8 03' ‘ Yé

 

Ex. 5.22b. Racine, “Erzulie Oh! Drzulie, Sa!” (piano part), mm. 10-15.

In “Erzulie Malade” like Jaegerhuber, Racine utilizes arpeggiated patterns in the
left hand of the piano to outline the harmonic structure in the ﬁrst section of the song, and
utilizes the quintolet rhythm in the second section. However, rather than double the vocal
line in the right hand of the piano, Racine harmo’nizes the melody with a more active

rhythmic line (Ex. 5.23)

120

Moderato

 

Ex. 5.23. Racine, “Erzulie Malade" (piano score), mm. 1-4.

Racine’s arrangement of “Belle Ha‘iti” is set in 2/4 meter and once again utilizes the

quintolet rhythm, this time in both the piano and ﬂute parts (Ex. 5.24).”

Moderato

 

Ex. 5.24. Racine, “Belle Haiti” (piano score), mm. 1-5.

 

1" “Belle Haiti” was composed by Marcel Sylvain.

121

Racine also incorporates the bell pattern from the kongo rhythm during the latter part of
this piece, at times in the right hand piano part and at other times in the left hand (Ex.

5.25).

 

Ex. 5.25 . Racine, “Belle Haiti” (piano part), mm 25-27.

The words to this piece reﬂect love for Haiti, and liken the country to a mother in whose

arms one can ﬁnd comfort and peace.
“Belle Haiti”

M’ fét lan yon bel ti péyi

Ki binyin lan mé dé zantiy

Péyi si la mwin rinmin 1i

li telman dous teman trankil
Ayiti sé kon sa’l rélé

Sé 1i ki la pél dé zantiy

Yo met bon mwin 16 born diaman
Mwin pap jam kité’l

Ayiti, Ayiti

Mwin rinmin’w pou tout lavi

Ayiti manman chéri

Sé lan bra’w pou mwin mouri
Ayiti, Ayiti,

Mwin rinmin’w pou tout lavi

Ayiti manman chéri

Sé lan bra’w pou’m mouri

“Beautiﬁil Haiti”

I was born in a beautiful little country

That bathed in the sea of the Caribbean (Antilles)
This country I love her so much

She is like sugar, she is peaceful,

Haiti knows what she is called

She is the pearl of the Antilles

They could give me gold or diamond

I won’t ever leave her

Haiti, Haiti,

I will love you for all my life
Haiti my dear mother,

It is in your arms I cry

Haiti, Haiti

I will love you all my life
Haiti my dear mother

It is in your arms I cry15

Like these songs, many of Racine’s other works are also based on the traditional
music of Haiti. His Quartet No. I for strings incorporates melodies taken from Haitian
folk music. His Quartet No. 2 for strings is a one-movement work that calls on the cellist
to be precise in the offbeat rhythm (in the third section) that will give the impression of a
ram sounding rhythm.

In a discussion regarding the traditional elements found in his work, Racine
reminded me that when interpreting his compositions or arrangements, I need to
remember “the beauty of Haitian life and culture resides mainly in its contrast and
ambiguities” (e-mail correspondence with author, 1/28/05). Just as Haiti’s bare

mountains contrast starkly with the lush greenery of the rainforests in the Central Plateau,

so too does Haiti’s rich and vibrant musical culture contrast from one region to the next;

 

'5 Translation by author.

123

just as many phrases in Haitian Creole can be interpreted in more ways than one, so too

can the music of Haiti be interpreted by those who listen.

124

Conclusion. Music in Haiti and the Diaspora in the Twenty-First Century

At home and in the diaspora Haitian composers and musicians in the twenty-ﬁrst
century continue to draw upon and incorporate the traditional music of Haiti in their
compositions as they strive for a sound that is uniquely and identiﬁably Haitian.
Composers from Haiti have a wealth of indigenous music from which to draw their
inspiration. With the incorporation of indigenous elements in mizik sovont, Haitian
composers like Werner J aegerhuber, Julio Racine and others have founded a new style of

' Haitian music.

Numerous Haitian composers, both students and colleagues of J aegerhuber, have
been inﬂuenced and inspired by his music and ideology. Students of Jaegerhuber who
have followed his example include: Frantz Casseus (1916-1993), Férere Laguerre (1935-
1983), Robert Durand (1919-1995) and Edouard Woolley (1916-1991).1 Other
prominent Haitian composers who did not study with J aegerhuber but were nevertheless
inﬂuenced by him include: Carmen Brouard (b. 1910), Claude Dauphin (b. 1949) and
Amos Coulanges (b. 1955) (Grenier 2001, 68), as well as Lina Mathon-Blanchet (1902-
1993). These composers all utilized the rhythms and melodies taken from Vodou

ceremonial music or folkloric music in their own musical compositions.2 This tradition

 

‘ Some of F rantz Casseus traditionally inﬂuenced compositions include Chants
folkloriques for guitar and voice, and Donse des Hounsies and Suite Hoi'tienne for solo
guitar. Férere Laguerre composed Donmbolloh é and F euille 0, two folkloric songs for
four mixed voices. Robert Durand gathered Haitian fables and songs and incorporated
some of these popular songs (or what he termed as “regular songs” as opposed to the
Vodou songs that J aegerhuber collected) into his classical quartet for strings. Some of
Edouard Woolley’s best-known works include his Sous les polmiers: Suite pour violin et
piano, whose movements include: Danse, Reverie, La Creole, and Mazoumbelle.

Julio Racine also notes Blanchet and Brouard were inspired by Jaegerhuber (e-mail
correspondence with author, 1/28/05). Some of the works by these composers include:
Sonote voudouesque (Brouard), 4 études et 3 oirsfolkloriques hai'tiens harmonisés pour

125

continues on in the works of other composers in present-day Haiti (Dickens Princivil) as
well as in the diaspora (Julio Racine, b.1945 and Emile Desamours, b.1941). 3

In the latter half of the twentieth century through the present much of
J aegerhuber’s music has been revived by Haitian and non-Haitian musicians in Haiti, the
United States, and Canada who are eager to promote the art music of Haiti. Claude
Dauphin, music professor at the University of Québec in Montréal is an active performer
and promoter of Haitian classical music. A member of the Société de Récherche et de
Diﬂusion de la Musique Hoi'tienne, Dauphin oversees the Haitian classical music
collection at the university and regularly programs the music of J aegerhuber and other
Haitian composers on performances sponsored by the society. In the United States
Haitian conductor Jean Montes, Director of Orchestral Studies at Virginia
Commonwealth University, intends to develop a Haitian music collection in the United
States comparable to the one in Canada. He also plans to start an orchestra based in
Virginia that will perform and promote Haitian music.4

In addition to Haitian musicians, composers and performers of non-Haitian decent
also recognize the importance of Haitian music. John Jost, an American composer and

choral conductor who has taught in the United States and Haiti for over thirty years,

 

lo guitore clossique, Op. 1 (Dauphin), Kongo and Les Hoi'tionnesques (Coulanges), and
“Haitian Folk T ole ” for woodwind quintet (Blanchet).
3 Dickens Princivil recently composed his “Pa Ba’m Chay Pote” for ﬂute and orchestra, a
piece reminiscent of the folk music of the countryside. It was written in memory of
Haitian cellist Pierre Belizaire, one of the ﬁrst students in the music program at Ecole
Sointe T rinite, a founding member of the Orchestre Philharmonique Sointe T rinité, and
the former director of the camp sponsored by the Ecole de Musique Dessaix Baptiste in
J acmel, Haiti. One of Emile Desamours’s best-known compositions is his Noel Ayisyen
(A Haitian Noél). Another composition by Desamours, Sonata F olklorique (1941), was
premiered in Montreal on May 30, 1998.

Personal correspondence with author, August 2004. Montes’s doctoral thesis was an
English translation of Constantin Dumervé’s Histoire de la musique en hoi’ti.

126

promotes the music of Haitian composers, writes his own music based on the traditional
music of Haiti, and arranges Haitian folk songs for various instrumentations.5 He has
arranged and composed approximately thirty-six pieces of all genres based on Haitian
folk music. J ost became interested in arranging Haitian music after he started working
with the Orchestre Philharmonique Sointe T rinite' in Haiti and realized that they did not
have much Haitian music to perform. He ﬁrst attempted to ﬁnd pieces for orchestra
written by Haitian composers such as Justin Elie. Later he began to arrange piano works
by Ludovic Lamothe because he felt Larnothe’s piano music was “colorful and lent itself
to orchestration so easily” (e-mail correspondence with author, 2/21/05). Like
J aegerhuber, J ost also transcribed folk tunes that he heard in the countryside and utilized
them in his arrangements.

In the summer of 2004 several American musicians who teach at the St. Trinity
Music Camp (including myself) formed the group Zonmi Ansonm pou Misik Ayisyen
(Z.A.M.A.).6 Our goal is to perform and promote the music of Haitian composers, to
commission new pieces based on traditional Haitian music, and to educate the American
public about Haitian music and culture. At the same time we work to further the
recognition of past and current Haitian composers and encourage the writing of Haitian

chamber music based on traditional music.7

 

5 J ost is also the staff coordinator and an orchestral conductor at the St. Trinity Music
Camp in Haiti and Director of Choral Activities at Bradley University in Illinois.

6 This title translates as “friends together for Haitian music.”

7 There are also several Americans in the United States—including Jost, myself and Janet
Anthony (cello professor at Lawrence University, Wisconsin and instructor at the Ecole
de Musique Dessaix Baptiste in J acmel, Haiti) who promote awareness of Haitian music
and culture through annual beneﬁt concerts.

127

Haitian classical music is receiving more exposure outside of Haiti in the twenty-
ﬁrst century, thanks to the efforts of the scholars, composers and performers who have
dedicated themselves to the promotion of Haitian music at home and throughout the
diaspora. In his article, “Le origines Le Lo musiquefolklorique hai‘tienne” Jagerhuber
states “It is good to learn the soul of a people, to show where they came from, to follow
the plan that leads to the present. I nourish the hope that there will be a Haitian Art born
of the same roots of the old tree that feeds of good earthly substance, that will bear its
fruits in the near future” (J aegerhuber 1943, 55).8 I believe this hope of J aegerhuber’s
has been realized in the music of Racine, J ost and others who work to promote the music
of Haiti to audiences in their homeland and throughout the world. Like the fruit of the
mango tree that falls from branches spread far from its roots, so have Haitian composers
spread far and wide throughout the diaspora as they reach out to educate others and to
promote the music of their country.

Like mizik rosin, mizik savant serves to educate audiences about the culture and
history of Haiti. Through his musical compositions and ethnographic research
J aegerhuber provides insight into the political and social issues of Haiti during the
twentieth century, as well as with the opportunity to learn more about Haitian music,
culture and religion. I believe the interest expressed by Haitian and non-Haitian
musicians to promote the music of Jaegerhuber and to emphasize the importance of
Haiti’s traditional music will ensure that the music of Haiti will continue to ﬂourish
outside of the country. Perhaps this will lead to J aegerhuber receiving the recognition

that he deserves for his extensive output of musical compositions, for the signiﬁcant

 

8 Translated by author.

128

contribution he has made to Haitian classical music and ethnographic research, and for
emphasizing the role that the traditional music of Haiti plays in the context of Haitian

identity and nationalism.

129

APPENDIX A

130

APPENDIX A

List of works for ﬂute (or C instrument/voice) by Haitian composers

Brouard, Carmen. (b. 1910). 1968. Deux Pieces pour Flute et Piano.

Jaegerhuber, Werner A. (1900-1953). 1938-1940. Piccolo Sonototino for violin, cello
and piano.

1950. Complaintes Hoi‘tiennes for voice and piano. (Haitian Folklore
Songs—Conciones Del Folklore Hoitiono) Recueillies et Hormonisées par Ie
Professeur Werner A. Jaegerhuber.

1951. Musique pour J.F . Brierre for ﬂute, viola and cello.

1951. Divertimento for ﬂute, violin and viola (violin and viola part N/A).

1951. T rois Chansons pour voix, ﬂouto, (violin), alto, Violoncelle d ' oprés texts
de: Ida F oubert. (also voice (ﬂute) and piano reduction).

____N.D. Les Petites Serenades for ﬂute, violin and viola (ﬂute and viola part N/A).
1952. Invocation for ﬂute, viola and cello.
__1952. Preludio and In F ugom for solo ﬂute.
1952. Trio for ﬂute, viola and cello.
J can-Claude, Martha. (1903-1994). N.D. “Nostalgia” for melody instrument and piano.
J eanty, Occide. (1860-1936). 1989. Invocation: ele'gie pour deux violins et piano.
Mathon-Blanchet, Lina. N.D. “Haitian Folk Tale” for Woodwind Quintet.

Princivil, Dickens. 2004. Pa Ban ’m Chay Pote for ﬂute and orchestra or ﬂute and string
quintet (2 violins, viola, cello, bass).

Racine, Julio. (b. 1945). 1975. T ongente ou Yonvolou for ﬂute and piano.
2004. Vodoo Jazz Sonata for ﬂute and piano.
2004. “Mési Bon Die” for voice (ﬂute) and piano.

2004. “Trois Feuilles, Trois raciness Oh!” for voice (ﬂute) and piano.

131

2004. “Erzulie Oh! Erzulie, Sa!” for voice (ﬂute) and piano.
2004. “Erzulie Malade” for voice (ﬂute) and piano.

2004. “Haiti” for voice (ﬂute) and piano.

Music by Julio Racine available from composer.

Music by Dickens Princivil available from John Montes (Virginia Commonwealth
University).

All other music available through the Société de Recherche et de Diffusion de la Musique
Hoi'tienne at the University of Quebec, Montreal

132

APPENDIX B

133

 

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MICHIGAN STATE Renewal
U N 1 V E R S I T Y App'ication
March 7, 2005 Approval

 

T02 Michael Largey
102 Music Building

Re: IRB it 03-172 Category: EXPEDITED 2-7
Renewal Approval Date: March 5. 2005
Project Explratlon Date: March 4, 2006

Title: HAITIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC, VODOU, AND CULTURAL IDENTITY: AN EXAMINATION OF
THE CLASSICAL FLUTE COMPOSITIONS BY HAITIAN COMPOSER WERNER A.
JAEGERHUBER

The University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS) has completed their review of
your project. I am pleased to advise you that the renewal has been approved.

The review by the committee has found that your renewal is consistent with the continued protection of the
rights and welfare of human subjects. and meets the requirements of MSU's Federal Wide Assurance and the
Federal Guidelines (45 CFR 46 and 21 CF R Part 50). The protection of human subjects in research is a
partnership between the IRB and the investigators. We look forward to working with you as we both fulﬁll our
responsibilities.

Renewals: UCRIHS approval is valid until the expiration date listed above. If you are continuing your project,
you must submit an Application for Renewal application at least one month before expiration. If the project is
completed. please submit an Application for Permanent Closure.

Revisions: UCRIHS must review any changes in the project. prior to initiation of the change. Please submit an
Application for Revision to have your changes reviewed. If changes are made at the time of renewal, please
include an Application for Revision with the renewal application.

Problems: If issues should arise during the conduct of the research, such as unanticipated problems, adverse
events. or any problem that may increase the risk to the human subjects, notify UCRIHS promptly. Forms are
available to report these issues.

Please use the IRB number listed above on any forms submitted which relate to this project, or on any
correspondence with UCRIHS.

Good luck in your research. If we can be of further assistance, please contact us at 517-355-2180 or via email
at UCRIHSCalmsuedu. Thank you for your cooperation.

”AK-Z

Peter Vasilenko, Ph.D.
UCRIHS Chair

134

APPENDIX C

135

The Inﬂuence of Vodou Ceremonial Music on the Flute Compositions of Julio Racine
Consent F can-Participant Copy

This research will result in a case study of Haitian ﬂutist and composer Julio Racine, who was heavily
inﬂuenced by Vodou ceremonial music in his work. In Haiti, I will be conducting background research on
Vodou rhythms and the music of Vodou in general, so that I will be better equipped to ﬁnd the
relationships to Vodou in Racine’s music. You are being asked to take part in an interview that requires
personal Opinion and feedback. The interview will be tape-recorded and may take between 30 minutes and
two hours. Interview tapes will be kept in a locked cabinet and I will be the only person with access to
them. A list of names paired with ID numbers will be stored in a locked ﬁle apart from where the data are
stored.

Your participation is strictly voluntary, and you may choose not to participate at all or terminate your
participation at any time without penalty. Ifyou choose to withdraw your participation in this project, the
audiotape containing your interview, as well as transcriptions and notes that have been made, will be
destroyed. Information gathered from my conversation with you will not be used outside my research.

All answers and personal information will be kept conﬁdential. If it is necessary or appropriate to use
individual names in the ﬁnal product of this research, your name will be changed and/or omitted (unless
you indicate otherwise). However, as the nature of this study involves the collection of data from a speciﬁc
and distinctive group of subjects, you may face the risk of not being completely unidentiﬁable. Your
privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law.

Ifyou have any questions about this study, you may contact the researcher, Mary Procopio, by phone: 517-
651-2011; e-mail: MJProcopio@aol.com; or regular mail: 5004 Shaftsburg Road, Laingsburg, Michigan
48848. You may also contact the primary investigator and advisor of this study, Michael Largey, by
phone: 517-353-9013; e-mail: largey@msu.edu; or regular mail: 102 Music Building, Michigan State
University School of Music, East Lansing, Michigan 48824.

If you have any questions regarding your role and rights as a subject participant, or are dissastisﬁed at any
time with any aspect of this study, you may contact-anonymously, if you wish-Peter Vasilenko, Phil,
chair of the University Committee of Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS) at Michigan State
University, by phone: 517-355-2180, fax: 517-3532976, e-mail: ucrihs@msu edu; or regular mail. 202
Olds Hall, East Lansing, Michigan 48824.

 

By signing this form below, you indicate your voluntary agreement to participate in this study. Please list
special conditions, if any, regarding the use of the information that you have provided.

 

research parﬁcipantfrntewiewee signature researcher/interviewer signature

 

printed name date parent's signature (if interviewee is under 18)
[ ] You may not use the materials I provided in a project or publication unless I am notiﬁed.
[ ] You may not use my name in association with my materials.

SPECIAL CONDITIONS:

136

Enflyons la (1 Misik Seremonio Vodou nan Kornpozisyons F ii! la d Julio Racine
de d Konsanti-Kopi d Partisipont

Rechech sa a pral bay resulte d etidye case d ﬂit ak compozite Ayisyen, Julio Racine. Misik d Vodou
seremonia te gen gwo enﬂyans nan misik d Misye Racine. Nan Ayiti, mwen pral kondui rechECh nan misik
Vodou, pou m kabab jwenn relasyon a Vodou nan misik d Racine. M ap mande w patisipe nan yon
intevyou sa bezwen opinyon W at reponn w. Intevyou la pral te enskri nan anrejistre. Li mete pran mitan
tran minut yo ak de 1?. Anrejistre yo d interview pral kenbe nan te kadna yon cabinet dokiman. Mwen pral
selman moun avek akse yo. Yon separe lis d nom yo avek numewo idantite pral kenbe nan te kadna yon
cabinet dokiman separe soti kote dat la kenbe.

Patisipasyon w volume, e w met chwazi pa patisipe ditou ﬁn patisipasyon w neupbt t'wa Idle san pwoblern.
Si w chwazi rete patisipasyon w na proje sa a, mwen pral detwi anrejistre ma avek intevyou a w ak tout
transkripsyon yo ak not yo mwen te re a. lnt'omasyon yo mwen te pran nan konversasyon yo mwen avek w
pa pral sevi deyo rechEch mwen.

Tout repons w ak enfomasyon yo mwen pral kenbe yo ansekre. Si se nesese pou mwen sevi alt non moun
yo nan publikasyon rechéch sa a, mwen pral chanje non w oubyen were non w. (A mwens Ice decide youn
16t jan.) Sepandan, paske etid kalite sa a rasanble anpil enlomasyon nan d dat yo soti yon gwoup espesyal
d moun yo, w mete gen pwoblem dc pa f6 konpleteman idantite maske. Mwen pral proteje privé‘w a pi
gwo limit d dwa. ‘

Si w gen nenpbt kesyon yo sou etidye sa a, w ka kontakte moun nan fe rechech, Mary Procopio, pa
telefonn: 517 651 2011; pa e-mail: M‘Op‘i [Ce msu.edu; oubyen pa lapos". 5004 Shaftsburg Rd.,
Laingsburg, Michigan 48848. On mete kontakte anpremye moun d rechech e konseyev d etidye sa 8.,
Michael Largey, pa telefonn: 517 353 9013; pa e-mail: IargevGi-‘nrsuedg; oswa pa lupus; 102 Misik
Building, Michigan State Univesit? Ilkol d Misik, East Lansing, Michigan 48824;

Si w gen nencht kesyon yo sou pozisyon w e dwa yo kom patisipent d etidye sa a, oubyen, si w pa gen
satisfaksyon kekiwa avek neant asp? d etidye sa a, ou mete kontakte-san bay nom w, si w vle-Peter
Vasilenko, Ph.D., direkté de Komete d Univesit? d RechEch sa Angaje Si je d Moun (UCRIHS) a Michigan
State Univesite; pa telephonn: 517 355 2180, pa fax: 517 353 2976, par e-mail: ucri hsgr'gms mmu; oubyen
pa lapos: 202 Olds Hall, East Lansing, Michigan 48824.

Pa bay signature
w anba nan {om sa a, on bay indikasyon sa w volonte dako patisipe nan etidye sa a. Sivouple, bay yon lis d
kondisyon espesyal yo, si w gen neth, nan rega (konsidere) itilize a d enfomasyon nan w te foumi.

 

siyati patisipan d recthh/siyati interviewee siyati d moun fe‘reche‘ch/siyati interviewer

 

enprime nom dat

 

siyati manman oubyen papa (si interviewee anba dizhuit ane)

[ ] W pa mete itilize enfomasyon yo mwen bay w nan yon proje oubyen publikasyon sans ou di
mwen premye
[ 1 W pa mete itilize nomn mwen na assosyasyon avek enfomasyon mwen.

KONDISYON YO ESPESYAL:

137

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138

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