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ABSTRACT

The Impact of Sub-Culture Behavior Patterns
in Urban Renewal

by
Louis P. De Voe

Urban renewal as a total concept is about ten years old and is now
undergoing some painful scrutiny and re-evaluation. Recognition that
urban renewal has not been fully effective in dealing with urban deterior-
ation is beginning to become more widespread. The problem of urban renewal
is beginning to be accepted for what it is---a complex spiral of social
and physical factors. It is likewise becoming increasingly accepted that
solutions to these problems must be carried out on a broad and inclusive
basis.

With the vast increase in both physical and social renewal programs---
especially federal programs---it may be appropriate to examine the bases
and nature of these broad and inclusive programs. In general, this thesis
seeks to accomplish four things: (1) an examination of the nature of the
slum problem, (2) the establishment of a philosophy within which the goals
for an inclusive program can be built, (3) the outlining of a total action
program to achieve these goals, and (4) the summarization of the implica-
tions all the above factors have for the planning profession and the pro-
cess of urban renewal.

Slum problems derive from a number of sources: obsolescence of
structure or land use, private and public economics, and human behavior
problems. Questions of physical obsolescence and deterioration and of

economics have, in the past, formed the basic premise of urban renewal

practice. Urban renewal planners have tended, however, to ignore the
problem of behavior patterns as a factor in the slum problem. This thesis
seeks to emphasize the factor of slum Sub-culture behavior patterns and
their impact on slums and, consequently, urban renewal.

Human behavior derives from an individual's cultural experience---
the sum total of what an individual's society has learned and done. That
is, behavior is the result of an individual's stored symbols as to what
means what. The individual perceives, via cultural images, the meaning
of a given situation and the effective alternatives for action Open to
him. His response, then, depends on the images or concepts which have
deve10ped through experience.

Thus slum behavior---as defined by the dominant culture's values---
may arise in two basic ways. First, an individual may not have the domi-
nant society's cultural images as to the meaning of a situation due to
newness to the society or acculturation into a deviant sub-society.
Second, blocks---artificial and "natural"---may limit an individual's
effective alternatives. The blocks include such things as prejudice,
lack of skill or ability, and lack of resources.

It is true that the question whether or not slum behavior patterns
are desirable as a matter of personal and societal values. Yet it is
questionnable that the issue can be resolved to a simple: "they like to
live that way." It is concluded, then, that as a matter of public
philosophy the public has a right and responsibility to provide the great-
est possible effective opportunity for all people. If people are able to
effectively strive to meet their legitimate aspirations it is believed

that the problem of slum behavior must improve.

Programs to deal with slum problems must be broadly conceived as
dealing with both physical and social aspects. Only in this way can
they maximize their effectiveness. In terms of the behavioral aspects
it is hoped that social education and social action programs, poverty
programs, and indu3tria1 re-training programs will be able to minimize
the cultural blocks which result in slum behavior. But it is recognized
that these social programs must be worked in conjunction with physical
renewal activity.

The above considerations have serious implications for planning and
urban renewal. Planning must recognize the interrelationship of the social
and the physical in the urban community. Renewal cannot be conceived of
as merely a problem of structural deficiency or municipal economics. Fail-
ure to recognize that the slum is inhabited by people will continue to
limit the effectiveness of the practice of urban renewal. Beyond~this
broad consideration there is a need to coordinate the physical and social-

renewal programs within both the local and national frameworks.

THE IMPACT OF SUB-CULTURE BEHAVIOR PATTERNS

IN URBAN RENEWAL

BY

Louis P. De Voe

.A $371318

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER IN URBAN PLANNING

School of Urban Planning and
Landscape Architecture

1965

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The author wishes to express his appreciation for the inspiration,

guidance, and encouragement of Professor Stewart Marquis.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction
Part I: The Urban System
Chapter 1: The City as a Socio-Cultural System

Introduction

Analysis: The Elements of Culture
Synthesis: The Institutional Structure
The Institutional Environment

The City at Other Levels of Reality
Conclusion

Part II: An Analysis of Slum Behavior
Chapter 2: A Model of Human Behavior

Introduction
A Model of Behavior
Conclusion

Chapter 3: Characteristics of American Middle-Class Behavior

Introduction
Types of Middle-Class Behavior
Conclusion

Chapter 4: Types and Causes of Slum Behavior

Introduction

Types of Slums and Slum Dwellers

The Nature of Urban Growth

Problem of Slum Behavior: Cultural Deficiency

Problem of Slum Behavior: Misunderstanding of
Effective Alternatives

Problem of Slum Behavior: Inadequate Effective
Alternatives

Problem of Slum Behavior: Breakdown of Traditional

‘ Society

Problem of Slum Behavior: Color

Problem of Slum Behavior: The Physical Environment

Conclusion

iii

10
15
16
17
19

20

20
20
30

31

31
31
39

41

41
41
43
47

54
S8
59
6O

62
63

Part III: Toward a Solution
Chapter 5: A Philosophy of Public Responsibility

Introduction

Slums Versus Low-Cost Housing
WOrking-Class Versus Low-Class

A PhiIOSOphy of Public Responsibility
Conclusion

Chapter 6: A Balanced Program of Action

Introduction

Social Action

Direct Public Action---Socia1 Education and Other
Government Programs

Conclusion

Chapter 7: Summary and Implication for Planning and
Urban Renewal

Summary

Relevance of Action Program to Behavioral Model
Implication for Planning and Urban Renewal

A Coordinated Approach

Lessons for Planning and Renewal

Bibliography

iv

65

65
66
68
70
72

73

73
73

81
86

88

88
90
93
93
95

98

IN'I'RDDUCTIm

A basic remiss of this thesis is that urban renewal, as carried out
to date:dhas not be; able to effectively deal with the full range of mo-
blems involved in shuns. ‘ Recognition that when renewal has not been
fully armature is beginning to mm. mm widesmail The problem of
slut! and urban renewal is beginning to he accepted for what it is---a
complex spiral of social and physical factors. It is likewise being
increasingly accepted that solutions to these problems must be carried
out on a broad and inclusive basis.

With the vast increases in both social and physical renewal program-u
especially federal programs--- it may well be apmopriate to examim, the
bases and nature of these broad and inclusive mgram. This thesis
meltsutofiflojust that. In general, this thesis sesksvto accomplish fem:
things: (1) an examination of the nature of the slum problem, (2) the
establishment of a philosophy within which the goals for an inclusive
program can be built, (3) the outlining of a total action program to
achieve these goals, and (4) the summation of the implications all
of the above aspects have on the planning profession and the means of.
urbw renewal.

In recent years an increasing amount of public awmmss and concern
has been damnstrated over the existence of slum conditions which seem
to be the rule for the central areas of our cities-«1w. poor housing,
the prevalence of filth and other health hazards, arias, poverty, and
apsttnr. The reactions to these conditions have been new and varied.

Son! have pointed with alarm to the costs in public money which these

 

1 Cans, Herbert, "Failure of Urban Renewal", 111W vol. 39,
April 1965, pp. 29—37.

KC:

conditions impose on the city.2' Some describe the costs of sinus in

human term-«ice, disease, poverty, and personal tragedy.3 Still

others stress the positive valms which slums have for their inhabitants-«-
"they like to live that way‘.“”""°’

Planners have tended to see the situation in another way. They tend
to see the problem in terms of the physical structtn’es std environment in
which slum occupants live. Consequently, substantial sums of many have
been expanded on the clearance of slum areas.

The problem of slums and urban renewal is validly seen from a variety
of viewpoints-«Le. social, economic, physical, political, etc. For the
purposes of analysis this is perfectly legitimate. The difficulty arises
when we fail to consider a key aspect of the problem. "The American way
of like is 9. doing way. 1:“ you don't know what to do, do somthingo'5
It would appear that freqmntly our renewal mograms have been primarily
tin result of a desire to do something, without really boring what the
mblem is or how we might do sorething effective about it.

The first order of business, then, is to develop some sort of unified
conception of the phenomenon we are dealing wit . We sonstims tall: as if

 

2 See: Rummy, Jay and Sara Shuman, The Cost of Slums in Newark
(Mark, 1946) and Steiner, Oscar, Our Hons leu-and Your
figcketbgok (University Publishers: New York, lgfi.

3 See: Schcrr, Alvin, Slums and Social Insecurity (Departnent of
Health, Education, and Welfare 3 Washington, 1960).

4 Jacobs, Jane, The Death and Life 9; Great American Citieg (New York, 1963).

5 Sin, H. a, The Tao of Science (Technolq. Press, Massachusetts
Institute of ibchnologys Cambridge, 195mg.

the ptwaical city (1.0. the buildings, streets, etc.) had an inner life
and dynamic divorced from the men who created it, live in it, and use it.
hit the ''physical" city is not really distinct from the |'aociail." city
because an, a social animal, built via his cultural imagu or cone-pt.
whatever exists in the city. Yet the physical city-«man's utitacta-u
in not wholly within man's control as it, with a certain degree of inde-
pendence, is part of the cultural environmnt which shapes man. The
city-«and its sub-unit the slum-«is, in short, a socio- cultural. system
with men and his cultural. images acting within his social institutions ad
group to fabricate natural. resources into tools or other artifacts.
Conneqmntly, the first chapter of this thesis will seek to develop a
conception of the urban socio-cultm‘al system as a whole.

We now drop from the broad conceptual level, to the more parochial
main focus of this thesis. The focus is the function of behavior patterns
(deriving from a society's or a sub-society's and/or an individual“
cultm'al. images and experiences) in the slum environmnt and in the mean
of urban renewal.

m‘ban renewal--ae a total concept-«is scarcely ten years old. Om- -
uqmntly, it is probably much to early to assess its success or tantra.
The goals at renewal-«in practice if not in theory-«ore several:

(1) the improvement of a mmicipality's tax base, (2) the retardation a:
prevention of the decay of pmsicel structm‘ee, or the demolition of
hopelessly decayed structures, and (3) the making of the cycle of alum
life. We cannot flatly say that we have failed to attain these code, as
little evidence of the long range efi'e ct of renewal in in. Yet perhaps
we can any that freqmntly we have failed to maximize our opportunities--

especially with regard to our attempt to break the cycle of slum life.

More often than not, we simply shift our problems about the city spatially.
It is argued here that the failure to maximize our opportunities derives,
in 29215: from a lack of understanding of the values, attitudes and ways (1'
life of the people affected by renewal activities. Too infrequentl;r do

we ask the simple qmstion: why? Unless we know “why" there can be no
real hope of making renewal anything more than an excellent illustration
of the American adoing way."

“on. part of this thesis, then, seeks to examine the “whys' of slum
behavior. Chapter 2 will develop a model of human behavior based largely
on social psychological theory. This model will be used throughout our
examination of behavior.

The modes of behavior discussed are masured vie—a-vis what might
be called “typical urban Amrican behavior patterns.‘ In general, this
mans an I‘avwerage" American in terms of Anglo-Saxon, middle class values.
While the original Anglo-Saxon culture has been much modified through
successive waves of immigrants, it remains as the basis of Amrican
society and the culture to which successive immigrant groups have
historically conformed. Without a standard, we can hardly describe my
mode of behavior as "slum like" or "middle class". This will be developed
in Chapter 3.

Slum dwellers are not of one homogeneous type—«they differ dm to
differences in cultural background and individual experiences. We wish to
know, then, the causes, types, and values of various modes of slum
behavior. This is the subje ct matter of Chapter 4.

A mjor Philosophical problem arises at this point. We have spoken
of urban renewal, but of urban renewal with a strong bias toward people.
This bias suggests that what is being discussed here is the “renewal! of
slum residents. Can or should 'we"---i.e. the ”mainstream“ of Amrican
culture-«seek to change the way of life of slum residents? Towhat
extent? What is the responsibility of government in this respect?

These questions will be examined in Chapter 5. If we frequently do not
know what type of phenonenon we are working with, we just as frequently do
not know what should be our goal for the future, or why. This philosophy,
to be sure, will be a personal bias, but whether explicit or implicit the
bias exists and, whether consciously or not, will express itself through-
out the thesis. Conseqmntly, it is believed that the perspective from
which this was written must be stated.

Chapter 6 suggests with how we might deal with the behavior patterns
in rural renewal programs. In short, we are concerned with programs of
social education and social planning and their relationship to tie overall
renewal process. All of this, of course, is presented within the philosoptw
expressed in Chapter 5.

Finally, Chapter 7 seeks to miss our findings and indicate sole
imlications these hold for urban planners and urban remwal. These
conclusions are again presented within the framework of the philosophy
presented in Chapter 5. In sum, we are seeking ways in which to mine
urban renewal an effective program for breaking the cycle of slum life.

PART I:

THE IIRBANSYSI‘EM

CHAPTER 1

The City As A Socio—Cultural System

Introduction

 

What is a city? An engineer might define a city in terms of concrete,
steel, and glass. An economist sees flows of goods, services and money.

A planner may see the city in terms of traffic flows and the number of
people employed in manufacturing. The sociologist sees people living

in social groups as the essence of the city. Thus each speciality singles
out a particular aspect of the city to study. Each of these aspects is
an accurate description of part of the reality that is the city, but none
tells the whole story.

We sonatines talk about the city as if it were something divorced
from or independent of the men who have created it, who live in it, and
who mke use of its facilities. Planners and engineers have been parti-
cularly partial to the concept of the physical city. For example, Kevin
lynch has suggested that the "physical" aspects of the city form a unique
body of knowledge around which the planning profession can and should be
built.1 Others would find reality in the formlsss goods, services, and
money that flow in the city's veins.

But this kind of analysis is unreal. We cannot wholly separate the
"physical" city from the "economic" city, the "social” city and so on.

In fact, these cities are one interdependent entity. The city is, by and
large, a socio-cultural phenomnon which differs markedly from the phenomna

examined in the physical and biological sciences. We do not say that the

 

1 Lynch, Kevin and Lloyd Rodwin, “A Theory of Urban Form", in Joggel of
the; American Institute of Plaxmggg, Vol. XXIV, No. 4, 1958, P. 203.

city as a socio-cultural phenomna is devoid of physical and biological
reality, but only that in addition to and interdependent with that
reality is the equally large reality of ms, society and culture.

Sorokin notes that 'any empirical socio- cultural phenomna consists
of three components: (1) immaterial, speeches, and tinless leanings;
(2) mterial (physicochemical and biological) vehicles that 'naterialise,
externalise, or objectify' the manings; and (3) human agents that bear,
use and operate the Darlings with the help of material vehicles."2
The component of meanings is of utmost importance as it is thet aspect
which gives to the city socio-culturel reality. l'br enmple, what
differentiates a pile of stem from a building or a bank building from
an apartmnt building? Physically, tiny all have epproximtely the sa-
rroperties. The difference between thee physical. objects lies in the
meanings men attach to then. In short, nn attach different functions
and, therefore, different mailings to a bank and to an apartmnt building
and, thus, in a socio-culturel sense these structures are different.

Not all that exists within a city is socio- cultural-«- i.e. that which
has been articulated, fabricated, or altered by man. Pure plwsical
reality---i.e. soil formation, climate, etc.--snd biological realit «-
i.e. the human body as an organism, etc.---do exist and are vital factors
in human settlemnt. As will be rude clear later the “natural“ factors
are not forgotten.

Sorokin notes that "that the component of menings is different from
material vehicles is incontrovertibly established by the fact that one

 

2 501‘01‘13: Piritim: We... tHIJJW (Duh
University Press: Durham, 1943), p. . 1,. J. ,,

and the same meaning° . .can be materialized or objectified by means of a
variety of vehicles."3 For example, a given idea or maning can be conveyed
by the printed page, by a moving picture, by a photograph, by a.recording,
etc. The meaning may'stay the same, but the vehicle that objectifies the
neaning may differ. Take, as another example, status symbols. In a given
situation we can speak of a second automobile, a suburban home, certain
mechanical devices, etc. as status Symb°1s. All of these different objects
may, in.a giren.situation, embody the same meaning.

In short, "the meaning aspect of socio—cultural phenomena is a
meaning different from, independent of, and superimposed upon, the meanings
of vehicles as purely pmsical, chemical, or biological objects or events."4
The purely plwaical porpoerties of an object do not necessarily mean that
it will embody a giyen.meaning for a culture. There are, however, physical
properties of objects‘which tend to encourage given.meanings to become
associated with them---e.g. hard metals make good tools. Yet, for the
most part, waning is separate from---although freqmntly related to—«the
pimsical properties of objects.

The component of meanings is vital to understanding the interconnec-
tions between.seemingly diverse material objects or empirical events
within the urban community. Phenomena may be grouped either as congeries
or as systems-«congeries have no inner relationship, while systems are
interrelated unities. The basic units we are dealing with in human
settlement, then, are meaningful systems. Sorokin notes that:

 

3 Ibid., p. 6.
4 Ibido, Pe 7e

9

Different material objects and phenomna-«for instance,

a wooden ikon of Christ, a chalice, and the s of the

cross-«which from the standpoint of inherent physico—

chemical or biological) qualities in nowise belong to the

sane class of religious cultural phenomena baca of the

identity of the seaming or value they articulate.

It would appear that the above discussion of meaningful systems has
at least “to major areas of impact on the study of the urban commity.

First, it is true that nnlch of the urban system and its operations
are physically observable. We can observe and quantify flows of goods,
services (people), money, etc. which pass between fixed points ofa prbduoe
tion, consumption, storage and so on. mcause these points and flows are
observable and easily quantifiable we can put scientific acctu'acy into
our study of human settlennnt.

Bit, while physical observation can give us a great deal of information
about what exists in term of material vehicles, it cannot ordinarily tell
us wiry these vehicles exist as they do. For example, we can analyze an
economic system in term of goods, services and money. Bat the economic
system operates within the context of cultural rules, customs and concepts
(i.e. manings). The present form of the economic system derives from
centuries of cultural experiences. Likewise its potential for change is
greatly dependent upon the concepts, ideas or menings which a society's
cultural experience has provided.

Second, it is also true that not all. that is neaningflllly connected
is visibly obvious. The automobile, for example, is used to transport
people and goods, but it may also serve as a symbol of social status.

To rely only on what is visibly obvious in the commity is to risk
missing significant meningful connections.

 

5 Ibid, p. 9e

10

The sum of this discussion is that a complete analysis of the city
necessarily goes beyond a consideration of physical objects--- it must
be concerned with cultural meaning. Such an investigation, of course,
cannot be carried out completely with statistical techniques. This
name that socio-cultm'al analysis must rely to acne extent on logic
and intuition.
Figure l seeks to outline the basic components-«cultural and natural-nu
of the urban system and to indicate the importance cf cultural experience
to the form of the urban commity. The rest of this chapter expands on

these areas.

M: The Elegntg g 93th
General

A basic fact about human life is the need for man to adapt to and
interact with other sen and the natural habitat in order to survive.
Thus man, in interaction with and adaption to his natural and human habitat
produces and/or articulates his culture. Culture, broadly speaking, is the
totality of what a people has learned, built and done and, by means of a
continuing society, has been able to pass on to succeeding genenrations.
Kuhn says that “a culture is the product, or net result, of a living 'm r
society."6 Graham notes that, "in its broadest sense, culture consists
of the values, attitudes, behavior patterns, and material objects which
am living in different societies employ in coping with their environ-
lents. "7 Culture will be expanded upon in a somwhat different sense
in another chapter, but the above is sufficient for our purposes here.

 

6 Kuhn, Alfred, The St s ciet (Richard D. Irwin and the Dorsey
Puss: Honewood, Illinois, 1 , p. 14. .
7 Graham, Saxon, W (Harper and R'others: New York, 1957),

p. 31.

 

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Social Organization

Figure 1 has indicated a few of the basic elements of a society's
culture and, in very brief form, these will be touched on here. First,
one of the basic components of culture that man produces in his inter-
action with his habitat is social organization. Social organisation
arises from the process of human need satisfaction. There are a number
of categories of human need. Fbilblenan notes that:

The basic tissue needs have led eventually, he means of
internsdiate stages consisting of tentative social groups

based on customs, to social institutions. In general, we

may say that htmger has led to the constitutive service

institutions, sexual appetite to the regulative service

institutions, and inquisitiveness to the higher institu-

tions. m the constitutive service institutions we seen

such ones as the family, transportation, commication

and trade 3 by regulative service institutions, the state

and the law: grid by the higher institutions, art, science,

and religion.

At the very primitive level social organization serves to aid in the comon
goal of survival and, became individual needs and desires conflict at
times, to regulate and legitimise this conflict. At higher levels these
twa functions become more complex and such institutions as art, science,
and religion are added.

We have indicated that social organization derives from human need
satisfaction. The basic instrumnts for this are social groups and
institutions---in fact, these are the basic components or units of
social organization.

The initial form of social organization is the group. The social

group is somewhat inform and, in the long run, not resistant to strain.

3 him-man. James. W (Allen 8: twin: London.
1956), pp. 3142.

 

12

When man developed beyond the isolated individual state and joined with
other nan to attain the common goal of survival, he formed a social
group. Ftibleman defines the social group as “a collection of individuals
of more or less limited duration, organized around a central purpose.
It is distinguished from the institution, shortly to be defined, chiefly
in being more ephemral. "9

At the initial stage of social organization the social ties are
very informal and customary. At a later stage customs and law provide
greater stability to the social organization. In reference to custom,
Fbiblemsn notes that:

Feliciays, customs, mores. . . are the results of econony
in the attainmnt of need satisfactions; the ways of getting
things done which must be done with the least effort are ways

which recomnd themelves for doing again and again as the
need arise. The rhythm of need-satisfaction— custom-need

produces a wave-pattern of behavior which eventually become

incorporated in social action, formally objectified as its

nethod and recognized as a social organization and eventually

as an institution.10 _ _ A

As the group proves itself-«Le. it is successful in attaining its
central purpose-«the group becomes more established and eventually
become institutionalized. A social group become an institution when
it has becone established by mans of law or binding watom. We shall
return to the nature of the institutional s tructure of the urban commity
later in this chapter.

Social organization involves the assigning of statuses and roles to
individuals within a given social organization. When man began to rise
above the most primitive stage, he began to assign different tasks to

different nnmbers of the social group or institution. In short, he

 

9
gig . p. 19.
m _—.E 0: p0 30e

13

developed a division of labor. As man's basic needs of food, clothing,
and shelter were being increasingly met, more extensive needs and desires
developed and, with this, a me complex division of labor developed.
Fbilbileman cements:
(he crucial element in institutions is the social order

which exists among its nembers. For in working through

institutions, nan have to range them'elves in accordance with

specialized functions and techniques. Not everyone can

manage machinery and only sons can manage man, and those who

can do sonnthing well are called upon to do it within the

appropriate institution. The tasks fortwhich man are fitted

or to which they may be assigmd mark them in the institution,

and as a result there exists between ran a hierarchy of class

relations and hence a social order. They derive their rela-

tions to each other from their functions in various institutions.11
In short, a status is the ftmctional position an individual occupies within
a division of labor. In another sense, a status is 'a set of cultm'al
definitions that specify how a person is supposed to preceive and respond
to objects and people when he is in a particular relationship with them.12
Statuses provide the cultural definitions of status rights—-- i.e. what an
individual can expect from others-«and status obligations-- i.e. what
others expect from the individual.]-3

The role is the enacting of the status by the individual. R'edenic
and Stephenson notes that ”a 'role'. . .is not all 'beha‘vior enacting' of
the status-«the part which prescribes how the status-occupant should act
toward one of the persons with whom his status rights and obligations put
him in contactfl'ul' In short, the role will differ with the partisans-

situation and I'actors" cm'rently involved. For example, the role of a

 

1‘1 Ibide, p. 19

12 R-edeneier, Harry and Richard Stephensbn, The s of Soc
mtens (Holt, Rinehart and Winston: New York, 1% g, p. 30.

13 lgide, p. 30

u Ibide’ Do 31

ll.

fatter, tie role of a bank president, and the role of a political party
chairman may be played by the same individual at different times.

It sould be noted that a healthy social order requires that an indi-
vidual's social statuses and roles be separated in tins and space. There
are tires, however, when different statuses do conflict. Fbr example,
one individual may have to reconcile his low status racial group (Negro)
with his high status occupation (doctor) at the same time. The result can
be severe strain on the individual.

Material Vehicles

Man, in his interaction with nature, fabricatios a variety of artifacts.
These artificts or material vehicles can be in the form of tools, buildings,
roads, objects of art or anything that man produces or alters.

In one sense, these material vehicles are objectified meaning-«i.e.
the concepts,‘ symbols, or ideas which man embodies in material objects.
They are the product of centuries of cultural experiences.

In another sense, although material vehicles are objectified meanings,
they are pmically observable objects. On one level of analysis, then,
we are able to observe a system of interrelated points and flows of goods,
services, people, and money.

Ehavigr Pattegg

Another characteristic. part of a society '3 cultm'e is somwhat
mifcrm and predictable patterns of humn behavior. These patterns will
be discussed more fully in later chapters. For the mount, however, we
my observe that these behavior patterns might be included in Sorokin's
mterial vehicles-«i.e. objective behavior such as a nod or handde my

be given a specific neaning in a given society. But, since these behavior

15

patterns are a major part of our analysis, they will be considered
independently of other cultural vehicles.

Meanings

Man attaches mailings to his artifacts or vehicles as was previously
discussed. These leanings are concepts or imges which man associates
with an artifact, behavior pattern and so on in a given culture. The
nature of this meaning will be discussed in Chapter 2.
S is: The titut tructure

Figure 1 indicates that the above elements of man's culture are combined,
in manic interaction, into the basic unit of commity organization: the
institution. As a social group proves itself-«i.e. it is successful in
attaining its central purpose—--the group becomes more established and
eventually become institutionalised. The institution in total is composed
of man, waning, and material vehicles. It corresponds to the system units
of commity systems analysis. Feibleman distinguishes six necessary
elemnts of institutions: social group, establishment (legal), customs,
material tools, organization, and central aim.15 In Fbibleman's terns,
than, an institution is "that subdivision of society which consists in
human beings in groups established together with their customs, Iowa, and
material tools, and organized around a central aim or purposeJlé

These institutions, then, are the basic units which compose tln
commity and consist of cultural neanings, the vehicles to which the
neanings are attached, and the men who are the "healers" and I'operators"
of the system.

 

15 Fbibleman, op. 33., p. 23.
16 Ibid., pp. 20—21.

16

We have identified only a few of the basic institutions in Figure 1,
but the enuneration of them is indefinte. For our purposes here, however,
we med not explore the subject further. ‘

We can talk of these institutions at varying levels of inclusiveness.
There are , for example, national economic institutions which operate within
a context of rules, customs, and laws which we characterize as free enter-
prise. Blow this, however, regional economic institutions operate within
the framwork of the larger institution and having a large degree of
independence of action. ()1 a lower level, we can also examine the indivi-
dual unit of production and/or consumption which operates within the
larger contexts.

We should also note that institutions are super— individual--- i.e. they
exist before and after the individual. Institutions are the on-going
fact of human society into which individual's are assigned temporary statuses
and roles. Once a certain pattern becomes institutionalized it develops
a certain amount of inertia-«i.e. its nembers develop a certain amount
of interest in its perservation. In short, institutions can beccne a
block to the progress of society.

Finally, institutions are dynamic-«they are constantly changing in
form and substance and, at tines, they disinteg'ate when they no longer
perform a function to such an extent that institutional inertia can no
longer hold the organization together.

The Mitutional ant

These institutions are the habitat into which individuals are social-
ized. Within these institutions the young learn their culture and event—
ually acquire a variety of statuses and roles within society. So the ~

1?

process turns full circle-«man collectively produces his culture and,
in turn, this culture produces the next generation. Fbibleman notes
that "we are the creatures of the institutions we have made, and this is
no less so because we have made them. There is a helix of interaction
between man and his works in that the effects on him and his works spur
him to further works which have further effe cts, and so on, until it is
impossible to tell which is man qua man and which is his work. “17

The City at Other level; of Reality

We have previously mntioned that the city as a socio— cultural system
does not exclude other realities such as physical and economic reality.
Rather, we say that in addition to and interdependent with physical and
economic reality is the equally inportant reality of a socio—cultural
system.

These other realities-«i.e. the natural habitat, the economic system,
and the physical environmnt (structln‘al)-—+deserve to be treated separately,
for the purposes of analysis from the city as a socio-cultural system. .’
But, for our purposes here, it was considered undesirable. Fbr one thing,
such a treatmnt my imply a separation between physical and social reality
that is not warranted-«i.e. all are interrelated. For another thing, an
extended discussion is not necessary for the purposes of this thesis. We
will be concerned here with slum behavior as a social process and its
impact on urban renewal. For this reason the city as a natural or economic
system will not be extensively dealt with. Neverthless, a few brief
consents are in order at this point.

 

17 m0: Do 80

18

First, let us consider the natural habitat. Referring again to
Figure l, we note that nature provides constraints to which man must
adapt and resources which help him in his adaption process. The natural
habitat must be seen in both senses.

In the first sense, the natural habitat imposes sone limitations on
human settlemnt. Topography, soil conditions, etc. shap the spacial form
of the comminity. Thus, for example, cities are located in valleys or at
breaks in transportation. Fm'ther, local sources of natural resources
provide a "reason for being“ for many commnities. In yet another sense,
we note that nan, as a biological entity has a number of requirements for
survival. Concerns here include space (density or population), clean air
and water, food and so on. Thus, in a umber of ways, the natural habitat
shapes and constrains a social system.

The natural habitat also provides the resources with which man, as a
social system, is able to met his needs. This is, the natural habitat
is the source of raw materials which men fabricates into material vehicles.

Second, we note that the city is an economic system having find
points of production and consumption, find paths of transportation over
which flow goods and services and so on.18 It is acknowledged that this
objective reality of the economic system exists and is important. But it
should be noted that this economic system also includes a component of
cultural meaning-«it is impossible to fully separate physical reality
from cultural meanings.

13 Marquis, Stewart, "A snag Amach 39 anmunitigg, Mtz Centers,
g flaming Are_a_§ Institute for Commity Development, Michigan

State University: E. lensing, 1963)

 

19

In sum, it is agreed that the city can be seen as a system involving
several levels of reality. Our purpose here, however, is largely to
explore an area of reality which has been neglected, by and large, by
planners. It will be further argued that the problem of slums-«as
conceived in human terms-«must be analysed as a social phenomena if we
are to grasp the essence of slum behavior.

Easels-22.9

The subject of the community as a total system is much too vast to
deal with in a few pages. The above sought‘to indicate that the city is
a socio- cultural system---i.e. built by man via his cultural experience.
Ibysical observation of the urban commnity is seen to provide a great
deal of information as to the working of this system. But it is noted '
that this form of analysis does not explain 'wmr." To explain the inner
working and reality of the city investigation is required on the socio—
cultural level.

The sum of this discussion is that, although we can understand a
great deal of the city via physical investigation, we cannot explain the
causes without concern for cultural meaning. is will be indicated later,
the causes of slum and slum behavior lie to a large extent at the cultural-

meaningful level.

PART II:
AN ANALYSIS OF SLUM EHAVIOR

Chapter 2
A MODEL OF HUMAN EHAVIOR

uct n

Chapter 1 sought to indicate how man creates his culture and, in turn,
is neatly effected by the nature of this culture. Human behavior is
channelised and directed by the concepts and leanings contained in a
culture. This, then, is the subject of this chapter. _

The nethod of emoach to the subject of human behavior is psycholo--
gical«-i.e. individual behavior. It should be clear, however, that
psychological behavior and social or group behavior are Just different
ways of looking at the sen phenomena. is Emmett and Train comet:
“Individual behavior, . .is in one sense the substance which constitutes
behavior at the group level. The behavior of individuals in groups can
only be understood against the background of the culture patterns of the
society. '1
W

$9121

A simple stimlus—response model of behavior is obviously inadequate
for our purposes. We must, then, examine the process more closely to
determine the relationship between stimulus and response. The basic model
of behavior is illustrated in Figure 2.

W

We will begin with the stinmlus which Kuhn defines as "aw energy or
change of energy which sets off activity in the nervous system. ”2 MON

 

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21

simply, stimulus can be described as "a unit of sensory input."3 The sen-
sory input is, in essence, a message in code-“i.e. for auditory messages
it is the vibration of air molecules when a person speaks. This codes
message travel over a medium of transmission (air) to a receptor (ear).4
At this point, the message or stimulus is sensed by the organism.

Culture and Socialization

It has been suggested in Figure 2 that culture plays a major role in
the decoding and effe ctive alternative phases of behavior. Consequently,
greater amplification of culture is required.

In Chapter 1 culture was seen as the totality of what a people has
learned, built, and done and which, by mans of a continuing society, has
been able to pass on to succeeding generations. This is a useful defini-
tion, in general, but is inadequate in terms of explaining human behavior.

For our purposes here, then, culture will be identified with the
meaning aspect of what was previously defined-«more broadly-«as culture.
In one sense I'cultuzre is a set of shared symbols and their definitions."5
These symbols correspond to Sorokin's meaning component-«i.e. we associate
neanings or symbols with objects, people, ideas, interpersonal relation-
ships and so on which define for us what is and what should be. Brodeneier
and Stephenson assert that ”human beings don't respond to stimfli; they
respond to their definitions of stinmli.“6 Further, ”what you have to
understand in order to understand a man's behavior are the symbols and
their definitions which intervene between him and the stimulus to which
he is exposed. You have to know what therstimulus means to him. "'7

 

3 Bareiaon, Bernard and Gary Steiner, Human Behavior: An In nto of
Scientific Findings (Harcourt, Brace, ani World: New York, lfirg, p. 87.

4 .._...Kuhn. 22o 2.110.” p- 11»

5 Ezedgmier and Stephenson, 99. £39., p. 2.

6 Ibid., p. 3.“

7 Ibid., pp. 3-4.

22

Erodemeier and Stephenson note that these cultural definitions can
be classified as: (l) cognitive, (2) cathetic, and (3) normative. They
cement that:

The first, and in a sense the most elementary, classifi-

cation is one that distinguishes between cultural definitions

telling people what to perceive and those that tell them how

to respond to what they perceive. The first kind we call

“cognitive" manings. . .not only do people depend on symbols

to channelize their responses to these perceptions. We can

distinguish between We kinds of these response—channeling

definitions. One we call, "cathetic" ideas, the 0 her we

call "moral" or “evaluative" or "normative" ideas.

Cathetic ideas consist of cultural definitions tint define what is plea—
surable and what is painful—--e.g. eating catepillers, dog steaks, or
people. Normative ideas consist of a rank order of preferences—~- i.e. what
is ”valued" more than other things in a given society.

It is also to be noted that normative ideas usually take precedence
over both cognitive ideas and catrexes. Bredemeier and Stephenson note
that "some things that are positively cathected may be morally tabooed, as
in the case of many sexual pleasures; and some things that are negatively
cathected may be morally required. . ”Furthermore, actions that are
cognized as being very efficient ways to achieve some gratification may
be morally prohibited, such as cheating on an examination... ”"9

Culture, then, contains the image or schema through which the indivi-
dual sees his surroundings. The image is “what is believed to be true"
or "subje ctive knowledge,"10 which through the experience of the indivi-
dual and his society has been built up. The schema is the organization d.‘

the image into meaningful relationships for the individual.11

 

3 Bredemeieg and Stephenson, pp. 923., p. 11.
9 Ibid., p. 12.

10 Boulding, Kenneth, The Image (Ann Arbor Paperbacks: 1956), p. 6.
11 Miller, G. A. , E. Galanter and K. H. Pribram, W
Bhavior (Halt: New York, 1960), p. 7.

23

Culture develops in any group which is to some extent isolated from
other culture groups. Each of these societies "develops and cherishes a
set of social values particular to itself. The attitudes engendered by -
the values become the distinctive elements in the personality of its mem-
bers. This complex of values and attitudes can be called the cultural
heritage of the group. "12

A child acquires his culture through tin process of socialization.
This process involves both tie imitation of the adults around the child
by the child and the conscious teaching of the culture by the adults.13
Socialization is, in general, a process of trial and error with positively
valued actions being rewarded and negatively valued actions punished.

The punishment-reward complex of socialization tools contains four
basic steps or motives which increase in complexity: (l) gratification
of biological needs, (2) avoidance of "shame", (3) securing someone's
favorable opinion, and (4) the desire to avoid guilt feelings. In the
first case, Bredeneier and Stephenson note that "by linking satisfaction
of biological needs to a cultural context, the initial socializing groups
begins the process of making the satisfaction of intrinsic gratifications
conditional on conforming to the structural requirements of the social
system.” In short, desired behavior is rewarded, for example, by food.
(hoe the child finds that his wants are gratified by carrying out a
particular action he tends to repeat it.

In another way, the socializing agent (parents) convey pleasure via
tone and expression and these are linked to the satisfaction of wants.

 

12 National Resources Comittee (1938), "Cultural Dignity in Urban
git-1,13%", in Smith, Iynn and C. A. McMahon, eds. , Tm Sociology of
Urban Life (The Dryden Press: New York, 1951), p.734.

Graham, Saxon, £2, £3".., p. 32.

14 hedemeier and StephenggnI pp. 339., p. 64.

21..

The child "comes, thus, to value her (mother's) favorable attitude, which
itself is then a new kind of reward."15 Thus, the child conforms to
social requirements to obtain someone's favorable opinion and avoid
unfavorable opinions .

In a last sense, "once the child has been sensitized to the attitude
of others toward him, he is in a position to add to his reasons for con«
formity the fourth and final motive mentioned above: the desire to be
'moral' or, put negatively, to avoid guilt feelings."16 This is an
important step as it removes the necessity of an external party to achieve
conformity to social values with certain exceptions ---i.e. crime.

This discussion of socialization applies mainly to children. But
when people migrate to a new area and enter a strange culture much of the
same process~~~starting at a more advanced level-«is involved.

Finally, we note that the cultural pattern of a given society is
constantly undergoing gradual change. Culture is not a rigid pattern
demanding absolute obedience, but, rather provides a guide for action.

It is impossible, however, for people to make minor-«and occasionally
major-«deviations from the cultural pattern if it results in a better
adaption to the environment. ”Culture does not so much accumflate as

it changes. "17
Decoding Phase

The behavior process we are concerned with here is learned behavior
not instinctive behavior. Thus, in this sense, mere sensory processes

hold no inherent meaning for the individual. He must be able to decode

_..._.

15 Ibid., p. 65.
16 Ibid., p. 67.
17 fiennett and Tumin, 2p. git” p. 224.

25

the message-"i.e. he must be able to perceive what the stimulus means.
This is accomplished by means of the individual's culturally acquired
concepts or images. Kuhn says that “concepts are stored information
that things in our environmnt exist in certain patterns, but not others."18
The stimulus acts as a "cue“ which releases the information stored in the
concepts. We cannot accurately decode messages unless we have the proper
concepts to do so.

Concepts are learned through the individual's socialization into
his culture. Culture serves as the learned code which enables man to
decode and perceive stinmli. A social psychologist puts the issue as
follows:

The cultural training of the individual determinesthe

kind of objects and persons that .would' 'figure' prominently

in the individual's perception. The meaning of the perceived

object is also culturally determined. A river, a plant, an

animal, an infant, a boy, a girl, etc. are perceived differ-

ently, i.e. have different meanings in different societies.

That is so because the beliefs, collective purposes, social

ideas, in short the cultural glasses or "frames of reference "

are different for different societies.19

The meaning an individual attaches to a stimulus, then, is dependent
on what concepts an individual's culture has provided. Kuhn notes: "We
must be aware that in all but the simplest cases a stimulus is not the
'thing' or situation that faces us, but an interpretation of the input
of information from that thing, in the light of all our previous learning
and experiences."20

It was noted earlier in this chapter that cultural symbols with their

shared definitions channelize perceptions. That is, by the use of cultural

 

18 Kuhn, g. 21.30, P. 28.

19 Alkolkar, V. V. , Social Psychology (Asia Publiching House: Bombay, 1960),
p. 21.

2° Kuhn, pp. _<_:_:_l_t., p. 59.

26

symbols man is able to abstract from the multitude of stimuli those which
his culture considers significant. Thus man is able to Simplify a very
complex world and, consequently, finds himself able to deal with his pro-
blame. It should be noted that this ability to abstract from reality
while it aids in the decoding of messages, also hides or obscures signi‘
ficant facts. In short, "symbols canalize perceptions and response. They
act as 'blinders' that focus attention on some aspects of things and not
others."21

Effective Alternat ive Phase

After the individual has perceived a stimulus he must decide how to
respond. For each person there is a range of effective alternatives.
Kuhn says that ”it is rather a matter of discovering what is possible,
and then of selecting the preferred behavior from among the possible
alternatives."22

One of the determinants of this range of alternatives is a society's
culture. It has been said that culture is the product of society,‘.but it
is also the environment in whichthe people of the society live. It is
this environment which "delineates the opportunities and molds the prefer-
ences of its members. In this sense, the body of culture is the input
of society, and the set of parameters to which its nembers adapt."23 We
have previously noted this relationship in Chapter 1.

Culture defines what we as individuals will believe is important-«i.e.
what types of things we will prefer. . Theseupreferences. are ordered-«i.e.
there are things we prefer more than other things. In short, we value

 

23' R'edeneier and Stephenson, _op. 32.3., p. 7.
22 Kuhn, 22. £213., p. 55.

23 Ibid., p. 211..

27

things differently. So our effective alternatives are partly defined by
values--values being not a physical entity, but, rather, our rank order
of preferences.24 Boulding describes this as our "image of value" which
"is concerned with the relating of the various parts of the image to the
world according to son: scale of betterness or worseness.“25

Another basic determinant of our effective alternatives is status.
As previously discussed, society assigns to each of us a variety of
statuses with respect to work, home, comnmnity and so on. These statuses
define certain roles we are expected to play vis—a-vis other persons. In
respect to the problem at hand, a student's professor is limited by
differences in status. Or a child's relationship with adults is likewise
related to status. In both cases excessive familiarity is discouraged.
Statuses are made a part of the individual during the socialization pro-
cess. _ Bredeneier and Stephenson note:

An individual is able to respond appropriately to an almost
indefinite number of statuses, irrespective of what concrete

person occupies them, provided only that the status definitions

have been incorporated into his self. Thus, people are social-

ized to interact within a social system in predictable ard

systematic fashion and to carry ggt their respective functions

in an orderly division of labor.

In another sense, we can distinguish between group statuses. Culture
also defines in-groups and out-groups. In Kuhn's term, "the iii-groups
are those who hold or are believed to hold the sane basic sets of values
as the main culture. . .. Out-groups, however, are conceived as displaying

contrary traits, and hence not deserving of courtesy or kindness."27

 

1’4 Graham, pp. c__i_t., pp. 120—121..
25 Bould , _p. cit. p. 11.

26Eedemeier gfl Stepbegggn, 9p. cit. , p. 77.
27 Km, 92. Lite, p. 221.

28

Effective alternatives are also limited by more “mechanical? factors.
Income is one prim example. An individual is not likely to purchase a
$200,000 hone if he makes $4500 per year salary. Another factor might be
ability. An individual might prefer to be a brillant scholar, but whether
or not such a goal is an effective alternative for him depends on his
intellectual ability.

Regpggg Phase

Having made the determination of his effe ctive alternatives the
individual is able to respond to the stimlus. To Kuhn this means "any
activity of the nervous system set off by a stimlus. “23 In another
fashion we can define response as "the behavioral 'output' counterpart
of the 'input' term stimlus, referring to am definable unit of behavior."29

r nt Ext n

After responding the individual must face the consequences of his
action in the form of social approval or disapproval. If socially approved,
the behavior is rewarded-«i.e. laudatory consents, money, status, etc.---
and, consequently, the behavior is reinforced. The socially approved be-
havior is a reid'orcer which, in this sense, may be defined as ”anything
which by virtue of being associated with the desired things, itself
becomes sufficiently desired so as to reinforce other behavior which will
help to achieve it."30

On the other hand, social disapproval results in sanctions against
the individual being invoked-«e ither formal (legal) or informal (loss of
money, status, public acceptance )-—-which tends to extinguish the behavior

 

28 in) n P- 66-
29 Eml n S“ , 220 flap Pa 1350
30 Kuhn, pp. git” p. 79.

 

30

pattern. In general, "when a response is followed by punishment, the
frequency or probability of recurrence de creases-«where punishment is
any event that runs counter to the existing set of motives, e.g. pain. '31
anclusign

The above sought to outline the significance of an individual's
cultural experience in determining his behavior. Man produces his
culture and yet his culture also "produces" him. The reality of man's
culture-«his waning—«48 too big to overlook.

 

31 Rrel and Steimr, pp. 33., p. 11.1.

Chapter 3
CHARACTERISTICS OF AMERICAN MDDIE- CIASS EHAVIOR

Intrgguct ion _
Throughout this thesis much is made of 'slum sub- culture behavior“

patterns. Obviously, these behavior patterns are slum-libs only in
reference to scum particular model of behavior. What is being said is
that certain patterns of behavior are to beclassed as slum-like when
neasured against typical middle- class Amrican behavior patterns.

By and large, we can describe these middle-class behavior patterns
as typical Amrican behavior patterns. Martindale consents that “America
remains predominately middle—class in composition and outlook. Ell has
observed with Justice that there is no peculiar bourgeois culture in the
United States, since everyone is bourgeois. There is, in fact, no pro-
letsrian culture pattern. '1 This may be somewhat overstated, but the fact
remains that a large proportion bf the Amrican population may be classed
by objective standards (incone, education, occupation) as middle-class
and that studies show that a remarkable number of Amricans tend to
identify with the middle-class.2 In part, this may account for the
widespread acceptance of middle-class norms.

1222‘ g 9; Middle-Olga bhavigr"

Caneral

The next task, than, is to describe some of the types of middle-
class behavior patterns. As indicated in Chapter 2, some kinds of
behavior are valued more highly than others in a particular culture.

 

1 Martindale, Don, American Social structure (AppletoneCentury- Crofts. .
New York, 1960), p. 20.

2 Key, v. 0., Public inion and Amrican Damocra (A. A. Knopf:
New York, 1 l , p. 139.

31

32

To reiterate, values are a rank order of preferences which a cultural
group holds and which help define an individual's effective alternatives.

We are concerned here with three basic types of behavior. First is
the manner in which people deal with the artifacts of urban life—«i.e.
buildings, toilets, garbage pails, paint brushes, etc. In short, this
is what we will call "housekeeping" behavior. Second is “deviant”
behavior such as ctive, illegitimacy, psychoses, am other types of
anti—social behavior. Third is what can be described as the need for
achievemnt or the desire for success and advancenent in terms of social
mobility.

Dealing With Urban Artifacts

Amrican middle-class culture has long emphasised cleanlimss in
urban living. In some respects this behavior pattern amounts to a
fixation. The use of the indoor flush toilet is a universal rule,
garbage is placed in covered pails to be disposed of regularly by the
local governmnt, the house is painted every couple of years and the yard
must have at least a mininmm of care. The image of this way of life is
firmly fixed in our conceptual framework and if anyone fails to live up
to these norm social and legal reprisals will. follow. In part, this
may explain why Amricans abroad feel very uneasy in environmnts which,
by our standards, seem unclean.

The gist of this discussion is, then, that in our complex urban
environment "Americans" tend to observe certain standards of urban
housekeeping. The concept of this way of life, for a number of reasons
to be dealt with in Chapter A, may not exist in certain of our sub-

cultures resulting in what we describe as slum conditions.

33

Deviant Ehavigr
Like the other behavior patterns deviant behavior is defimd relative

to a culture's values. Bredeneier and Stephenson note that "whatever the

goal and whatever anyone thinks about its legitimacy or illegitimacy, the

individual engages in acne kind of action to achieve it. That action is
also defined as either legitimate or illegitimate. If it is defimd as
legitimate, there is conformity (in sonnone's eyes); if it is defined as
illegitimate, there is deviance (in someone's eyes)."3

R'edeneier and Stephenson classify four kinds of deviance :4

(1) W: Striving for prescribed goals, but using proscribed mans.

(2) Ritualism: A person may conform to the institutionalized mans, but
fail to strive for prescribed goals.

(3) Retreatism: A person may reject or fail to internalize “both the
institutionalized linens and the institutionalized goals--i.e. drug
addicts, psychotics, etc.

(4) W: A person may deviate from cultural prescrip-
tions defining both means and goals by excessive conformance to each.
We can categorize these forms of deviant behavior into We broad types.

Sone are considered deviant by virtually all cultures, but others are

peculiar to certain societies. 4 Those which are widely considered deviant

include certain types of arise-«i.e. mm'der, robbery, treason, etc. In

a practical sense it is necessary that these actions be considered deviant

and punished as such. If this was not done the social order would collapse.

A certain amount of internal order and conformce is required to maintain

the coherence of society. In short, certain types of behavior must be

 

3 Bredeneier and'Stephensgn, 9p. 33., p. 122.
4 Ibid., pp. 123-121..

34

enforced by a society if it is to survive. In this sense, the sanctions
or punishmnts imposed to secure conformance are "any technique which
serves the function of unifying and stabilizing a group through the
adjustmnt of human interests, thus enforcing the form of social order
typical for this group. "5

In another sense, "every society has standards of behavior which
it regards as reasonable and acceptable and in the last analysis humnly
natural. As a corollary, all societies regard certain behavior as unrea-
sonable, unacceptable, and, as an extrene judgmnt, inhuman."6 Ere what
is deviance is culturally defined, but not all cultures define it in the
same way. In general, American society tends to frown on such things as
comon law marriages, the extended family living together as a unit, an
unstable husband-wife relationship, homosexuality and so on. Such types
of behavior are not reinforced, but generally rate social disapproval and,
in sons instances, legal action.

The Need for; Achievemnt

American culture defines the ways in which one is viewed as being
successful. A good deal of work has been done in explaining the drive
for achievemnt (material achievemnt) which has been particularly
apparent in western European society for roughly the past four centuries.
As a general statement, it has been said that this med for achievenent
arose from some basic protestant values. In the original form of
Calvinism the evidence of God's favor and, therefore, salvation tended
to be seen in the accumflation of material wealth. In theory, such wealth

 

5 Ennett and Tumin, pp. 535., p. 516.
6 Ibid., p. 333.

35

could not be spent on luxurious living and, consequently, the concept of
saving and investnent arose. Further, for the individual to prove his
salvation he had to acquire this wealth by his own efforts.7 In sum,
the individual had to work hard, save, and "stand on his own feet" and
not expect external aid.8 Thus, it is alleged, American culture has
inherited the values of individualism, hard work, and thrift.

Recent work has indicated that the protestant ethic is an inadequate
explanation- Oscar Hagen9 and David Mc Clellandlo have found a more
generalized cause in the presence of an anti-traditional class or attitude
within the society. Without going into needless detail, this anti-tradi—
tionalism involves opposition to the more customary way of life associated
with rural, feudal society. In this sense, the protestant ethic would be
a type of anti-traditional class or group.

Now a dangerous trap lurks behind this discussion. There is a tendency
to derive explanations for a whole series of Anerican values from the
“protestant ethic." Undoubtedly, this is a great oversimplification of the
situation. There is, however, no intention of arguing this point. All
that is being said is that, arising from a variety of source, to be suc-
cussful in Amrican society involves the acceptance of certain values and
waysofliving suchasthenuclearfamily, theuse ofmoneyasamsasure
of success, an emphasis on individualism, and so on. These are not uni-
versal prescriptions for success. The point is, however, that in the
abeense of certain behavior patterns,the ”Amrican" tends to view an
individual as backward. NI

 

7 Graham, gp.,_<_:it.,,,p. 129. v ,4 Z ,, ' . .. .
8 Erickson, Gordon,__tlrban pghavior (Macmillan: New York 1951.), p. 380.

9 Hagen, Everett, On the There of Social (Rosewood, Illinois, 1962 .
10 Mc Clelland, David, W ' v "s 'c'" flip. Van Nostrand: New York, 1 l).

 

36

Further, it is probable that certain values and attitudes associated
with prote stantism account in large measure for the existence of such
definitions of success in western culture. The importance these values
have had in Amrican culture in the face of continmd immigration of
non-protestant groups can be emlained by the fact that protestant values
were prior to others and it was these values to which others had to adapt.

The sum total of these various behavior patterns define, for Americans,
an individual's desire for success or need for achievemnt. We might now
expand on a number of these behavior patterns central to Anerican culture.

One basic value Amrican's have developed to a high degree is
individualism. Religion to the Calvinists was an intensely personal
thing—-- i.e. individual in interpretation and individual insofar as one
proved his salvation. Further, protestantism was strong among the nerchant
class and one of the basic needs of the times was to break with the tightly
ordered feudal society in order for trade and commerce to expand. Thus
arose an emphasis on individual achievemnt divorced from feudal authority.
Transported to America by those groups most opposed to central authority
in England and later from Germany, the idea of individual. achievemnt
becane lodged in the American consciousness. Graham notes that
"through the political, economic, and religious philosophiee there has
grown the notion that the individual is important, that he should not be
restricted, that in other words, he should have freedom. "3-1 Further,
"closely related to the value of freedom in America is the concept of the
worth of the individual. For the freedom Americans revere is freedom for
the individual. Each person, Artericans believe, has worth simply because

 

ll Graham, 9p. pit” p. 129.

37

he is an individual. "12 That these valuederive from a much troeder .
base of western experience than Calvinism cannot be denied, but undoubt--
edly Calvinism was a major contributor to the growth of this value .
Another basic valm in American culture is the nuclear family.
Grahamtbslieves that with.the nuclear family "the individual becomes
more of a.free agent than is possible in.the larger'sdlisu.of the
extended family. The American values of freedom and individuality are
better upheld in the system which salts the nuclear family than in one
dominated hy the extended kin groups-13 one reason for the shift from
extended to nuclear family is the industrial revolution.and later social
refer-whichfirstshiftsn'cductionfrcmthehcm tethstsetorysnd
thentmskes additional family members burdens rather than.reseurces due
to labor In.“ rather, the resulting increase in society's complexity
with occupational specialisation has caused the creation of new institu-
tions to tabs over sole of the emotion of the family.” As our industrial
lYItOmlhll matured with higher degrees of specialisation.end s.leoser
labor*nerkst, spatia11mebility of'femdlies has greatly increased‘withas
resulting emphasis on the nuclear family.16 In sum, the American value
systeninow'locks‘with.more favor on.the nuclear family than.on.ths
e:tended.family. ‘
A.third value is material wealth as the measure of individus1.werth.
In.part, of_ceurse, thisznay’deriwe fro-nearly Calvinism. But, as
Ehrtdndale indicates 'a.powerfully persuasive group of contemporary inter-
preters of’American.socdety. . .have maintained that the original puritan

 

12,2490, Pp. ”(PUSe
13 Ibid., p. 174.

um». neier Ste 'n, pp. git" pp. 200-201.
15 2:29. 29- also: p. 150

16 mg, p. 172.

38

morality that formed the everyday work ethic of Americans in the past is
tending to drain away leaving only a frank and outright materialism in its
place."17

$hind this materialism is the concept of competitive capitalism.
Graham notes that I'the 'acquisitive man' in American capitalism does not
only do himself a favor, but, because of his careful blving, forces a
constant improvement in products and a continual lowering in their price,
thus, acquisition become a moral good. "18 Further, ”strongly linked
with the idea of acquisitiveness is that of competition, for it is through
the individual's striving to best other persons who are selling similar
products that he acquires wealth. '19 This is the case in m-«in
practice, of course, the system leaves much to be desired. hit, in any
case, material wealth defines for Amricans the successful man.

Associated with this materialism is an intense magnetism.
Rodent ier and Stephenson note that "Calvinist theology encouraged men _
. . .to show their respect for God by working to understand the complex.-
ity of His works in the natural world."20 Byond this, rough frontier
coalitions and a materialistic outlook made pragmatism ideally suited to
Amrican conditions.

Two further values might be mentioned. First, in a rapidly developing
and changing nation, the idea of change as a value in itself developed.
As Graham says "some Americans apparently believe that change is a good
thing in and of itself. "21

 

1'7 W. op. cit, p. 118.
18 m 22' 2.1-2.9 p0 233.
19 M‘, De 233s

20 Redemier and Stephegggn, 2p. git" p. 268.
21 Graham, pp. £39., p. 139.

 

 

39

Second, din to a frankly pragmatic outlook and our rapidly changing
situation a belief in the possiblity and desirability of social mobility
has developed. In Graham's terms "there is the belief that it is possible
to rise in the world, to better ons's reputation, incons, material
possessions, and general social status.'22

The essence of this discussion is that Amrican society define cer—
tain essential values for success. These include:

(1) Individual achievement and competition

(2) Money as the masure of success

(3) Attitudes that are not bound by traditional modes of thinking about
3011': £93m: 03' many

(“long range attitudes toward thrift and reinvestnent

W

What has been attempted in these few pages has been to draw in outlim
the basic behavior patterns at American middle- class culture against
which we can masts-e slum sub- culture behavior patterns. First, the
Amrican middle-class values certain forms of urban housekeeping-- i.e.
the use of the indoor flush toilet, painting the house, mintainence of
yard, sanitary disposal of garbage, etc. Second, Amrican middle-class
culture define a variety or behavior patterns as deviant-«e.g. nmrder, "
cannon law! marriage, drug addiction, etc. Third, Amrican middle-class
culture defines the name for success-«e.g. individualism, may,
anti-traditionalism, etc.

This is not to say that these behavior patterns are masses or

ultimately desirable. They may be, but such a Judgmnt requires

 

'-

22.3.3190: n- no

40

independent evaluation. Nevertheless, these values and behavior patterns_
do exist and they are dominant in Anerican cultIn-e. At present, assimila-
tion into and acceptance by middle-class culture requires their adoption.

 

Chapter 4

TYPES AND CAUSES OF SLUM BEHAVIOR

mam

The previous chapter outlined the goals and basic forms of behavior
that Amrican middle—class culture considers acceptable. In relation to
these behavior patterns we can describe the behavior of certain urban
dwellers as slum like. That is, we note among certain urban groups poor
housekeeping habits, a disproportionate amount of crim, certain deviant
(by middle-class norms) forms of social patterns, and a lack of desire
for achievement (as defined by middle— class norms).

Inthischapterwe seektofindthe causes. Todothis,wewillhave
to consider the nature and sources of urban growth. Following this we
canexaminesomeofthe causes. mtheendofthischapter itishoped
that we will have an adequate explanation of win slum behavior is exhibited
by certain people and what waning this has for Amrican society in general.

One further note should be added here. So far we seem to have con-
centrated on We opposing cultures—«the middle-class and slum dwellers.
The situation in reality is much more complicated. Chapter 5 will
indicate that in areas considered for renewal we may find either working
class or lower class people. The real slum problem is seen to lie with
the lower class. Accordingly, this chapter applies most directly to this
lower class. ,_The distinction will be clarified in Chapter 5.

s Slugs and Slum Dwellers

In this chapter we will examine the various bases of slum behavior.

The issue, however, is much more complicated than the discussion may

Al

4.2

imply. In fact, there are different types of slums and slum dwellers.
Charles Stokes has classifed slums as follows in Table l:

 

 

 

Table l:
Stoke's Classification of Slum Types]-
Slums
Classes Hope Dispair
Escalator A B
Non-
Escalator C D

 

 

 

 

Type A slums have people who, in general, have hopes of improving
their condition and who have no inherent blocks which prevent their upward
mobility. Type B slum dwellers have no inherent blocks to self— improvemt,
but dispair or have no hope of doing so---i.e. old people, shady characters,
and citizens at the margin of social respectability. Type C slums involve
a hope for improvement but also involve barriers-«i.e. Negro ghettos.
Finally, Type D slum involve barriers and are accompanied by a lack of
hope. Thiamis the most serious form of slum.

Stoke's analysis may be oversimplified. That is, slums may not be
easily classifed on his bases. Yet his categories do offer an insight
into the processes of slum life. There seems to be little doubt that
slum or seguents of slums do tend to divide along these lines. This
analysis implies that a careful investigation of a slum is necessary to
determine the type of program that will like prove effective in a
particular slum area.

 

1 Stokes,”Char1es, “A Theory of Slums", in Land Ecgngmics, Vol. XXXVIII,
August 1962.

43

Donald‘Sal..'7.man2 and John Seeleya have examined an Indianapolis slum
area and have con up with a classification of the type of people who live
there. To some it is a temporary stopping place, to some a hopeless trap,
to son a hen, and to sons a refuge and hiding place. Then again, the
slum may mean that a person need not work too hard-«i.e. an individual
may wish to maximize sonn other sort of value such as an artistic way of
life.

In son ways Salzman's and Seeley's analysis is more useful than
Stokes. Within a given slum area ’is a variety of people with a variety of
reasons for being there. It has frequently been noted that slums serve
those who are upwardly mobile, those who are not mobile, and those who
are downwardly mobile.4 In addition, it can serve all sorts of "diviants'~--
criminals as well as poets.

This point should not be slighted as it has a vital bearing on the
role of plaming in slum areas. In addition to the people who are ignor-
ant, victims of prejudice and so on there are those who find that slime
provide a place of habitation at a price that allows them to maximize soul!
other sort of value. If we are to abolish the slum, must we abolish all
deviants from our society?

The Nature 9; Urban Growth

_ Of direct importance to problems of slum behavior is the nature of__

urban growth. Neither slums nor the much discussed correlates of s1 ~-

 

2 Salman, Donald, "Redevelopnent Effectiveness Contingent on Understanding
Slum Occupants", in Jgurnal of flogging, Vol. 13, August/September 1956.

3 Seeley, John, "The Slum: Its Nature, Use and Users" in the ngal 21;
the Amrican Institute of Planners, Vol. 25, beruary 1959.

4 Eisner, Svend, ."The Slum and its Psople', in Elias, c. E., James Gillies

and Svend Eisner, eds., lbtr lis: Valgg in Qgglict (Wadsworth:
Belmont, California, 19645, p. 251.

44

wine, poverty, filth, eta-«are new or unique to American cities.
Since the beginning of the rapid growth of ow cities in the early
part of the nineteenth century, slums have been the center of much
public concern.5 In fact, slum behavior has been exhibited by parts
of many of the inmigrant groups to this country. Yet many of these
people and/or their descendants have been fully accultwated to
Amricansociety and to a large extent been assimilated. But the Negroes
have been in thisgcountry since 1619 and, by and large, remain unassimi-
lated and this fact suggests that, with contemporary slums, some other
factors may be atwork. This area, however, will be inviestigated later.
Now the when population is unable to reproduce in sufficient numbers
to increase or maintain the stability of the population.6 The need,
therefore, has long been apparent for external sowces of population if
the urban areas were to continue to grow. In part, immigrants from
Ewope filled this need for a number of years. In recent years, however,
imigration from abroad has declined in importance. The rwal-to-wban
migration in this country has always been an important factor in when
growth, but because of the decline of immigration from Ewope, it is even
more important today. In fact, ”were it not for tie continuous influx of
people from rwal areas, cities would not only fail to grow, but would
dwindle in size.” Table 2 indicates the importance of this movemnt.

 

5 Handlin, Oscar, The Newcomers (Harvard University Press, 1959). Chapter 1.
6 Haiti-9y, Amos, Italian Egglogy (The Rondald Hess; New York, 1950), p. 374.
7 Hitt, Homer, "Migration and Southern Cities“, in Smith and mix,

pp. git” p. 32.1.

_Table 28

Net Changes in Rural-Farm Population by Migration,
Unites States and Regions, 1920—1950

we ._ WWW
1920-30 1930-40 1940- 50
Unites States 3133?: 3577?? 35579?
New England 43.0 2.6 -21.8
huddle—Atlantic -18-7 - 1.3 -20.?
Easteflo Central -19.7 - 5.3 -22.6
West-N. Central 47.5 -17.7 ~29.2
South Atlantic -25.5 -13.8 -31.9
East-S. Central -l9.8 -13.2 -33.1.
West-S- Contral -17.1 -19.9 44.0
Lbuntain -19.4 -16.3 -32.6
Pacific .. 0.3 - 4.9 -15.1

3 Hathaway, Dale, negation and Southern Citiesg, in W

pp. 233., p. 321.

45

46

- Of particular importance to us here is the rural-to-urban migration
from the southern rural and mountain areas as well as from Puerto Rico.
The southern areas in Table 2—--South Atlantic, East South Central, and
West South Central-«demonstrate the greatest shift of rural~farm popu-
lation. Thus, this group, as well as Puerto Ricans, is swelling the ranks
of Amrican urban dwellers.9

Our central cities are losing population over—all, but are gaining
greatly in terms of non-white and, to a lesser extent, white rural-farm
people. We note, for example, that New York_City in 1960 had a population
of 1,088,000 Negroes and that this was an increases of 340,000 over the 1950
i'igure.10 Similarly, the Puerto Rican population of New York increased
from 70,000 in 1940 to 613,000 in 1960.11 A smaller, but important,
shift of southernwhites to northern cities has also been noted}-2

In short, there has been a general rural-to-urban shift of population
in recent years. The central cities have received the bulk of these rural
migrants and it is these groups which comprise the slum-dwellers. As we
will see,“ this, in part, accounts in large measure for certain forms of
dwellers are rural migrants, but the slum environment per so will be
seen as explaining slum behavior among these groups.

Finally, it should be emphasized that not all, or perhaps even a
majority, of slum dwellers exhibit slum behavior. They do, however, have
a greater propensity for this kind of behavior than do non-slum dwellers.

9 Chonault, Iawrence, The Pmrtg Rican meat in New York Gig
(Columbia University Press, 193
10 Glaser, Nathan and Daniel Maynihan, hang; the Melting got (The M. I. T.
Press: Cambridge, 1%3), P' 25o
Ibid., pp. 93-94.
12 Etaw, Albert, ”The Hillbillies Invade Chicago", in _H_a__rpgz_;§,

beruary 1958.

 

1+7

Problem 9;: Slum Behavior: Cultural Deficieng

Basic Mel of Ehavior
One basic cause of slum behavior is the fact that the concepts and

images necessary to perceive stimuli in middle—class, urban, American
term are lacking. The behavior process is illustrated in Figure 3 (see
Chapter 2 for more complete explanation).

Ultimately, if no other factors are involved, the socially-dissap—
proved behavior pattern should be extinguished. Such a process has
occurred with many of the European immigrants. The next section will
explore various reasons for the existence of a cultural deficiency among
urban migrants.

Rural Versus Urban Life

__It has been suggested that rural migrants comprise a large share
of slum dwellers. The cultural differences between rural and urban life
offer a fruitful area in which to search for the causes of slum behavior.

There is a great difference between the rural and the urban ways of
life. For one thing, the pace of life and change is so much greater in
the city. Erickson notes that it is the city which is ”the initiator,
the innovator, the source of social and cultural change; whereas, the
country is the preserver, the conservative part of the nation which
clings to the customary ways of doing thing."13 In short, the city
demands much more conscious effort from its inhabitants than does the
countryside. That is, due to the rapid pace and change of life in the

city, the city dweller cannot react to situations in the slow, habitual

 

13 Smith, Lynn, "The City and Social Change ", in Smith and McMahon,
22- sit. p- 780-

 

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48

manner of his father or his father before him. It takes, in sun, more
effort to meet the demands of the city, as opposed to country life.

For another thing, urban relationshps tend to be specialized,
impersonal and mechanical. Take, for example, the market mechanism, in
individual produces a good which is sold to a distributor who, in turn,
sells it to a consumer. The individual. producing the good actually sees
and has dealings with neither the distributor nor the consulter. Our basis
of exchange is the impersonal dollar. Again, we may produce a part for
a machine and never have an idea of what the completed machine looks like
or how it is used. The city, than, is made up of people with a host of

interconnected but distinct Specialities. One author notes that "in the
city, human relationships lose much of the earmarks of etiquette. In a
moving cultural environment of the urban community, personal relations
based on ceremonial observance, give way to the form of relations based
on functional usefulness. "14 Another author says that "money econonv and
the dominance of the intellect are intrinsically connected. They share a
matter—of-fact attitude in dealing with men and with things; and, in this
attitude, a formal justice is often coupled with an inconsiderate hardness."15

In another sense, urban life involves concern for contracts, laws
and achieved status, while rural society relies on kinship, tradition,
and sentiment to bind it together.16 The distinction here is roughly—
what Tonnes called Geminschaft (community) and Cesellschaft (society).17

 

11» Masuoka, Jitsuichi, "The City and the Race Problem", in Thompson,
Edgar and Everett Hughes, eds., Race: Individual ani Qllective
bhavigr (Free Press: Glencoe, 1958), p. 95.

15 Simnel, Georg, in Elias gt. .34., pp. git" p. 37.

Erickson, _o_p. git” p. 291.

17 Ibid., p. 291. '

49

Again, Emile Durkheim described the relationship as nechanical (based on
conformity to tradition) versus organic (based on contract specialization)

solidarity.l8 Much of this is sumarized, in Tonnes terms, in Table 3.

Table 319

Social Characteristics of Geneinschaft and Cesellschaft

Social Characteristic Ceneinschaft Gesellschaft
1. Typical Social Service, Exchange, Dominance
Relations Cooperation, and Subordination
Fbllowship (buyers, seller
officials, etc.)
2. Key to Social Social Order Social Order Built
Organization Built Around Around Econanic
Family or Order or State
Extended Kin Rrson
Group
3. Nature of Self Rarson
Individual
4. Central Type of Possession lVbney and Wealth
Rroperty and Land
5. Type of Law Family law legislative Law
6. Nature of Social Concord, Convention,
Bond Folkways, legislation,
Religion Public Opinion

Another distinction between rural and urban life is tie density of
population. The actions of an urbanite have a much greater impact on his
neighbors than a rural dweller's actions would have on his neighbors. In
short, the urbanite must exercise greater care if he is not to infringe on
his neighbors rights.

 

19 thalo’ .920 £21.50, P. 2300

50

Resulting Probleg in Slum Rhavior
Now, how does this ‘cause a problem in slum behavior? For one thing,

when the typical middle- class Amrican urbanite looks at the artifacts of
urban life---i.e. building, garbage pails, toilets and so on---he knows
what they are and how he is expected to use them. As has been indicated,
American culture is careful to define their use. Yet the recently-arrived
migrant might not perceive these objects in the same manner. These arti-
facts and their use, as the American urbanite know them, may simply not
exist in their rural cultural framwork.

The Puerto Rican, for example, cones from a culture which is largely
rural-«i.e. about 70% of the Pmrto Rican population in 1950 lived in
the countryside or in villages of less than 2500 personszo-«or, at the
very least, has developed a relatively primitive pattern of urban behavior.
Life in rural-«and to a considerable extent in urban-«- Puerto Rico in-
volves large extended families, primary face-to—face contacts in most
activities, a slow tempo of life, and rudimntary sanitation-«i.e. "the
hogs or goats will eat peelings thrown in the yard and the sun and rain will
neutralize liquid waste."21 Thus, it is not a surprise that rural Puerto
Ricans exhibit when they come to this country some forms of behavior which,
by Amrican standards, can be described as "slum~like.' The strange thing
is that the disorder of the buildings and streets does not extend inside
the Puerto Rican home. Puerto Rican women are expected to take care of file

 

20 Senior, Clarence, "The Assimilation and Acculturation of Plnrto Ricans
in New York City," in Smith and Mwn, op. cit., p. 630.
21 Ibid., p. 630.

51

hem, but "the condition of neglect of the neighborhood building, streets

and alleys is seen as being solely the responsibility of the government."22
The southern Negro and mountain white, although Amrican, com from

a rural culture which has developed a gap with the "mainstream“ of Amrican

society. In many respects this has resulted in a culture closer to the

rural Rierto Rican than to the urban American culture. Both the Negro

and mountain white have been physically and socially isolated from the

developmnt of American culture over the past 150 years. Consequently,

they have developed their own sub- cultures which deviate markedly from the

middle-class American behavior patterns.23 In short, for all groups of a

 

rural migrants--- Puerto Ricans, southern Negroes, and southern mountain
whites--a cultural deficiency results to poor standards of homeheping.

A second result of cultural deficiency among rural migrants is the
lack of what American culture defines as the med for achievemnt. For
the Puerto Rican, for emmple, not individual achievemnt, but the family
as the center of an adult's obligations is the focus of life. The family
here is the extended kin group and, consequently, both it and t1: related
obligations can attain a very large size. If the Puerto Rican is rela-
tively successful in term of his family who have not been as fortunate.
If tin Puerto Rican has had acne ,"bad luck" he knows his faimly will see
that he is cared for.2"*

 

1’3 Thompson, Edgar, "Motives, Migration and Settlemnt', in W
Mass: 22. 2.1.3" Do 171. ‘

23 Padilla, 22. gig, pp. 199-200.

21» Padilla, 9p. pita, pp. 199-200.

52

In another sense, the Puerto Rican child is not expected to show a
spirit of iniative or innovation, but, rather, is expected to carry out
instructions to the letter.25 In another situation, the Inorto Rican
child is expected to be quiet and cause the school teacher no trouble
(i.e. like asking questions). He is not encouraged to explore ideas as
one must respect authority.26

The emphasis, then, among the Puerto Ricans is on a traditional
extended family, obligation to the family rather than individual achieve- 4-
ment, and the lack of iniative in children. This is, in some ways, the
opposite of what the mainstream of Amrican society expects from a person.

Amrican culture also emphasizes the ability of man to overcone the
natural forces which block his material. progress. Dams, super-highways,

Jet aircraft, and the space program have given man a sense of 'mstery
over nature." This is not a universal trait. Puerto Ricans, for example,
tend to consider life in the herds of forces beyond the individual's con-
trol. Padilla notes that "man's life is believed to be subject to fate,
and luck plays an important part of his destiny."27

Among Negroes as a whole the need for aohievenent in the “Amrican'
sense tends to be low.28 His concern for thrift and the accmnulation of
money is not strong. Oscar Handlin sees the cause in Negro history.

He notes: "Like other people whose income has been uncertain and sporadic,
they have wasteful spending habits. The recollection of long periods of
deprivation encourages 'msd spending sprees' when funds becone available.“29

 

25 Ibid., p. 185.

26 Ibid., p. 206.

27 Ibid., p. 125.

28 Mc Clelland, pp. 343., p. 377.
29 Handlin, pp. pip. p. 73.

53

In part, the explanation may also lie in the circumstances with which the
Negroes care to this country. They came unwillingly as slaves and not as
migrants seeking a new and better future. What would happen to two groups
of people with no other difference than that one can as slaves and the
other free? Om anthropologist notes: "The sheer presence of purpose

in one group and its absence in the other would in time have accounted

 

m

for at least a part of the difference in progress made by whites as compared ‘

to the Negroes."30 , i-
The mountain whites have been simply left out of American history.

Thompson notes: “In isolation other traditions were generated,but the 1

pattern of wasteful exploitation minus the motive of cmlative gain has
persisted through the years more or less independently of the rest of the
commity.'31 In short, the key elemnts of middle-class culture, pre—
viously mentioned, simply do not exist for the mountain white.

In sum, certain societies or isolated sub-societies develop
characteristics which run counter to the accepted image of "achieving“
behavior in this country. Now, the coments,thus far,are good primarily
for the initial migrant into the city. Successive generations tend to
drop son of the old ways and pick up some of the American ways if contact
is made with American culture which is more than superficial. The pro-
blem is that in many instances slum dwellers may have only a passing
contact with the mainstream of Anerica--— i.e. police, welfare workers,
etc. Unless sore more substantial contact with the main American cul-
ture ochn-s the process of. socialization will carry on the behavior

 

3° films. 22- .0143... p. 171.
31 Ibid., p. 171.

54

patterns to new generations. Culture cannot change in a major way without
contact with other cultures.

In addition, the coalitions under which younger generations have to
work put them at a great disadvantage in competing with the middle-class
or even with the working- class. Bedem ier and Stephenson cement that:

We find that some children are disadvantaged because their
hone cannot or does not provide the physical facilities func- m
tional for success in schools. Indeed, one index of 'class' -
differences in our society is the amount and type of reading
material, 'cultura‘l.’ activities, private music or dancing
lessons, participation in clubs and organizations of an
educational nature, and the life that are provided by the
family. As a consequence, children in the lower reaches of
economic and social rank have difficulty adapting to a school ‘ .
system that is largely geared 3° facilities made available to L'
children in higher positions.3

 

We might add to the above discussion a number of other factors with
respect to cultural deficiency. These relate mainly to the Negro group,
however, and will be considered separately later in this chapter. In
sunnary of this section, we might say that the lack of certain concepts
in a migrants culture may lead to behavior which American middle- class
culture defines as elm-lib. Further, the social isolation of the slum
tends to perpetuate slum sub-culture behavior patterns from generation to

gemration.
m 81 Bhav : cti ternatives
W

A slum dweller my be adequately acculturated to understand what
type ofbehaviorisexpectedfromhimsndyetfailto carryout socially-
approved responses. This may be so even if the individual has a desire

 

32 medemier and Ste , pp. 533., p. 120.

 

 

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55

or is motivated to respond in what should be a socially-accepted fashion.
This failure results from several types of extinguishing blocks as
illustrated in nip-e I. (see Chapter 2 for explanation).

W

Om type of block is prejudice. In gemral, no matter what the _
social and intellectual characteristics a Negro or any dark skin person
has, his range of effective alternatives is much narrower than those of“
awhiteman. TheNegro isefllortedbythe schools andndiaofcomuni-
cation to achieve like a white man when, in new cases, he cannot possibly

 

do so. While the Negro may come out of a school situation with “American“ i
value, 1'. my find that his effective alternatives are limited to manual "'"
labor.33 In short, “although a value may exist in a society, the mans
of following its dictates may not-34
In a related area, an individual may be blocked by penslities
srisim from a form of prejudices. ley, when a slum dweller imoves
hierentedhone, he ispenslieedbytb increasedrenthemstpay. If
he cannot pay, he is evicted. Such a result does not encourage the
acceptance of better househeping values.
Third, we may find people who are eimpley 'failuresJ by my have
triedandhsvenoinhexenteocislhlocks, buttheysimplydonothsvethe
ability to succeed.
W --
These blocks have a serious imact on behavior. They tend to extin-a
guish tin developing behavior patterns. In short, 'a person met view

 

33 Sutherland, Robert, it (American Council
on Education: Washington, .

”m .92- 32» p- 126-

56

a goal as realizable or it will have no motive power. An tmrealizable
goal become inactive."35 Again, Kulm;.notes that "success is reinforcing,
not only of the efforts directed toward a particular goal, but also the
concept of having goals and working toward them. '36

If the result of his efforts will be punishing, no matter what he
does, Why should the slum dweller attempt to achieve? Rather, as the

 

process procuds, the individual begins to develop a negative 1W0 01 ;
himself. Success not only supports his goals, but builds up his image d
of being worth. In sum, a person's success and his treatmnt by others .
is directly related to tin iMividual's image of self and ”determine his
L—

self-view, bearing, and behavior.§'37 The result of blocking an individual _
wbapattyoralackofdeshetochange. Take, fox-example, themiddle-
class motive of saving an! investnent. Handlin says that |‘the absence of
clearly defined, attainable objects, in the absense somtines even of hope
for imavement, it seemsfutiletoeconomizeandnolosstoseekthe
pleasures of the monenrt in innediate consumption. '38

let apathy is not the only possible result of blocks. brelson and
Steiner note the following:

When an external barrier stands between a motivated subject
and his goals, be normally tries to ciransvent, remove, or othe-
wise master it. But when the barrier is not mastered and/or the

motivation increases in intensity, tin ragulting frustration mo-
duoes a number of less adaptive results.

 

356K11hn’ Qpe Cite, pe 135s

3;l§1d., Do me

11:81:, 22o Cite, Fe 740
373%, pp. Lit. p. 267.
”W. as 212-. p. 267.

56

This may result in an attack on the barrier and ”when the actual barrier ‘
is physically, psycologically, or socially invulnerable to attack, aggres-
sion may be displaced to an innocent but more vulnerable bystander."4o The
conseqmnca of these blocks, than, may be severe deviant behavior--- i.e.
murder, robbery, assault, and gang warfare. At the very least, such blocks
will lead to severe strain for the individual.

Our educational institutions and communication media urge slum groups
to be upwardly mobile---i.e. to seek to enter into the middle and mrking
classes. Individuals, then, may undergo anticipatory socialization-«i.e.
“anticipatory socialization refers to socialization in one status or group
that is functional for occupancy of another status in the same or in a
different group.“ If, in fact, the shift in status is successful, all
is well, but, if it fails to occur, the result may be strain, apathy, or
deviant behavior.

In short, society has itself blocked the possibility of completing
behavior patterns it insists be perfoer for acceptance into the society.
In a sense 'prejudice and discrimination against minority mupe are
partly maintained by a reinforcing spiral of built-in cause and effect:
the disapproval group is deprived and, as a result of the deprivation it
is further disapproved.” Barclaon and Steiner note that 'no society can
reasonably expect standard performance and observance of rules where it
does not provide equal opportunity to do so.""*'3

 

4° Ibid., p. 267.
4-1 gogemaier and SEREEEQE pp. 233., p. 105.

‘2 brelggn and Steiner, _Qp. 333., p. 573.
43 Bennett and Tumin, quoted in Padilla, 22. cit, p.25

One furtMr consent should be made at this point,

57

The implication of

the above discussion is that the are fact of a elmn dweller's or his

grouws acculturation will not man assimilation per so into American

society.

Table A.

Table 4:

Assimilation Variables“

W
1. Change of Cultural

2.

3.

1,.

5.

6.

7.

Patterns to Those of
bat Society

large-Scale Entrance
into 0119338 ’ 01‘1“
and Institutions on
Primary Group level

large-Scale Inter-
marriage

Developmnt of Sense
of Paoplehead Reed
Ebtclusively on Host
Society

Absence of Prejudice

Absence of
Discrimination

Absence of Value and
Power Conflict

Type or Stage of
Matias.

Cultural. or
Rhavioral
Assimilation

Structural
Assimilation

Marital
Assimilation

Identificat ional
Assimilation

Attitude Receptional
Assimilation

Bhavioral
Receptional
Assimilation

Civic Assimilation

Gordon has outlined the assimilation variables as presented in

Special Term
Acculturation

None

Amalgamation

None

Nom

None

None

Gordan furtbr comments that “once structuml assimilation has occurred,

either simlltaneously with or subseqmnt to acculturation, all of the

 

‘4 Cordon, Milton
New York, 1964

’p WW (Oxford University Press:

58

other types of assimilation will naturally follow."45 The meaning of this
is clear. The problem of slum behavior is amenable to "cure" by public
social action and social education programs and so on only so far. Eyond
this point it is a broad problem for the whole of society. The removal
of the blocks of prejudice can only come from a desire on the part of
Amrican society to permit the assimilation of certain slum groups. It
will be well to remmber this limitation when we are considering various
public programs in later chapters.

Eggflgm of Slum mhavigr: Inadequate Effective Alternatives
There are what will be called here "me chanical" limitations on a

 

person’s effective alternatives. Inhabitants of slums are by definition
poor. Consequently, to follow acceptable behavior patterns is much mare
costly for the slum dweller than for the middle— class American. Take, for
example, painting the house and giving one's children a college education.
A well-to-do American can do these things without sacrifacing other possi-
ble purchases like food and clothing. The middle-class Amrican may be
forced to postpone the purchase of a new car in order to get his house
painted, but what would be his motivation to paint his house if he did
not have enough money to buy food? Further, the well-to-do person may
hire the work done, but the slum dweller must do it himself. Thus, such
behavior patterns may be more costly for the slum dweller in term of
money and time.

The overall social environment also limits a slum dweller's effective
alternatives. The feeling of uncertainty, despair, and hopelessness which
frequently pervades the slum does not result in incentives to seek a better

life. One author notes:

 

4‘5 Ibid., p. 81.

59

Why is a boy from the Negro masses apt to be careless,
without ambition, uncouth, immoral, even criminal? For the
answer we may look to his associates and the place from which
he comes. His culture provides no incentives for acquiring
bathtubs, college demes, recognition in Who's Who, a home
of his own on a respectable street, a sedate family life.
Without incentives and without the example of others, people
do not strive, may not even use to advent age what they do
have. This reaction is not 48 matter of race, but of cultural
sanctions and humm nature.

We also note earlier that slum homes frequently do not provide the TH“
books, "cultural" activities, etc. functional for success in Alterican 2
culture. Consequently, some of the slum behavior results from inade~ l
quate means to carry out the socially-approved responses. ' .
Will: Win: in

Migrants cone to the city with a set of traditional relationships

 

which defines their position in society and gives them a sense of security.
Rural society tends to ascribe status so that the individual is in no

doubt as to where he stands. For example, as was previously discussed,

the Puerto Rican extended family provides security to the individual

in case of failure or bad luck. Smith and Mo Mahon note that "one who
moves from one place to another savers most of the bonds that held him

to his old social grouping and gave him status there. By moving, the
individual sheds a large share of his social obligations and duties, and
in turn is shorn of nearly all privileges and benefits of group associa-
tion. B is innnadiately transformed from an 'insider' to an Ioutsider'.'47
Masuolca consents that "when traditional relationships break down, there may
be and gemrally is a period of social disorganization, with the character—
istic symptons of increase of crises, juvenile delinquency, suicide,
family and other institutional disorganization. "48

 

#6 Sutherland, op. cit. ., p. 36.
7 Smith and Mo Mahon, pp. ci____t_., p. 292.

“ramble. inmate-imam. 22- cat». no 96.

60

Thus, as the migrant cones into contact with Amrican cultm‘e, if
he does, and begins to reject his traditional relationships, but has not
yet acquired workable new relationships, some ambivalence is bound to occur.
People find themselves neither here nor there-«neither "Americans", a nem-
ber of a unified minority group, nor with the folks back home.

To put this into the context of the behavioral model it might be said
in this situation no effective image exists to decode the incoming messages.
A sociologist notes that '‘a continuing clash of values. . .may progressively
weaken attachment to both alternatives, thus increasing the possibility

that neither can serve as an effective guide to action. "49 Children of

 

migrants are especially prone to this condition. Out of their traditional -—-
setting these second generation urbanites have less attachmnt to tradi-
tional arrangements, but have not been fully acculturated to the Amrican
way of life. This may result in cribs and other deviant behavior which
may not be present with the migrants themselves.

As a footnote to this discussion it should be noted that to minimize
this ambivalence ways must be found to emphasize the continuity between
the old and new status. Bredemaier and Stephenson note that "one way in
which the cost of changing might be reduced is to emphasise the linkage
between the old and the new and attempt to de-emphasize the discontinuity. "50
Problem of gum khavigr: 29.133:

The Name has been in this country since 1619 and still. has failed to

assimilate with the main American society. Part of the reason for this is

 

49 Chinoy, Ely, Sgciety (Random House: New York, 1961) p. 353.
5° Bredeneiar and Ste hens n, _gp. 933., p. 101,

61

the disproportionate number of Negro rural dwellers. But part of the

reason for this is color. A Negro is indelibly marked as one of low

caste and, consequently, permitted to take only menial Jobs for the most

part.51 The problem here, then, is not Just the lack of Negro under-

standing of American culture, but the blocking the possibility

of Negro advancemnt by certain traits of white American culture«- i.e. 3...

the recognition of caste based on color. As was noted earlier, this tends

to be a spiral of cause and effect-«the Negroes are disapproved because

they are deprived.
Byend this it is also true that the Negro emibits, disproportionately,

certain traits which Amrican society defines as devien -- i.e. an unstable

family based on tb mother, canon-law marriage, illegitimacy, and lack of

bueimee enterprise.52 The roots of these behavior patterns can be traced

 

to a number of sources. For one thing, Neyoee experienced 250 years of
slavery in this country. Martindale notes that "to achieve full use of the
slave and prevent him from developing a complex of family obligatiom.and
lcyelities, In is torn from the family and reassigmd to the slave barracks.
The new commity of the work gang is substituted for natural institutions
of the individual. . .. Such institutions eliminate many incentives for
which men ordinarily strive."53 Thus, slavery resulted in a destmction

of the family ani other social institutions of the slave. The pattern

of fmily life of the Negro today is in part a result of 250 years of

slavery.

 

51 Handlin, _Qp. _c__it., pp. 61—62.

52 Eager.» 22- 2%» p. 170.
53 human. sm- an. n. 158.

 

62

For another thing, the lack of business enterprise among Negroes has
many 0811808. The 250 years of slavery undoubtedly did not encourage the
growth of a tradition of business. But, beyond this, the Negro today is
hampered by his “poverty, the inaccessibility of credit, . . . (and)
exclusion from employmnt in business establishments!“

Undoubtedly t1: deviance of the Negro aoup is somewhat exaggerated.
Their color makes them highly visible to the public. Handlin insists
that "when it come to. . .disordcrs, the incidence among Negroes and
Rnrto Ricans may not be excessive; but the high degree of visibility of
these groups and their readiness to seek the aid of government agencies

 

may emggerate the extent of their deviations. "55

Another part of the reason for the difficulties of the colored people
is try timing of the migration of the Negro and Puerto Rican to the city.
The old imigrants can at a tin of extensive economic expansion and
labor shortm. Consequently, they were in a good bargaining position.
The Negro and Puerto Rican, however, have come at a time of economic
stability and labor surplus. A good deal of ummploynent is imvitable
for these groups. At the can time their presence will be resented as
potential forms of cheap competitive labor.56
W: Th; Mical Envggnnnnt

It has been previously noted that the basic process of learning is
socialization. We learn what is possible and "what is" by what the people
around us do and say. In this context, "alum duellers" know and exper-
ience first hand crowded streets, garbage, noise, old tenement buildings,
the terror of gang wars, etc.57 Most of the people of the slum

 

54 Ibign p. 410.

§2 aegis. eg- an. n. 101.
Ibid., p. 2.

57 w, OP. Cite, pe 167e

aggrience

ha: 51':

63

experience the same kind of life and, consequently, it is no surprise
that slum children experience no other kind of life.

There is no doubt that the physical environment has a great impact
on slum behavior. Rosow notes that "the correlation between poor housing
and the incidence of crim, disease, juvenile delinquency, et cetera, have
been established beyond doubt."58 Millspaugh notes that, although he is
Imable to establish a definite causal commotion, rehabilitation of the
physical environment has been followed by a decreasing rate of crim and
disease.59

There seems to be no doubt that, while the physical environment may

 

not be the initial cause of slum behavior, it at least has a major effect by
on continuing and encouraging the process. In sum, slum tenements do not
reinforce the more socially-acceptable forms of behavior.
anclusign

This chapter has sought to treat the complex subject of the causes of
slum behavior. These causes were seen to stem, in part, from malfunctions
in the behavior process as outlined in Chapter 3. These include: cultural
deficiency, misunderstanding of effective alternatives, inadequate effec—_
tive alternatives, breakdown of traditional society, the physical environ-
mnt and color.

It should be emphasized that slum behavior is complex. Within a

given individual any one or combination of these causative factors may be

 

58 Rosow, Irving, "The Social Effects of the Physical Environment" in the
ngm'nsl of the American Institute of Planners, May 1961, p. 127.
Millspaugh, Martin and Gurney Breckenfield,The Human Side of Urban

Renewal (Fight-Blight, Inc.: Eltimore, 1959 , pp. 223—233.

64

at work. A given individual may exhibit any one or combination of the
various types of slum behavior. We cannot say, then, that there is any
one cause for slum behavior.
It should also be noted that what is slum behavior is relative-«it
is a value judgmnt on the part of the dominant society. Particularly when

it cones to the need for achievement is there need for caution in labelling

 

a kind of motivation slum behavior. :—
Finally, it sould be recognized that what we call a slum area may
perform a socially useful function in being a way station for the mural
migrant or a refuge for the young artist. As will be examined in Chapter '
I
L.

5, we cannot make blanket judgments as to the desirability of slums and
slum behavior.

PART III:

TOWARD A SOLUT ICN

Chapter 5

A PHILOSOHIY OF PUBLIC RESPQISIBILITY

Introduction

So far this thesis has attempted to outline the basic causal factors
of slum behavior patterns. These causal factors, in brief, have been
seen as a spiral of the cultural experience of rural migrants and the
social and plvsical conditions with which these migrants and their
descendants must cope in the urban setting. The following chapters will
be concerned with social programs which may be able to strike at the roots
of this slum behavior within the context of urban renewal.

Chapter 4 should have raised some doubts about what is and what is
not slum behavior. Slum behavior has been seen as relative to a certain
standard of behavior. Likewise, the slum structures are slum-like only
relative to a given standard of quality. The slum area is not Just an,
area of "poor” housing and "undesirable" behavior, it is also an area of
low-cost housing and “different" (as seen by the middle-class) behavior.
As such, the slum may permit people to maximize son: other values than
a particular middle— class way of life.

This raises the question of what is a slum and what is slum behavior.
There is a. need to carefully amine our measures of what is a slum. We
must ask: can we establish an objective treasure of a slum?

The implication so far has been to divide urban people into two
groups: the middle- class and slum dwellers. This is a dangerous tendency
and much too simplistic. we must distinguish between the Working class"
and the lower—class (analogous to what has been called here slum dwellers).
The fomr reflect a pattern of behavior markedly different (big family

type) from the middle-class but do not, by and large, exhibit serious

65

66

problems of housekeeping and deviant behavior. Are we, then, to consider
these people as slum dwellers?

Slams Vera low-Cost Housing
What is a slum? Seeley says that “the criteria for what is a slum»-

....4.

as a social fact—«are subjective and relative: for one brand of wstic
this world is a slum (relative to the next) and for another there is no
slum, because the proper objects of desire are as available in one area
as another.“ Indeed, the criteria of what constitutes a slum are
relative---relative to the nation or region and relative to individual
values. It is clear, then, that there can be no thoroughly objective
mum of a slum. ‘ _ .

Yet the above lire of thought leads us nowhere-«except to complete
individualism and anarchy. Practically, we can say that the number of
deteriorated dwellings as defimd by state of repair, lack of key
improvemnts, etc. , the incidence of crine and disease and so on provide
a reasonably objective measure of what is a slum. The Amrican Public
Fbalth Association has established such a set of criteria on structural
conditional and neighborhood envirenuent.

The important thing is that low-cost, per se, is not the determining
feature of a elm. At tines, renewal planners have had a tendency to
define slum areas ’sonewhat broadly and carelessly. Gene notes that
“what seems to happen is that neighborhoods cone to be described as
slum if they are inhabited by residents who, for a variety of economic,
cultm-al, and psychological reasons indulge in overt and visible behavior

 

1 3.010], .92“ 21.3., p. 80

 

67

considered undesirable by the majority of the commity.'_'2 gln short, __
urban renewal has not infrequently sought to eliminate not only what is
socially harmful, but also what, according to middle-class standards is
undesirable. _

Guns would differentiate between a low-rent district and a slum.

E says that "elm dwellings, etc., may be defined as those ‘which are
woven to be physically, socially, or emotionally harmful to their.
residents or to the community at large.!3 On the other hand, filament
dwellings, etc., provide housing and the necessary facilities which are _
not harmiul to people who want, or for economic reasons must maintain, low
rental peyn'nts and are willing to accept lack of modernity, high density,
lack of privacy. . .34 The dividing point between low-cost and slum
areas is not clear-«this is an area on which study might usefully be
pm'sued.

The difference betveen a low. cost area and a slum might also be
emailed in terms of social class. The difference is‘what Gene cells
the working-class and the lower-class. This will be discussed shortly.

To sumarise this section, urban renewal. planners have, at various
time, labeled an area as a "slum“ and pt-oceeded to redevelop it while,
in fact, the area was serely of low-rent character “with a well-developed
and useful social. life. Such areas, like the West-End in Boston, are by
no mans niddle«class, but exhibit no serious social problem. Considering

 

2 Gene, Herbert, Imp Hulsn Implications in Cment Redeveiepeent and
Relocation Planning", at - -u , e ,,
V01. 25, Nae 1, km 1959’ De l‘e

3 Ib___:_i_d_., p. 16.

4319., p. 16.

  

68

the great need for resources for renewal and other governmntal programs,
such is clearly a waste.
Wzaagimfleaa

We have already indicated sons of the characteristics of the Amrican
middle-class. To reiterate, these include the nuclearfenily and a
desire for upward mobility or need for achievemnt. To achieve success,
work and education are conceived in very specific ways. Relative to
wot-hash: notes that 'work is not nerely a job that maximizes income, but
a series of related jobs or job advances which provide the breadwinner
with higheroincome, greater responsibility, and, if possible, greater job
satisfaction."5 Education, then, is seen as a primary tool in achieving
desired occupational success. _

In contrast, the working- class subculture “is distinguished by the
dominant role of the family circle. Its way of life is based on social
relationships amidst relatives."6 Rrhaps the most pervasive influence
in working culture is the peer-group. The workirg-class, in Gene
terms, is person oriented-«i.e. ”the overriding aspiration is the desire
to be a person within a group; to be liked and noticed by numbers of a
group when one iihu and notices in turn. '7

The opposite of person-oriented individualism is object-oriented
individuflin:--i.e. striving for a career, for an idea, for a level of
material well-being, etc. Gene resists the temptation to associate
object-orientation solely with the middle-aldss-«in. In insists that
object orientation is relatively rare in both classes. But he notes:

 

5 Gene Herbert, Thg Urban Mr: (Fine Press of Glencoe: New York,
611.962, 9. 21.7.
7M0: Pom -

7.19140: Po 90-

69

The major differences-«and it is 'an important om---
is that smog the West Enders, person-orientation is
based on a ose association with the family circle and
the peer group which the individual maintains all his
life, and which is built into his personality structure.
Middle- class people, on the other hand, choose from a
wider range of people the individuals and groups with
whom they spend their lives, remain sonnwhat detached
from them, and can even ave them for others without
serious feelings of loss.

 

In contrast to both the above is the lower-s class. This group is m-
markedly female based. It too is strong person-oriented to a peer group, I
but, in general, there is not the strongly developed peer group structure 2
as in the working—class. In short, this group can be identified most {5
closely'with the slum subculture-«i.e. the Negro, white, and, to a lesser 45-—

extent, Puerto Rican rural migrant and their descendants. As we have
seen this lower— class subculture has developed as the result of the
opportunities and deprivations the people have experienced. The rural
migrant is, to be sure, absorbed into a new subculture when transplanted
to the city. nit due to the blocks he encountershe—«and the slum sub-
cultm'e-«fails to alter his pattern of life to a form more useful in
urban society. -

In sum, the real slum problem is not among the working-class, but
among the lower-class. We have said that slums and slum behavior are
defined by the harm they do to the slum dweller and to society in general.
But, we must also recognize that in a democracy diversity is a desirable
lay-product. It has yet to be demonstrated that a single middle-class mass
is the most desirable course for Amrican society. In short, at what

point does diversity become harmful to society? This cannot be clearly

 

3 gig, p. 259.

70

defined at present. Given the fact that what really constitutes a slum
is uncertain, what is _the public responsibility and/or right in taking
action which alters-«either directly or indirectly-«peoples' ways of
life?

A Pa 1‘ Public Re nsibilit ‘

Tue broad questions seem to be involved here. (1) Does middle-class
society have a right and/or responsibility to change the lives of people?
(2) If middle«class society does not have such a right or responsibility,
how can we be sure we are acting in such fashion as to help, rather than
exacerbate, the situation? Excluded from concern here, of course, are
these forms of behavior which are definitely harmful to society-«i.e.
mzrder, robbery, etc. Our focus here is those forms of behavior over
which some doubt as to their classification of slum-life exists.

First, change should not be forced. Hit the mainstream of American
society does have a responsibility to provide the greatest possible
opportunity of choice for all people. For this to be a truly effective
choice, slum occupants must know about all possible alternatives and
the mans by which they may attain them. To the ‘eigtent that those who
wish to change are at an artificial disadvantage-+- i.e. money, books,
education- «there is a public responsibility to assure that these
people have effective means to attain their legitimate goals~—~i.e. good
education. People should not be forced to accept change and, in fact,
it may not be desirable to alter acne behavior patterns. But, to the
extent that slum dwellers or any other people seek to learn new ways,
every possible public aid should be provided.

71

Such a responsibility can be defended on moral and pragmatic
grounds. In terms of moral principle, it is a basic Amrican precept
that every person is entitled by right to equal opportunity to make
his choice as to life's achievements, limited pm by his ability.

In pragmatic terms, people who are kept in a state of supression and

are prevented from developing their full potentials are a great waste

of natural resources. Vast amounts of potential skills and brainpower
are thus denied to the American nation. Further, the resulting frus-
tratien and dispair can turn to apathy or violence-«in either case
(i.e. welfare or arise) the result is a drain on the American economy.
In the last analysis, "such results would be tragic for the nation-«and
western democracy---in the world of the cold war and the energence of
Asian and African nationalism. "9

Second, if the first condition of the greatest amount of ggectiyg
opportunity provided for all people is met, I am convinced that the second
will follow. That is, we cannot help but improve rather than exacerbate
the situation. We cannot say how many slum dweller or working- class
people desire to change and how many "like to live the way they do."
Nor does it greatly matter. The important thing is that all people have
equal opportunity to attain their legitimate goals.

Nevertheless, we should not imagine that slums or low-cost housing
areas can be eradicated. They may continue to serve a useful social
function. What we should imagine is that slums are not to be thought of
as morasses which trap and stifle people who have the desire and poten-
tial to be upwardly mobile.

 

9 Weaver, ,Robert, ,"C-lass, Race, and Urban Renewal", in land Economics,
Vol. 36, August 1960, p. 21.2.

72

Conclusgn

There is a public responsibility and right to develop programs which
provide slum occupants and working- class people with the widest possible
effective opportunities to change their behavior patterns. Minimally, the
planner must recognize that social and physical planning are closely
related-«i.e. to determim what is a slum and what should be done about r-"
it requires an analysis of an area's physical condition and an analysis 4‘
of its social condition. In this sense, then, programs of action will be -

discussed in Chapter 6.

 

Chapter 6
A BALANCED PROGRAM OF ACTION.

gtrgguction

The previous chapters have analyzed the various causal factors of
slum behavior. The community--- of which the slum is a part-«is a vast
and complex system comprising both physical and cultural (social)
components. In this respect, lblvin Webber has noted:

We are coming to comprehend the city as an extremely

complex social system, only some aspects of which are ex-

pressed as physical buildings or as, locational arrangements.

As a parallel, we are coming to understand that each aspect

lies in a reciprocal causal relation to all others, such

that each is defined by, and has meaning only with respect

to, its relations to all others.1
Slum problems, then, derive from a spiral of cultural deficiency, social
conditions and physical conditions. In order to deal with these problems
a broadly conceived and coordinated program dealing with both social and
physical aspects is needed.

Ultimately, the intent of these programs is to minimise the various
causal factors in slum behavior--- i.e. cultural or conceptual deficiency,
knowledge or skills, prejudice and other blocks, etc. In short, we seek
to reinforce the behavior patterns of individuals who wish to change.
Hopefully, then, the individual will have knowledge of what kind of
behavior is expected by “American“ society, have the necessary skills
and knowledge to enable him to behave in such fashion, and not be
artifically blocked from responding in such fashion by prejudice, money,

and so on.

 

1 Webber, Elvin, “Comprehensive Planning and Social Responsibility", in
Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 29, No. 4, November
1%: Po 555-

'73

'74

This chapter will seek to delineate the basic outline of such a
comprehensive program. No attempt will be made to specify precise content
of such programs. Our analysis has, however, pointed to certain require-
mnts for action to help lessen slum problems. The primary emphasis
here, then, is to indicate the salient issues brought up by the previous
analysis of slum behavior. .mfim

In general, this chapter will deal with what we may broadly describe V
as social planning. Since this thesis is directed-to the attention of
urban planners, the physical aspects of the problem will not be extensively

dealt with-«i.e. it is believed that urban planners have great need to

 

understand the role of social planning in renewal.

Davis Me Entire describes social planning as "efforts to modify or
control human behavior toward some community objective . "2 Me Entire sees
the tasks of social planning in renewal as We fold: (a) to design
methods for correcting social conditions inimical to wholesone neighbor-
hood life and (b) to develop on the part of residents ani property owners
attitudes and behavior favorable to neighborhood property maintenance .3

In another sense Alvin Schoor indicates that social planning encom—
passes three distinct ideas:

First, that the needs of individuals-«especially- those

who live in an affected area-«should not be overlooked in

preoccupation with blueprints or officialdom. Second, that

human attitudes, prejudices, preferences, sentiments, and

actions should be fed as assumptions into the thinking
machine that eventually produces a city or neighborhood

 

2 Me Entire, Davis, "Social Flaming and Urban Renewal” in George Dugger
ed., The New Remwal (Bureau of Public Administration: Rrkeley, 19613;
Fe 117.

3 Ibid., p. 118

 

[1

s

)f

l.

75

plan. . .. Third, that some sense of unifying community purpose
should pervade a city's planning to represent a countervailing,

if not overriding force to commercial and financial considera-

tion.4

We thoughts seem basic to the above. First, we are seeking ways to
modify and change slum behavior relative to urban housekeeping and others
sni that this, in turn, will reflect on the pmrsical condition at slum or
lower-class areas. Second, in dealing with renewal we must concern our: [——
selves with human feelings, attitudes and values in order to deal effec-
tively with slum behavior. In doing so, we are recognizing that the city

consists of people and does not exist nerely for the benefit of business ‘

 

interests. Both reflect the basic philosoplnr with which this thesis urges .L___
the importance of social planning in urban renewal. '
Social Action

0m frequently-used technique to affect social change is social action.
In general, this involves a neighborhood organization of interested citizens
who seek to create a sense of pride and responsibility among neighborhood
people. He Entire says that "even the best efforts of govermnt and
community institutions can probably not achieve a sufficient reorientation
of attitudes and behavior of neighborhood residents unless there is
created within the neighborhood itself a force for change.'5

He Entire defines three roles for social action associations:
(1) they provide a forum for discussion of neighborhood problems, needs,
and methods of improvement, (2). they can advise sensuality agencies and

4 Schorr, Alvin, Slums and cial Ins curit (Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare: Washington, 1 3 p. 57.

5W. 22- 2213-. p. 121-

76

support their programs of education and assistance, and (3) to persons
who directly participate in their work, they provide a training ground
in the skills of organization and management.6

There are at least two essential conditions for successful social
action. First, it must be an indigenous and independent neighborhood
group. Outside assistance may be involved, but the initial motivation

must be internal. Failure to assure this condition will make acceptance
by local people of its leadership difficult, if not impossible. If the

organization is not indigenous it becomes simply another outside group
seeking to do missionary work in the neighborhood.

Second, the purpose of the organization whould be clearly defined
and focused on connnon neighborhood interests. It should be remembered
that renewal areas are by definition problem areas and that one of the
basic difficulties is lack of concern and leadership. in ill-defined,
diffuse purpose only serves to confuse and holds little interest for
neighborhood people .

David Hunter lists Warren Haggstrom's four criteria by which to
Judge whether or not local action involving affected persons is likely
to be successful. These are:7

(l) The person involved sees himself as a source of action.

(2) The action demands much in effort and in skill or in other ways

become salient to major areas of his personality.

(3) The action ends in success and thus enhances his conception of

his own worth.

 

6 Ibid., p. 122. ,
7 Hunter, David, The Sims: Challeggg m Regm (The Free Press of
Glencoe: New York, 1551:), p. 1 3.

 

7'7

(4) The successful self-originated important action increases the force
eni number of symbolic or non- symbolic commmmications to him that he is
a worthwhile person. In short, social action, to be effective, must interest
and involve neighborhood people.

A short but vital digression is in order. In general, social action
is of limited value in the initial stages of social planning in the worst
slum areas. It was previously noted that areas, subject to renewal activity
normally contain two _broad types of people: working-class and lower~ class.
The worst almanac-«i.e. physically, and in terms of crime, delinquency,
disease, etc.---are inhabited by lower-class people. On author cements:

Such people are more likely to have a limited time-

perspective, a greater difficulty in abstracting from

concrete experience, an unfamiliarity with and lack of

confidence in city-wide institutions, a preoccupation

with the personal and the immediate, and few (if any)

attachment to organizations of any kind, with the

possible exception of churches. Lacking experience in

the skills for participation in organized endeavors,

they are likely to have a low sense of personal efficacy

in organizational situations.8 .

In short, it is not likely that lower-class people will have the skills or
sense of involvement that will permit social action to be successfully
initiated. James Wilson notes that "such people are usually the objects
rather than the subjects of civic action; they are acted upon by others,

but rarely do they themselves initiate action. '9

 

3 wileon, James, ”Planning and Politics: Citizen Participation in when
Renewal', in the Journal of the American Institute of Planters, Vol. 29,
No. 4, November 1 3, p. 245.

9 Ibid., p. 245.

78

Consequently, the attempt to initiate social action from the outside

usually stimulates suspicion, fear, and, ultimately, greater apathy. There

is one exception. James Wilson notes:

Except for organizations which‘are in acne sense extensions
of the family and the church, lower-income neighborhoods are more
lihly to produce collective action in response to threats (real "
or imagined) than to create opportunities. bcause of the private-
regarding nature of their attachment to the connmmity, they are
likely to collaborate when each person can see a danger to him or
to his family in some proposed change; collective action in a way,
not of defining and implementing some broad program for the '-
bemfit of all, but of giving force to individual objects by
adding them together in a collective protest.)-o

It is this characteristic of lower- class people which Saul Alinsky plays
upon to organize slum areas. This method will be analyzed shortly.

To sum up, social action is of limited value in situations where
lower— class people are involved. This is due to certain characteristics
of lower- class cultural experience. Nevertheless, in situations where
working-.- class people (or even lower middle- class people) are involved
social action has a role to play. The answer to lower- class areas
will be seen later in this chapter as direct governmental improvement of
the physical environment. At this point, then, we will briefly examine
a few of the basic approaches to social action. ..

Tum broad categories of approach seem evident: (l) the urban ser—
vices or resources approach and (2) the organization of an internal
group. The former depends more on outside support than does. the latter.

In urban services approach seeks to improve various governmental and

private servicese--i.e. schools, health and welfare services, employment

services, etc.--and, then, aggresively press them upon the neighborhood,

 

10 Ibid., p. 245.

79

In general, the "big push" comes from government and civic institutions.
Tito examples may illustrate better:

(1) New Yggk City's Neighborhood Conservation Proggsm. This program
centers on areas that were largely middle-class but were, beginning to get
significant influxes of southern Negroes and Puerto Ricans. The city
increased public services and set up neighborhood city hells to bring the
services to the people. Sponsors of the program included the city,
settlement houses, churches, hospitals and universities. The idea is to
have these local sponsors take over the program with the assistance of
local citizens in advisory roles. James Cunningham notes that "while
major planning, direction, and decision—making has come from city hall,
the sponsoring agencies, citizen leaders and volunteers have played a
large role in identifying neighborhood needs and in helping carry out some
services.“-1

(2) New Haven's Community Homes, Inc. This approach involves a quasi-
public organization on whose board sits both government officials and
representatives of private interests such as business, industry, labor,
education, and religion. Cunningham notes that "under this approach
experts move into a neighborhood and begin to furnish imaginative new
services to help people develop and neighborhoods improve. Some local
people may be hired as staff assistants to help spread word of the new
services to their neighbors, and citizen committees may be formed to help

carry out the services. "12

 

11 Cunningham, James, "New Approaches to Greeting Strong Neighborhoods”,
in 1193 City, Vol. 4, No. 1., May 15, 1965, p. .

12 Ibid., p. 7.

80

The second approach is internal organization. Internal organization _
usually begins with the entrance of an outside organizer. But the iniation
of the program must be by internal groupsw-frequently churches. This

approach may take two forms:

(1) Saul Minsky and the Industrial Areas Foundation. As was previously

noted this form is the one that has the most chance of success among
lower-class people. Basically, Cunningham notes, this "approach is marked
by conflict, militant action, a stance of demanding rather than working
co-operatively with the resources of metropolis, and Considerable citizen

invwolvemient."l-3
The basic philosophy of Alinslqr and the Industrial Area's Foundation

is summed up in the following quotes:14

(a) In the development of an organization for democratic partici-a... «. .
pation. . .resentments and dormant hostilities must be brought
up to visible surface where they can become transformed into
problems.

(b) A people do not break through their previous fatalism of
submerged resentment and frustration into open problems
which can be faced and dealt with until they have a
mechanism or a formula for effectively coping with these
problems. Since their only resource lies in numbers,
organization becomes the instrument for implementation
of change and resolution of these problems.

(c) What kind of words are used by the leadership? They use the
word "negotiate" instead of "conference", or "sharing", and
understand the meaning of the word negatiate. Negotiate
means meeting with others as equals, since the other party
will not negotiate unless it recognizes that you have the
power to compel negotiations.

In practice, Industrial Areas Foundation organizers enter a neighbor-
hood at the request of local groups. They emphasize the local peoples'
feelings of frustration and injustice relative to discrimination, poor

 

1'3 Ibge, Po 7e
14 Ibid., p. 8.

81

local services, or poor housing maintenance. The program works up feeling
and eventually an organization based on opposition to these problems
that directly and visibly affect local residents. This organization seeks
to control neighborhood planning and bargains with city authorities to
obtain better treatment for the m ighborhood.

This approach has some value, but it is this author's impression

 

that more harm than good is done. For one thing, the approach is basically F

mgative—«i.e. it is against the city officials, the planners, the land-

lords and any other "oppressors." This may effectively stop injustice,

but it may also stop any attempt at long-range programs to raise the over~ if
a-

a'll status of the community. Once firmly based on an "agile“ philosophy
it is difficult to turn the organization to positive, long-range purposes.

Nevertheless, it is still too early to assess the overall impact of
this approach. It may be that the arousal of concern is the first step
to more positive action.
(2) Pittsbur h's Ne hborh Urban Exte i n. This approach is started,
again, at the request of local groups. The sponsor, Action—Housing, Inc.,
sends in an extension worker who helps the local people organize a
neighborhood council which becomes an instrument of planning and action.
The extension worker and the neighborhood council "helps citizens begin
to understand complex problems, assists them to make plans and helps to
get the vast resources of the metropolis extended into the neighborhood. "15
Direct Public Action-«Social Education and Other mrnment Pregame

Mc Entire notes that "changing the attitudes and behavior of people
is usually thought or in terms of 'education' 2 new ways of behaving

15 Ibid., p. 10.

82

have to be learned; the learning includes gaining a perception of new,
desirable and possible goals and acquiring the technique of 'know how'

of achieving them. “16 Thus, we need social education programs to teach
new symbols to slum occupants that are better suited to the urban envir-
onment. What is needed is a broad—ranging program involving social ..
workers, renewal agencies, various civic and private welfare organi-
zations, and industry and business. We need not only to teach urban
living, but also to institute industrial training ani retraining programs
so that slum occupants will be better equipped to meet the challenge of
the modern world.

 

Eyond this we must assure opportunity by legal means to remove
discriminatory blocks and imaginative programs to stimulate a healthy
economic climate of opportunity. All of these kinds of programs are
especially needed for lower-class situations. As Herbert Gans points
out: "In the long run. . .the existence of a specific subculture is
closely related to the availability of occupational opportunities. "17
Occupational opportunities are useless, of course, without the proper
skills. Thus, social education and occupational opprtunities are_inter-
related prerequisites for an effective program dealing with lower- class
slum problems. As David Hunter puts the issue:

The objective of policy and action should be to make

people better qualified to make free choices, and to in-

crease the choices open to them. This means choices about

what job to have, where to live, how long to stay in school,

what to do with spare time, when to marry and when, how

many children to have, and all the other choices, big and
little, that cumulatively determine who and what a person is.18

 

16 Mc Entire, pp. git” p. 120/

17 Gene, Urban Maggy . 22- .9.43» P- 249-
18 Mr, _qp. pip, p. 199.

 

83

In this area it is clear that the federal government can be, and is
at present, of great assistance. Such programs as the Vocational Education
Act of 1963, the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962, and the
Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 are examples of such federal action}9
Some of the main provision of these acts include:
(1) Iggtiggal Eucatign Act g; 12§3. This act provides several million
dollars for a nationwide program of work- study for needy young people
between the ages of 15-21 who are enrolled full-time in vocational programs.
(2) Man war Develo nt and Train Act of 1 2. This act provides for
Labor Department Youth Opportunity Centers in 105 metropolitan areas which
are staffed by people uniquely qualified to deal with the dropout and
other marginally educated youths .

(3) Theme Munity Act of 12%.

(a) Title I ($412,000,000)
Part A: Job Corps
Part B: Work—Training Program
Part C: Work-Study Program
(b) Title II ($150,000,000)
Part A: Urban and Rural Community Action Programs
Part B: Adult Basic Education Programs

(c) Title v ($150,000,000)
Work Experience Programs (for adults)

These programs are ambitious, perhaps in the initial stages too
ambitious for lower class people. Hunter notes that "in most cases the
first focus will have to be on literacy training rather than skill.
training. Skill training will probably have to be aimed at not too high
a level. "20

 

19 "deeral legislation and Programs for Underprivileged Young People",

in American Libr Association Bulletin, September'l964.
0 Hunter, 2p. 5:19., p. 152.

s 2

slush

84

Improved welfare services are another area of concern. The 1962
federal Public Welfare Amendments give a guide as to desirable directions
in this area. These include:21
(1) A strong focus on rehabilitation and the reduction of dependency by
offering states financial inducement to provide more services and training
to assistance recipients.

(2) Improvemnt of and more money for child welfare services.

(3) Provision of funds for day care of children of parents who are working
or seeking work and permission to recipients to keep a certain amount of
outside earning without reduction of relief payments.

(4) Extension of assistance grants to provide federal sharing of payments
to needy children where parent was unemployed.

There is also a great need for the improvement of education in slum
areas. Vast increases in money, quality of physical plant, quality of
teachers, and new teaching techniques are required. Beyond this, Hunter
comments:

Probably the most important mission of the schools in the
slums is to convince slum children and youth that they are part
of America and can be successful. This sounds trite, but it
points to the greatest deficiency in the schooling process in
slum schools. The task of the schools is to provide the
foundation upon which all can build the skills necessary 0
perform some remunerative economic function sucessfully.
It should be remembered, as previously noted, that education without
corresponding opportunity is worse than useless—«i.e. it can lead to
severe deviant disorders. But the subject of slum education is too vast

to be dealt with in detail here. All that can be done here is to point cut

this area of concern.

 

21 Ibid., p. 163.
22 Ibid., p. 110.

85

Last, but by no means least, we come to government action with respect
to the physical environment. The role of the physical environment in slum
problems was previously discussed (see Chapter 4). At this point, a few
basic direct actions that government can take that will alleviate this
aspect of the slum problem will be discussed.

First, strict enforcement of adequate housing codes is p of vital impor~ l—ml
tance. Pocrthusing condition is not only tin result of poor housekeeping
by occupants-«it also derives from overoccupancy and low owner maintainenoe.
At present, code enforcement tends to be lax in many cities and, further,
penalities for code violations are not harsh. Part of the reason for this

 

may be shortages in the housing supp1y~~~ i.e. if the codes were rigorously
enforced there would simply not be sufficient room for the people displaced.
If so, these shortages may be alleviated by other actions below. In any
event more rigorous and effective enforcement of housing codes is mcessary.

Second, government taxing power can take the profit out of‘slums.

At present deteriorated slum housing is an investors paradise-nit costs
little to maintain, tax depreciation is high, and income is also relatively
high. Tamt ion on the basis of income rather than property condition might
well lessen resistance to measures taken to improve the lot of low-income
family housing.

Third, government policy (especially federal) should adopt attitudes
toward regulation, lending, insuring and investing that will encourage the
expansion of housing supply for lower income families. Byend this, vast
expansion of public housing programs may be necessary. Hunter ties up a
whole bundle of these issues as follows: I

86

The role of government should be to adopt regulatory, lending,
insuring, investing, and taxing policies that willencourage the
private building of housing for lower income people in the city
and outside of it, will take some of the excess profits out of '
overoccupied and undermaintained slum properties, and will stimu—
late the organization of the building industry along more modern,
mass-production lines, using new materials and techniques and
reducing some of the cost-increasing restrictive practices. . .
that now characterize it.

Fourth, it is vital to improve municipal services. It is important
that the quality and level of services be increased in slum areas. Part
of the disorder of slum areas may be due to poor municipal housekeeping.
Further, slum residents have little voice at city hall-«the lack of
municipal services is another indication of the low esteem in which society
holds him. If we are to break the spell of apathy, city government must
show a genuine concern.

Fifth, the actual physical process of urban rerewal plays an impor-
tant role. All forms of renewal: redevelopment, rehabilitation, and
conservation are involved. Since this thesis isdirected at urbm
planlers it is assumed that no extended discussion of these tools is
necessary. Nevertheless, it would seem that the discussion of causal
factors implies a greater reliance on rehabilitation and conservation
than on redevelopment.

Conclusion
This has been a complex and broad-ranging chapter. We will now try
to bring the major points to a focus.

The city---of which the slum is a part---is a complex special system,

a spiral of physical and social components. Therefore, an effective

 

23 =Ibid., p. ZLO.

87

program dealing with slum problems must comprehend the broad range of
physical and social aspects of the problem.

Social action is a primary tool to aid in social change. For lower-
class situations, however, it has limited value due to the utter lack of
adequate cultural experience relevant to American society of the people.
Nevertheless, social action does have valid application in working-class
areas or middle-class areas that are beginning to deteriorate.

Social education and other direct government programs are much more
valuable in lower-class situations. These programs---ranging from teach-
ing urban housekeeping, to job training, to social welfare, to education,
to control of the physical environment---encompass the whole range of
slum problems.

These,then, are the programs involved in action to help alleviate
the slum problem. But, as of yet, it is a largely disconnected mass of
programs. The next chapter, among other things, will touch on the need
for coordination among all these programs in order to effectively meet

the slum problem.

Chapter 7

SUMMARY AND IMPLICATICN FCR HANNJNG AND URBAN MINIMAL

m

The thesis presented here is not a wholly new interpretation of the
slum problem. It is hoped, however, that the material presented will
offer some new insights for planners-«especially those urban planners
involved in urban renewal. While the ideas might not be new, it may be
suspected, judging from the actions or many renewal agencies around the
country, that these ideas may be news to planners. In aw event, the
ideas presented are urged as prerequisites for effective renewal programs.
The purpose of this section is to summarize some of the more important
findings of this thesis.

The city and its parts are understood as a complex systemef physical
and social factors. A people, through time, develop a culture-«i.e. a set
of concepts or symbols-«which regular-ins and regulate the life of its ‘ -.
society. This society operates within the context of a physical worlduf
the natural habitat. Man---as a. social and physical animal—«has reper~
cussions on the natural habitat and, in turn, the natural habitat effects,
limits, or provides advantages for man. Thus, the city is a mass of
interrelated factors-«none of which can be fully comprehended independently.

Human behavior derives from an individual's cultural experience. That
is, behavior is the result of an individual's stored symbols to what means
what. The individual perceives, via cultural images, the meaning of a
given situation and the effective alternatives for action open to him.

His response, than, depends on the images or concepts which have developed
through experience. Naturally, other individual's reactions effect the
content of these images.

88

89

Thus, slum behavior~~~as defined by the dominant culture's values-w
may arise in two basic ways. First, an individual may not have the
dominant society's cultural images as to the meaning of a situation due
to newness to the society or acculturation in a deviant sub-society. This
includes the rural migrant and the long-time slum resident who has accepted
the sub- culture of the slum.

Second, blocks——-artifical and "natural"-«may limit an individual's
effective alternatives. Rrejudice, lack of skill or ability on the part
of the slum dweller, and lack of resources may effectively prevent an
individual from responding in a socially (i.e. relative to dominant
society) approved way. Further, the resulting sense of frustration may
lead to severe deviant behavior. _

In general, slum behavior can be categorized as: (1) poor house-
lceeping, (b) deviant behavior, and (c) 19.01: of need for achievement.

Poor housekeeping habits and certain forms of deviant behavior (i.e. crime)
are seen as definitely slum behavior-«i.e. they have a negative impact"
on society as a whole and on the slum dweller. One; might question, how-
ever, whether or not the lack of the need _for achievement-«i.e. the ,.

lack of felt need to be upwardly mobile--- is necessarily slum behavior.

All people who live in proposed renewal areas are _ngt "slum dwellers."
We must differentiate between working-class and lower—classopeople. The
lower- class-«emibiting the worst forms of social deviance-«must be
distinguished from working- class people whose worst sin is that they do
not share the status aspirations of the middle class.

In a related area we must recognize thatflit is a big, probably

impossible in most cases, jump from the lower-class to the. middle-class.

90

Yet we exhort the lower-class to emulate the middle-class. A more
realistic approach is to conceive of the lower- class as moving up to the
working— class, and the working- class to the middle— class.

It is concluded, then, that the public has a right and responsibility
to provide the greatest possible effe ctive opportunity for all people. If
people are able to effectively strive to meet their legitimate aspirations,
it is believed that the slum problem must improve.

Programs to deal with slum problems must be broadly conceived as
dealing with both physical and social aspects. Only in this way can
they maximize their effectiveness.

Finally, it is recognized that slums and slum behavior is abroad .-
social problem. It was pointed out in Chapter 5 that assimilation into
a society reaches a crucial point at the structural stage-«i.e. large,
scale entrance into cliques, clubs, and institutions at the ”primary group
level. If structural assimilation occurs all others win follow. This
means that the full solution of slim-related problems waits until our_ w
society has sufficiently changed its values to permit full assimilation--
if it ever does. Thus, in the last analysis, the problem is one that
effects the whole structure of our society. The progams -dealt with here,
then, are only partial solutions. Ultimately, the question is what kind
of social order does America desire?

Relgsnce of Act ion Progam to Rhavigrg Mel

The purpose of the program of total action outlined in chapter 6 is,
of course, to minimize the causal factors of slum behavior. It is be-
lieved that if such a program is carried out, patterns of behavior that
are better suited to the contemporary urban habitat will be reinforced

91

among slum dwellers. Further, it is believed that such a result would
facilitate the upward mobility of those who desire to, _beg upwardly mobile.
Ultimately, it is hoped that much of the socially undesirable slum _
behavior patterns will be extinguished. What is socially I'desirable"
and what is socially undesirable is not easily defined. In general,
“undesirable" behavior was seen as that kind of behavior which as a
negative impact on an individual (i.e. behavior forms which effectively r3"
block desired and legitimate goals-«e.g. mobility) and on. the individual's
society (i.e. crime, poor housekeeping, etc.). Byond this, the author

 

is not prepared to go at this time.

 

It might be useful to apply this general concept to some of the
specific causal factors outlined in previous chapters. A primary causal
factor of slum behavior was seen as a cultural deficiency among rural
migrants which left them unprepared for life in a modern American city.
Programs of social education-«i.e. good housekeeping, job training or
retraining, basic education, _etc.---are designed to remedy this cultural
deficiency as measured vis—a~vis urban American middle-class culture. In
short, these programs seek to lessen and eventually eliminate (if possible)
cultural blocks which may put rural migrants at a disadvantage.

It was also noted that the slum has a distinct sub- culture which may
deviate from American middle- class culture. Thus, social education pro-
grams would also aid those slum dwellers who, although not themselves
rural migrants, have been acculturated into the slum sub-culture. These
groups also suffer a cultural deficiency via-apvis the "mainstream“ of
Amrican culture.

 

92

Another causal factor was seen as inadequate effective alternatives.
Thee are what have been called here 'mchanical' limitations._ One
nechenical limitation is money. The right to movehinto good housing, to
send children to college. etc., are useless the people have the economic
mans to do so. Expanded job opportunities which lead to higher incomes
are prerequisites to expanded effective alternatives for _slum dwellers.

 

A second mechanical limitation was seen as the over-all social , rm
environment of the slum dweller. Fbr one thing the slum hone does not
usually supply the books, "cultural" activities, etc., functional for
success in American society. Educational and social welfare programs. :
L_.l

seek to males up some of this deficiency. Fbr another thing, the over-all
social environment of the slum my be depressing-«it _m_ay be pervaded by
a certain feeling of hopelessness (see above: Chapter 4, pp. 42~44).

The purpose of all the above programs is to lift this feeling of dispair
and replace it with hope.

Another causal factor in slum behavior was seen asblocks resulting
from a characteristic of American middle-class society-- i.e. prejudice,
especially prejudice against skin color. It has been said that‘sven if
an individual has been properly acculturated to Amrican middle-class
society, he may fail to respond to middle-class ways because he is
kept "in his place" by the dominant elemnts_of society. No program
of government action will solve this problem-«it is a problem in human
emotion and prejudice. legal prejudice can be eliminated, but, as was
frequently noted before, ultimately the problem is one of the basic
type of social order that will exist in America in the future.

93

icat ion for P1 Urban

We have, so far, emined the nature of the slum problem and some of
the ways we _can approach solutions. The final sections of this chapter
will _focus _on the implicationsuof the above analysis to urban planning _
and urban renewal. Two areas of. concern will be explored; (l) the_need_

for a coordinated approach to the application of the action programs, and

 

 

(2)~the~lessons that the above analysis holds for planningand renewal. E.“
A Coordinated Approach
It has been said that the slum problem is in reality a spiral of
physical. and social factors. The solution to these problems was seen in v
1...._:

a broad-based program attacking all facets. But, obviously, unplanned,
piecemeal application of the programs must, at best, result in something
less than maximum effectiveness. What is needed is a coordinated program
of physical and social planning and action within the framwork of urban
renewal. ,

One major area of concern is the uncoordinated nature of federal
programs. There is a need to coordinate these programs not only with
urban renewal, but also With each other. It is strange that the federal
government urges planning upon local governments and, yet, seems unable
to plan and coordinate its own actions. The frequently proposed department
of urban affairs (i.e. a cabinet post) may provide a partial answer
provided sufficient control over programs or authority to plan for federal
participation in local comnnlnities is granted. Even this, however, would
probably leave major gaps--- i.e. health and welfare planning, highway
planning, eta—«due to the existence of many independence minded govern-

ment departments and agencies. At any rate, there is an urgent need for

94

the federal government to exert the utmost effort to coordinate and,
thus, maximize the results of its own efforts.

The second major area of concern is local coordination of physical
and social planning in urban renewal. A recent thesis by Edward Ward -
has outlined a possible approach to this problem.1 There is no need to
reviw the proposal in detail here. Basically the structure proposed by
Ward involved a hierarchy of goals, policies and plans derived from the
several. interested groups: a welfare council and private social agencies,
government and public departments. Ultimately these groups would center ‘
in a policy making board. Ward says that ”this board would have represen-
tation from both the public and private sectors. It would have the
responsibility of stating goals and selection of policies for the total
social unit at appropriate or relevant levels of decision making. '2

These goals and policies would be fed into a central planning agency
which would have the responsibility of comprehens ive, planning for the total
social unit. The duties of this body ”would encompass the identification,
testing and evaluation of goal and policy alternatives, and responsibility
for conducting and coordinating research, the study and analysis of_the ‘
social unit, and the development of a comprehensive plan. "3 This compre-
hensive plan involves both physical and social factors.

Ultimately the urban renewal agency would prepare and implemnt
detailed renewal action plans and programs. Concern for both physical
and social. aspects would be- included.

 

1 Ward, Edward, The Integgation of Social and Urban Planning in Urban
Renewal. Unpublished Masters Thesis. Michigan State University:

School of Urban Planning‘and Landscape Architecture, 1964. x.
63— .

2 Has. 22.. cit., pp.
3 Ibid., p. 35.

 

95

It is not implied that this proposal is the final‘word.. It is,
however, a useful way of visualizing a coordinatedprogram or physical and‘
social renewal. Ideally, too, the whole process would talus into considera-
tion a coordinated program.of federal action. In any event, it is urged
that some coordinated program of this sort is necessary in order to
maximise the effectiveness of urban.renewal.

Iegsons for Planning and Renewal

it would appear that within the context of the analysis and philosophy
contained in.this thesis we can derive a number of lessons relative to
urban planning and urban renewal. These include:

(1) Slum.problems are complexr~-an interrelated mass of social and
physical aspects. Failure to recognize this has limited the effectiveness
of urban renewal to date. Urban renewal must, then, be conceited of in
broad societal terms rather than as a mere matter of physical.redevelopment.

(2) Urban.Renewal and slums must not be merely conceived of as a
problem.in municipal economics. Renewal was originally developed as a
program to, in the words of the 1949 Housing Act, provide "a decent hone
and suitable living environment for every Amricen family. '4 William
Grigsby notes that "faced with declining ratables and rising costs for
municipal services, cities have used federal renewal funds for projects
that would shore up local finances."5 He notes that over 25 per cent of
communities receiving federal aid do not have a single residential

reuse project-~—"instead they have demolished slums and blight areas to

 

A’Grigshy,‘Williann "Housing and Slum.Clearance: Elusive Goals", in the

Annals f the American.Acade of P litical and Social Science, Vbl. 352,
March 135: . 109.

5 Ibide, pe i09-

 

greats E
om-fift
the feds
improve
No
higher"
amine .
people 1v
and gum
thesis, ;
of lower.
0f busim
(3)
unless t;
relocatic
can affo:
0f socia;
Panewal 1

”“1798 s<

’61
E.”

45:”!

p
0"

96

create sites for commerce and industry. '6 Again, "it appears‘thatwnot over
orb-fifth of the three billion dollars donated to local communities tmder
the federal renewal program have beenlearmarhed for projects intended to
improve the living accomodations of lower- income families. F7

No one argues with the use of renewal funds for providing land for
"higher" uses in principle. But the figures do_suggest_a need tore‘
examine priorities. Failure to provide for accomodations of relocated
people leads only to greater densities, higher rates of deterioration,
and greater slum problems. In the context of the philosophy of this
thesis, first priority should be given to the alleviation of the plight
of lower- class slum dwellers, not the city budget or the financial ledger
of business firms.

(3) The above suggests that renewal programs should 931. be permitted
unless the following conditions are fully met: (a) There should be adequate
relocation housing (both public and private) at the price the relocatees
can afford and of the type they are satisfied with. (b) Effective programs
of social planning and government action must be an integral part of the
renewal plan. Admittedly, the federal Workable Program is an attempt to
secure somthing along these lines. But the Workable Program, in practice,
is far from effective. What is required is a strict federal supervision
which assures, beyond doubt, that the conditions are being carried out.

(4) Renewal should be carried out with a sensitive understanding of
the values, attitudes and ways of life of the people affected. The
barbaric approach of destroying a sub- society without attempting to

 

6 Ibid., p. 110.
7 Ibid., p. 3.10.

97

replace it with an effective alternative (i.e. merger into the larger
culture and society) is unworthyor any enlightened society.

(5) There is a need _for a more careful and sophisticated analysis of
proposed renewal areas-«and, as a corollary, betterand more sensitive
criteria for what is a slum. Gans' analysis of Boston's West End indicates
that that area was not really a slum---i.e. a problem for itself or society
in general-« such that redevelopment was called for. Wholesale destruction
of neighborhoods cannot be supported morally or even economically given the
magnitude or the problem and the limitations of the resources.

(6) The above point would seem to indicate a need for more emphasis
on conservation and rehabilitation. If a neighborhood is essentially
sound, but deteriorating or in danger of deteriorating, effective social
and physical programs are called for, not redevelopment.

(7) In sum, the purely physical planner should play a more subordinate
role in urban renewal than he does at present. This does not mean that
he is necessarily subsidary to the social planner. But it does mean that
within the framework of renewal sensitive and cooperative relationships
between physical and social planners are required. Elysical criteria sould
not dominate urban renewal.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
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E

 

”With 1111 Min] in AW