" ' "w”. ;;' v I c., - _' - . . _A _... .,. -‘.°.'-'.,-°. .21“? ,n: - g - . I‘. "o. ,. f.. t - l .g.. . _ f'. A“, . 3.1.9“: Paris's? .4'. a: h. ,.~. “.0 . « I 0 w .- u~.un. I 4- 05,1... 5.”... ‘, "I A - ‘.‘. 3“'r‘..!;..... a... 9 0 ~ "I <8. . I- ”4.. ... b' .. 1 '0"- 1n: 9 D t .' - I”--ul‘: u“ ,3:.Ir".‘p Innui Nlo“ u... ‘ "do... u r- 0.0 ‘ Q \'. - 'il 7‘ -. ... U .'."<"|.'..H:}-,hu..v. 0.. o a!‘ .'I. .'.| ' 9- 9.5... “ ‘00 t a‘u‘ «4 y~...{".‘ . _. v.-. . ‘0 V "J'. \. ’ — v v—v wc— m-OO-“~—Oo~-o «coo—co-m- -oown-—-ocoo o .0. -'"-?—’o -~O.‘1¢.AY~‘: v TRADITIONAL PATTERNS OF t-NIE'RAcnION in THE ARABJSLAMIC mm - Thesis for-the Degree" of m. A ' UN'IVERSW . NHCHMBMNIiHN' \ ' SHELDON 5'. ED‘BON ‘ ' ‘ 1968 .I“ . ‘upo.-- 1v,—- —0' 060' 'l 10“. ABSTRACT TRADITIONAL PATTERNS OF INTERACTION IN THE ARAB-ISLAMIC‘BEALM by Sheldon 3. Edison Although the Arab-Islamic realm has long been the subject of academic inquiry, a realistic under- standing of the societal dynamics has yet to be at- tained. In large part, this shortcoming derives from the tendency to structure the Arab-Islamic situation in terms of closed communal systems evidencing inter- communal patterns of isolation. The present effort proceeds on the assumption that the principal socio- economic communities, viz. peasant, pastoralist and urbanite, are, in effect, cpen systems which manifest a significant degree of inter-communal interaction. In order to delineate the Spatial, temporal and functional dimensions of these patterns of interac- tion a relatively new conceptual construct, the eco- logical trilogy, is employed. Briefly stated, it posits the functional interrelation of the three com- Sheldon 3. Edison nunities within the temporal and spatial dimensions of the Arab-Islamic realm. The strategy of the re- search design is to utilize this model in deriving a coherent analysis of the body of literature avail- able on the Arab-Islamic realm. It has been found that although interaction can be defined from an inter-communal perspective, it cannot be so defined within an intra—communal context. Bela- tions between similar socio-economic units (e.g. vil- lage-village, city-city and camp-camp) are strikqngly absent. One explanation, framed in terms of the resource base available to each community, is that whereas the resources present on the inter-communal level are es- sentially complementary and the communities symbiotic, on the intra-communal level resources tend to be equally distributed and consequently competitive. LTo postulate the existence of an integrated Arab- Islanic society, therefore, would be as invalid as to assert its patterned isolation. Rather, it would appear that a form of plural society is present, in Van Nieu- wenhuiJze's terms, a convergent society. Here persis- tent inter-communal activity is evidenced on only a few of the possible levels of interaction, notably the economic. At the higher levels of social stratification. however, a merging of the communities is personified by the urban elite. TRADITIONAL PATTERNS OF INTERACTION IN THE ARAB-ISLAMIC REALM BY “\ Sheldon sf'sdiaon A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State UniVersity in partial-fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF‘QRTS Department of Geography_ 1968 Copyright Sheldon S. Edison, 1968 Acknowledgments It is indeed an exacting task to express one's gra- titude to those who are deserving of it. Likewise, there is none that is more satisfying. This thesis is a reflection of my academic develop- ment during the first two years of graduate study. As such it is in many ways a microcosm of the diverse intellectual stimuli to which I have been exposed. It should be viewed as a reflection of a tradition which I consider to be cen- tral to any learning experience, the dedication and inter- est of the instructor in his students and in his subject. Ifi.during the course of my Master's program at Michigan State University, consider myself fortunate in having had the opportunity to study under a number of such mentors who pursue this tradition. At this time, I would like to take the Opportunity to express my appreciation to them. First, I would like to thank Dr. Lawrence Sommers, Chairman of the Department of Geography, for his conviction that each student should be approached as an individual and his willingnesq:to avail himself from a busy schedule to render assistance when re- quested. ‘To Dr. Paul English, Chairman of my Master's com- mittee, I express my deep appreciation for the dedication" and intellectual intensity with which he approaches his students and his discipline; to Dr. Harm deBiiJ, my advisor, my gratitude for the patience, understanding and firm gui- dance which has characterized all my relations with him. I would also like to thank Dr. Horvath and Dr. Hunter for their interest in my academic deve10pment and for their willingness to read and offer suggestions regards ing this thesis. I'would also like to take this Opportunity to express my deep felt appreciation to my wife Lynne for the encouragement, assistance and understanding she has diSplayed throughout the writing of this thesis. Most important of all, however, I want to express my grati= tude to my parents whose respect for knowledge was inexa tricably interwoven in my upbringing. It is to them that I owe my present and my future. 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page accummms 11 Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Background Statement of Problem Method of Approach Justification II. IsomTIONOeeeeeeeeeoeeeeeeoe10 The Nature of Isolation The Employment of Isolation III. THE ECOLOGICAL ORDER . , . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Introduction Natural Environm am: The Social Environment The (Immunity IV. THE URBAN CENTER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 The Urban Milieu Urban-Pastoral Relations Urban-Peasant Relations Inter-Urban Interaction Conclusions Isolation Versus Interaction V, THEPASTORALCOMMUNITY..........,. 180 Introduction Pastoral-State Relations Pastoral-Urban Relations Pastoral-Peasant Relations Pastoralist Intra-Communal Interaction Conclusions Isolation Versus Interaction VI. THEPEASANTVILLAGE......‘..,.....235 Introduction Pea sent-Urban Relations 1V TABLE OF CONTENTS (Cont'd). Chapter Page Peasant-Pastoral Relations Intra-Communal Relations Conclusion: Isolation Versus Interaction VII..CONCLUSION................... 283 The Traditional Arab-Islamic Society VIII. BIBLIOGRAPHY.................. 290 .am I..I . .w 11! \..l:‘ r. / .5 4.... . r J. 3.. 3 < z o m/ m w \..\..L J a. 3:. . (a \z A?! \f\./ a. 4. W p .s 4.. .K. . a) \\ (\Il/ . .._ JN x.» ..... I \ til-..) \ e»... 1.1 \V — 4“ r)\.\ o; \ Ian—4 .. M O < I U .u. |.\.l~.l.\ \ x u 1 w > R Z ( O D m «0.; \..\ \\ \lxjfiln) ../.\ .\. .-/\.. L. . \. 8 W 0 _ 2 ~ - ..\. \.. u _ _. . \..\ _ _. .. . . u . u u ..\..\ wt. m. \..\_.\..N - .— < I ... \.\ —'. I I J ..\.\ .IrJ. ._ ..\.. _ I .I.. .. .\. .\ 1/. .. N < _ m < a < .I..... I..!i.i.l.i.i.. I / .vxi \.x. if ,..,<_z<:._:<: _ .. . .Izl ..\.. .. .. f /.I\ (III. Ir]. ..- .‘.l I \ .0. _ .l. .I.. u. .- x.. x. x. a a > o m . I. z».-. a z_. .o: a _ .— K I. u<1m , 3:4... 5. y . . 25215.0: .1) . bulk). , «If s .. 2...... {A . . . . .1 .. 53:; 2252-3? 2: _ If} 1“ - CHAPTER I 8 INTRODUCTION Background In the present-day streamlined and "scientific” realm <3f the social scientist the scale of significance appears to be weighted in favor of what is loosely referred to as "theory-building." The much touted catchawords are model, matrix, hypothesis and, above all, theoryo These are the measures of excellence to which the social science fraternity a8pires° Thus methodology has often come to be viewed as synonomous with and, consequently, replaced by, appeals to theory. The fact remains, however, that in the construction of even the more glamorous theoretical infrastructures there tends to be laCKing a fundamental effort in methodological techniques. This is where theoryebuilding falls short in its attempt to Speak for methodology. All too often one finds that because of the ambiguity of underlying concepts and terminology, and a laCK of rigor in the interpretation of relevant data, otherwise sound theoretical frameworks arezmisused and eventually discredited. The researcher, in failing to be aware of the techniques of conceptualization, that is, the careful formulation of relevant descriptive and analytical tools within the framework of the data at hand, has assuredly not made use of the full range of necessary methodological procedureso The establishment of faulty 2 3 llowing statement: "Certain deserts divide countries and (air civilizations inexorablya others unite themo The Syrian eBert is one of those which unites adjacent landso“ Christina Shalps Grant, The Syrian Desert): Caravans, Travel, and Explorga <£EQQ (New York: The Macmillan Coo, 19383, pg 10 18 embodies is that in any given situation in which isolation appears to provide a realistic characterization there exists a range of variables which, to varying degrees and in various and often changing combinations (over time and space), are capable of inducing and mediating such a state.7 It is therefore incumbent upon the researcher to ascertain the nature of the individual situation by identifying these variables and tracing their ramificationso Generally, it will be found that in addition to the physical, there is the whole gamut of social phenomena, from the economic to the psychological, which is relevanto Within the individual situation, however, certain variables are found to be more relevant than others. A second assumption posits that in order to obtain a realistic assessment of isolation one must treat the indivim dual situation within the context of its including environ- mento This objective is approached, in a general sense, in the manner in which the research design is constructedo It is fulfilled, however, by undertaking a detailed analysis of the manner in which the reference community relates, functione ally, Spatially and psychologically, to a wider framework of —__.; — ‘ 7There are commonly a multiplicity of mediating and contributory conditions which together make the occurrence of a given event (isolation) probableo We are seeking the range of commonly held properties of the event or what might be called the ”conceptual order” of isolationo 19 human organizationo Thus, if the reference community were a peasant village one would equally consider its relations with neighboring villages as well as with the provincial town and the regional centero What is of concern, then, at this level of analysis is a determination of that from which the refer: ence community is said to be located, A third assumption holds that an analysis of isola: tion must address itself to the mutually related questions of where the stimuli for isolation lie and where the communim ties relevant to the study perceive them to reside, Here one is dealing with what might be termed the “perceptual environa ment“ of isolationo Traditional assumptions which posit a “self-induced” state of isolation as well as those which insist upon an "externally=generated“ one tend to be naive at best and biased at worst. A.more realistic assessment would recognize a complex set of stimuli having both internal and external structural components and would indicate the operation of a system analogous to the actionareaction mechanismo A fourth assumption focuses upon the suitability of distance as an effective unit of analysis in the identificae tion, comprehension and explanation of isolationo The choice of distance resides in the fact that those conditions commonly found to be related in a causal manner to a situation of isolation can be directly translated as a function of distance,8 81h dealing with distance, it is to be recognized that as in the case of isolation, the physical component, al» though the most obvious, is not always the most relevanto To 20 Distance itself has been widely employed as a justification for isolation. What has not been recognized hereetomfore is that distance is implied in a large majority of the other inhibitors of interactiono Distance, then, can be viewed as a common-denominator in an analysis of isolation, The Employment of Isolation Introduction Framed within the objectives of the present discussion, that is, the relevance of the term "isolation“ to the study of human communities, this section will address itself to the manner in which isolation is employed by the social sciences, Two methodological constructs which have enjoyed wideSpread eXposure on all levels of academic activity, the continuum and closed=system analysis, will be discussed in this regard, These approaches, it is felt, fail to come to grips with a realistic appraisal of the isolation concept, As the follow: ing discussion will document, both evidence an ambiguous and take an example offered previously, if one has a hypothetical situation in which two villages are being compared in terms of their degree of interaction with a neighboring town, it is quite possible that the furthest village from the town in terms of “linear distance“ will be found to exhibit the higher degree of interaction, A sociOmcultural or psycho~ logical component of distance would then appear to be the more relevant one, 21 vacillating perspective which JeOpardizes their effectiveness as well as that of isolation, In the light of these shortcomings, a third construct, that of the ecological trilogy, is advanced as a potential replacement in the analysis of human communities, Although this concept, relative to the above, has not been develOped to its full potential, it is felt to provide a convenient yet demanding matrix for the inclusion of a valid concept of isolation, Concomitantly isolation serves to increase the rigor of the construct and the reliability of its results, The Continuum and Isolation Of all the tools we possess, among the most useful are the twoafold classifications of society, but they are also the most easily damaged and most dangerous if carelessly and unskillfully handledo9 Under the direction of individuals such as Toennies, Odmn, Becker,‘Weber, and specifically Redfield,'significant, cmntributions have been made regarding the use and value of the continuum construct and related typologies in the analysis of culture and society,lo The fundamental methodological assumption upon which all such activity has been predicated is that macro as well as micro analysis can and should prOa ceed simultaneously within the same conceptual framework, 9Howard Becker, "Sacred and Secular Society,m gccial £25533, Vol, xNIII (1950). pa 361, 10The following contributions are relevant: Howard Becker, “Sacred and Secular Society,“ E9243; £25323, Vol, XVIII (1950), pp, 367m376, Francisco Benet, "Sociology Uncertain: The Ideology 22 The overnriding objective has been to develop reliable and testable generalizations concerning society and culture in their global “unfolding,“ This has been accomplished through an identification, classification and analysis of posited universal “types“ of human organization: the tribal group, 11 Use of the term peasant community and urban society, “continuum“ derives from the fundamentally linear and unim directional nature of the functional, Spatial and temporal relationships found to exist between these three universal types, of the Rural-Urban Continuum, euthegier Journal of An‘h s: 201032, Vol, XIV (1958), pp, 1= 23, Emory S, Bogardus, ”Odum and Folk Sociology,“ Seeiologx and Social Research, Vol, XLI (1956 7), pp, 44lm48, Alvin Boskoff, ”Structure, Function and the Folk Society," American Sociological Review, Vol, XIV (1949), pp, 749““? 580 Werner J, Cahnman, “Culture, Civilization and Social Change,“ Sociological Quarterly, Vol, III (1962), pp, 93alO6, Richard Dewey, ane Rural Urban Continuum: Real but Relatively Unimportant," American gggLQEl,gf ggpgggggy, Volo LXVI (1960). pp, 60 66, Roscoe C, Hinkle, a”Howard Becker"s Approach to the Study of Social Change,“ gociologiggl Quaggggly, Vol, II (19961), ppo 1554,80o Herman Miner, “The Folk Urban Continuum,a6 Qgggéggg ggggo;ggical Review Vol, XVII (1952), pp, 529m 537, Charles T, Stewart Jr,, or‘The Urban Rural Dichotomyz Conce ts and Uses,” Amer1"an Journal of otio cgy, Vol, LXIV (1958 pp, 152:158, 11A “feudal” type has been posited as falling between the peasant community and urban society, See Gideon Sjoberg, “Folk and Feudal Societies, “ Amer can Journal of SOFlu‘ng, V01 LVIII (1952), ppo 231a 239, and SJObélg s The Eie’ Industrial City, Stewart's 0"The Urban Rural Dic notomys Concepts and Uses" is also relevant, 23 Within the context of the continuum, use of the term “isolation“ gives rise to many of the fallacies encountered in the previous sectiono Implicitly, isolation embodies normative, deterministic and absolutist overtones, That is, it is not used in any quantitative or qualitative attempt at scaling or measurement, Its presence is explicit yet its meaning is at best implied, No attempt is made to indicate its parameters or to document its relevance, Nevertheless, isolation has come to be recognized as a hallmark of the cone tinuum approach, On a perusal of the literature pertaining to the continuum, it would appear that isolation signifies a type of “basealevel,“ the constant from which change or “progress“ is described, measured and predicated, Isolation is an heuristic device not necessarily valid in itself but useful in the deveIOpment of new areas of inquiry, Furthermore, al» though its existence is explicitly recognized, its employers do not feel called upon to support or justify its presence in any definitive manner, As such, isolation can be thought of as an eXpendable “strawmmanflo a diversionary tactic useful in its ability to focus criticism upon itself without enm dangering the fundamental structure of the model itself,12 12A further drawback of the rural=urban continuum is its tendency to emphasize forms rather than processes, As such it is unfit to deal with the phenomena of interaction, ”It is when the arrangement of types becomes an end rather than the means, when emphasis is on the validity of the series as formulated rather than on the utility of the classification as revealing dynamic processes, that valid objection can be 24 Closed=System Analysis and Isolation Closedosystem analysis and its empirical parallel, the "community study," similarly enjoy wideSpread recognition and support within the social sciences (Specifically anthrOa pology, sociology and geography)o As can be seen from its title, the underlying methodological emphasis focuses on the micro level of analysiso It is thus employed as a method of approach both in its own right as well as in support of "encompassing” or macromlevel frameworks such as the cons tinuum construct discussed aboveo In this orientation, the fundamental unit of analysis is the community, whether horde, camp, tribe, village, town or urban centero The perSpective is holistic, the physical limits of the community serving as the conceptual limits of the inquiryo The community is con= sequently viewed as an isolateo Justification for such an approach is predicated on the relative simplicity of the model and the ease with which data can be collected and analyzedo What condemns this approach, at least with reSpect to the objectives of the present discussion, is not the use of the community matrix, but rather the inability or unwilla ingness of its preponents to proceed beyond the conceptually restricted confines of the individual study0 The perception of the community as an isolate, initially employed for the purposes of convenience in the collection and analysis of raised to theme“ MOJo Herskovitz,”Mathadolegy initial Urban Studies,“$ociology and Histogya ggegry gpd Rssgggcho edo Werner Jo Cahnman and Alvin Boskoff, YNewmloTIj’l9éZ), p0 6030 25 data, has thus, in effect, been transferred to reality, Temporal, spatial and functional dimensions are deemed rele» vant only to the extent to which their eXpression approximates that of the unit of analysis, Any extension of these dimensions into the extraacommunal realm is consequently con: sidered irrelevant, It would then appear that methodological considera« tions and the search for reliable and effective generalizations on the micro level of analysis have been decidedly compromised in the name of eXpediency, Attempts to derive macromoriented postulates would presumably contend that ”the whole is equal to the sum of its parts," Unfortunately, the conceptual and empirical gap between the community and its encompassing social system remainso The Ecological Trilogy and Isolation The ecological trilogy successfully avoids the various shortcomings outlined above both in the micrOmmacro dichotomy and its approach to the concept of isolation, Before proceedm ing with an analysis of the manner in which the concept of isolation is incorporated within this construct, it might be well to first focus on the general nature of the ecological trilogy and the assumptions upon which it is based, Briefly stated, the ecological trilogy posits a con» ceptual division of the sociomcultural whole into its relevant 13 submsystems (communities), Each community is viewed as 13A definition of the "sociOmcultural whole"0 can vary in scale from an analysis of the individual or town to that of a society as in the present discussion, 26 embodying a variable complex (economic, social, spatial, psychological, temporal and ecological) which gives rise to a set of problems and assumptions essentially unique,14 The existence of the community as an isolate, empirically and conceptually, is rejected, In its place is posited an interaction network which provides the dominant unit of analym sis in terms of which both system and submsystem are de» fined, Interest is therefore focused upon the patterns of interaction and the manner in which they structure the subs system and the system, What distinguishes this approach from that of the continuum and closedasystem analysis is that the researcher is provided with two integrated levels of analysis: micro in the case of the individual submsystem and macro with respect to the socio~cultural whole,15 The integration of these two levels arises from the recognition that each subs SYBtem participates in some form of dependency relationshipl6 with all other subasystems, 14“Uniqueness” in relation to the variable complexes which characterize the other communities comprising the sociomcultural wholeo lSThe ecological trilogy construct also permits one to Operate both from an aggregative and disaggregative perm spective, 16Dependency can be charaCterized by a Spectrum of relationshi s from a situation of total dominance (parisitismg to one of complementarity (symbiosis,) 27 In what manner, then, can the concept of isolation provide a constructive contribution within the framework of the ecological trilogy? In order to postulate situations of interaction accurately it is necessary that a qualitative and eventually a quantitative measure be develOped whereby variability in the nature and degree of interaction can be determined, The concept of isolation provides a useful surrogate for those factors which individually and in combi- nation retard interaction, By analyzing and eventually obtaining an accurate measure of these “isolating” factors, patterns of interaction would be better understood and prem dicted, With this objective in mind one could construct the following model: Given a uniform interaction surface on which all units of flow are equal in terms of persistence, distance and rate of transmission and relative strength, one would then proceed to distort this ideal surface in order to approximate reality as represented by the data employed, The main points of distortion would represent the various impedances and cause fluctuations in the persistence, frea quency and relative strength of the lines and levels of the interaction surface, By utilizing this simulation model one could derive two units of analysis which would be relevant individually or'in conjunction, If one were to focus upon the distorting ruechanisms, indices of their relative strengths could be jplotted in the form of "isolation patterns,” The media of 28 interaction being investigated would serve as the common frame of reference, Similarly, if the interaction network were the primary unit of analysis, one could run the model under various types and degrees of distortion and trace the quality and quantity of interaction manifested by the surface, Different surfaces under similar distortions and similar surfaces under differing distortions could be compared, One could conceivably factor out gross measures for both units of analysis and by maintaining a constant temporal and Spatial dimension construct ”regions" defined in terms of equal intern action and equal distortion levels, To conclude, it is felt that the processual framework provided by the ecological trilogy for the analysis of human scommunities overcomes many of the serious shortcomings evidenced by traditional methodological constructs, In its emphasis on human interaction as the principal unit of analy» sis, the ecological trilogy furthermore provides a medium within which isolation can be utilized as a constructive analytical tool, In this context one test of the value of the isolation concept to the study of human communities lies in the conclusions reached in the present study, CHAPTER III: THE ECOLOGICAL ORDER Intrgduction Traditionally, studies of the human community have been prone to recognize only the physical component of the environment and, in so doing, have failed to integrate dis- cussion of the physical setting into the mainstream of analy- sis,1 The end result is a conceptual and empirical gap be- tween the community and its environment, with the researcher finding it difficult to justify the relevance of the “physical setting' to the objectives of the study, The incorporation of ecological concepts into the methodology of the social sciences evidences a greater aware- ness of the environment,2 rSupport for the ecologist's view of environmental analysis as central to an understanding of the community, however, has not been forthcoming, Although 1Cultural geographers as well as anthropologists and other social scientists are guilty of this shortcoming, 2See Julian Steward's discussion of anthrOpology's employment of ecological concepts in ”The Concept and Method of Cultural Ecology" from his Theory of Culture Change, (Urbanas 1963), ppo 30=42° Also relevant are Betty Jo Meggers, “Environmental ldmitation on the Develo ment of Culture,“ American Anthro~ Eglogist, Volo LVI (1954 , pp, 801=824 and June Helm, fiThe colog cal Approach in Anthropology,“ American Journal 9; Sgciology, V'olo LXVII (1962), ppo 630~639, ‘A discussion of geography's use of ecological concepts can be found in W,B, Morgan and R,P, Moss, “Geography and Ecology: The Concept of the Community and its Relations to the Environment,“ Annals Q£_E§g Association 9£,American Geographers, V010 LV (1965), pp, 539-5500 30 31 it is now fashionable to employ ecological terms, the under- lying concepts have not been accorded a place in social science research.3 “Ecology” tends to remain a lexical sur- rogate for "physical setting,“4 The present discussion recognizes the composite nature of the environment. The environment embodies a social as well as the commonly recognized physical aspect and, as such, can be viewed as a component of the internal and external sub— systems of the community, The ”environment“ thus represents an integral part of the community,5 Taking these observations as the point of departure, the ensuing discussion will focus upon the three major compo- nents of the ecological order: the physical environment, the social environment and the community. Analysis will be structured by one of the fundamental nexi of human organization, 3'That is, although the usefulness of ecological con- cepts is accorded lip service, their actual employment in a research situation has certainly not been enthusiastic, 4Especially in many of the more recent ethnographies developed by the anthrOpologist, Here “The Geography of . . ." is replaced by ”The Ecology of a o a” 51f this statement is taken to its logical conclusion one might validly deduce that the community, likewise, represents an integral component of the environment, The differentiating element, therefore, is the unit of analysis, be it the community or the environment, 32 the relationship between location (site), resource base,6 and interaction, the independent variable being resources. One could illustrate the relationship between the ecological order and the posited variables in the following manner:7 NATURAL 30cm ENVIRONMENT ENVIRONMENT COMMUNITY LOCATION assouncss INTERACTION Figure I By employing this approach, it is felt that a dis- cussion of the environment will proVide a useful introduction 6Resource base is here defined as an inventory of . supportive factors which the community under discussion recog- nizes as necessary to its existence, It is to be expected that sudh a liberal approach encourages the inclusion of cultural and behavioral as well as demographic and physical components, One further component— technology- can be viewed as a complex phenomenon which is to a great extent culture- bound, Technology embraces not only forms of energy, techniques, of storage, transportation, communication and distribution, but also the formal and informal media through which decisions relevant to the above are fonmulated and implemented, Charles Issawi and Carlos Dabezies, in their work ,“Population Movements and POpulation Pressure in Jordan, Lebanon and Syria," The Millbagk Mgmgrial Fund Quarterly, Vol, 29 1951), employ" a similar approach in their definition of “sustenance area," p.391. 7The analysis of settlement patterns, i,e, “the order which the members of society observe in their utilization of space,”_§Bruce G, Trigger, Histo gag Settlement ig_Lower Nubia épew Haven, l96§/, p,2), well illustrates one context in which this relationship is centralo According to Trigger, the settlement pattern “is a o o the outcome of an adjustment which the society makes to a series of determinants that vary in importance and in terms of the demands they make upon the 33 to the Arabwlslamic realm and its communities, as such it should prove pertinent and rewarding, Natural EnVironmeng Location The Spatial frame of reference for the present analya sis extends across portions of two continents, from the Atlantic Ocean in the West to the Indian Ocean in the East (see map I), This realm can be divided into three sub= regions defined in terms of the degree of influence of the ArabaIslamic component,8 They are: (l) the Levanthrabian peninsular region which is recognized as the core area or ”heartland“ of Arab=Islamic sociOmcultural patterns,9 (2) 10 the Maghreg or North African region which, together with the society,“ (Ibid,, p,6) This Fseries of determinants00 includes primarily the three basic components of the ecological order as well as location, the resource base, and interaction, 8Refer to chapter I, p,2, footnote 2 for a discussion of the term “ArabaIslamic realm,“ 9Including the contemporary states of Syria, the Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, the Yenenfihe Truslal States and the South Arabian Federation, The present state of Israel, although an integral part of this region, by virtue of its recent history presents problems which preclude its inclusion in the present discussion, loEncompassing Spanish Sahara, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and the northern portions of Sudan, Chad, Niger and Mauritania, 34 (3) “protrusion“ regions (i,e, Turkey, Iran, the Somali Republic and Afghanistan) comprises the zone of socio— cultural syncretism of the indigenous lifeemodes and those of the overlying Arab-Islamic culture, Throughout the en- suing discussion the area encompassed by these three socio— cultural units will be referred to as the Arabelslamic realmo The similarity of the ecological order throughout a major portion of the Arab-Islamic realm is both striking and profound, Indeed, if one were to treat the contemporary political units of this realm individually, the same general ecological theme would come to the fore again and again, The major community types and the settlement patterns which they evidence, that is the pastoral encampment, the peasant village and the urban center, remain the same as do the in— cluding natural environments within which these communal types interact (the coastal littoral, the uplands and mountains and the steppelands and deserts), Stereotypes emphasize the priority and immutability of certain man=land relationships (e,g, nomadic pastoralism and the arid zone, the peasantaagriculturalist and the steppe), but it must be recognized that such relationships, although accurate in a general sense, are by no means absolutes,11 L. 11“Implicit here is a division of the Near East into sub-areas in terms of the distinctive patterns of ecological adaptation? desert oasis, exotic river basin, rainefed plains, humid trOpical or submtropical coasts, and mountains, In all cases, except in the mountain areas, an economic trichotomy of urban craft and mercantile system, cultivating village system, 35 Nomadicmpastoral pOpulations occupy a significant position (“niche“) within the ecological order of the uplands, coast and steppe as well as the arid zone, Peasant and urban coma munities are likewise indigenous to the mountain and desert realms, The natural environment, therefore, cannot be realistically employed as anultimate criterion for disc tinguishing among the three modes of human settlement,‘12 Resource Base Another characteristic of the Arameslamic realm is the relatively restricted nature of its resource basela (in areal extent and quantity), An inventory of the "natural“14 and nomadic pastoral system could be demonstrated , , , 43¢ tOpic for future synthesis,“ (Louise E, Sweet, Iell Togaanx é Syrian Village (Ann Arbor, 1960), p, 3, footnote 2), 12In certain situations it might prove to be a relevant variable in the identification of variations existing within a community type, Although this has been generally accepted for the pastoral community to the point where numerous subtle distinctions have been i.dentified (see “Nomads and Nomadism in the Arid Zone,“ International Social Science Jtu,na1 Vol, XI, No, 4(1959) pp, 481 585, )git has not beenm equai‘ 1y recogn nized in the peasant community, specifica1ly with regard to settlement patterns, (See Jules Blache, “Modes of Life in the Moroccan Countryside: Int expretat .ons of Areal Photographs, The Geographical Review, Vol, XI, No, 4 (October, 1921) ppo 477 502, for a refreshing approach,) J0 13Although one could employ petroleum in rebuttal, the focus here is a general one framed in terms of “basic” pOpulation requirements of what is, in Sjoberg's phrase, a "preaindustrial society," 14In contrast with the ”social“ components of the resource base, Cf, chapter II, p, 27, footnote 6, 36 resource base‘would inciude water, arable soils, animate energy (animal and human) and vegetation, with water as the independent variable, Wat—2; Water is perhaps the most critical resource, An absence of precipitation during the high sun period, the frontal systems and the adverse physiographic influences inducing rainfshadow conditions all effectively restrict initial input into the region's hydrologic cycle, The large areal extent of high evapotranspiration rates in combina» tion with sparse vegetative cover and rapid runoff similarly inhibit the utilization and storage of what precipitation does occur, The resultant waterudeficient situation thus must be recognized as a major control in the location and organization (e,g, settlement patterns) of human pOpulations, By plotting the incidence of watereavailability either in its initial (rainfall) state (in the soecalled “fertile crescent“), as runoff (river systems such as the Nile and TigrismEuphrates)or as storage (ground water reserves giving rise to springs), one can effectively pinmpoint the major foci of human activity, Modifications effected through human intervention in the form of wateradiverting, conveying and retaining media (artificial catchment schemes, irrigation networks, aqueducts and guanat networksls) however, should be recognized as expanding the Spatial and temporal parameters of habitation, 15See George Cressy, “Qanats, Karez and Foggaras," Geographical Review, Vol, XLVIII (1958), pp, 279440 See Adams, Land Behind Baghdad for a discussion of 37 Arable Soils Fertility in combination with other favorable compo» nents of the soil environment (moisture content, temperature and structure) determines in large part cultivability and therefore provides a second control to human habitation and resources, The relevance of man as an intervening agent, however, must again be recognized if one is to understand why, in many areas where a favorable combination of natural factors would commonly be reflected in relatively large units of population, one finds the opposite to be true, Perhaps the best example of man°s unfortunate tamperm ing with the soil environment lies in his attempt to irrigate areas where local conditions such as slope, temperature and water source do not lend themselves to the practice, Such is the case in the lower TigriseEuphrates valley and the outer margins of oases and alluVial fans, Soil sterility is the the historic trends in human habitation in the Baghdad hinterland through a competent and insightful geographic analysis, The study seeks to identify in the area some of the converging natural and human forces which shaped its successive phases of ads vance and decline over a total period of six million yearso o o 0 Its central focus is not the sharply defined ebb and flow of the historical record, but the underlying, more slowjy changing relations of man to land , , , understanding of patterns of human adaptation to, and exploration of, a highly specialized natural setting, (Robert McC, Adams, Land Behind Baghdad: A His*\§y_of Se't‘ement on the Diyala Plains: (Chi.cagoa l965), pp, vii Svii i, 38 result of intensive leaching of minerals and organic matter, a concentration of noxious salts in the ”A” horizon and a rise in the local water table through the blocking of internal drainage. Examples of relatively successful efforts to extend the acreage of arable land include the drainage of swamp land such as the Huleh in presenteday Israel, portions of the Nile delta in Egypt, the lower stretches of the TigrismEuphrates valley in Iraq, the Latakia region in The Lebanon and the Ghab region of Syriao Animate energy Animate energy in its human and/or animal form represents a third component of the natural resource baseo In this regard three demographic aSpects of the Arabmlslamic realm bear relevanceo First, the inequality in the gross disa tribution of pOpulation correSponds to the unequal distribu= tion of natural environments amenable to sustained human occupanceo It is the fertile riverine floodplain, the upland and mountain complex, the coastal plain and the interior steppe which reflect the major concentrations of populationo A second demographic factor is mobilityo As a component of the resource base, the relevance of demographic mobility to animate energy lies in its ability to reflect both cause and consequence of a subsistence existenceo As a cause it often deprives the community (urban, peasant or pastoral) of the energy necessary to maintain itselfo As an effect it reflects a situation in which the sc0pe of a community's 39 resource base, not broad enough to provide a return commena surate with the energy input, necessitates a reduction in the pOpulation size both through a high mortality rate (malnutria tion, starvation and disease) and migrationo Demographic mobility then highlights the restrictive nature of a resource base operating at the subsistence levelo It also illustrates a lack of resiliency and adaptability indicative of the thin margin between subsistence and surplus,16 16It might prove constructive to be somewhat more ex= plicit regarding the term gggggg§_and its relation to sgggigge enceo Both terms, fundamentally, are dependent upon the sociOe cultural as well as the commonly accepted natural env1ronment for their eXpression, and the former is often more relevanto The main locus of distinction, however, appears to lie in the nature of resource allocation and its relation to anticipated returno Subsistence activity implies a Situation in which the actual return is absorbed in the regeneration and/or replaces ment of that portion of the resource base employed in pdeUCm ing a yieldo Surplus activity, however, permits the achieves ment of goals not directly related to the resourcemreturn nexus, One might posit a “threshold” situation as representing the range within which one activity grades into another, Two criteria can be employed in defining the range of this oi"threes—1 hold,“ First, one finds a complex set of interacting variables, including soCiomcultural as well as natural=biologic imperatives, Any attempt at causal analysis would have to recognize a multivariate rather than a univariate relationship, Secondly, recognition of a threshold situation carries with it the implim cation of a flexible rather than a static relationship between surplus and subsistence, in which a constant interplay between resource base and anticipated return prOVldeS the normo With the develOpment of a major dislocation in the resourcewreturn nexus, however, there develOps a concomitant disruption in the threshold situation and, similarly, in the relationship between surplus and subsistence, For a fuller discussion of this Situation see How, Pearson, "Th“ Ecfln0m“ ”a“ ”“ QUFELBE! E£££l333m9§i3.mkig£l 0f Develoment. '“ m we iiieae.,.eye_ “’1‘PZLK?E,§WLE=}JL§,,§§£lXiE‘I'PE.£2§a (Arensberg,Pearson, and Polanyijg —?Glencoe, i9377, Chapo XVI, ppo 320a34lo Marvin Harris has published a rebuttal in,§mggiggg AnthroBOlogist, Vole LXI (1959), pp, 185ml90n For a reply to Harris see George Dalton, “A Note of Clarification on Economic Surplus," Americanwghthr0pglggigg, Volo LXII (1960), pp, 483-9490a 4O Historically, The ArabaIslamic realm has provided an arena for the confrontation of disparate ethnic and racial groups, each contributing some ingredient to the overall resource ”mosaic”17 of the realmo This area has also served as a generator of population movement, north into the Iberian peninsula, south into the Sudanic belt of Central and West Africa and the Indian Ocean littoral of East Africa and east into the Indian subecontinent and Southeast Asiao In contemporary times this phenomenon has continued in the form 18 19 of the more restricted and selective process of emigrae tion and has resulted in the establishment of communities in the western hemisphere, Western Europe and West Africa.20 a tradition of largemscale pOpulation movement is likewise evidenced within the parameters of the realm itselfo Taking the Levant area as the core, one can trace patterns of out—migration into North Africa and Turkeyo A counter= vailing pattern of inamigration derives from the Arabian peninsula, Persia and the Maghrebo The process of emigration also undergoes its full cycle within the realmo One facet l7See Carlton Coon, Caravan,(New York, 1961)o 18 involvedo “Restricted“ in terms of the size of the pepulations 19"E.‘.el.,ective-:-“’ in terms of the foci of the emigration proces So 20SeeAo Tannous, ”Emigration, A Force of Social Change in An Arab Village,” Rural Sociologx, Volo VII (1942), ppo 62=74o 41 of this process is illustrated by the propensity for Syrian, Lebanese and Egyptian populations to settle in Iraq and the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean littoral stateso In addition to the unequal distribution of population and the phenomenon of mobility, there is a third factor which relates to the demography of the Arabmlslamic realmo It focuses on forms of demographic instability which attain spatial eXpression on a smaller scale than was evidenced in the above discussiono Chief among these is depopulation which derives from natural as well as social, economic and political causeso Indeed, it is difficult to approach the historical evolution of the realm without being cognizant of the pervasive instability which characterizes all segments of the populationo Thus, one finds that although the site of Arabalslamic settlement types generally portrays an unm interrupted history, the pOpulations which inhabited it most definitely did noto Urban centers underwent continuous cycles of eXpanm sion and decline, their population size being a sensitive indicator of conditions in their hinterlandso Within the hinterland the peasant population employed mobilit as a means for overcoming the consequences of epidemic, famine, drought and civil disordero The origin histories of indivie dual communities tend to substantiate the wideSpread temporal and spatial extent of this phenomenonn Similarly, within the pwmnral community the prOSpect of depopulation was everm present with drought, livestock epidemics and warfare as the principal stimulio 42 The employment of animals as a source of energy, a further characteristic of the resource base common to the Arab-Islamic realm, is perhaps more significant for its temporal persistence than its areal extentOZl It should nonetheless be recognized that animals such as the water buffalo, ox, donkey and camel, apart from their utility as a food source, do serve as major suppliers of energy for trans: port, cultivation and irrigationo Indeed, one could state with some confidence that practically every peasant community boasts the presence of some beasts of burdeno It should likewise be noted that the restricted nature of the resource base does not permit widespread owner: ship of this energy sourceoz.2 Generally draft animals are either kept as communal prOperty, owned by a number of house= holds or by an individual whose wealth is above that of the average cultivatoro Regardless of the locus of ownership, however, the draft animal is a highlyeprized commodityo 21That is the importance of a portion of the Arab: Islamic realm as locus for the initial domestication of animals as a source of energyO See Charles A, Reed, “Animal Domestication in the Prehistoric Near East,“ Science, Volo cxxx, Noo 3389 (1959), ppo 16294639o 22A similar though less obvious situation can be found in the pastoral realmo Here, although animals were widely used as beasts of burden in subsistence activities, it was only the wealthier individual who, through ownership of large numbers of high quality,stock, was able to particia pate in highereturn activities such as raiding, and providing animals for caravans or agricultureo 43 Animate power, then, if defined in terms of that medi» um most commonly employed, implies labor undertaken by the peasant himself with the aid of relatively unSOphisticated tools such as the hoe and sickleo Draft animals, although a part of the resource base, tend to be accessible to only a segment of the communityo Natural vegetation Natural vegetation in the form of grasses, scrub and forest comprises a fourth component of the resource inventoryo This complex too has a highly uneven distribution which is attributable to man, climate and other natural selecting agents. In every discussion of man‘s relation to the land in the Arab-Islamic realm one finds his profound effect on the natural vegetation coming to the fore again and againo According to Carleton Coon a*‘the fact is that except for China no part of the earth's surface seems to have been so denuded “23 as the Middle Easto Adams approaches the situation in the following manner: The natural vegetation is not merely a pasw sive reflection of climatic and edaphic condim tions outside the control of man; in fact, over the greater part of the area natural vegetation SS§Vives oniy as the weeds of cultivationo This is most abundantly clear with regard to the forestlandso From one end of the realm to the other, stands 23Coon, egg g;go, po 200 24Adams, gand Behind Baghdggo o 0, po 50 44 of timber are an anachronismo Only in the scattered and in» accessible uplands where the effects of human occupation have not been felt (such as the higher 310pes of the Atlas and Anti Atlas in Morocco and Algeria, the Tarus and Pontic of Turkey, the Elburz of Iran)25 can one find woodland remnants, Two activities which Span the history of human occum pance in this area are commonly judged the principal causes for this state, They are the practice of unrestricted goat grazing and a dependence on charcoal as a source of heat,26 These activities have been so intensive that even the succelm sional scrublands of maquis and chaparral have been partially destroyedo Coon observes that In Iran one is struck by the difference between the complete barrenness of the landscape, which is either under cultim vation or within walking distance of a village, and that of the uninhabited deserts, In the inhabited land children go out every morning with longahandled hoes and sacks to remove every Spear of inflammable vegetation, including camel thorn that the sheep and goats have left behind,27 25See Oxford Regional Economic Atlas; Eggmfligdle East and North Africa (London, lggfi), pp, 22m23, 26John Kolars has attempted to ascertain the relative effect of man and goat in the destruction of MiddlemEastern woodlands by analyzing the relationship between the three in southwestern Turkey, See John Kolars,“Locational Aspects of Cultural Ecology: The Case of the Goat in Noanestern Agrie culture,” Geographical_Regigg, Volo LVI, No,4 (October, 1966), pp, 577=84, 27 . Coon, gp&,cit,, p, 210 45 The importance of wood and wood products and their scarcity in the inventory of resources are reflected in numerous social and economic activities, Throughout many parts of the realm roofebeams attain Special significance and are the most prized possession of the peasant, the hall- mark of solvency if you will, Indeed, some observers of nomadic and semianomadic communities have isolated the acquisition of roofcbeams as a reliable indicator of impendm ing sedentarization,28 Similarly one finds that a longm standing trade relationship between the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean states and East Africa has been predicated on acquiring mangrove poles (boriti), The grasslands of the desertmsteppe zone and the ale pine pastures present a somewhat different situation, Here vegetation represents a more immediate component of the com: munity's resource base, The pastoral community's continued existence as a consuming and reproducing unit is dependent on sufficient pasturage, There thus exists an intimate and critical relationship between pepulation movement, population size (both human and animal) and the location, areal extent and quality of the grazing space, This relationship varies from place to place, season to season and year to yearo F, Barth, Nomads of Southegn Persi 28 8 . Tribe of the Khamseh Confederagy, (Oslo, 19m), p,‘"11 46 Perhaps the most significant aSpect of the natural vegetation, however, is the wide variety of Species which have been domesticated and cultivated by man,29 To quote Coon again: landscape was so richly endowed, Nowhere else in the world has man domesticated and improved so many cultivatable plants and treeso A large majority of the food and tree crops cultivated in the realm today were at one time a part of the natural vegetation,31 Interaction The potential for interaction provides a third avenue for discussing the natural environment of the Arameslamic realm, It also affords the opportunity to introduce the cone cept of isolation within a substantive context, Of concern here, then, is the manner in which the natural milieu both encourages and inhibits human communication, 29For a competent discussion of the origins of plant domestication and cultivation in the Levant area see Robert J, Braidwood, MThe Agricultural Revolution,“ §gi§ggiggg ggericag, Vol, CCIII, No, 3 (1960), pp, l30m148, 30Coon', 9,23: Staci p0 230 31The poplar is one of the more unusual tree crops commonly associated with peasant settlements, This Species, due to its rapid growth rate, ease of management, and reiae tively straight trunk, is employed in a wide variety of ways, for roof beams and other housing materials, fodder, tools and shade, to name a fewo 47 Traditionally it has been postulated that deserts, mountains, bodies of water and other ”disruptive’fl elements of the environment tend to retard movement of goods, pepum lations or ideas, If one defines retardation in terms of time, distance and energy output the premise appears to be acceptableo But how, then, can one reconcile this poeition with the Arabulslamic realm which has its share of retar ing elements yet, throughout its history, has functioned as an entrepet for forces originating on three continents? A partial eXplanation might be that interregional movement was often conducted on a large scale and supported by interests (political, mercantile, religious) capable of underwriting the eXpenditures of time and effort through their control over an extensive resource baseo If one applies this prenise of physical factors inn hibiting movement to a smallerwscale situation, however, it tends to be more usefulo In focusing upon the Elburz Mountains of Iran (or the Pontic Mountains of Turkey) and their influence upon human interaction, for example, the role of inhibitor does appear justifiedo Here, interaction within the pOpulations of the CaSpian littoral is decidedly more intense than that between these coastal communities and their transalpine counterpartso One cause for this Situation might center on the nature of the available resourceso In that a large percentage of these pepulations are peasants agriculturists Operating at a nearasubsistence'level, the exm penditure of time and effort necessary to overcome the confine ing influence of the Elburz range cannot always be underwritteno 48 Physiographic features also do function in a benea ficial manner with regard to human interaction, The juxtaa position of dissimilar ecological realms, for example, often encourages a situation of sociOQeconomic complementarity centering upon different though compatible resource baseso Thus the pOpulation of one environment attempts to overcome a scarcity of certain items in its resource inventory by ex= changing items of which it has a surplus.32 Another illuse tration is offered by Louis Mumford with reference tolEgypto Here, mountainous regions to the east and west of the Nile 'Valley and the inhibiting effect they have on movement is viewed as one of the principal factors contributing to the ”supermcity“ nature of the stateo33’ By providing a barrier, they similarly fulfill the functional requirements of an urban centere enclosure, assembly and intermixtureo Physiographic factors are not, however, the only cone ditioners of human interaction0 Indeed, a more eXplicit case for the influence of physical factors upon human intern action can often be made by employing climate as the independm ent variable and emphasizing the temporal rather than the 32An illustration of ”complementarity“ is provided by the long history of trade manifest among the populations of the Saharan, Sudanic and tropical forest zones of West Africao 33Referred to in F0 Benet, a"Sociology Uncertain: The Ideology of the Rural=Urban Continuum,” gouthgegtern Journal of AnthrOpoloqy, Volo XIV (1958), po 14, 49 Spatial component of movemento Seasonal flooding of the major river systems intermittently hampers communications as do the winter snows and the hot dry summer winds (gpamsin), The seasonality of interaction can also be recognized on the local levelo The pastoralist and peasant's journey to town is not a random processo They come primarily to convert a surplus into other necessitieso The greater incidence of urbanufocused interaction would then take place at those times immediately following the harvesto Furthermore, intervillage interaction, through the medium of the fair, is generally at its peak during the springo Within the village, interaction appears to be most evident during the times of peak activity such as planting and harvest; external interaction, often through the migram tion process, is most intense during the lowmactivity periods, In some areas, however, local ecological conditions encourage the dispersal of a peasant community during the periods of high actiVity to fields lying in a more amenable environment, Relations between the peasant and pastoralist communities and within the pastoral community are likewise governed by the seasonality of activ1ties, Natural disaster provides one last, albeit unorthodox, illustration of the relationship between the natural ._-.- K——— 34Within the prewlslamic pastoral community of Arabia for example, intermtribal interaction was influenced by the seasonso The best example of this phenomenon is that during the monsoonal season a regionmwide truce was declared, feuds were drOpped and markets were held, 50 environment and human interaction, Drought, plague and epim demic, although displaying a decidedly adverse effect on human OCCUpance, are often positive factors in the contex: of interaction, The historical record provides numerous exm amples of this phenomenon, In many cases, there exists a close correlation between largemscale pepulation movements and natural disaster, Periods of extended drought, for ex= ample, often contribute to intenSified contact between the nomadic pastoralist and the settled community either through sedentarization, conflict or conquest, The peasant community, although an infrequent participant in mass migrations, does undertake migration in the face of natural or mannmade dish aster, In this situation the parochial identity of the indie vidual community, deprived of its Spatial expreSSJQn, is breached, either by establishing reSidence in the urban enVironment or interacting with other rootless peasant com: munities, T...'h.e__ $5121. 9 Lifircireenene The second component of the ecological order, the social environment, provides perhaps the strongest justificaw tion for the delimitation of an Arabmlslamic realm, The principal structuring element is Islam, which, in its broad: est sense, can be viewed as a complete and consistent way of life, Islam fosters a sense of identity among peasant, pastoralist and urbanite alike and often transcends the parochial tendencies operative within these commensiges, It 51 furnishes the principal context within which the individual, community, and society relate to each other and to the natural environment° The ideology and institutions through which Islam is eXpressed and the patterns of activity which it prescribes constitute, in large part, the ”social environment“ of the Arab-Islamic realmo Location The Arabalslamic social environment is structured by a plethora of forms. Chief among these are units of Space commonly defined in religious terms, the mosque, shrine and religious lodgeo As is the case with other types of human spatial organization, an analysis of sacred Space can be derived from two perspectives, form and processo The latter perspective will be emphasized hereo Furthermore, in addie tion to delimiting the population served by a particular ina stitution, attention will be focused on the full range of activities provided for andemcouraged by the institutiono In the ArabaIslamic realm, institutions designated as religious often function in an economic, political and sociOmcultural capacity as wello The communal mosque The mosque attains importance as an ubiquitous spatial form within the permanently settled portions of the realm (the peasant and urban zones)o .t represents a demo» graphic focus of local significance, its watershed of attraction generally coinciding with the bounds of an indivie dual village, a section of a town or neighborhood 52 of a city,35 Its range of function, and consequently its in» fluence, is restricted mainly to the religious Sphere. This situation is reflected in the form of the mosque and the activities of its functionaries, The mosque, in size and architectural style, tends to be indistinguishable from other structures in the community and does not alter the skyline, Furthermore, its Spatial positi .oning within the community does not follow any regular pattern,36 The religious functionary (ggiigg) is not a Specialist and, in many cases, is required to undertake other activities to maintain a subsistence level,37 The Friday mosque The Friday mosque (JgQL) provides a contrasting picture, It is ubiquitous only in the sense that it is found 35The correSpondence is not, however, absolute, Thus, one can find one mosque serving a number of neighboring villages, and a multiplicity of mosques within a city quarter, 36Within the village situation, the mosque tends to be located at the Spatial center although this rel tionship is not invariate and is often dependent upon other factors, In the urban environment, Spatial centrality appears to be the exception rather than the rule, ?In the town the mullah sometimes functions as the political official of the wardJTmukh Lr, ) In CoonI s discussion of this Situation it is difficult, however, to det .e.zmine whether the religious or political position is dominant, See Coon, Caravanggp& cit ,, p, 228, 53 38 . in every urban center° Unlike the communal mosque, it exn hibits a wide Spectrum of functions which attain Spatial eXe pression on a regional rather than a local scale, As such its watershed of attraction embraces an urban as well as a rural congregation.39 As a religious institution, the Friday mosque gains preeminance by virtue of the injunction that the Friday or "sabbath“ service must be conducted in the presence of at least forty males, It is only in an urban environment that this edict can be complied with, The interweaving of religious and political functions is illustrated by the prayer leader's (ifléfl) sermon which is often employed to demonstrate support or criticism of the political establishment, Often the urban political establishment enployed the Friday mosque in maintain: 4O ing the status quo, Indeed, the iflflfl is commonly one of the principal administrators in the urban centero 38The presence of a iami mosque is a principal determ minant emploYed by the Islamic scholar for conferring urban status on a community, 39A visit to the gag; mosque is generally high on the peasant's itinerary when he journeys to town, The mosque's rural congregation, however, is impermanent in terms of individual commitment and-the consistency of attendance, 40In his analysis of the Friday mosque in Northern Nigeria, Abner Cohen amplifies on this role, Cohen estabe lishes an intimate relationship between the Spiritual and political Spheres centering on the Friday prayer, Proceeding on this assumption, it is posited that the Friday service can be employed in ascertaining the nature of the political situation manifest in the urban center, It was the Friday prayer that provided the largest forum for political disw cussions, (Paper delivered at Michigan State University on November 11, 1966)o 54 Similarly, it is found that the mosque Operates with= in the economic sphere as well as the politicalo Indeed, an analysis of those portions of the urban environment in which economic activities are conducted would be forced to consider the Friday mosque,41 In view of the number of transactions of goods and services taking place wit in its shadow, one might be tempted to View it as indirectly providing all the functions of a sug, Bazaars are arranged around the mosque in order of the produCts' relation to the functions of the mosque and the prestige accorded zgrvices by the traditional structure Furthermore in its ability to command wealth through the contributions of its congregation, the Friday mosque is an active participant in the economic Sphere, A large portion of this wealth is in the form of land {yggé343from which the mosque derives rents, Investment is also made in commercial 4l . ., , . _ The influence of the Friday mosque in the economic Sphere can be seen in Wheatley's discussion of the Spatial and functional adjustments in the Iranian and Turkish cities which took place following the Arab conquest, Specifically, the mosque was eatablished in the Space beyond the walls (£2232) where only the market existed previously, The center of the city (gig) where the citadel was located consequently declined (Paul Wheatley, “What the Greatness of a City is Said to be: Reflections on Sjoberg's Preslndustrfal City,” gacifig Viewpoint, Volo IV, No,2 {1963), pp, l83a184 2Morroe Berger, ghe Arab World Foggy {Garden City, 1962), p, 88, 43An endowed religious foundation or trust fund estab~ lished by laymen for the benefit of the mosque, Egg; preperty may be in the form of a plot of land, a building or a water source (fountain or Springo) This institution exisred prior to Islam but was eXpanded Spatially and functionally by it, 55 transactions and it is not unusual to find caravans being organized and conducted by the religious hierarchyo This preeminence of the Friday mosque is reflected in the morphologic structuring of the ArabaIslamic cityo Invariably it is located at the Spatial and/or functional center of the city fronting the main square (maydan) in the company of government buildings, homes of the nobility and the main bath (hammano) Its multiefunctional Sphere of ina fluence similarly attains Spatial eXpression in the form of court buildings where religious law (gggggég) is adjudicated, schools and colleges for the instruction of laymen and candim dates to the ministry and the parcels of Egg; preperty scattered through urban and rural Spaceo The shrine The shrine offers a further illustration of the manner in which sacred Space is defined and delimitedo In contrast with the mosque it attains anubiquity which transcends the pastoral as well as the peasant and urban communities. Its religious foundation derives frcm all facets of Islam, ortho= dox, ecumenical and syncretico Its cultural import partakes, to employ Redfield's terminology, of beth the “Great” and ”Little“ traditiono In terms of the shrine's morphologic eXpression, one can identify a host of forms; from a natural feature such as a Spring, cave or boulder, to a manwmade object (tomb, dwelling, or mosque)o Most significantly, hcwever, it is the functional nature of this institution and the Spatial eXpresa sion of these functions which are particularly relevant to 56 the present discussiono In View of the many forms which the shrine takes it is advisable to approach this phenomenon from a Spatialwfunctional perSpectiveo In this regard, two types of shrines can be identified, the ”parochial“ and the ”societal," The "parochial" shrine encompasses those institutions with small congregations and relatively restricted watersheds of attractiono Throughout the Arabclslamic realm, eSpecially (though not exclusively) in the rural sectors, one finds numerous examples of this type: the Spring or well, the weekly market and the seasonal fair, the cemetery, the monastery (ribat) and the villageo Although in each of these cases there is a Specific natural or manmmade feature identified as the "shrine“ where religious activities are centered, it is commonly the encompassing institution and the functions which it embodies that provide the major focus of actiVity for the congregationo44 The relevance of the shrine lies in its ability to impart a sacred aura to the unit of Space within which the institution is located, placing it above the threat of violenceo As such it injects a stabilizing influence by ritually sanct~ ioning peace and condemning hostilityo In a social environment 44See w. Fogg, MThe Suqs A Study in the Human Geoa graphy of Morocco,“ ggggggpgy, Volo XVII (1932), pp. 25?:67, and his article, “A.Tribal Market in the Spanish Zone of Morocco,“ éggigg, Volo XI (1938), pp, 428m45° 57 where the threat of feud, be it individual, communal or tribal, is always imminent, such an institution is requisite,45 One can thus identify in the Arabmlslamic landscape a plethora of parochial arealwfunctional units whose initial, immediate and Justifying function is religiouso Nonetheless, their more attractive attributes are tied to the subsistence, economic, political and socio~cultural needs of the particia pating congregation and the guarantee of security whereby these needs can be satisfied. Temporal considerations (ioeo the frequency of participation as determined by number of visits) vary considerably from situation to situation° The extent of the resource base available to the congregation, prOpinquity and the scheduled round of activity of the indi= vidual communities come to mind as some of the more obvious determinantso The “societal” shrine derives its significance from the extensive congregation which it serves and the primacy of the religious imperative (fulfilled through worship and education),46 It provides a Spiritual focus for either a 45See Fo Benet, “EXplosive Marketss The Berber Highs lands,“ in edo‘Kn Polanyi, CO Arensberg and Ho Pearson, Trade and Market in the Early Empires (Glencoe, 1957), ppo 155~21?: 46This is not to imply, however, that religion is the only activityo Indirectly the “societal shrine” encoure ages through the pilgramage an ideal situation for the exm change of goods and ideas among populations from widely separated portions of the realmo Although economic activities are not permitted within the shrine itself, Mecca and other societal shrine centers have traditionally served as maJor entrepatso 58 major sect within the Islamic community such as at Al Kufa, Njaf, Kerbala, Mashad, Wazzan and Marrakesh, or for the come munity as a whole, eogo Mecca, Medina and Jerusalemo In both cases the urban center provides the principal morphologic eXpressiono Here, as with the parochial shrine, there exists a Spatial hierarchy of sanctity within the encompassing inc stitutiono47 The area of greatest religious significance, commonly found at or near the geographical center of the city, is highlighted by the preeminence of religious activity to the exclusion of other forms of activity, and the rule of the religious hierarchy (eXpressed through a wide range of legal and ideological preceptsyo Generally, the shrine takes the form of a mosque, an imposing edifice of arc hitec wal intricacy and lavishnesso The religious lodge The religious lodge provides a fourth and final illustration of the organization of sacred Spaceo Here one is again faced with a multiplicity of institutional formso One early example is provided by the reiigious paramilitary 1:: ' 'v—m T. I? 1.1 a C“ 47 1 1 . 1 . . 1 In his discuSSion of the pre:151amic origzns of Mecca, Eric Wolfe (“The Social Organization of Mecca and the Origins of Islam,” The Southwestern Journa1 cf Arg*h upO tag);5 Vol VII, No. 4 (1951), ppo 329 1:65 identifies a 51111ar ability to imbue Space with religious overtones on the part of the societal shrine Thus the ha1am wh11ch or1g1nally surrounded only the Ka'ba was extended by the ruling Koreish to include all of Mecca, thereby inc fleas ng stab1iity and security.’ Tribal idols were employed to attract VlSltOIS as well as to increase the image of a sanctuaryo Similarly, pacts were established to protect pilgrims and merchants on their Journey to Meccao All three techniques were directed against the disruptive and disfunctional effects of the blood feud (hilf) on the new religious and economic order established by the Koreisho 59 settlement (tamsir).48 In the initial years of Islamic exm pansion this type of settlement was established on the march» lands of the nascent Islamic state under the direction of warrior-monkso Its function was primarily that of a military entrepet, providing military units with supplies, leadership and human resources? exercising, extending and consolidating political control; inciting and fortifying the Spiritual emotions of its military congregation and pacify” ing the alien populations through vigorous conversion practiceso AS a tool of military conquest, however, this form was relatively shortslivedo In approaching the ”true” religious lodge, that is, one in which the Spiritual objective is dominant, Sadler identifies two basic types, the II°virtuoso°° and the 30parish” community149 Here the differentiating factor is the degree to which the lodge interacts with its congregation° The ”virtuoso“ settlement (ribgt) exhibits a way of life similar in many reSpects to the monastic orders of Christianity, with personal holiness as the desired objecn iveo Ties with the lay community are, according to Sadler, kept at a minimum, with conversion and caste~like dexipleship 48Often referred to as a £1§ggn Here the term £1233 will be employed in a nonmrestricted manner to characterize the lodge of a monastic religious order (Egggga)o 49Ao Sadler, “Islam: The Parish Situation and the Virtuoso Community,“ 5g311m World, Vol° LI (1961), ppo 1971 2l0o 60 as the principal means of interactiono Coon50 and Evansm 51 . , however, appear to take a somewhat broader view Pritchard of the “virtuoso" community and enumerate a wide range of social, economic and political aCtivities whereby this religious order forms a close contact with the lay communityo Indeed, whereas Sadler emphasizes the isolation of a ggggg and its adherents from the secular environment, Evansm Pritchard suggests a close functional and Spatial relationm ship within the urban environmento He goes so far as to employ this situation as the principal means whereby the “parish” Sanusi community can be differentiated from that of the ”virtuoso“ Darwigg and Egg; Brotherhoodso The history of the growth and spread of the (nonmSanusi) orders is part of the general history of the growth and spread of the urban centers of Cyrenacla0 2 This difference of Opinion, it would appear, does net arise out of the unreliability of one side's datao Rather, it tends to reflect the wide range of types possible within the Arabmlslamic contexto One could realistically posit a continuum situation in which the degree of change is reflectm ed in the type of institution, the extent of its functions and the size of the participant congregationo bOCoon, Caravan, ng cite, ppo 129w1360 SlEOEO EvansaPritchard, The Sanuggfigfmcp (Oxford, 1949)o 521b1a0, p0 870 61 The “parish“ community, acco.1d1ng to Sadler, operates as a clergy on behalf of the Spiritual needs of its lay cona gregation° To a degree not found among the virtuoso orders, secular activities such as agriculture, pastoralism, trade and politics are integrated into the Spiritual environment 53 and employed in the pursuit of spiritual objectiveso In his discussion of the Sanusi (recognized by Sadler as a “parish” community), EvansmPritchard states: Anyone who studies the distribution of Sanusi lodges in CyrenaCia will observe that they were placed 0 o 0 on a pOlltIQOa economic plano Furthermore, sanusi lodges served many pugposes be~ sides catering for religious needs” They were schools, caravanserais, commercial centers, social centers, forts, courts of law, banks, storehouses, poor houses, sanctuary and burial groundSOSS 53The guild institution, an amalgam of social, economic, political and military functions with1‘ n a synrzretic spiritual contest, can be viewed as a uniquely urban man.ifestaa tion of the 60parish“ lodgeo According to G; bb and Bowen (Islamic SOCiet" Land t.he WesE, Vol I Oxford l9bt—7 JAll who wexe engaged in any uzban occupation were membezs of a corp» orat ionoBa (p027 7) The gui‘ 1d would then appear to be an ubim quitous phenomenon with; n th.e urban env’zonmerf wh1ch, 1n Fischel's view, “structured all economic aciv1,y ("The City in Islam,” M1ddle Eas+ Affa‘vs Volo VII 41936’, pp.ZBO® 231. ) Lewis approacnes this phenomenon in the foliowi ng manners “So important was the guild in Islamic lite that in many cases the tOpography of the Islamic city, which was built on the idea of a market, was determined by the needs of the guildsmen."_ (“The Islamic Guilds, “ Econom c Historymgeview, Vol VIII 41931/, ppo 20= 213 He qu nermtxe St ates +hat the distribution of guilds in different towns was practically identical° (Ibiwd , p0 2110 54E E Evans Pritchard, T'ne Sa V‘s of Cygepaggi, ggp citl, po 780 SS Ibidp, p. 790 62 In the Cyrenacian hinterland, then, the concept of sacred Space is develOped to a high degree, the lodge (zawiya) and its surrounding estate (Egggg) providing the Spiritual as well as economic, social and political focus° In a manner reminiscent of the shrine institution, the lodges represent “stable points in a country where all else was on the move,“56 A similar situation is evident in the Arabian Peninm sula where a more orthodox variant of the ”parish” community, Wahhabism, has been employed as a political as well as a religious forceo Here the Sanusi lodge is replaced by the township (direh), It too can be viewed as a unit of sacred space as its settling was a religious obligation (This pris macy of religious criteria can be seen in the name given to the individual settlements: é; Hijra), within the context of this discussion, then, the state of Saudi Arabia, as initially envisaged, represents a valid illustration of the manner in which sacred Space is accorded arealmfunetienal organizationo Resource Base An itemization of the resource potential of the social environment demands greater caution and insight on the part of the observer than was neeessary with the natural shyironmento This is because the foundation upon which social 63 resources are predicated is an intricate, dynamic and often contradictory body of beliefs, tradition, norms, ritual, attitudes and goalso In essence, it is the igeg;ggy of the society°57 Within the ArabaISlamic realm, the ”Five Pillars of Islam" fulfill the role of an ideological foundation in the secular and sacred sphereso The principal categories of this system will provide the general framework for the ens suing discussion: They are: (l) prayer (ggig), £2) almsm giving (£353), (3) fasting (Eggg), (4) pilgrimage {Bill} and (5) profession of faith (gigggg930 grayer Prayer is an important category of soc1al resourceso On one level prayer functions as a medium for identification and integration within the communityo58 t is a focus for activity and emotion which demands full participation on the part of the communal congregationo On a second level, prayer establishes a rapport between the Spiritual and the secular, S715‘or a discussion of religion viewed as the ideology of a community and the manner in which it mediates man's relation to the physical environment, see Elaine M1 Bjorklund, “Ideology and Culture Exemplified in Southwestern Michigan,“ ggnals of the Association of_§merigan Geogggpbggg, Volo LIV, N002 (June, 1964), ppo 227m2410 58Ho Barclay, “Muslim Religious Practice in a Village Suburb of Khartoum,“§§§l1g~§§rld, Voln LIII (1963), ppo 205m 211, mentions that all his‘informants recognized gglg_as the first requirement of Islam and the initial means for defining a Muslimo 64 the mundane and the ideal, heaven and earth; it creates a unity of the “universal” and the ”local“, t offers the ina dividual a context within which the harsh reality of daywtoa day existence can be interpreted, rationalized and made more palatableo élmsgiving Almsgiving represents one of the more significant elements of the social environmento Its relevance to the resource potential of Arabmlslamic society lies in its being one of the major institutions whereby the community's surplus 59 is redistributedO In many respects it defines one aSpect 60 of “social surplus,“ The practice of almsgiving Operates as a form of social welfare whereby members of the community incapable of selfesupport are provided foro Almsgiving is also utilized to support the religious establishmento Much of this contribution, however, is subs sequently employed to benefit the entire community through the support of educational facilities and public workso The institution of almsgiving, it might also be mentioned, has 59Another institution which provides a similar serm vice is the charitable foundation {igg;) which is established by members of the lay congregation and administered either by the state or the religious hierarchyo As a means for main» taining social=economic equilibrium within the community, it provides for a wide range of welfare serviceso 35'Essesrnmm ally it serves to iron out the differences between high and low, rich and poor, familiar and strange, bringing the ex: tremes closer to the mean,“ Coon, gaggygg, gpo gjt,, p0127o 4—— 6OFor a discussion of the term “surplus,“ see footnote 16 of chapter IIIo 65 further benefited the commonity by providing a tradition of communal support which has paved the way, so to Speak, for the establishment of a system of secular taxation°6l Fasting The third ”pillar“0 of Islamic ideology, fasting, provides a visible means whereby an individual can eXpress his commitment to the communi tyo62 As with pray'er and profession of faith, periods of fast such as Ramadan reins force group solidarity by symbolically remestablishing the individual's position within it°63 Terhnic ally, fasting 61The relationship between the religious injunction of almsgiving and the secular institution of taxation is somewhat of a moot point° Coon argues that although funce tionally similar they are geneticallyxand inst1tut1onaily distinct “Zaka differs from those Lsecular taxeg / in that it was not originally designed to support the 5 ate, being rather a means of levelling out the income of the various elements in the community so that no one would go hungry, of financing the conversion of the heathen and of fac1litat= ing travel between the various part.s of the Islamic world 0 o o (Coon, gaggxgg, op&‘c.it1, p0 112) Although thzs m11ght te-ch~ nically be true the: e is ample evidence to the contraryo (Coon even offers one illustrat1on3 Caravan p1112, foot: no11e #720 Eric Wolf asserts that saka* efzjy became a “graduated income tax, “ w1th payment or nonmpayment being the chief test of adherence to Islam as well as the Islamic stateO (Wolf, “The Social Organization of Mecca and the Origins of Islam, “ Son‘hwestern uou'na‘ of Ar 3; cpt1tjy Volo VII (1951), ppo 349= 3500 Indeed g1ven the t1ose t1ea which have traditionally existed between the pc11t1ta1 and religious establishments and the generally secular nature of the ends to which zaka can be employed, it is not difficult to apprea ciate this situationo 30 6 .1 . . .. 1 2That is the ISlamic community of the faithfui (gmgg§)o 63Barclay feels that the fast of Ramadan, by vzrtte oi the restrictions placed on the ind1v1dual and the er-‘m11.i.tMode of vi.sible communal activ1ties assoc1a1.ed w1.'h it, prcv1des a less critical index of rel *1giosity (in that there 15 a strong imperative to conform) than other forms of ritual behavior such as prayero 66 also Operates as a “great equalizer’o in that both rich and poor must participate and suffer the requisite deprivations, The fast also has a deleterious effect on the communa ity's resource potentialo Since the Islamic calendar is based on a lunar rather than a solar cycle, the fast of Ramadan often falls during the critical planting or harvests ing seasono By interrupting the cycle of activity and inm hibiting the output of labor, the threshold between subsista ence and surplus is often disruptedo64 As sue , fasting bem 65 for he alone has a resource comes "the rich man“s routine” base secure enough to withstand its adverse effectso Pilgrimage The act of pilgrimage (£314) is laden with numerous resource implicationso Perhaps more than any other ideologim cal principle, excepting almsgiVJng, pilgrimage offers a viable medium for employing one of the more significant elements of a community's resource base, manpowero Three iilustrations will support this observationo Throughout its history the Arabmlslamic state relied heavily on the he ; principle to recruit a military force. capable of supporting and extending its sphere of controlo Utilized in combination with the ;;§2g_(hoiy war) the “3;; (1' l 64§ggggo, footnote 16, chapter III, 65Coon. garages. 10° 1140 67 injunction was directedmainly at the pastoral community which provided a major portion of the state's military strength. By invoking the $2.11 the state induced the pastoral warrior to enter the area under effective state control (M gflakhzgp) and submit to its authority. 66 A second aspect of the 33.9.1.1. principle focuses upon urban migration as a religious obligation and a sacred act. In this manner Islam, basically an urban-based and urban- oriented ideology, provides for the demographic continuity of the city and the expansion of urban space through the establishment of new cities. Migration, interpreted as pilgrimage, thus represents a religious as well as an economic imperative. uploying the M principal as initially perceived, that is, as a pilgrimage elicits a further resource implica- tion. Whereas profession of faith establishes a comitment to a spiritual community primarily through the median of an anotional experience, the pilgrimage embodies a physical ex- pression as well. Furthermore, the pilgrimage enables the individual to appreciate the spatial as well as the spiritual manifestations of the community. 668ee r. Benet, “The Ideology of Islamic Urbaniza- tion,“ Internati na J rnal f arative c , vol. IV (1963’. pp. 216-218. Early references to the military camps of the seventh century Islamic state as "houses of emigration“. support this interpretation of the he} 1. See w. 81 schel, “The City in Islam,“ Middle Eastern Affairs, Vol. VII (1956), p. 227. 68 The resource potential of the pilgrimage, however, lies in its ability to stimulate the exchange of goods, ser= vices and ideas. Recognizing the average adherents in~ ability to underwrite the large eXpenditure of time, energy and resources requisite for a pilgrimage, Mohammad allowed a indeed, encouraged» the pilgrims' participation in trade. Consequently pilgrimage foci such as Mecca and the settlem ments located along the numerous Egg; routes deveIOped as major commercial entreths, the routes themselves functionm ing as transportation and trade mediao The pilgrimage in: stitution, then, serves as a significant medium for distrim buting resources on a regional and intermregional scaleo Profession of Faith Profession of faith is the most immediate emotional expression of community0 As a ”resource‘m it fosters a common identity among heterogeneous pepulations fragmented intern nally and divided externally. Profession of faith ensures support for demanding situations such as warfare on the basis of a commitment to the ideological foundation of Islam. It also serves as a medium for interaction whereby dissimilar pOpulations can communicate, a good example being the theoretical right of every member of the Islamic community to unimpeded access to the dominant symbols of the community (e.go Mecca)o In a manner of speaking, then, profession of faith is a pasSport, a declaration of citizenship in a spiritual community (ummah).67 67See Wgflo Watt, MConditions of Membership of the Islamic Community,“ Etudia Isiamica, Volo XXI (1964), pp05~120 1’14: mfi' 69 Int ta*tion In approaching the integrative components of the social environment, it is to be kept in mind that by employing Islam as the principal frame of reference, indeed, as one of the determinants of the areal unit of analysis (i.e. the Arabs Islamic realm), all discussion proceeds on the assumption that interaction is both evident and significant. Within this context, then, a concern with the presence of inter» action is academic. What is of concern is the manner in which the institutional and ideological elements of the social environment combine to effect as well as inhibit functional and spatial interaction. As can be seen from the above discussion, potential channels for human interaction are numerous. On the local level, ritual activities are conducive to interaction through the establishment and reinforcement of a common Spiritual identityo Prayer, eSpecially the Friday service, tends to be a group rather than an individual activity. As such it reiterates the individual's emotional and Spiritual commitment to the community. Almsgiving fosters interaction by calling for facemto~face contact between members of dis: parate socioneconomic strata. Although conducted on a persons temperson basis, it nonetheless demands the individual's awareness of his reSponsibility to the community as well as the community‘s obligations to the individual. Similarly, fasting operates as an equalizer cutting across all lines of distinction in its demands for compliance. ?O The mosque, shrine, and religious lodge rovide the institutional matrix for these activities. The functional capacity of these institutions is not, however, restricted to the spiritual realm. Rather, one finds that the religious function tends to enhance the institution“s ability to see commodate other activitiesm economic, political and social. As would be eXpected, their integrating potential is greatly eXpanded. The importance of this situation is appreciated when one recognizes that a Spiritual congregation, in focus» ing upon a mosque, shrine or lodge, similarly partakes of the attributes of a political, social and economic arealmfunctionm al unit. Activities and institutions which stimulate and symbolize interaction at the local level, however, often manifest an inhibiting tendency when approached within a regional context. One finds, for example, that the relationm ship between a village and its religious institution is stronger than the relationship between the institution and its encompassing hierarchy. The result is a descentralizam tion of authority and a high degree of local autonomy. In an urban environment a similar situation is evim dent. Here, once again, the ability of the religious instia tution to reflect the identity of its congregation tends to discourage interaction on a citymwide scale. The multim plicity of mosques and lodges within the urban center is eXplained in large part by this phenomenon. ?l Patterns of interaction are nonetheless very much in evidence on this levelo The enactment of the Friday prayer, a major requirement of Islam, necessitates a sizeable cone gregation, possible only with the participation of a large segment of the otherwise fragmented urban populationo This institution, in its emphasis on centralization, seeks to re» duce the parochial attraction of the neighborhood mosqueo68 Within the framework of the Friday mosque, the functional capacity of the neighborhood institution is thus eXpanded in range and impacto An institutional medium for regional interaction is the agggp This widely diapersed arealwfunctional network of social welfare institutions encompasses urban and rural space and plays an important role in stimulating movement between the two° Within the socioeeconomic dimension, it reduces the gap between rich and poor, high and loweborn, by SUpplem menting the resource base of those in needo The “parrish“ type of religious lodge also act in support of regional interactiono By emphasizing the regional nature of the spiritual community, it ameliorates the parow chialism of the individual componentso The Sanusi Order of .4. .u.——.-_. 681n his study of the Friday mosque in Ibadan, Nigeria, Abner Cohen undertakes a functional analysis of the Friday sere vice as an index of urban centralityo Although emphasizing the political realm, Cohen documents the degree to which the sociOmeconomic, political and religious Sphe:es of Ibadan interact within the institution of the Friday mosqueo (Paper delivered at Michigan State UniveISLty, November ll, 1966)o 72 Cyrenacia well illustrates this abilityo Similarly, the "parochial" shrine induces interaction by attracting elements of diverse ecological communities, Specifically the peasant and pastoral , By providing a cone flictwfree environment, the shrine enables diSparate commune ities to establish bonds of complementarityo Here, then, social inhibitors of interaction such as warfare and feud are avoided through an appeal to the sanctity of sacred spaceo Indicative of the shrine's importance as an agent for interaction is its ubiquity throughout the ecological order, the wide range of institutional forms it manifests, and the catalogue of needs it satisfieso Perhaps the most effective, or at least the most evident, aspects of regional interaction focus upon the “so<:i.eta."‘a."a shrine and the Egg; institutiono In that the “societal“ shrine commands a much larger and more diSpersed congregation than does the parochial, its visitation estabn lishes patterns of communication which attain reaimwwide eXpression, It further serves as a symbolic focus in terms of which an otherwise fragmented society can articuiate its . . J. . 69 common Spiritual identity and commitment, 69See COAOOo Van Nieuwenhuijze, ”The Ummah, An Analya tic Approacl'x,°a Studia Islamiga, Volo x (1959), ppo 5~22° Here an analysis of this form of aEsocial identitym attempts to isolate the contributing factors, the manner in which ”identity” is expressed, and the situations which give rise to this eXpressiono Ho Ritter, in his work “Irrational Solidarity G:oupss A SociOisychological Study in Connection with Ibn Khaldun,“ Oriens, Volo I (1948), pp, lm44, discusses the variables associated with the establishment of intras and interwgroup 73 In its emphasis upon the sanctity of urbanworiented migration, the th;,institutio , apart from the pilgrimage covered in the above discussion, presents a situation of ruralsurban interaction with a long historical tradition, It is an ubiquitous form of movement binding town and country into one interacting whole, In combination with almsgiving, the Egg; provides Arabmlslamic society with a system of rem source distribution which is evident in all sections of the realm, The Community A discussion of the components of the ecological trilogy (the urban center, pastoral encampment and peasant village) at this time is‘warranted by the objective of the present chapter, to present an overview of the Arabmlslamic realm, Whereas the following chapters will focus on the patterns of interaction exhibited by the individual compom nents of the trilogy, the present analysis will stress their locational and resource characteristics, In this manner it is hoped that the section will both adhere to the format and intent of the preceding discussion and provide a pre;ude for discussion to follow, relations through the medium of what he refers to as “asabiya” or “sense of solidarity and common identity,00 74 The Urban Center Introduction Within the ArabaIslamic realm as in other parts of the non~Western world, there exists much debate regarding.the finer points of what constitutes a ”city“ and ”town“, Each researcher, it seems, attempts to apply his own set of criteria eSpecially when dealing with an historical situm ation, Mikesell for example, claims that in JoMorocco, as in other parts of the Muslim world, it is difficult to find intermediate stages in the settlement hierarchy, Indeed, there isn't an equivalent in Maghribi Arabic for the word 'toun“,”70 Blache, via an analysis of air photographs of the Moroccan landscape, similarly contends that Mthe transition which in EurOpe leads from the village to the country town and from the town to the city is here absent,”?l In another,section of his study, however, Blache maintains that such transitions are not only present, but that they can be observed: ”Between the gig (house) and the kasba (town), insensible transitions and diversity of types may even be seen in the same agglomeration,“62 Numerous 7 “OMOW, Mikesell, Eorthgrn Moroccos g Cultural Geography, (Berkeley, 1960). pa 6?o 71Jules Blache, 8”Modes of Life in the Moroccan Countryside: Interpretations of Areal Photographs,“ Gees graphical Review, Vol, XI (October 1921), p, 48?, 72Ibid,, p, 480, 75 studies from Morocco and other parts of the Arabalslamic realm support this latter view and tend to refute Mikesell's assertiono Indeed, the Moroccan term gghig translates as "town°” Subsuming both “city" and “town“ under the heading of ”urban center“ does not appear to alleviate the situationo The controversy centering on the distinction between "village" and “urban center" is typicalo Traditional indices developed in western situations tend to be inapprOpriate and misleading, eSpecially quantitative criteria such as size and density of populationo According to Benet, "One must look for more subtle distinctions than the quantitative to arrive at useful ,73 definitions of the urban milieuo Mikes is in agreement, and offers one possible alternatives The questionable use of terms implying sizem village, town, city a are best dealt with in relation to the traditional culture under considerationo Size alone, abstracted, is no criteriong nor is degree of concentras tiono Assessing the nature and relative size and specialization of the 'center' of a settlement is probably the best approach to the differentiation of town and villageoa 73Fo Benet, “Sociology Uncertain: The Ideology of the Rural~Urban Continuum ” §buthwestern Journal 2; ggggg appologzg XIV (1958)9 po 0 74 sowo Mikes, "An Urban Type: Extended Boundary Townsf’ Southwestern Journal_9f Anthropology, Volo XIV (1958), p.348o On the basis of field work conducted in Iraq, Adams has found that “there is absolutely no evidence of lesser p0pu« lation densities obtaining in small agricultural settlements than in urban centers, in spite of the necessity of accommedatw ing large numbers of live stock in a small settlemento o 0 there is little or no evidence of a positive correlation bem tween larger settlement size and greater densitya” Robert Mc Co Adams, Qand Behind Baghdad: A.History_of Settlement on the Qiyala Plains (Chicago, 1965), p0 250 76 Contributing to this debate are the “functionalists” who define settlement forms on the basis of activity patternso This approach is evident in the following statements The oases, even the smallest of some few hundred inhabitants, are towns, not villageso They possess the organs of urban lifeo a o In this urban setting, the life itself is dism tinctly urban o o o the places of amusement are indicative of the night life which is analogous to that of the low quarters of one of the portso7 Adding to the confusion of terminology is the tends ency to employ both the term “village“ and “town“ in attempts ing to comprehend the arealwfunctional nature of the urban center. In his analysis of Cairo, for example, Ayreut states that ”it is enough to cast a glimpse at felahin (peasant) colonies in Cairo to see that they are simply villages, grouped according to place of origin in the old 76 Ziadeh, however, feels that 3"these new quarterso" quarters (of Damascus) were not mere extensions and eXpana sions of the city° They were almost new towns only physically lying within the immediate proximity of the cityofl7 Xavier de Planhol, discussing the Islamic City, cempletes the analogical procedure by approaching the urban center 03as a 75EOFO Gautier, ”Nomad and Sedentary Folks in Northa ern Africa," geographical Revigg, VolO XL (1921), po 80 76 p. 1500 HOHo Ayrout, The Egyptian Peasant (Boston, 1963), 1 ‘7Nicola Ao Ziadeh, Urban_Life inflfiygigj Under the Earlquumluks (Beirut, 1953),po 82o ?7 collection of cities living under the haunting fear of a general massacre°”78 In the present discussion both city and town will be subsumed under the category of'hrban centero“ The distinca tion between the urban center and village is predicated on ecological characteristicso The principal variable employed in highlighting the ruraleurban distinction is the resource base available to each community typeo Location As a mode of settlement the urban center constitutes a major temporal, functional and Spatial focus of the Arab= Islamic realmo If one accepts the premise that one of the principal determinants of the city is resource potential, an analysis of its locational qualities, then, should proceed within the same frameworko Thus the phenomena of focality and accessibility are recognized as the mediating elements between urban location and the nature of the center's re» source potentialo Focality In approaching the temporal dimension of the realm, many observers have employed the urban center in such a manner 78Xavier de Planhol, Eggmggrld of Islam (Cornell, 1959), p0 l4o Von Grunebaum, in his siticle““The Muslim Town" (gandscape, Volo VII, No03 #19sgg, p0 ?) likewise employs this techniqueo “Unity in (urban, residence is functional not civico It (a city) is a collection of towns,"0 78 as to imply that Arameslamic history is essentially urban history, They contend that the urban center has generated, mediated and resolved the dominant forces operative througha out the temporal and Spatial dimensions of the realmo In addition to this temporal significance, the city has also achieved functional significance, Politically and administratively, the city has evolved as Egg institutional medium through which dynasties and empires have exercised power, Islam has likewise employed the urban center as its principal arena for eXpression, recognizing the center as the only acceptable environment for the full observance of its precepts, Similarly, in its ability to focus, convert and redistribute a major portion of the realm's resource base (in the form of goods and services), the urban center is the most articulate eXpression of the realm's economic organizes tiono This focality of the urban center attains Spatial exs pression via a wide range of forms, the most expliCit being the morphologic structuring of the center itself, The impact of this structuring is increased, furthermore, by its ubiquity throughout the urban enVircnment of the rea;m, Within the Arawaslamic City one repeatedly finds the central core defined according to functional rather than Strictly Spatial considerations, As such, it is the location of the Friday mosque (43ml), government buildings (adminiStrative, 79 Judicial, military), residences of the elite79 and main market (ggg) with its associated caravanserai giggg) which determine the central core of the cityo Within this ins stitutional complex the major activities of the realm are focusedo Accessibility Throughout the Arab=Islamic realm the location and structure of the various settlement patterns are largely conditioned by each community's perception of its resource base, the nature of this base and the means for converting resources into goods and services beneficial to the communityo What distinguishes the urban center's Spatial adjustment to its resource base is the mediating role which accessibility plays in this relationshipo Within the context of the peasant community, for exe ample, suitability of site tends to be determined by a sub» stantial portion of the resource base being within the territorial bounds of the communityo For the peasant comm munity, then, proximity can be recognized as the principal condition for determining locational imperatives, The urban center, on the other hand, is not restrictm ed in its selection of site by_the relative location of its r '9This elite represents the sum of the individual elites of the peasant and pastoral as well as urban communir: tieso One can thus recognize a qualified yet distinct demOG graphic eXpression of the urban center°s focalityo 80 resource base to the same degree as is the peasant villageo Apart from those resources which derive uniquely from urban Space (iceo skills, stability, security), the city's princio pal resource base lies well beyond its territorial boundso Its ability to control and utilize this extraaurban base in support of its own objectives, then, lies in the urban center's ability to maintain access to this baseo Access, in turn, is in large part dependent upon technologyo Whereas the peasant community's spatial relation to its resource base is conditioned by a relatively restricted technology, the urban center's technological SOphistication allows it a much wider range of action° Consequently, distance as an impeding factor is overcomeo J Focality and accessibility, in conjunction with their implication of extramcommunal orientation and interaction, can thus be identified as two principal factors which differs entiate the urban center from other settlanent types, This observation, however, has not met with equal acceptance by researchers of the Arameslamic realmo When attempting to define the Arabwlslamic city in terms of its Spatial and functional position vis a vis the peasant and pastoral come munities, many observers feel there is a basic discrepancy between the view presented above and the situation they find in realityo Instances are cited in which the urban center apparently occupies a niche that is functionally and Spatialw 1y alien (ioeo exhibits neither focality nor accessibility) to the encompassing social, political, economic and demographic environmento 81 Western Libya was never anything but a maritime facade, a country of emporiums and ports, the trade of which was fed by merchandise from the Sudan as much as, if not more than, by the products of the country itself,8 What such observers have not fully appreciated is the dual orientation of the urban center, On one plane of interaction the local or “immediate“ rural environment pro= vides the dominant focus? on a second plane, the dominant focus is provided by the regional or intercregional environ= ment,81 This distinction actually occupies a central posia tion in the hierarchial organization of urban centers, “Lowaorder“ urban centers,such as the market~town,oriented principally to the local rural situation are deemed ”indigenous“ to the encompasing environment, ”Highermorder” centers, on the other hand, whose greater technology relee gates local considerations to a peripheral position, are judged "alienow 80Jean DeSpois, “Types of Native Life in Eripolitania,” Geographical Review, Vol, xxxv (1945), p, 355, As an illusm tration Deepois offers the case of “Tripoli, a Turkish city since the sixteenth century (which) has remained more or less alien to its hinterland peopled by hostile tribes,8e (p,356) Although the validity of this example is questionable, it should be recognized that there are situations in which the urban center was, to a large extent, an alien form, Mikesell's assertion that Moroccan cities didn°t evolve as trading cities for the rural areas is one example in which a valid case can be made for the “alien city,” He states, MThe Moroccan city is an imposed entity, No Moroccan city is truly native o , , since they are walled cities they begin and end abruptly,“ (M,w, Mikesell, Northern Morocco: 3 Cgltural Gegggaphx , , , p067)o ‘ 81Briggs, for example, states, 00In.3pite of their seems ing variety, the true urban centers of the Sahara are formed 82 The distinction between the higher=order center and its loweraorder counterpart, and the question of focality and extraecommunal interaction, is further compounded by the tendency of observers to view the highermorder center as a product of functional Specialization; economic, political, or religious, Beirut is thus characterized as a mercantile center, Mecca as a religious, and Damascus as a dynastic center, Approaching the highermorder center as a Specializ= ing institution,however,masks its true multi=functional qualities and encourages the contention of its alien position within the encompassing landscape,82 Once again the morphologic characteristics of the ArabaIslamic city can be cited to illustrate the functional and spatial integration of the highermorder center within the including environment, As has been seen the central core of the urban center is generally defined in terms of an institutional nexus of religious, political and economic establishments, alike in that all depend primarily o o o on interregional as Opposed to purely local trade,” Tribg§_ofuthe Sahaga (Cambridge, 1960), po 750 Within the local ruralmurban context, then, the urban center's hinterland tends to take the form of an immee diate, concentrated and multimdimensional Spacemtime manifold, On a regional intereurban level of analysis, however, the city's hinterland can be viewed as extensive, discontinuous and predominantly uniadimensional, 82There are ArabaIslamic urban centers which are not integrated into the landscape pattern, One illustration are those Moroccan cities established by the Spanish crown, such as Ceuta and Melillao A second example is the dynastic city conceived as the physical expression of a newly=emergent rul= ing establishment, This type was often inhabited solely by the functionaries of the establishment and their SUpporters, They were what one might call “private cities,“ 83 The portion of urban Space surrounding the core cone stitutes a somewhat distinct environment, or rather set of environments, overlain by “urban culture,“u Here Space is structured into quarters (2333) by sociOmcultural, rather than by strictly functional, imperativeso Bounded by walls and gates, each quarter incorporates all the attributes of an individual community complete with the requisite economic, religious and political institutionso To a large extent the patterns of activity are functionally and structurally dis: tinct from those Operative within the central place of the city and are relevant only within the confines of the quartero How, then, does this pattern of quarters, functionally peripheral yet spatially contiguous, illustrate the local focality of the urban center? It is within the quarters that the full impact of demographic focality can be appreciatedo Every urban center, regardless of size and function, is largely dependent upon neighboring rural populations for its continued existenceo And, as has been seen, urbanmoriented migration represents one of the major manifestations of human movement° The resolution of this process is representw ed by the Eggg institution which defines the ethnic, religious and, more importantly, the locational origins of the community it encompasses, 84One could theoretically reconstruct the range of the center's focality by identifying the locational derivation of communities resident in urban Space, 84 Furthermore, the system of quarters provides the principal medium for the numerous economic and socio-cultural activities which tie the urban center, high as well as low- order, to its including environment.85 fig Eeeource 932 As mentioned previously, the resource base provides a principal context within which settlement types can be differentiated. ' Employing the eatpanded definition of “re- source” develoPed aboVUo86 it should be possible to highlight at this time some of the more important components of the urban center's resource base. Perhaps the most significant resource complex avail- able to the center is the interacting network of the various organisational hierarchies- political, religious and economic (as personified by the elite). Via this network control is exercised, over the resources of the rural community (i,e, peasant agriculturist and nomadic pastoralist) as well as those of the lesser towns. This networh,through taxes, rents, alms, shares and profite,also provides the means whereby these widely dispersed resource units are siphoned off, transferred and concentrated in the center. This concentration 85Within the larger urban center the central core serves as the institutional matrix within which regional and inter-regional patterns of activity are dominant. 86%. P0 32 ' Chapt“ :11, FOOtnOtQ 6e 85 of resources, translated into capital goods, in turn stimu- lates and underwrites commerce, manufacture and a wide range of services, Knowledge and skill are another resource to which the urban center has access. In that the center provides the home for the elite as well as a large population displaying all levels of wealth, and since an equally extensive non— urban population is dependent on it a suitable market is present for a wide range of goods and services which demand highly specialized activity, The urban center, then, has a monOpoly on the institutions of learning, the scribes, teachers, artists and artisans, to name but a few, The demographic resource presents yet another medium through which the urban center can assert its preveminence, A large pOpulation provides a suitable market for the goods and services produced by the center, It also permits adequate defense and manpower for the construction and maintenance of public works such as walls, roads and buildings, Further, the urban masses in many instances, are enlisted in support of a regime or the establishment of a new political, spiritual or social movement, Most important of all, however, is the necessity of a large population for the continued existence of the center, In conclusion, then, it can be said that the urban center, regardless of size and principal functiona1 orientaa tion, represents a most significant Spatial, temporal and functional focus for the Arabclslamic realmo Through the 86 various activities which it performs it has a unique potential for gaining access to and eXploiting the resources of the less wellwdeveIOped communities of the realm, rural and urban, With the assistance of this extensive resource base, the urban center is able to both maintain and extend its Sphere of influence and control, The Pastoral Community Despite its traditional popularity in research87 the pastoral community remains a relatively unknown quantity, In approaching the pastoralist, then, it is perhaps best to commence discussion with some observations which at fir st glance might appear selfwevident, Nevertheless, their rem statement permits clarification of this complex subject and provides viable guidelines for subsequent discussion, In this manner it is heped that the sizeable though unorganized body of data relevant to the pastoral community can most effectively be brought to bear on the nature of human inter» action within the Arabmlslamic realmo Pastoralism denotes a wide Spectrum of activitieSBB whereby man has adjusted to and modified his environment, , 8"According to Basque, anThere is probably more literature on 'the nomad' than on any other group, perhaps because the West has found them more romantic, more exotic, and more akin to their own prehistoric fore“ nuarers," Infegc' . {b- n n+1: ‘ ‘3 Q's». .3 h "I; A .. ,- 1 ‘1’, q fr, ‘1 {P 'I ,r ‘1‘ :5. '- HEW“ 11‘— ganigns, stain, Salerae Eggiggfi, Xi, No, 4 (i759), p, was, _'_‘ I :u: LII'ILLi-YL 13:21.2 C21! 121’: 3:3 TL 31“: ‘ 88“There are wide variations in the ecological condim tions to which they (t e nomads) have to reSpend and a correSpondingly wide variation in the animals that are kept and the area of movemento It would consequently be a misw take to treat the nomad as a homogtrsuus group. , , The 87 The pastoralist, as the peasant and urbanite, has had to evalua ate the natural milieu and develOp a technology for employing resources to satisfy his needs, A definition of pastoralism, then, is contingent upon the interplay of the natural and social environment, The cultural differences in techniques and values, and hence in the utilization of the physicalabiological environment and its conversion into a human habitat have distinw guished one human group from another,8 In approaching the pastoral community within the present context the intent will be to identify some of the major features whereby the community gains coherence as a principal component of the Arabwlslamic realm, The ensuing discussion will employ the same units of analysis used in the preceding sections, that is "location“ and ”resource base,” Location One of the shortcomings in traditional accounts of the pastoralist is the attempt to establish an invariate composition of the herds varies according to rainfall, soils and elevation, as does somewhat the character of the people and the clan confederacies which claim the vario:s zones, Leo Silberman, 0cSomali Nomads“ Interpatit°‘:m r; gmgmmgigg gggrnal, Vol, XVI, No, 3 (1964), pp, 559: 3b0, The Spectrum of types ranged frcm the nomad isgense nomades) who can further be M fferenti ated into camel he ders ngad _ iamala cattle herders (baggara) and sheep and goat herders (shwaya , the transhumant and semianzmad wn.o also can be defined in terms of herd compoSit,* on, natu: ai milieu, and permanency of residence, to the peasant agr .Caitu,aii Who engages in pastoralism as an ancillary subsistence aetivityo 89William L, Thomas Jr,, ed, Maln: s Po ,g_ he‘Face of the_§arth (Chicago, 1956), p, Xxxui, r? 88 relationship between the pastoral community and an arid environmento Quite to the contrary, the pastoralist's natural milieu includes practically all ecological combinam tions: the ocean littoral, steppeland, alpine upland as well as arid plaino Indeed, it would appear that the pastoralist exhibits a greater degree of adaptability than do the peasant and urbaniteo90 Most observers, however, have been hesitant to attach significance to this facto Their unit of analysis is landscape transformation and resorganization, a process which, it is felt, is not reflected in the pastoral commune ity, According to Earth the pastoraliSts ”are organizations ally equipped only to eXplOit a natural environment as it is, not to invest labor in modifying it for subsequent more efficient utilizationOM91 True, although the pastoralist does exert a decided influence on the ecological order of his habitat, Specifically the floral and faunal components, it is difficult to find evidence £“evidence” generally interpreted as physical structuring) of such interaction, To Berque, ”These lands a O O are 'covered,‘ 'dominated,° . t . .9 , . ,92 or 'controlled° by him rather tnan eXpioited,“ 9003We are impressed with the sheer vastness of the Space and time covered by this way of life no less than by its archaismo“ Jo Berque, Internatgggal §ggga;_§g}eng§ Jgurnal, Vclo x1, N004 (1959), Introduction, p0 4860 91F, Barth, Nomads of_§guthern Pegsggo o 0, p0102, ngo Berque, gp&jcito, p0 4860 89 To predicate one‘s analysis of the pastoral community on criteria which attain significance within other patterns of subsistence activity cannot, however, be gustified, Furthermore, morphologic forms, although useful in the analy« sis of some human communities, are not ultimate criteria, Their value lies in providing the observer with a convenient expression of the manner in which man organizes his environc ment, Their absence, then, cannot be taken as adequate proof that such organization does not, in fact, take place, It remains that although the pastoralist has not al» ways effected a visible alteration of his habitat, he has nonetheless established an intimate and effective relation: ship with it, In his discussion of one of the modes which pastoralism takes, i,e, transhumance, Stauffer offers the following observations Transhumant nomadism is bath a valid mode of survival and a fully rational and exa pedient form of land utilization, granted the level of Middle Eastern seeiety and its economic develOpment to date, In much of Iran and Afghanistan it is indeed the superior, solution to the challenge of the enVironment,93 The locational aSpects of a community, that is, the manner in which a pepulation distributes itself within the spatial dimension, are in large part a reflection of the 93ToR, Stauffer, “The Economics of Nomadism in Iran,” Migdle East Jourggl, Vol, XIX, No,3 (1965), p,285, See also §ilberman, gp&,g;g,, p,5598 ”By natural selection the nomad has proved himself a skilled ecologist, maintaining a most delicate adjustment between the capacity of his animals to go without food and water and the timing and route of their movement from one grazing or water source to the next,” 90 means whereby a community relates to its environment, Comm monly, settlement patterns and other physical manifestations of this relationship are emphasized in a discussion of coma munal location, Since pastoral settlement is an ephemeral phenomenon and the morphologic structuring of Space a rarity, a realistic assessment of locational characteristics must seek other units of analysis, In the present discussion, then, an attempt will be made to eXpress communal location in terms of the three principal dynamics of pastoral society, territoriality, mobility and diSpersion, Territoriality Gas means whereby the pastoralist relates to his natural milieu can be seen in his conception of at"‘territoriab» ity“ (that is, the defining of Space in terms of imperatives arising out of the natural and social milieu), 7though this phenomenon is present among all forms of human organization, (e,g, the Bushman culture of the Kalahari Desert)94 its level of sophistication within pastoral Space permits a favorable comparison with the peasant and urban communities, Berque offers the following commentarys 94The Bushman organize their natural milieu in terms of the location of water sources, When the realms of a number of groups focus upon one water source, however, one finds that proximity to the source is refleCted via decrease in the local dimensions of the realm and in restriction of the number of rights obtainable, Due to the critical nature of a water source, proximity is also reflected by an increase in intermgroup hostility, (Personal communication, Dr, Harm De Elli), 91 RUWALA TERRITORY figffiflfi' o DAMASCUS BAGHDAD __ Absolute _. Seasonal 54.3%? Land over limits Limits ‘=‘='="'='='-‘- 500 meters Map II-- The numbers refer to pastures occupied seasonally as follows: 1. Winter (1a. Richest in winter); 2. Spring; 3. Occupied in winter when rains are good or usual pastures fail; h. Occu— pied when pastures fail to the north and west; 5. Summer (oasis settlements). Source: C: Daryll Forde: “The North Arabian Ba- dewin,‘ Geographx, Vol. XVIII (1933), p. 209. 92 However light may be man‘s (ioeg the pastoralw ist's) hold on these tracts of land, it nevertheless gives rise to an inf1n1te number of rights among those concerned= rights of use and access rather than ownersh1p°95 The tribal territory (dirah, giggg) provides one exa ample of Space delimited by rights of usageo96 Here tribal affiliation defines an individual“s rights to the resources found thereino These include water, pasture, and communal support,in time of feudo Rights of access, eXpressed in 97 and "safe conductM (gna1a)98 terms of the gggig system again illustrate the SOphistication of the pastoralist's conception of territorialityo The importance of these inn stitutions derives from their insuring the continuity of economic interaction, market trade and longmd1stance commerce during periods of instabilityo 95Berque, 029 Cito, p0 48?0 96”Each tribe 0 o o has its ggiggj its homeland, its soil, its arable, its pastures and ts wells 0 o 1 to which its population has preferential and exclusive rightso” EOEo EvansePritchard, The Sanusi of Cyfgnagggo 0 1, p0550 9? The Fat Jq‘system, Operating through the medium of an extended version of Enblood brotherhood“ ia§hwgg) obligates an individual to see a merchant or caravan safely thzough his own tribe's territory and then hand the :eSpons1b111ty for safekeeping over to another ind1v1dual in the neighboring tribal territoryo See Ho R P Dickson, The Arab Jf the_ Desert: Hf_J —,_,....-tA A Glimpse into Bedawin L1fe 1n Kuwa't and Seoul A1at a, 1nd A~——-—‘-g-—-.—.‘.-~ edition'; (London, 1951), ppo 11Om112 98Anaia is a Berber institution wh1ch s1m1iarly Mn sures the right of access to an ind1v1dual through another tribe's territoryo See F Benet EXp1Os1ve Marketss The Berber Highlands,"0 o o for a full disou551ono 93 A further example of territoriality defined in terms of rights of access is the "tribal road” (ii-rah)o Applying mainly to transhumant papulations which pass through lands inhabited by peasant and urbanite, this institution is defined 99 as the combined route and schedule which describes by Earth the location of the tribe throughout the yearly cycle. It is recognized by pastoralist, peasant and governmental I authority alike as a general "pasSport“ with concomitant rights of the pastoralist to the use, but not ownership, of available resourceso Mobility The phenomenon of mobility presents a second context for discussing the locational aspects of the pastoralist com- munityo The term “mobility“ is a surrogate for a wide Spec» trum of types of movemento These can be plotted on a con= tinuum between "migration,“ which denotes a total diaplacea ment of habitat, and the restricted cyclical and rhythmic movement-characteristic of "nomadism°” In the present dism cussion, however, emphasis will focus upon the principal stimuli which effect mobility in the pastoral realm, namely the natural, political and economic variables,100 99See Barth, Nomads of Southern Persia o o o,ppo4w7° See also John Kolars, TraditionLJSeason and Change in a Turkish Village (Chicago, 1963), p049, for a similar situation among the Yurukler transhumants of southwestern Turkeyo 100One aspect of pastoral mobility which will not be dealt with directly but which should be recognized is the inter-regional variant which involves movement over a wide OXpanse of territory during a considerable period of timeo In Turkey, for example, de Planhol finds that from the end 94 Natural stimuli One facet of the interplay between the biOwclimatic milieu and the needs of the pastoralist is the restricted resource base to which he has accesso These are “seasonal resources," diaplaying a Spatial distribution which is dism continuous and unstableo The demands of the pastoralist, however, are continuous in times they require satisfaction on a dayatOmday basiso Thus the irregularity in the Spatial and temporal components of his resource base are compensated for through mobilityo Following the migration of the waters sufficient seasons, the pastoral community commutes from one favorable location to anothero To quote Whytron, “The desert tribe is really a mobile village adapted to living in a critical environment where freedom of movement means survivalo”101 ~— of the eleventh century,when the pastoral Turkomans entered Turkey from the east, one can trace a persistent trend of pastoralism to the westo Two prinCipal factors abetting this development were the favorable natural milieu and a power balance initially in favor of the pastoralisto {Xavier de Planhol, “Geography, Politics and Nomadism in Anatolia,” integpgtiqgal Social Snggggmggggggé, Volo XI, N004 (1959), ppo 52515310 In the Arabian PeninsularmLevant region one finds a similar situation of much longer duration” Here, Arabiaa based pastoralist communities have displayed a persistent tendency to move in a northwesterly and northeasterly directiono As the saying "Yaman is the womb of the Arabs and Iraq is their grave” attests to, this phenomenon both relates to the pastoralm ist and prOVides the major context within which the history of the area has been writteno ,In North Africa longwdistance mass migration has been a dominant focus of activityo Although in ex1stence prior to the seventh and eleventh century JigggeinSpired migrations from the Levant, they became more complex and eXplicit within the framework of Arabmlslamic occupationo Here the initial trend was eastewesto Subsequently an accompanying westmeast Component deve10ped and in time overshadowed the formerc lOl Quoted by Stauffer, egg gigp, p02853 95 Herd composition is another relevant variable which enters into the causal relationship between natural stimuli and pastoral mobility, the foci of intereSt being sustenance demands, distance capabilities and the time factoro It is generally recognized that the carrying capacity of a pasture: land varies with the type of livestocko Similarly, certain animals such as the camel are capable of undertaking the stresses of travel without debilitating effects whereas the sheep and goat cannoto Time likewise appears to be a consideration, Since access to the resource base is intimately related to the bio= climatic cycle it is imperative that the pastoralist commune ity pattern its rate of movement to the seasonso Camels pres sent few difficulties in this regard; consequently their numbers tend to dominate in the more arid portions of the 102 It is also found that camel and cattle (”herd”) realmo pastoralism generally exhibits longer migratory routes than is typical of goat and sheep (“flock”) pastoralismo Political stimuli Political imperatives arising out of interwcommunal (urbanmnomad) and intramcommunal (inter~tribal) conflict are a second cause of pastoral mobilityo Indeed, it is often 102Sweet observes that 0‘the role or Sphere of camel pastoralism in the Near East seams to be historically more closely connected with, and dependent upon, oas;s towns of Arabia than with the continuous belt of cultivation in the Levant area,“ Louise Sweet, gelleogaana gigyggggzgig;gggo 0 p020 O 96 found that political stimuli supersede the imperatives of the natural environment°103 Watering and pasturing are, indeed a permanent problem for the tribe, but as the cause of longadistance migration, herding is dominated by political and strategic rather than economzc (subsista ence) considerationso Governmental relations provide the best documentam tion for discussing politically derived patterns of pastora a1 mobilityo Expressed Spatially as a hypothetical line 1105 dividing the "desert" from the Msown the balance of power has fluctuated across the landscapeo With the balance resia dent in the pastoralist community, the pattern and degree of mobility is favorably definedo The result is a restriction of the Mmigratory roundM concomitant wit h an in1reased access 103Trigger contends that MA range of choice offered by one factor, in this case ecologyo may be sharply l1m1ted by problems in another sphereo” His emphaSis is on p011§i= cal and strategic factors and he employs the §p§xrgya_8edouin of the Sudan as an exampleo Here inter tribal ra1d1ng en» couraged the consolidation of small herding grQUp51 This in turn decreased the carrying capacity of the pascureiand and necessitated movement at short intervalso W1th the eatabw lishment of Pax Britanwca the tribes revs: red to their a**e~ bellum situation7w11h the individual he; d1ng groups aga1n able to utilize a pasture in such a way t.b.at mob,11ty was no longer necessaryo Bruce Trigger, H‘srory_ggd spatiwnen+ 1n Lowe4: NubLa (New Haven, 1965), p07 See also F C Thtmas Jro, MThe Juhaina Arabs of Chad M M; ddle Eas:.Jrazna1o Volo XIII (1959), ppo 143w155,for a discuSSion of a s1m11-ar s1tuat ion 1°4Berque. .1310 Sign ppo 485-60 105Or, more accurately, the line d1v1d1rzg the pastorm a11st from the agriculturist, the nomau.(b3w3g_) from the Citizen (hadur), or the Mcountry of the swtrd (Bled _es Sit) lfrpm the government land (Bled_ e1~Makhzen10 97 to a more favorable distribution of resourcesolo6 This situm ation is also reflected in an eXpansion of pa3toral and liven stock populations and in the level of mobility evidenced within the ArabaIslamic community as a wholeo An eXpansion of the government's Sphere of control at the expense of the pastoralist initiates a new set of controlso Here the more abundantly endowed portions of the realm are no longer available and the pastoralist is forced to employ mobility to maintain a tolerable relationship with a less hospitable environmento In situations where the power of the government is deciSive, moreover, one finds a noticem able reduction of the pastoral pepulations {herds and people) and, similarly, in the gross level of mobilityolo7 E conom ic st imui i The economic influence on pastoral mob1lity centers . 1 . 108 _. . . in the market institution° Deepite the assertion by some traditional observers that the pastoralistus subsiSLence sysa tem is not market oriented, numerous recent studies have unm covered evidence of pastoral partic1pationo In his study of 6 . 1 1 _ 1 ,m . 10 The gashggi tribe of southwestern iran 11iustrates such a situationo Here a combination of rich pasturage and weak governmental authority results in an attenuated 1;;gggo 107Regarding size of livestock population, it is generally found that there is not an immed1ately noticeable decrease in gross numberso Indeed,for many, the presence of large herds and flocks is evidence of recent sedentarizationo MOBIt should also be recognized that long dlstance trade (”caravan commerce“) plays a contributory role in the ana1ysis of pastoral mobilityo 98 the pastoral pepulations of Iran, for example, Stauffer finds that in many situations ”the accessibility of the consuming market a o 0 partially dictates the composition of the herd,°'j"’09 and that the pastoralist tends to market a greater percentage of his produce than the villager,110 Two conclusions regarding mobility can be derived from these observationso First, the pastoralist's dependence on and participation in the market institution necessitates movement over considerable distanceso The journey made for the benefit of the herds, even those made by desert ri bes prOper, are quite restricted and n any t case much shorter than the journey underc taken for the benefit of trade, 1 i kom logStauffeI‘. QBe.£i£sv p°2gz° lloggégp, p0294, Barth similarly states, 33The Basseri maintain an approximate economic o o 0 balance with their exe ternal social enVironment mediated through market exchanges,0a F0 Barth, Nomads of Sogghern Pegsgg o o o, p, 113, ill Kaj Birket=3m1th, Pr1m1*fve#gmn and 5.15 Ways: Pa‘terns of Life in Some Native Stt‘e‘nes aNew York, i963), pol48o William Polk offers the following observation initie ally made by Burckhardt: These Kourdines (Kurds) bring annually into Syria from 20m30,000 sheep from the mountains of Kourdism tang the greater part of which are consumed by Aleppo, Damascus and the mountains (of the Lebanon) 0 o o The Kourd sheepmdealers first viSlt With their flocks Aleppo, Homs, Hama, and Baalbece and what they don‘t sell on the road, they bring to pasture at.o o o (the uplandsbo o o whither the people of Sahle, Deirmel Hammer and other towns in the mounw tains repair and buy Up thousands of them" W Polk, The Opening of South Lebanon, l?88 18403 g Study of the Impagt of the Wesr 9.0 the Middle E351;_ (Cambridge, 1&9635, p080 An analysis of the source areas “for camel meat Shold in Egypt would manifest a similar SLtuat. on as the above, 99 Second, if the market exerts an influence on the come position of the herd, it can be assumed that this situation will act as a control on the parameters of the a3m:gra‘::.ory round" and thus on the level of mobility,112 Dispersion DiSpersion is a third medium for identifying the dynamics of pastoral locationo As with mobility, the pastoral» ist employs diSpersion as a most effective technique for maintaining a favorable balance with his natural milieuo An analysis of patterns of diSpersion can be approached in terms of their Spatial and temporal componentso The pastoralist community presents a highly diSpersed pattern of occupance113 in comparison wit the peasant and ur’baniteo This situation arises primarily from the interw play between the natural environment and the demands of animal husbandryn Thus, although tribal identity prayides the principal parameters for defining “territoriality,” it is the ubiquitous and finely distributed network of herding encamp» ments (gyiad,duar) which highlights the nodes of activity and 112In a similar manner, it cannot be denied that the multiafunctional demand for the camel throughout the Arabs Islamic history has had an impact on the pastoral community, one facet being an increased level of mobility which such a pattern of activity necessitateso 113The term ”occupance” is here employed to denote tile spatial locus of actiVity rather than reSidenceo ”Habi~ ‘Uition,“ it is felt, would tend to emphasize residential <=1o~~5t~3:i§t*~cai~_asz:;..§,.issi éfistanbul, l95§7, p029)° 9Bruce Go Trigger, gistory and §§ttlemggg in_§ower Nubia, (New Haven, 1965), polgo 2h} Most villages which recognize migration as a suitable means for expanding the potential of their resource base, hows ever, lie within the intermediate and more moderate range of the ”impact Spectrum.“ Here the absenting of a portion of the production pOpulation is the rule and the migrant population undergoes frequent change. Thus, the traditional agriculturalm oriented economy of the village is maintained and migration, eXpressed through the medium of remittances, is conceived of as a supplement. It is to be recognized that the community is not be- ing deprived of the migrant°s peak years of energy outputo First, the traditional economy is not able to capitalize fully on his energy potential by virtue of its labor surplus. Shoondly, this “energy surplus*"is employed in the urban economy from which the community derives benefit. Nevertheless, one must realize that the migrantos participation in nonmagricultural activities and the instituu tion of migration itself are means rather than ends. The reference village remains as the locus of resolution of the migratory process. and agricultural activity undertaken on oneos own land is the ultimate objective. “The Mozabite oasis dweller is a farmer in his youth and again in his old age. During the middle years he may be a bus driver. Shep 10 keeper9 or mechanioo' 1 0 Marvin w; Mi kc s e 1 1 9 Nogiamflrslaténmliial Ghography (Etrkeley, 1960). p. 950 244 Zhe Migratory_Process Migration is likewise effected through a wide range of forms, from the informal individual to the institutionalized group reaponse. Where it is not a part of village tradition, migration tends to be employed only as a "StOpmgap“ measure in the face of "catastrOphic" events. Here the process is un» structured and, as such, tends to work to the migrant's dis» advantage. Some villagers. . . have only recently felt the need for emigration and they are finds ing it difficult to compete successfully with men from villages which have a long tradition of emigration.”11 In a surprisingly large sector of the community, howe ever} migration is an integral component of village life and organization. The process tends to be wellmorganizedy it is defined in terms of eXplicit objectives and commands the recognition and c00peration of the community.12 Migration also appears to draw upon a higher level of resource potential than is evident in the unstructured situations a larger per» centage of the migrant population is skilled or-semimskilled. As with extrawnational migration, urban migration is llJohn I. Clarke, ”Emigration from Southern Tunisia,“ Geography, Vol. XLII (1957), p.99. 12"Migration to work is regarded as something tied to a certain time of life. I'It is a bachelor's duty“ say the villagers of young men who leave.“ (B. & G. Hailing, 9p. 5;;0, pp. 29~3o)o 245 initially defined in terms of family commitmento Family support, then, is predicated on two patterns of economic activity, agriculture and laboruemployment, and maintains a dual Spatial and functional orientation, the urban pole being understandably less permanento To take ”mercantile migration" as an example, Family relations [arg7'important for they mean a diminution in overheads and when one member of the business returns home for a year or two he is automatically replaced by a relativeol3 It is on the village level, however, that the phenomenon of migration is most clearly develOpedo In Egypt, £3: example, almost every village has its representatives in tbéweimies who contract for jobs and secure housing for new and prose pective migrantso This activity is often formalized by a hierarchical system of contractors and subacontractors, hired by urban interests to recruit rural labor0 Often a bond is established between a village and an urban employer whereby the village tacitly agrees to sapply the requisite labor in return for guarantees of employmento Urban based peasant voluntary associations (233$) are found to fulfill a similar function in ameliorating the migratory process. A further refinement in the migratory process attains its most wideSpread eXpression in North African Here migra» tion is approached as a highlyeSpecialized mode ofiactivityn l3John Io Clarke, gp$ gito. po 1010 246 Individual villages assume the role of both labor recruiter and employer by Specializing in Specific urbanaoriented occupam tions and directing the main stream of migration towards Specific urban centerso Thus, migration is no longer a random processo By virtue of this activity's lengthy tradition in the village and the widespread tendency in the Arameslamic realm for trade membership to be defined on ethnic and religious grounds, these communities now maintain an ”hereditary“ pres rogative over certain skills and economic enterprises which amounts to a virtual monOpolyo Clarke offers the following observations Perhaps the most interesting feature of emigration is the remarkable growth of occupational Specializationso The menbers of each villageo o o tend to concentrate on a certain trade or occuw pation, which is sometimes practiced throughout Tunisiaol4 The village thus manifests itself as a Spatial embodiment of the ethnic division of laboro The individual migrant para takes of this privilege by virtue of his membership in the communityo15 *4John Io Clarke, 02¢ Ciro, po 99” 15The migratory process is likewise structured by both improvised and formalized channeis of communication whereby news and remittances are brought to the villageo Members of the village who visited the City or returning migrants often provided themediumo Lambton has observed this practice in Iran: ?In such cases where a number of persons from any one district have gone to some town in search of work, there is often some system devised by which 247 The Peasant Community in Urban Space16 The primary impetus for and justification of urban migration, then, is a general desire to buttress the economic viability of the peasant household and, concomitantly, that of the villageo Thus one can, for the most part, assume that the major ties between the migrant and the urban milieu will be defined in terms of the labor market and will be uni~ plex in natureo It can similarly be assumed that the migrant will seek to maintain the web of interpersonal multiplex relations embodying the attitudes, values and norms which structured his way of life prior to entering the towno To the extent to which conditions will allow,peasants will tend to carry on as they did prior to coming to towno This refers to norms of conduct, type of housing, and even to a more or less one of their number collects money periodically to take back to their families left in the village “ (Ann Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Persia: A Study of Land Tenure and Land Revenue Administration éLondon, 19537, ppo 278m 279)o Potter identifies the bus driver as a link in this system: “They act as agents for small farmers in the village and deliver small consignments of fresh food to merchants in the towns through which they pass, They are messengers who carry news of relatives, remittances and gossip from the cute side world, from village to village, W (Dalton Potter, “The Bazaar Merchant, “ Social Forces in the Middle East, edo Sydney N Fisher, Zithaca,195;/, 1:03.03); Perhaps the most important medium, however,is the mails Indeed, in many areas the post office has become the principal focus of activity for the reference villageo Its position is most evident, however, when extraenational migration is underw takeno 16See J AbumLughod, “Migrant,AdJust.ment to City Life: The Egyptian Case,“ American Journal of Socio_IOQY. Vol LXVII (1961), ppo 22 32, for a comprehenSive areal= functional analysis of the peasant community in urban Spaceo See also Po Suzuki, "Encounter with Istanbul: Urban Peasants and Village Peasants,"o International Journal of Sociology, Volo V, Noo 2 (Sept 1964), pp0208m @216, for a case study approach to urban migration in Istanbulo 248 villageolike atmOSphere that they somem times manage to maintainol7 Perhaps the most common manifestation of the migrant's desire to maintain his traditional ties is the mutualmassistance association, In the towns where they work, the Nubians have their own cafes and traditional associations under the leadership of a shaikh to whom part of the salary is paid in return for his assistance in getting them jobs and for help in bad timeso Generally, membership is defined in terms of the individual's rural residence and.the basic objective is to provide a viable and resourceful frame of reference by which the migrant can comprehend his alien enviromnent, yet maintain, in part, his commitment to his previous lifeo In that the laber market provides the common medium through which all members operate in the urban milieu, the mutual aid associations often take on the qualities of a guildo Awad, for example, has found that, Their cohesion is such that they continue to regard themselves as jointly reSponsible towards other townsmen for any injury that one of their number may cause in the exerw cising of his tradeoit-9 17C A.M0 Van Nieuwenhuijze, Social Stratifica*ion and the Middle East (Leiden, 1965), pQ48, Stirling offers the following robservation: "As far as I was able to judge, the social life of these migrants in town was largely Spent among other villagerso o o The migrant laborers seem to have formed their own subsystem within the town and to have lived v ry largely within it,” (Paul Stirling, Turkish Village, jondon, 196,;7, 13,285), 18Trigger, Op, gigp, pol9o l9H0 Awad, "Morocco' 8 EXpanding Towns,” Geo gragyic 1 Journal, Vle CXXX (1964), p052 249 The association also maintains a fund accessible to all memberso This fund was a ready source of capital for emergencies such as rent, convalescence, sickness, tranSportation fare, unm employment and the working capital to begin a businesso Another major function which the association provides and which most observers overlook is that of assisting the migrant in fulfilling his commitment to his family and his villageo Funds are allotted to purchase items requested by the villageo Messengers are employed to maintain contact with the village, and to relay news and, more importantly, remittances on behalf of the migranto A second eXpression of the migrant's desire to maintain his traditional commitments is his attempt to reorganize urban Space in terms of the forms with which he is most familiar, those of the villageo Morphologically as well as functionw ally," they tend to build within the,city a replica of the culture which they have left behindo" To quoteihyrouts Even where the felahin build a suburbnfie o it bears exactly the same a pearance as the villagg7 untouchsd by the urban center'g7 proximityo 0 And later: It is enough to cast a glimpse at the felahin colonies in Cairo to see that they are simply villages, grouped 20H°Ho Ayrout, 023 cite, pogoo 250 according to place of origin in odd quarterso The attempt to reconstruct physical Space in terms of traditional motifs is but one manifestation of the migrant's attempt to reconstruct the social Spaceo The migrant main» tains primarily one relationship with the urban community, the economico The remainder of his needs can only be ex» pressed in an environment with which he can fully identifyo Only by reestablishing the village atmoSphere are these needs fulfilledo Thus persons from the same parent village tend to work and reside in the same general area for security, stabil= ity, as well as ”good companyo“ Focal points for such interm aetion include the cafe (owned by a member of the community) which functions as did the coffeehouse in the reference village, the trade and labor associations, and the religious center, be it a mosque or churcho The overall effect of this attitude of the peasant migrant appears to be a duplication of the major mechanism whereby the ”insularity” of the parent village is achievedo The urban peasant community is thus set apart from its incorpm crating human landscape in a manner similar to the peasant lebido, pOISOo In her work "Ruralmto=Urban Migration in Iraq,” (Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol0 VII 41952,, po4l2)o Doris Phillips has found that rural migrants tend to construct whole villagesin the empty spaces which surround Baghdad (Asimae”squatter zone”)o These villages have their own sug and are ”more noticeably tribal in structure and culture than are the slums which are in closer contact with urban in» fluenceo” She claims that few engage in cultivation but that the “elite" of the peasant squatters do have large herds of cattleo 251 village vis a vis the rural landscapeo In his study of a Lebanese village, Gulick cites the example of members of a community who migrated to Beiruto The social Space which they have created is referred to by the author as “Little Munsifo“ To outside acquaintances it Aiittle Munsi£7 appears to have established no identificae tion with its urban surroundings nor to have established any strong ties with none Munsifiimo These peeple AFbweve£7 are by no means cut off from the villageo Peeple come and go from the village constantly for brief visitso The evening gatherings are similar in form to those in the village prOpero22 This insularity is compounded because the peasant migrant does not perceive of his residence or his activities in the urban center as a permanent commitment: the rural village remains the ultimate place to which the peasant belongso Ruralizatigg Gulick has stated that: Urban studies in Lebanon,or in any other Middle Eastern country, will be of tree mendous value and importanceo o a but must be based ono o 0 an underStanding 22John Gulick, Social Struct.ure and Cu1*urai Change in a Lebanese Village (New York, 19353, ppo 102=103 In his study of the peasant life in Istanbul, Suzuki finds a similar situations One striki g examp e of the inwgroup feeling possessed by these migrant§}o o o emerges in their nearutotal obliviousness to their nextedoor neighbors in the isolated shack towno o o because'they are not of our village} as one informant put ito Yet this shack town is composed of only 13 shacks, seven of these a o a occupied by éthe gnoug7 (P Suzuki, ”Village Solidarity Among Turkish Peasants Undergoing Urbanization,“ Science, Vol CXXXII (September, 19607, .p089l)o See also, by the same author, "Encounters with Istanbul: Urban Peasants and Village Peasants," 252 of village lifeo This is because so many23 city dwellers were village born and bredo In view of this influence, the conditions in the ArabeIslamic city tend to diSpute many of the traditional assumptions ree garding urban develOpment and the process of urbanization as well as the validity of the ruralwurban constructo To quote Suzuki: The enduring attachment of the peasant in the urban setting to his original unit of social organization, be it a tribe, village or extended family, forms a strong link which does violence to the model of the ruralwurban dichotomy constructed by social scienceso What is generally taking placeo o o is a ruralization of the cities, where the peasants carry 03 an essentially rural or folk way of lifeo 4 One tends to find then, a viable peasant culture which is generally successful in maintaining in urban Space the norms, values and attitudes eXpressed in rural Spaceo Not only does the peasant migrant retain his traditional lifemways, but he also has been able to exert a profound ins fluence on the social and physical Space of the urban center itself by virtue of his numbers and the length of time he has been associated with the urban milieu?S The tendency for cities to continually incorporate rural Space which has been structured by the peasant tradition and the village pOpulations residing thereon has similarly 23Gulick, OpIi cite, p017o 2420 Suzuki, "Village Solidarityo o a”, p089lo 25It should similarly be borne in mind that the pastoralist, as a member of the "rural community” has exerted a profound influence on the ArabeIslamic cityo See Chapter V, Section 1 for a full discussiono 253 contributed to this situationo Indeed, as AbuvLughod has found in Cairo, many urban centers, eSpecially those of the "primate” variety can be viewed as arealmfunctional eXpressions of the ruralaurban fringeo There are vast quarters within the mosaic of Cairo where physically, culturally and socially the way of life and the character of its residents resemble rural Bgypto26 Furthermore, one must recognize that in many cases the peasant migrant does not enter urban Space with the intent of estab« lishing a permanent commitment° His presence is commonly justified as a means for gaining access to the urban center's resource base through the labor market and commerceo ~The coma mitment, then, is temporally and functionally restricted, defined in terms of temporary residence and economic activitieso" The Arab city is a conglomeration of Spheres and segments, but it is not, in itself, a cohesive social unit, an inm groupo A majority of the city dwellers are people who have gathered there for the primary purpose of engaging in coma merceo Their loyalties are to their own families, to their home villages, and to their religiono o o the truth is that their loyalties are very real, and are many rather than one and none of them are directed towards the city itselfo28 The village, then, provides the principal reference point for the migranto When he feels that his objectives have been 26AbumLughod, ggocito, ppo 24450 27One reflection of this is the high rate of absentee” ism attributed to the peasant laborer because of his periodic return to the reference villageo 28Gulick, 0pQ cite, pol7lo 254 attained he returns to the villageo It is with the migrant's return to the village that one can best ascertain the degree to which the urban influm ence is manifesto A perusal of a large number of such studies, however, tends to reinforce the contention that urbanization has not been particularly successful in visibly altering the rural way of lifeo One observer concludes: “Even the man who has been successful in town may not achieve such an effecm tive integration that he could eventually resist the tempta- tion of returning to the village,29 Urbanization, then, viewed as the extension of urban attitudes and values, does not appear to adequately encompass the full Spectrum of peasantuurbanite relationso What has generally gone unrecognized in much of the traditional literature is the ability of the rural tradition not only to maintain its identity in the urban environment, but also to influence the structuring of urban social and physical Spaceo In view of this situation it would appear that there is need to refine and reformulate the parameters of urbanization in order to better comprehend the reality of urban develOpment as 9&2 component in the develOpment of society as a wholeo Suzuki illustrates one possible course of actiono 29COAOOo Van Nieuwenhuijze, SocialfStratification in the Middle East (Leiden, 1965), p0500 ’ Stirling offers a similar observations "Plenty of peOple have been to live in the towns for months and even years at a timeo o a but remained villagers, whose center of interest was the viifiageo“ (Paul Stirling, Eggkish Village Ziondonm 196g7, p02 0 255 Intensification of village practices and a viscidity among the migratory group as an emergent force of ad ustmento o . may not necessarily be t e results of renitency to the dominant mode of life in the city, but may well attest to the persistency and vigor of village culture patterns and valueso On the other hand, the dominant mode of life in the city, eSpecially of the nonwWestern nation, may be characterized by nothing more than a rural or peasant way of lifeo If this latter statement is true, it is possible that we are witnessing the emergence of a different kind of city, one which is neither “feudal," ”premindustrial,“ “administrative,“ nor “industrial“ but pres eminently peasantlike in qualityo It would follow then that a better understanding of the universal phenomenon of urbanization and the nature of the city could be gained by looking into peasant life in the cityo3O Peasanthastoral Relations The relationship between the peasant and the pastorm alist similarly tends to be presented ambivalently in the literatureo Some observers stress the violent aSpects of this locus of interaction; others the need of the pastoral community for goods and services provided by the peasant economyo The two are rarely reconciled) It should be recognized, however, that although comm munal strife is an historical reality, it does not mediate the full range of activities which structure communal inter» action, and, consequently should not be permitted to Operate as a distractoro There are significant patterns of activity 30 Po Suzuki, ”Encounters with Istanbul” O a", ppo 214” 2150 256 which do not reside in the context of “power analysesJo and it is these which provide the principal media for peasantm pastoral interactiono The relationship, therefore, can be thought of as symbiotic, not parasitic, even though the symu biosis may be compulsory in certain instanceso31 In many reSpects one finds that the pastoralist's approach to the peasant is likewise ambivalent“ Within a sociomcultural context he deSpises the peasant's mode of life, his sedentary habits and attachment to the 30110 In an conomic context, however, the pastoralist is well aware of his dependence on the peasanto Thus, although peripheral to the pastoralist's social milieu, the peasant community occupies a central role in the economic milieuo Indeed, cases have been documented in which the pastoralist has on his own inn itiative actively encouraged the establishment of peasant communities in his realmo32 The peasant community comprises a major component of the pastoralist's resource baseo Although the pastoralist°s life is structured in terms of the “livestock complex” he nevertheless depends heavily on agricultural products, Specifics ally grains, for a large portion of his dietn33 According to 31”Nomadic and sedentary folk are too much complementm ary parts of one whole to engage in combat with each othero“ (EOFO Gautier, ”Nomad and Sedentary Folks of Northern Africa,“0 Geographical Review, Vol, xx 4192;, , [30920 32See Wo von Eberhard, ”Nomads and Farmers in South Eastern Turkeys Problems of Settlement,“ 9r;ens, Volo VI(l953), ppo 32m49n 33"}The Moore use 50,000 tons of millet per year as well as 5,000 tons of sugar and 8,000 tons of cotton goodso" (Jo Beyries as quoted by Vincent Monteil, “The Evolution and 257 Gautier, "The nomad is tributary to the oasis for-the great: est part of his vegetable diet, dates and cerealso”34 Access to these staples is effected either by direct participation (iceO itinerant agriculture), raiding, the levying of tribute, or most commonly, through the market exchangeo The locus of this mode of interaction is invariably the peasant communityo One facet of this process is highlighted by Earth: The vast bulk of the Basseri's supplies of agricultural and industrial products -is obtainedo o o from trading partners usually referred to as 'friends' in the smaller villageso o 0 Each nomad has a stable relation with a number of such trading partners in villages scattered 35 along the migratory route of his section The peasant is also important to the pastoralist in his ability to gather, synthesize and translate the news of activities genmane to the sedentary realmo The nature of this process is documented by Kolars: This situation has been radically altered by the develOpment of the village coffees Shep as a more amenable alternative to the institution of the headman's guest roomo Now, the pastoralist no longer exactly knows where to go, whom to befriend, nor where to fit into the altered village social structureo Thus in social as well as in the more practin cal affairs of agriculture, the nomad and t.he village' 3 traditigns are becoming separate and more remotes _-— m Settling of the Nomads of the Sahara, ' InternatLQnal Sorial Science Journal, Vol XI, Noo 4 5:9527, p0574)o_ 3;:huugh the methods for obtaining these figures are suSpect, a valid general impression can be gained from themo 34Gautier, ggpgigfl, p080 35F Barth, Nomads ref Sou_rhern Per m”1-I—': Tribe of the Khamseh Confedera Jfbsio, l 3 6J0hn K01 are . Tradi 11: ion r S eases -6negates;leggaztiafl. VillaL e(Chicago, 1963), p0500 \Oljm ova-+- 258 Perhaps the most significant role played by the peasant come munity with regard to the pastoralist focuses upon the process of sedentarization° In effect the pastoralist is offered access to another habitat and, concomitantly, to another re» source base (the sedentary realm)o By undertaking this process the pastoralist is able to employ the potential of the peasant community, Specifically agricultural activity, as a means for resolving the initial imbalance which precipitated the sedans tarization processo Although his presence is not particularly welcome, the pastoralist is nevertheless permitted access to significant components of the peasant‘s resource potential,37 The success of this process is reflected in its long historical tradition and the large units of pOpulation which it has affectedo The result is not only a change in economy, but ale so a change of culture, norms, values and attitudes, Trade in agricultural products, however, comprises only one aspect of the peasantnpastoralist economic relation: ship, Equally relevant is the wide range of services which the peasant provideso Although it is often difficult to dism tinguish between service and producteoriented relationships in that both are often part of the same transaction, there are significant activities which can be highlighted independentlyo These services range from fencing for stolen goods to extendw ing credito 37Supra, Chapter V, pp, 1983208, 259 The most significant service activities which crossm cut both peasant and pastoral economies center on commerce, agriculture and animal husbandryo These derive from Spatial proximity and the intrinsic complementarity of the two econOm mic systemso The pastoralist is permitted, indeed encouraged, to pasture his herds on harvested and fallow fieldso The peasant thereby gains sorely needed fertilizero In that the peasant resource base likewise incorporates animal husbandry, the peasant often contracts a pastoraliSt to care for the village flockso Similarly, in areas where the village is located along the pastoralist's route peasants often are con: tracted to plow, sow and cultivate crOps to be harvested by the pastoralist when he reaches that locationo The peasant, in turn, hires the pastoralist to harvest his creps and, on occasion, to guard them from other peasants and pastoralists, To posit, then, that the peasant does not enter into the worldeview of the pastoralist would appear to be a miss evaluationo Not only does interaction occur, but one finds that, indeed, the peasant provides much that is essential to the pastoral mode of lifeo éThg7'minor oases and agricultural centers 0 o o are essential organs of the internal life and external relations of the tribes, Without their help the great Saharan nomadic tribes could never Operate as such,38 f 38Henri Duveyrier as quoted by Lloyd Co Briggs, EILD¢§ of the Sahara (Cambridge, 1960), p0630 Werner Cashel is also quoted: UThe Bedouin economy isn”t self contained but prea supposes an economy of‘oaseso“ p0 1180 260 IntramCommunal Relations A Model of TimemSpace Activity A realistic portrayal of the dynamic configurations of the peasant realm is impeded by a priori assumptions of isolation, In view of this situation, it might prove worthm while to construct a three dimensional landscape as a matrix within which human interaction could be plotted, The prin= cipal differentiating variable would be persistence, Operas tionally defined as the degree to which a Specific activity type is manifested within the Spatial and temporal dimenm sions of the landscapeo In this manner one should be able to plot the nodes of activity present within a specific time~3pace dimension and order them in terms of the number of activity patterns evidenced and the degree of persistence of these patternsd Within this model, therefore, the village: eXpressing as it does a "hot Spot" of activitym would attain representam tion as a sequential series of points common to all landm scapes framed by the chosen temporal and Spatial parameters, Its “persistence value“ would be expressed by a maximum value for both time and Spaceo Employing this village as the frame of reference, one would then proceed to plot the persistence values of secondary activity patterns which relate the refers ence village to other foci of interaction, be it a neighboring village, weekly market, seasonal fair; or itinerant traders, craftsmen and other ambulatory functionaries, In this manner one should be able to derive some realistic conclusions 261 regarding the nature and degree of interaction present in a Specific unit of time and Spaceo Parenthetically, one would also be able to trace the general parameters of isolation which are evidenced. In the discussion to follow, an attempt will be made to approach the peasant realm in terms of this constructo Emphasis will be placed on the two principal loci of interm action, (1) intra-village, and (2) extramvillage institutionso IntrawVillage Interactigg The most persistent locus of interaction within the peasant realm centers on the village and involves multiplex39 relations which support and are in turn supported by the value system of the communityo According to Stirling, If we could measure the intensity of social relations in terms of emotional strength, of the number of rights and duties involved and of the frequency of contact, we would find that all residentso o a had their more intense and stable relations almost exm clusively inside the villageo o 0 Even enemies inside the village are intimate enemieso The dominant values include (1) an emphasis on kinship, genealogy and land as comprising an irreducible relationship, (2) the subordination of the interests of the individual to those of the group, and the right to and obligation of coma munal support in all extramvillage activities, (3) the perm ception of one's village as a complete, superior and self~ contained environmento 39That is, relations which proceed on multiple levels .concurrentlyo 4OPaul Stirling, Turkish Village (London,-1965), pOBOU 262 Ancestors, Kin and Land Land prov1des the principal medium through which the individual's commitment to the lineage is defined, and it is in terms of land that his most immediate rights and obligam tions in inter-personal relations are expressedo Support for this observation is two-foldo First, as has been seen, land represents the fundamental component of the peasant's resource potentialo41 The kin group, as the major landmholding unit, thus serves as the channel through which the individual is guaranteed access to the use of this resource unit and the rights to its potential (ice° the crep)° Secondly, apart from its economic implications, land also personifies the relationship between an individual's past, present and future, between his ancestors, kin and progenyo Thus land is the tangible symbol on which the identity, inm tegrity and stability of the family line and, concomitantly, that of the individual member, is predicatedo It contributes a degree of permanency upon which the individual is dependent in approaching his natural and social milieuso42 It is against this backdrop, then, that one should interpret injunctions against exogamous marriages, the pres eminence of patrilocal residence, the reluctance of individuals to alienate their rights to land through sale, the inheritance system and its reflection in the highly fragmented land 41§gp£g, Chapter III, ppo 112nll4o 42Fu11er' OER Cito' ppo 205210 263 holdings and the desire of migrants to retain their rights to lando All, directly and indirectly, seek to preserve the lineage's and the individual's rights of access to the land,43 The family and lineage similarly serve as principal media through.which the individual relates to his social enm vironment, Specifically the villageo The relevance of the kinship institution in this process is centralo Where the lineage structure (hamula) maintains the same bounds as the village it tends to reinforce the commitment to the village? kinship and communal identity are thus synonymouso Where kinship structure is not homogeneous, that is, where more than one lineage defines the commitments of the village pOpUQ lace, the individual tends to identify first with his kin and only secondarily with the villageo 0n the village level this situation attains arealmfunctional eXpression in the form of a bipolar or multiupolar arrangemento44 43These injunctions can similarly be viewed within the village contexto Since land largely determines residence and comprises a major section of the village's resource base as well, its alienation restricts the community's access to it and represents a direct threat to the community's integrityo Similarly, in situations of feud, exogamy (in combination with inheritance practices and the obligations of kinship) tends to reduce the fighting strength of the village and leads to conflicting loyalties and increased frictiono 44Stirling has found that when a village assumes a ribbonelike expression (as is the case with many Turkish villages of Anatolia where the principal water sources are springs located at the base of uplands), there tends to be present a sharp contrast between the two poles of the village which often leads to bitter rivalry, friction and sometimes violenceo Commonly this rivalry is eXpressed in ceaseless jokeso (Stirling, 923,3;go, po 237)0 264 The Individual and the Group I The subordination of the individual's interest to those of the group provides a second locus of norms in terms of which intramvillage interaction is eXpressed and encouragedo Although pertaining to kin as well as to non=kin relations, it would appear that injunctions emphasizing the group at the eXpense of the individual derive from situations in which kins ship affiliation is either not relevant or enters as a potenw tial divisive factoro The social existence of an individual, apart from the community, is deniedo The desire for privacy is suSpect and is interpreted as an evil, an attempt to place oneself apart from and against the communityo The individual exists by virtue of his participation in the community and the community in himo The basis for this norm is predicated on the belief that conformity and cooperation are insurance for survivalo Furthermore, one finds that in its relations with the state, the village was treated as an indiVisible unito It was on a village and not on an individual basis that taxes were levied and labor conscriptedo The positive aSpects of group cone sciousness and identity are also reinforced by the religious 45 tenant of asabiyao Most relevant, however, is the depends ence of the individual upon the group for support in times of 45See Ho Ritter, “Irrational Solidarity Groups: A SocioePsychological Study in Connection with Ibn Khaldun,” Q iens, Volo I (1948), ppo lu44o 265 feudo The institution of "collective reSponse" is central to a definition of the village and the lineageo All members of the village are eXpected to defend 4ft7; o 0 Not even the linee ages crossed village boundaries so that the village, from the outside, presents a solid front of loyaltyo o o This out~ ward solidarity is matched by what one might call internal intensity;4 Perception of One's Village It is to be recognized, however, that the values disa cussed above are relative to the situationo That is, ale though they may be defined in terms of lineage affiliation on the intramvillage level and lead to a polarization of the village's internal activity patterns, they are Similarly employed in supporting communal identity, integrity and stability 7 where the situation has extravillage implicationso4: Thus, within a wider frame of reference, the village takes precedence and demands the same loyalty and support of the individual as evidenced by the family and lineageo When the village is threatened, all loyalty is transferred to it and internal dise parities are temporarily reconciledo 46Stirling, gg$ cito, po 3Oo Stirling also mentions that 3”even where agnatic ties do exist between villages, the primary duty of defense and revenge lapseso No quarrel or feud between lineages crosses village frontierso” (Stirling, gp&,g;gn, ppo 176ml?7)o Glora Wysner has also found close association to be a dominant value among the Kabyless ”Partnership is the soul and life of Kabyliao g o the Kabyle who lives and works in isolation is an exceptiono” (Glora Wysner, gbgmgabylewgeOple flew York, 19427, p0 134)o 47See A, Tannous, ”Group Behavior in the Village Comm munity of Lebanon,” American Jourggl of Spgiology, Volo XLVIII (1943). ppo 231L-‘2390 266 In certain situations the lineage or kin group and the village don't coincide, and a conflict of loyalties may resulto In such cases the village community seems to take precedenceo o o In the nonatribal tenant villages kinship tends to set the factional patterns of alignment within the community, but in no case would it seem possible for kinship ties crossing village boundaries to override village identifia cation in a situation of conflicto Where the two differ, the communal factor takes precedence over the genealogical factor in determining loyaltieso48 As was the case within the pastoral community, however, violence (ioeo overt hostility) is not persistent Spatially or temporallyo Thus, although there is evidenced a certain degree of solid: arity among members of one village vis a vis another village, landowner or State, this solidarity appears only on occasion,in the face of some external threato It doesn°t persist and doesn‘t assume organized formoao The fellahin seldom take or anized action for the sake of a common cause,4 Nevertheless, if one views hggtilit rather than cone flict as the principal medium of extraavillage eXpression and associates it with the attempt to overcome the polariZing tends encies of intramvillage life, factionalism can be approached as an integrating factor, and a more effective case can be made for the persistence of village unity, Within this context Earth has found that 48F Barth, Princi plea of as cial Organ zat'rn wig Southern Kurdistan (Oslo, 1953?, pp; 128 l 29 49Gabriel Baer, Pepu at ion and Soc1ety_1n the A,: ab East (New York, 1964), pol74o 267 It is a very characteristic patterno o 0 that every Kurdish village has one or more special 'enemy' villages towards which con= siderable hostility is eXpressedw quite out of proportion to the actual grievances bee tween the two communitieso o o This stands ardized hostility towards an 'Opoosing' community undoubtedly serves as a rsananism for the mobilization of primary giéiagg identification and thus overrules or limits kingroup factionalismo50 A second manifestation of village unity derives from the fact that to its membership, the village is the physical embodiment of a complete way of life, a total social and natural environment, “The clarity of the physical bounds of the village and its components is a true reflection of a coma plete form of association withino”51 In this milieu intermpersonal relations are multiplex and personal? the rights and obligations of the individual are prescribed and guaranteedo Apart from the village, however, relations are unimplex and discontinuous, They are also highly volatile and unstableo "The outer world,‘n according to Fuller, ”does not possess a similar guarantee of security 5OBarth, og$ cite, ppo 128 9 "Thus, the Village, united against the world div1ded against itself, and confidence and mistrust live side by Side,” (H H Ayrout, The Egyptian Peasant LBoston, 196g,, p,113)n “It isnu t uncommon for the peeple of one commini ty to attribute all evil to those of a neighbor: ng one_ “ ,LH Barclay, Burrai Al Lamaab: A Suburban Village_inflghgmfigggg,41thaca, 19627, p 117)o 51A, Tannous, 9“The Arab Village Community of the Middle East,” Smithsonian Report (1943), p05430 “From the viewpoint of the villager Tell Toqaan is the center of a small universe to which the surrounding area is sateliteo" (Louise Sweet, Tell Togaans éflgygiagggillggg ézhn Arbor, 196g7, p020)o 268 since the peasant has no tangible stake in ito”52 A common eXpression of this dependence on the village in extra— —village relations is the proclivi y of the peasant to extoll the virtues of his village in his diSCUSSLCn with none-villagerso The villagers conceive of their community as a distinct and separate entityo All village members know its boundariesa All have a strong sense of village loyalty to each other and to the village as a wholeo To the outsider the peasants of Buarij brag of their village waters which are purer than those of the more populated plain's edgeo v 9 they brag of the commanding view from the villageo o . stressing its superior outlook in comparison to that of neighboring and less elevated settlementso They brag of themselveso o a In contrast they tend to overlook the shortcomin s of both themselves and their own villageo5 There is a strong feeling of village uniqueness and superiority when approached within a comparative frameworko This, in turn, is a reflection of Gulick's 5"hallmark of village culture,” the extreme localism of knowledge, interest, loyalties and actJV1ties 54 In that the limits of the village SZFUller: Qge E$£ o P0100 JnWith its land, it 4the vil lage7 forms a whole, out» side which even its neighbors are alien and dangerous (Ayrout, gpo cite, p0109)0 3 .« Fuller, Qgé Cito, po 100 ”The virtues of the village a: e an eternal tepic of conversation with outsiderso” (Po Stirling, Op&_C-Eo. pp, 2839)o 54 J Gulick, “Conservatism and Change,‘ Mlddle East JOUKEEL: Volo VIII (1954), 297 “Since they[ wome_7pdon't leave the community freely and only rarely accompany their men on the latter's longer sojourns from home, their confinement to the village is in 1t~ self a strong influence in drawing men back to the community and in maintaining the village as the permanent focal po;ntn° (Fuller, ggg gigo, p0 18)o 269 lands are similarly the limits within which most of an ind1v1~ dual's life activities take place, the boundaries of the village are imbued with social and psychological as well as physical and administrative associations,55 The commitment of the individual is raised to the level of ideologyo The ex» ternal world, by definition predicated upon different values, norms, and consequently, commitments, thus personifies a cone trasting ideologyo Where two ideologies meet, incongruity and friction is the rules Understanding is limited by eXperienceo PeOple anywhere can only interpret that part of their society that they don't see, or don't live in, in terms of the society they do live in0 0 o PeOple in a small scale society are bound to fail to grasp the size and diversity of the larger society in which their smallmscale society nestso The tightly knit, stable rural communities which I 55This is also reflected in the “fusion of ast tempera al events with the known Spatial dimen51ons éwhich tends to reinforce lore by localizing ito o o It brings the past closer to daily eXperience, for as the peasant feels more at home within his own community, so he feels closer to past temporal events if given a Spatial setting within the orb;t of his own visible horizono By drawing the noose tighter about time and Space the peasant himself secures a firmer place within the flux of eventso Like the boundaries of his own village which give him security, he also finds boundaries to Space and time o o o The very fact that it is difficult to conceive of Space and time apart from village existence and traditional act1Vim ties, moreover _acts as a cohesive factor relating the peasant more closely to his environment and establishing the community as the center of gravityo” (Fuller, gg&,§;go, ppo 13~i4)o Also relevant are Ayrout's observations: 1"The fellahin finds the same difficulty in widening his outlook in Space as in imagining himself in the future” and ”The fellahin doesn't think outside of the immediate present? he is fettered to the momenta“ (Ayrout, gg$ gigs, ppo 109, 140)o 2?O studied constantly foreshorten social distance and underestimate sogéal coma plexity in the outside worldo Extra~Village Interactigg It is not to be implied, however, that the village is a closed system, an isolateo Although isolation may be pri- mary, it is not absoluteo In the social and, more 6XpliCltly, in the economic Sphere, one finds a considerable degree of extra—village interactiono The Social Sphere As mentioned above, the territorial bounds of the village do not always comprehend the full eXpression of its individual lineageso Although extrawvillage lineage affilim ations do lapse in situations of violence, such instances are not permanent and the lineages do provide an effective medium for interaction beyond the village057 569° Stirling, 09, gig“ p0 2880 Also relevant is Crary°s statement that ”Visits to the village of persons whose missions are beyond the eXperience of the peasant are therefore incomprehenSible and are regarded as intrusions and viewed with suSpicionn” (Do Crary, “The Villager,” Socia;_§orges in the Middle East, ed, Sydney No Fisher, fithaca, 195g]? p055)o . Ayrout observes that these individuals are aWalled in by their habits as well as their villages, dense and gregarious, but isolated and unorganizedo‘la Furthermore, ”each village is centered on its own selfwsufficient life; each has its own mentality and its own Egypto" {Ho Aynout, 2g%‘££;n, PPo 3.3.4? 14,0 57The whole question of lineage versus village loyalty has yet to be resolvedo Jay Weulersse claims that in the Syrian lowlands, “loyalty to the tribe implies a rejection of the village communal feeling, and undermines the territorial unity of the villageo As a result the felahin have no Spirits ual links with their villageso“ (JO Weulgrsse, in Go Bger“s ggpulation.and Society in the Arab East éNew York, 1963f, pol73)o Baer claims that, “There is general unanimity on the 271 Similarly, religious affiliation , in many contexts, establishes media for extra-village interactiono In his work in a Lebanese village, for example, Gulick found a seemingly atypical situation in which a surprising amount of inter» village activity was evidencedo Upon closer examination, he found that this was due to the fact that the parent village and its ring of “daughter“ villages (among which interaction was persistent) were similar in religious affiliation, ioeo Greek Orthodox; surrounding villages were all Maroniteo Thus, the parent and daughter villages appear to Operate as a com» posite villageo The fact that all were called by one name symbolized this unityo58 The ”Little Tradition,” in its emphasis on non? formalized religious institutions, likewise encourages intern actiono Foci for such extramvillage activity include the finely distributed pattern of graves, tombs and shrines to which district pilgrimages are madeo In Turkey, Makal identim fies a wideSpr ead rural institution, the “Hearth of Healing“ subject of the fellah°s ties to his village among the authors describin both Egyptian and Fertile Crescent Villages, o o It is felt noweveg7 that the territorial unity of the village is destroyed b a commitment to the hamu-a or relig ous ggmmunityn LThus one may pose therlqueStion whether the fellah°s Spiritual ties are really directed to his Village, or is the village simply identical with a family unit or religious sect?” (Go Baer, gp&,g;;o, pp, l73~l?4)o 58Louise Sweet documents a similar situation for Tell Toqaan and its neighboring villageso Here, however, tribal identity is the principal integrating factoro The result is an enclave of villages bearing one name and led by a shaykh resident in the main settlemento 272 (ZE3£)0 as a similar quasimreligious locus of activity,59 One also finds that the derwish order, a ubiquitous and powerful institution within the peasant realm, serves as perhaps one of the major channels through which village parochialism is breachedo Not only do members of the brotherhood travel from village to village in the pursuit of their chosen “Spiritual path“ (tariga), but contributions are regularly collected from and scholars supported by the villageo The Economic Sphere The villager also frames his commitment to the village in terms of economic criteria with selfasufficiency as the often quoted characteristico The villagers liked to exaggerate éiheigf o o o selfasufficiency, and liked to emphasize their independence? in their still traditional view of the world the land gave an assurance of survivaloéo Although selfasufficiency of the village has similarly been eXpounded by numerous observers, it would appear that such a state could persist for a limited period of time only 6i and under extremely favorable conditionso More frequently, 59See Mahmut Makal, gaggllggguin Aggtglia (London, 1954), ppo 85m86, for a full discussiono 6OStirling, opa cito, po 790 61According to Stirling, "Traditionally, the economy of the village was a nearmsubsistence economyo A high propore tion of what the village consumed they produced for themselves, and except for relatively few essentials, what the Village didn't produce it went withouto For considerable periods, the village could survive without the towns,” (P0 Stirling, 273 the traditional economy of the village is far from self~ sufficiento Although its resource base is in imbalance and all Villages operate within a similar economic framework, some Specialization in crOp and craft is presento A situation amenable to trade is thereby effected,62 QE&C to, p078). It would appear that Stirling is correct if one views the town as the locus of tradeo Although Stirling does mention inter-village trade, he does not accord it much attentiono There are situations, however, in which the natural milieu diSplays little diversity and villages all derive the same products from their labors Here it would appear that trade is relatively unimportant and any trade that does occur takes place within the urban milieu where a demand exists for the peasant's surpluso “A striking feature of the Egyptian rural villager and of his village as a whole is their aloof: ness from nearby villagers and villageso o o Soils, climate, and water supply are so nearly uniform throughout the valley and delta that villagers are not dependent on one another and consequently don't need intercommunicationo Each is completely selfusufficiento . o" (R Platt and M Hefney, E_Qthi A Compendium_/§ew York, 195:7, po 117)» Ayrout states, ”Nothing is more like one Egyptian village than another Egyptian village " (Ayrout, gg& gigs, p059)o Stirling identifies a similar situation in Anatolia, but derives more realistic and comprehensive conclusions, ”Villages are homogeneous in production and economic relations between them consist mainly of reciprocal exchanges and small individual loans, the use of craftsmen, advice on health and medicineso O 0 religious and magical consultations, and sales of animalso" (Po Stirling, gp$ sign, p0 80)o 62Village craft Specialization tends to be an ubiquim tous phenomenon throughout the peasant realm” Consequently a favorable bargaining position is assured in the weekly market” Items include pottery, stone mortars and pestles and threshing boardso Most articles produced are utilitarian and are manun factured for a rural market exclusivelyo Sweet states “The more one examines the technological and economic life in Tell Toqaan, the more it seems that much must come from the outm Side and that the village is not selfmsufficiento“ (Louise Sweet, ga$ gigs, p051)o 274 Migration,- As has been seen, migration is a reflection of the imbalance in the village's resource base, One component of this process is resolved within the peasant realm; it is usually undertaken for a short period of time when activity in the reference village is at a minimum, This situation derives from the range of ecological regions which are en_ compassed by the realm, Thus, as the seasons change, so do the loci of agricultural activityo An individual can thereby complete part of the agricultural cycle in his own village and then seek Similar employment in other areas where labor is in demand, The young unmarried men drift off to find worko a . either in Beirut, . , or in the olive and citrus groves of the Mediterraa nean coastal strip, A plowman having comm pleted the work on his own lands takes the same route, descending to sea level alti= tudes where agricultural work continues throughout the winter, Shouldering his plow and driving his brace of oxen, o 0 he leaves 0 o a the herdsmen depart, escorting the goats to the same lowland area,63 Even during this period of absence, however, the villager seeks a familiar environment either through associw ation with fellow villagers or by establishing close personal multiplex relations in his business dealings, Fuller observes, The flocks are grazed in regions where the herdsmen have established traditional relations over a period of yearso o , Persons 0 o o attempt to find work in the same general neighborhood of one another, feeling at all times the need to assoc1ate 63Fuller, op, cit,, po 24o 275 with those with whom they have the strong: est ties, The single plowman after his day's work seeks out the herdsmen's shelter and shares in their mealo The young un- married men come on foot or by bus from the suburbs of Beirut to call on the herdsmen familyo As a result a lesser village com» munity is established, . , and the sense of tie with the mountain community is not entirely disrupted,64 Trade,- Patterns of activity centering on the exchange of a village's surplus for items not in its resource base provide a second nexus of extra—village economic interaction, Where services are offered on an individual basis by ambulatory craftsmen, merchants, sharecrOppers, woodcutters, herdsmen and other Specialists, an attempt is made to establish rem lations within a personal and traditional framework,65 Aim though these contacts display little persistence in the spatial and temporal dimension, they are, nevertheless, Mpermanent" in the sense that they are a repetitive or a cyclical processo The weekly market and the seasonal fair present per- haps the most articulate eXpression of intermvillage economic interactiono Indeed, the market is as indigenous to the peasant realm as is the village itselfo This institution is viewed by most communities as a necessity and they go to great lengths to insure its continuous operationo In the Rif, for example, the endemic feuding necessitates establishing women's 64Fu118r, OER Cito' ppo 249250 65“The villagers, although often forced into relations with complete strangers, don't like such relations and con- stantly seek to turn the im ersonal, singlewstranded tie into a multiple personal loyalty,I (Stirling, g2, glgp, p081)o 276 markets so that rudimentary trade can continue,66 In most areas, however, markets are assured continuous operation, Several features of the rural market bear recognition, First, one finds that the Spatial characteristics of the market are dependent upon a number of factors, The level of hostility in an area, for example, dictates the general loca- tion of the market, Where a low level is evidenced, the market is commonly organized in the village square (332%), In the locations where feud is endemic, however, the market is located at a distance67 from all centers of human activity in order to insure its neutrality,68 69 An absence of morphological eXpression which is con- tinuous in time provides a further distinctive characteristic of the rural market, Thus, one finds that the activity rather than the physical structuring defines the market, All 66See M, Mikesell, Northern Morocco: A Cultural Geo~ graphy, Vol, XIV (Berkele 1960) , , ”Women appear to bie'importang7 pe.rsonages in maint.aining the peace, They are the conciliators and messengers of peace, The anaia (safe conduct) of women is likewise the strongest kind, involving the whole village' s honor,"'See F, Benet, I’E‘.Xplosive Markets: The Be ber Highlands,” Trade and Market in the Early Empires, ed, K, Polanyi and H, Pearson ZGientoe, 1957), pp, 320» 341, for a full discussion of the position of the market institution in situations of feud, 67Here the market is viewed by the villagers as some- thing akin to its wasteland, as embodying evil Spirits, and aS impossible to bring under the control of the village, 68This is commonly associated with the isolation of the village from all forms of economic activity, That is, no exchange or commercial transactions are permitted outside the market institution, 69Inter-tribal, regional, and internregional markets, howeverD do display some permanent morgholcgical structuring, 277 that is required for choice of a suitable site is its being a sufficient distance from settlement, yet accessible, and the presence of a permanent water source and a relatively level cleared area, Whereas the market site is continuous in time, its Operation is not, Only in the market town is there a suffi» cient supply and demand to warrant its daily Operation, In the peasant realm, the market may be biaweekly, weekly, monthly or seasonal, It is not to be implied, however, that the individual village maintains access to only one market, Commonly its members take advantage of a number of markets, It is the highly coordinated nature of the market network which permits this access, Vicinal markets are on a staggered schedule so that one could, if inclined, visit every market in the region on its appointed day, The high degree of Spatial and temporal organization evidenced by the rural market is observed by Benet: Indeed, the system is at home throughout the Middle East, for the products of the countryside appear in the city bazaars on appointed days, But nowhere is the system as elaborately perfected as in North Africa, , , The whole area could be plotted in this way? as clusters of markets of which it is possible to make weekly rounds,70 70?, Benet, gp,_g;§,, p,l97, See the following works by Walter Fogg for a full analysis of the rural market insti» tution in Morocco: " "Village, Tribal Markets, and Towns: Some Considera- tions Concerning Urban Development in the Spanish and Intern national Zones of Morocco,“ Sociological Review, Vol, XXXIln XXXIII (1940-41), 85-107, “Beliefs and Practices At or In Relation To a Morocm can Tribal Market," FolkmLore, Vol, L1 (1940), 132:138, "The Organization of a Moroccan Tribal Market,” 278 A third characteristic of the rural market is its dis~ tinctive atmosphereo Latent conflict, anxiety, stress and heightened insecurity provide the backdrop for all transm actionso This tends to reflect the high degree of interaction which is develOped between otherwise hostile and antagonistic groupso Benet appraises this situation in the following manners Psychologically as well as physically the markets stand on the fringes of the ingroups Agillageg7o Here the world of the Village comes into contact with similar outside _ g groupso The suq stands locationally apart from and in contrast to the village? well outside of the settled areaso 1 Here the market institution represents a danger spot, a weakness in the social structureo By its inability to deal effectively with conflict and instability and eXpress its neutrality,72 it is not able to incorporate the full range of American_§nthrogologist, Volo XLIV (1942), 47a610 “The Squ A tudy in the Human Geography of Morocco,“ Geography, Volo XVII (1932), 257~67o MarTribalMarket in the Spanish Zone of Morscco,“ Africa, Volo XI (1938), 428=445° 71Benet, 02a cito, ppo 198ml99o 72”In most parts of the world it is usually found that the market place is neutral groundo o o In some parts of Egypt, however, not only is the market place the site regularly chosen for village conflicts, but fights which take place there are by no means confined to nonwmarket days°"fl (Winifred Blackman, The Fellahin of Upper Egyp£,Z$ondon, 19217, polZQo In Morocco, wever, Violence was eXpressly forbiddeno When it did occur (nefrgge break of the peace) public pressure was relied on to prevent its spreado If death resulted, the market was closed for a year as a means of purification, 279 activities, Specifically those which demand a relatively high level of stability and permanence (eogo credit institutions)o In conclusion, then, it can be said that there is a surprisingly high degree of extrauvillage interaction in the peasant realmo Although villagers will attempt to discredit this observation, the fact remains that the village is not a total entity and,to varying degrees, it is dependent upon neighboring villages and other extramvillage institutionso None of these villages is selfa-containedo Although each shows a high degree of selfe sufficiency and endogamy, it is tied to others in a web of social relations, embrace ing the whole of southern Kurdistano Many institutions affecting large districts have their main focus in one or another of these local villages, not visibly different from the next: the home village of the leader, of a derwish brotherhood, that of a tribal leader, a rich landowner, a locally important mullah, Ordinary trade ties village to village and village to cityo o 0 Thus no village is selfmcontained or separate in structural termso Clearly a larger unit of study than any one village is neededo One can only concur with Benet's contention that the “extraordinary assumption that rural villages are isolated is i .14 > H To the western observer: a romantic and ethnocentric biaso it is a romantic notion, an integral part of the 0‘peasant mystique,” To the peasant villager, it is an ethnocentric reflection of the totality of his commitment to the community, 73Barth, opn cito, p0 160 74F, Benet, “Sociology Uncertain; The Ideology of the Rural-Urban Continuum,“ §9uthwestern Journal Qf Anthrepggggxl Vol° XIV (1958), poloo, 280 Conclusion: Isolation Versus Interactipn It might prove worthwhile at this point to again employ the Wtime~8pace model” presented in the preceding section to analyze the manner in which the peasant community relates to the urban and pastoral communities, The principal node of interaction which maintains a high level of persistence in both the spatial and temporal dimension is the village, If one defines village interaCtion in terms of its multiwplex qualities, seccndary “villagewlike“ nodes can be identified throughout the rural realm and also in the urban milieu, These are the psychosocial and somem times physical fabrications of the village migrant pOpulation which, divorced from the reference Village, seeks to reconw struct a fiaesnmle of it in an alien landscape, Although the degree of interaction (intensity) manifested by these nodes may approach that of the village, it is, by virtue of its transitory nature, a condensed and generalized version, They cannot reflect the full range of interaction present within the reference village, They do, nevertheless, diaplay a sig~ nificant degree of persistence in both time and space, Tertiary nodes of interaction would appear to center on the vicinal village, one which is tied to the reference village by patterns of interaction predicated upon a common identity, be it kinship, religion, ethniCity or culture, Here again multimplex relations are preferred, The spatial component of this pattern is commonly stable and pe55istent, although the temporal dimension may reflect situaticns of [llllll‘lllll.l ll 281 conflict and other inhibiting factors, It is to be recogm nized, however, that in areas of endemic feud, the vicinal village is, in many cases, fully alienated, the only inter- aCtance media being the institution of the feud itself, Quarternary nodes of interaction diaplay a more widen spread and fragmented spatial eXpression, Similarly, their temporal persistence is ephemeral, Although these nodes, represented by the extra-village periodic market, other rural~ based religious, economic and social institutions, and the market town and urban center, maintain definite ties with the village, the latter's commitment is minimal and transitoryo Furthermore, relations are commonly uniplex, mediated by one sphere of activity without recourse to or the support of other inter-personal relations, Commonly, it is with the in- tent of satisfying immediate, shortmterm needs that these in- stitutions are employed by the villageo If one were to apply this generalized discussion to a specific situation and plot the resultant landscape, many of the anomalies of the peasant realm would be placed in a more intelligible light, Perhaps the best example of this is that lines of equal persistence tend to cross the bounds which set the peasant community apart from its urban and pastoral counterpart, By and large, however, the following observation by Fuller places the range of peasant interaction in its proper perSpectivet The peasants tolerate other peasants more readily than they do city dwellers or 282 desert nomads, , , They tolerate and accept persons from their own general neighborhood more readily than persons from beyond the Spatial horizons of their own world,7 \ 75Fu11er, op, cit,, pp, 33~34, CHAPTER VII: CONCLUSION The Traditional Arab—Islamic Society The preceding discussion, in focusing on the Arab- Islamic realm, has been undertaken with three fundamental objectives in mind: (1) an appraisal of the present vogue and future potential of the concept of isolation in the study of human communities, (2) an attempt to employ the technique of conceptualization (i.e, the formulation of relevant des- criptive, analytical and predictive tools) in constructing viable interactance models, and (3) an application of the resultant conceptual constructs in an analysis of the human components of the Arab-Islamic realmo It has been hypothesized that the term “isolation,“ because of its distracting implications and traditional I associations, does not manifest sufficient potential to justify its continued employment as an independent variable in the analysis of human organization, Approaching society and its subsystems as dynamic and cpen-ended, the foregoing discussion has proceeded within the context of a recently—devised theoretical construct, the ecological trilogyo Basically, the ecological trilogy demands a research design which focuses on the patterns and processes of inter- action as the principal units of analysis, In this manner it permits a more effective and realistic assessment of the human community, Through the medium of the case-study approach it 284 285 has been the intent to ascertain the explanatory potential of this construct within a substantive context, An attempt has likewise been made to provide an amenable situation in which "isolation" can be utilized as a constructive analytical tool in support of the objectives of the ecological trilogy, Discussion centering on the patterns of interaction which characterize the Arab-Islamic realm has proceeded under the assumption that a significant portion of the available data concerning this realm has been distorted by a lack of rigor and awareness on the part of the researcher, This, in turn, has resulted in the positing of false assumptions and conclusions regarding the significant components of Arab- Islamic society, Specifically, the relevance of isolation as an intrinsic and primary characteristic, In essence, then, the question has been raised as to the reliability of the body of knowledge germane to the realmo It has traditionally been posited that the three major communal components of the Arawaslamic realm (i,e, the peasant, pastoral and urban communities) are, in effect, closed systems displaying few points of congruence with each other, Employing_the.same.body of data utilized by these observers, it has been found that there does indeed exist a high degree of inter-communal interaction, and that these com- munities are interdependent components of Arab-Islamic society, It has also been discovered that although interaction can be defined from an inter-communal perspective, it cannot 286 be so defined for the intra-communal situation, Thus, rela- tions between similar types of settlements (village-village, city-city and camp-camp) are strikingly absent, Furthermore, whereas inter-communal interaction is mediated by components of the social milieu, intra-communal interaction tends to be characterized by violence and hostility, or, to use Van Nieuwenhuijze's term, ”patterned antagonism."1 One possible explanation for this apparent paradox which is supported by the literature centers on the nature of the resource base accessible to the three communities, In contrast to traditional assumptions, it does not appear that any of these communities is fully self-sufficient, Each is, to varying degrees, dependent upon the other two for a necessary portion of its resource potential, In accordance with this imperative, each community manifests a wide range of patterns and processes whereby access to extra-communal resources is effected, One might therefore conclude that in many respects the economies of the three communities are com- plementary and the relations conducted in reaponse to this situation, symbiotico 9n the intra—communal level of analysis, however, this situation is not present, Here, the economies are by lIt should be remenbered, however, that “patterned antagonism" similarly holds true in a very general sense regarding inter-communal relations. It is counter- balanced by the fundamental interdependency of the three com- munities, Nevertheless, patterned antagonism can be viewed as playing a contributory role in preventing the establishment of greater areas of commitment between the three communities, 287 and large similar, as are the resources upon which they are predicated. Intra-communal trade and other market-oriented actiVities are thus ephemeral. An observation by Berger regarding the Egyptian peasant community supports this con— tentionx Villages. , , appear to be unrelated to each other directly and only through their bilateral relation, so to Speak, with a large city nearby, Villages are not oriented toward one another: rather, several villages in a region are all oriented toward the large city in it,2 Given the presence of inter-communal interaction then, what can be said regarding the manner in which the peasant, pastoral and urban communities relate to establish an Arab- Islamic society? Initially, it would appear that it is a plural society, that is, one characterized by distinct com- munities which diSplay a close interdependence in some fields of activity, but not in others, Although intercommunal inter- action is present, its most persistent expression tends to center on market—oriented activities, Social interaction, on the other hand, is intermittent, Economic, or subsistence, needs necessarily override temporarily, in any given interact— ion, the decisive pull of intergnoup hatred and suspicion, They do, that is, if they are successful and complete transactions, Since most Middle Eastern cities owe their very existence to the fact that they are long standing trading centers where members of every element in the mosaic have interacted more or less peaceably, it is clear that group enmities can be and have been for a long time, overridden successfully, But they 2Morroe Berger, The Arab World Today (New York, 1962), pp. 84-85, ' 288 haven't been obliterated; indeed, they maintain their vigor,3 Thus, the Arab-Islamic society cannot be viewed as an integrative society,.that is, one in which intermcommunal interaction proceeds on all levels of activity and in a per- sistent manner, Rather, one might approach it as a convergent society in which persistent interaction tranSpires on only a few levels, but where, at the higher levels of social strati- fication, there is manifest a merging of the three otherwise parallel communities as personified by the urban elite, One of the ways in which a society is manifested as a selprerpetuating process ., , is by articulation, . . The way in which Middle Eastern society achieves its own distinct articulation cannot be called stratification, , . it is a pattern of a composite society, . , a society that would be pluralistic but for the fact that it, . , is integrated in a particular sense, A society that traditionally could be called discontinuous, it is only integrated insofar as it converges on a core (the urban elite), There is parallelism rather than integration that prevails between the sociocultural patterns of the various sub-units that comm prise the encompassing society, , , Such differences between component units, . , are not so much a difference between entire patterns as differences in Specific elements of one pattern, such as creed, religion, geographic origin and language descent, , , Pluralism is overcome by convergence° not integration, Convergence, , , of elements that in converging, retain their distinct 4 integrity as selfmcontained cultural entities, The three components of traditional Arabelslamic society are subasystems which interact Sporadically within 3John Gulick, Social Structure and Cultural Change in a Lebanese Village (New York, 19557, p,158, 4C, A, 0, Van Nieuwenhuijze, Social Stratification in the Middle East (Leiden, 1965), p, 15, 289 the social context and persistently in the economic, They do not, however, attain integration except in the long-standing proclivity of their respective elites to reside within the urban center, Articulation can then be employed to character- ize social interaction, convergence can be used to character- ize economic interaction and integration to describe the elite. It is only integration which manifests a lasting com- mitment on the part of the communal participants, It is evident that there remain many unresolved questions, Although the patterns and processes of inter— i action have been highlighted, the finer distinctions between ! articulation, convergence and integration remain to be analyzed, It is here, then, that the potential of isolation as the unit of analysis makes its best case, This is not to imply, however, that such analysis should be predicated on the natural environment as the in- dependent variable, Rather it would appear that the locus of isolationnproducing situations resides within the psychosocial sphere, that is perception, It is felt that by analyzing the “world-view” of the peasant, pastoral and urban communities, that is, the manner in which they perceive of themselves, their co-resident communities and their encompassing society, that one can best approach and gain an understanding of why integration has been inhibited within Arab-Islamic society, BIB‘LIOGRAPHY SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Ammar, Hamed, ~Growing Up in an Egyptian Village, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd, 1954, Awad, M, ”Nomadism in the Arab Lands of the Middle East,“ UNESCO, Arid Zone Research, #18 (Paris: 1962), by_ John Williams, Boston: Beacon Press, I963, Baer, Gabriel, Po-ulationhand_Societ Translat e- rom Hebrew Praeger, 1964, inmthe Arab East, Aerut, H. 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