A TAMMIC ANALYSIS
OF
SWAHELE CLAUSE STRUCTURE

‘E‘Iimste 509 Mm Degree 3? M. A.
MCH. EGAE-‘s‘f STA'E'E 'UKEYEESETY
James 3?. Emmi

W618

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{J j : . ‘ ‘- j“;
THESIS E 4 ‘ 1' _
Michigan State
University

 

 

 

 

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.lI \I’Ulllnl‘l :

 

A TAGMENIC ANALYSIS
OF

SWAHILT CLAUSE STRUCTURE
By

a w,

,fiéx
James J. Duran

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirement:
for the degree;of

MASTER OF ARTS
Department of Linguietice and Oriental and African Langueaee

1968

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii
INTRODUCTION 1
0.1. The Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
0.2. The Nature of the Corpue . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
0.3. Standard Swahili Orthography . . . . . . . . . . . 2
0.4. The Theoretical Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
0.5. Criteria for Dietinguiahing Clauae Typee and Clauee
Tegue-ee . . . . . . . . .'. . . . . . . . . . . . 6
CHAPTER ONE: Baeic Clauee Typea
1.1. Action Clauae Typee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
1.2. Non-Action Clauee Typea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
‘ CHAPTER TIC: Derived Claueea
2.1. The Nature of Derived Claueee . . . . . . . . . . . 18
2.2. Emic Derived Claueea in Swahili . . . . . . . . . . 19
CHAPTER THREE: Etic Clauee Varianta
3.1. Etic Varianta of Baeic Cleuaea . . . . . . . . . . 35
3.2. Etic Variante of Derived Claueee . . . . . . . . . 35
3.3. Group Y Etic Clauee Variante . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
CHAPTER FOUR: Clauee Transforms
4.1. Deletion of Subject Tagmune . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
4.2. Deletion of Subject Tagmeme with Replacement of

Pr.diC.t.TaMeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee‘2

CHAPTER FIVE: Clauae-Level Tagmanea
5.1. Nuclear Tagneuea . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.2. Peripheral Tagmemea . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.3. Variationa in the Ordering of Tagnemee . . .
APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Synbola and Abbreviatione Employed . . . . . . . .

Minimal Formulae for Swahili Baaic Clauae Typea .

Over-A11 Formulae for Swahili Derived Clauee Claaeee

BtiCCICU..V.riant‘e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e
C1008. Deriv.tion in S'ahili e e e e e e e e e e e

BIBLIMAWY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

Page

52

55
57

61
62
63

PREFACE

The goal of this study is a description of Swahili clause
structure on the Tagmemic model. as developed by Kenneth Pike,
Robert Longacre. and Benjamin Elson and Velma Pickett. Though
all questions raised in the course of the investigation may not
be answered definitively, it is hoped that this thesis will
give some idea of the nature of the problems encountered not
only in attempting a tagmemic description of Swahili. but also
in attempting a tagmemic description of any Bantu language.

I eould like to express my thanks for their help and COODGT'"
ation to the members of my thesis committees Dr. Ruth Brand.
Dr. Irvine Richardson. and Dr. David Lockwood. I would also
like to exoress my thanks to my informant, Ur. Nikundiwe, and
to Miss Rebecca Agheyisi, whose clause level analysis of Eini

was so helpful in providing a format for the present thesis.

INTRODUCTION

0.1. Ihn_LanQnauea Swahili is a trade language spoken

widely in Kenya, Tanzania. Uganda, and the Eastern and Southern
Congo. Estimates o! the number of speakers range widely, but a
conservative estimate would place the number at eight million
speakers, and the number is growing rapidly owing to governmental
support of the language. Swahili had its origins on the Kenyan
coast near and on the islands of Lama and Pete, and is closely
related to the Bantu languages of that region -- notably Pokomo
and the languages of the Nyika cluster. During the last mil-
lenium, its Islamised speakers slowly colonized the coast south
to Zanzibar. ndthin the last hundred years. the language has
spread from Zanzibar inland over the large area it now occupies.
Efforts have been made over the last few decades to promote a
stndard form of the language, based on the Unguja dialect of Zanai~
bar, and these efforts have been largely successful. In schools.
and in various forms of’wess communication, Standard Swahili has
been disseminated widely throughout East Africa. It is on this

standard form of the language that this ttudy is based.

 

0.2. The_§ature of_the Corpuss This analysis of Swahili clause

 

structure is based on an analysis of over five hundred clauses ex-
tracted from the recently published Swahili short story "Hrimu wa
Watu we Kale.? The text in chapter seven and a good part of chapter
eight of "Urine..." was chosen for analysis since it contains a good
deal of dialogue between the characters. The rough framework of this
analysis was developed in the course of writing a term paper on
Swahili clause structure as shown in a narrative written in the last
decade of the nineteenth century in the Unguja dialect (the dialect
on which modern Standard Swahili is based). Though the narrative was
written some 75 years ago, and differs a great deal in style from
“Hzimu...", there was a very close correlation in findings when the
analysis of the 500 clauses of "Usinu..." was compared to the earlier
analysis of the 300 clauses from the narrative.- This has proved very
useful in detecting gaps in the present corpus. Further gaps in the
representation of major clause types and clause tagmemes were detected
with the help of an informant, Ir. Alfee Nikundiwe. and my own

(incomplete) knowledge of the language (some seven years experience).

0.3. Standard Swahili Qrthographys There are relatively few

 

problems in interpreting the various symbels employed in Standard -
Swahili orthography. A few symbols which may cause some difficulty

in interpretation are given bebows

-ih
,dh
.sh
.ch

.1
ins‘

.1

represents a voiced velar fricative, though

many pronounce this simply as a voiced velar
stop, /g/, or /g/, respectively

represents a voiceless interdental fricative, [6/
represents a voiced interdental fricative, /37
voiceless alveopalatal fricative, /§/

voiceless alveopalatal affricate, [a]

voiced alveopalatal affricate, /3/

voiced velar nasall. [b/

voiced flap, /f7.

0.4. Ihg Thenceiisal medals The tamic model of linguistic

description has been most fully described in Kenneth L. Pike's

ganguaqe 1n Relationjom1_U.9}.!_isidr1t£grx.of. itinfiiructura. human.

Behavior (1967). In several recent works, notably Pike's "Dimensions

of Grammatical Constructions" (1962) and his_1agmemficflapdmuatrix.

Elgguistics Applied to Selected Africeg Lan993995.(1966), Robert E.

Lonsacre'a giéflfléiugisEQ?filleIQQRduteli...£1£ld.flanual.(1964), and

Benjamin Elson and Velma Pickett's §g_;ntgoductign_tgfigorpbglggy,and_

.- M-

Syntax (1962), advances have been made in the application of tagmemic

theory to the problems of linguistic description in'the field. In

this study of Seahili clause structure, Pike's "Dimensions...",

A
’T

1This phoneme, represented as it appears in Standard Swahili
orthography, contrasts with the prenasaliaed voiced velar stop fig
(or /9g/ ), as seen in ”ng'ombe". ”cow", and "ngoma', ”drum".

.7

and Elson and Pickett's Introduction ... have been especially helpful,

and Longacre's Grammar Discovery Procedures ... has been of inestimable

 

value. It is principally on Longacre's introductory chapter that the
following brief description of tagmemic theory is based.

Basic to the idea of tagmemics is the concept of patterning in
language. Language is seen as an interlocking system of relationships
between patterns. These patterns (constructions) are called "syntagmemes";
the elements (pattern points) of which they are composed are called
"tagmemes." The system of relationships between syntagmemes on a
given level of language is described as the "field," and can be most
easily described in terms of a matrix. These concepts have character-
istically been described (by Pike) in terms of ”particle” (tagmeme),
"wave" (syntagmeme), and "field," terms used to describe similar phenomena
in physics. The tagmeme itself, however, though a unit, composed of
a Clot (function) and a filler class, is manifested by syntagmemes
composed of tagmemes on the next lower level. Thus tagmemic theory sees
a language as composed of a systematic hierarchy of levels, with
constructions on one level forming slot-class (i.e. tagmeme) units
within constructions on the next higher level, and vice-verse.

The problem of defining the fundamental unit of the system, the
tagmeme, brings up another concept of tagmemic theory, -- the concept
of function. The tagmeme is partially defined according to its

function; that is, the tagmeme is defined according to the role that

iit plays in a given syntagmeme. For example, in a given clause,
a goal tagmeme may be manifested by a modified noun-phrase; it
will be labelled, however, according to the role it plays -- that
,of goal as opposed to subject, regardless of the fact that both
subject and goal tagmemes might be manifested by identical noun-
phrase types.1 One fundamental criterion, then,in distinguishing
the various tagmenes is that of function; a major task of the ling-
uist is to seek those structural features in a given language which
denote the function of a given tagmeme.

Describing the function of a tagmeme, however, is only part of

the description of a tagmeme. A tagmeme is “a functional point...

at which a set of items and/or sequences occur.'2 Thus a temporal

tagmeme comprises not only a time slot within a construction, but

. also all those items or sequences which manifest the tagmeme--e.g.
time uords, embedded temporal clauses, temporal phrases. Thus a tag-
meme is both a slot (i.e. function) within a syntagmeme and the set
of fillers (filler class) which manifest that tagmeme.

It should be mentioned here that fillers of a given slot may
theoretically be drawn from any level; in some languages, for example,
clauses may fill slots in phrases, and words may fill slots in
sentences. The existence of a hierarchy of levels in a giien language.

by no means precludes such "leapbacks” and ”skips" from awe level to

-ofi

 

‘- __ w‘v ..— _—-— v...—

 

 

1Hoe such tagmemes will be found in contrast will be discussed
later.

2Longacre, (1964), pp. 15-16.

another. Tagnenics stresses the facts of levels in language; it
by no means implies that these levels may not be subject to un-
unual interrelationships.

In sun, the aim of tnnnnnica is to seek out from the data the
”emic" -- contractiuo -- patterns of a language. Emic patterns and
emic pattern points composing the patterns are revealed by the
oystematic analysis of the patterns and units of a language in order
to determine which patterns and units are truly emic and which are
only “etio” (or non-significant in the language under investigation).
The criteria used in identifying emic clause-level patterns (clause
types) and emic clauae-lovel units (clenee tagmemes) in this analysis

of Swahili will be discussed in the following section.

0.5. Criteria for Dictinqoiahinq Claomo Tynes and Clanao Taqnnnegp

 

In defining the term "clause”, and in setting up criteria for dietin-
guiahing clauoo types and their tagmemes, I shall follow closely the

definitions and criteria suggested by Longacre in his Grammar Dis-

 

covery Procedures and by Pike in his "Dimensions...". By the term

 

"clause", 1 mean a syntagneme which occurs above the phrase level

and below the sentence level and which contains one and only one
predicate or predicate-like taqmeme. Any tagmeme which functions
as a predicate in a grammatical string will be considered a predicate,
whether or not such a tannemo is manifested by a verb-phraae, so long as
there is no other tanneme in the connected clause which migwt be coné'

siderod a predicate.

To distinguish between clause types, I have partially employed
Longacre's criteriar ”for two patterns (syntagmemes) to be in con-
trast, they must have more than one structural difference between
theme at least one of these differences must involve the nuclei of
the syntagmemes.“1 Countable structural differences are:

'(a) differing linear orderings;
(b) differing number of tagmemes;
(c) differing syntagmemes manifesting similar but distinct

tagmemesg
(d) differing emic classes2 manifesting similar but distinct

tagmemes;
(e) differing transform potential (or differing derivations
via transform). '

Nuclear tagmemes (as opposed to peripheral tagmenes) will be
identified in accordance with the criteria established by Longacre,
which may be set forth as follows:

”(1) All obligatory tagmemes ere nuclear (although not all

nuclear tagmemes are obligatory).

”(2) Iagmemes in agreement with the predicate... or in explicit

cross reference to it, are nuclear."4

Further signs that a clause tagmeme may be nuclear5 are.

ll-ige. De 18.

2Ernie classes are defined as ”small closed function set(s)“ (e.g..
set of affixes or a group of function particles) or a subdivision of a
large open class (e.g., transitive verbs as apposed to other types of

V.3b)e
3%.. De 19.
‘zbide. pp. 48‘49e

§1§1§e9 pp. 50‘5le

(a) contiguity to the predicate,1

(b) restriction of distribution to certain clause types;

c) susceptibility to transformations; 2
d) overt marking as nuclear by special case endings or particles;

In distinguishing between the different clause types and clause
tagmemes, l have chosen to employ yet another criterion, that of dis-
tribution on the next higher level. Longacre explicitly rejects this
criterion, holding that contrasting internal structures alone should
determine whether two clause types contrast or not.3 Kenneth Pike, on
the other hand, has taken a different view:

”In my view a difference in the distribution of two

constructions in higher-layered constructions may, like a

transform difference, count as one of two required differ-

ences provided this distributional difference is paralleled

by a substantial difference in structural meaning (such

as ‘declsrative' versus 'intsrrogative')."

Such a criterion has proved useful in distinguishing dependent
from independent clause types, or dependent clause types from one another,
where another structural difference already exists.

Swahili clause types (clause tyntagmemes) distinguished from one
another on the basis of the criteria listed above may be divided into
several categories: basic clause types versus derived cihuse types, and
those dependent clause types whach are dependent on the sentence level

versus those which are embedded on the clause level or on a lower

level (i.e., those which fill or help fill a clause level slot).

11 have altered this from Longacre's statement that ”Nuclear tags
memes tend to occur contiguously to each other in some languages" (p. 50).

2.121111.
3.1hid., pp. 20-23.
‘ Pike, (1962), p. 232.

CHAPTER ONE: BASIC CLAUSE TYPES

Since, according to this analysis, there are no dependent basic
clause types in Swahili, all these basic clause types described below
are to be considered independent as well. Basic clause types may be
divided into two groups1 on the basis of their predicate-types those
clause types in which the predicate is manifested by a verb-phrase
constitute the action-clause groxp, while those clause types in which
the predicate is manifested by a unit other than a verbcphrase cons-
titute the nonnaction-clause group.

In describing the basic clause types in Swahili, the clause
types will be given in their minimal forms. Nuclear tagmemes will
be described, but peripheral tagmemes will not be discussed at this
point. minimal formulae, examples. and a brief discussion of the
identificationsl-contrastive features of each clause type will be
given.

1.1. Action CI°EEEQIXESSB Swahili action-clause types are

 

centered constructions with the predicate occupying the center
position flanked by nuclear tagmemes on both sides, with peripheral
tagmemes flanking the entire nucleus. Nuclear tegmemes other than

the predicate tagmeme are cross-referenced to the predicate,

..w -- “...-....-.“ ... ”..- ....

 

iris-.- ~e- J—-§ -” m-*mv-W‘ ——~- i“

1i.e., natural groups, ng5_emic clause classes.

 

 

 

 

 

 

10

though such cross-referencing is subject to certain conditions. Subj-
ect tagmemea, both subject-as-actor and subject-as-initiator, are

always marked by an affix in the predicate. The indirecteobject tagmeme,
the object-of-directed-action tameme, and the object-as-ector tagneme
are marked obligatorily by an affix in the predicate if they are not
manifested overtly outside the predicate. In transitive clauses, the
marking of the object-as-goal tagmeme is Optional. regardless of whether
the object-es-goal slot is filled. In ditransitive clauses, however,
the object-as-goal tagmeme is never marked in the predicate. Similarly,
in causative clauses, the goal tagmeme is never marked in the predicate.

Regarding the relative ordering of tagmemes, the following seems
to hold true. Among the nuclear tagmemes, the subject tagmemes (subject-
as-actor and subject-as-initiator) precede the predicate, whereas all
other nuclear tagmemes follow the predicate. Of those nuclear tagmemes
which follow the predicate, in the ditransitive clause, the indirect-
object tagmeme precedes the object-as-goal tagmeme, while in the
causative clause, the object-as-actor tagmeme precedes the goal tagmeme.
As will be seen below, the order may be varied under certain conditions.
As regards the peripheral tagmemes, both the peripheral tagmemee them.
selves and their ordering will be discussed in a later section.
In distinguishing between the various actioneclause types, great

care must be taken in noting the relationship of the participants in

the action both to the action and to one another. This is especially

important in analyzing Swahili, where clause level elements, phrase

1i.e.. in those cases where the object-es-goal slot is unfilled.

11

level elements, and word level elements may be easily confused due
to the nature of the Swahili action predicate. The problem is esp-
eciilly acute in the case of verbal extensions, E.e., those elements
suffixed to a verb-root to create derived forms of the verb (e.g.,
-fung-, ”to close." -fungu-, “to open‘, ~fungi~. “to close for someone.“
~fungik-, 'to be closed”). There is all the more reason for high-
lighting these problens in that Pike has recently proposed a treatment
of Bobsngi clause types which has far-reaching implications not only
for Bobangi and closely related languages of the Congo basin. but also
of Bantu languages in general.1 working eith Bobangi material as
presented in Halcon Guthrie's brief study of Bobangi syntax (in his
Egantu Sentence 8tructures)2, Pike has suggested setting up a causative
clause type which could be derived from a basic clause type. From
the basic clause
elenge eliki-nde opima ka
youth did-not go-out not
(”the youth did not go out“)
one can, presumably by the addition of the causative extension :1;;
to the verb manifesting the predicate, by the adding of another actor,
and change in roles, produce a clause of the folloaing types
mpomba alibi-nde opinisa elenge ks.
elder did-not cause-to-go-out youth not.

(”The elder did not make the youth go out")

1Kenneth L. Pike, (1966) p. 39.

2Malcolm Guthrie, (1961).

12

If in Swahili clause types are seen as created from other clause
types by means of adding extensions to the verb manifesting the
predicate, adding actors, and changing roles, certain complications
are bound to arise. By analogy with Pike's example, we might handle
a similar relationship between clause types in Swahili in the following
manner:

Basic clause type:

moto unawaka
fire it-is-burning
Causative (derived) clause types
mtu anawasha moto
/ man he-is-causing-to-burn fire
("The man is lighting the fire")

One might well ask here why the second type might not be considered
as expressing a simple transitive relationship between subject and
object-as-goal.

Note the following examples:

(1) :5. . E. (2) s. B
ndoo 1meJaa ndoo imevunjika
pail it-is-full pail it-is-broken
(3) § 2 ga (4) § 2 _
mtu alijaza n 00 mtu alivunja ndoo

man he-filled pail man he-broke pail

Despite the causative affix on the intransitive Verb in the verb-

phraae manifesting the predicate in example 3 and the absence of it in

13

the transitive verb in the verb-phrase manifesting the predicate in
example 4, they both seem to express the same relationship between
the actors and the action. Likewise, despite the stative affix in
the transitive verb in the verb-phrase manifesting the predicate in
example 2, and the absence of a stative affix in the intransitive
verb in the verb-phrase manifesting the predicate in example 1, both
examples seem to be manifesting the same relationship between actor
and action. Differences between examples 1 and 2, and between examples
3 and 4 are superficial differences caused by the presence or absence
of derivational affixes.

Similarly, the presence or absence of the revarsive affix in

Swahili does not affect the relationship between actors and action.

a 2 9., a 2 9.,
mtu alikunja karatasi mtu alikunjua karatasi
man he-folded paper man he-unfolded paper

. The action in the second example is the reverse of the action in
the first example, yet the relationship between the actors and action
is the same in both examples; the subject acts upon the object‘as-goal
in exactly the same manner (though performing a different action) in both
examples.
Complications may arise if more than one extension is added to

the root:

14

magogo yamelingana

logs theyoare-lined-up-uith-one-another

alilinganisha _ magogo
he-caused-to-line-Up-nith-one-another logs
alinilinganishia magogo

he-caused-to-lins-up-nith-oneranother-for-me logs

("he lined up the logs for me")

The relationships shown above could be easily described as
reciprocal, transitive, and ditransitive (benefactive) respectively,
despite the compounding of affixes.

For this reason close observation of clause-level relationships
would seem to be quite important in Swahili.

1.1.1. intransitive Clausgsl

1'. SutsNPl +P1aVP1
The intransitive clause contains an optional subject-as-actor
tagmeme manifested by a noun-phrase of type i (in which the head may

be filled by any noun), and an obligatory intransitive predicate

tagmeme manifested by an intransitive verb-phrasez.

Examples sect P1
moto unexaka

fire it-is-burning

A

T

1Formulas for the nuclei of clauses only will be given in this
chapter. Peripheral tegmemes will be described in Chapter 4.

2A list of the symbols used in these formulae, together with the
tagmenes and fillers thich they represent, will be given infxppendix. .
It should be noted that though mention is made of phrases filling clause-
level slots, analysis of the phrase level is as yet incomplete. The
phrase level has, in fact, only been analysed as far as it seemed
necessary for the clause-level analysis.

15

1.1.2. Ilransitive Clauses

 

:fiactINPl +PtsVPt 3,09sz1 .

This clause type contrasts with the intransitive clause type
in that the predicate is transitive, and an optional object-as-
goal tagmeme is present.

Examples 8.6, Pt 00

mtu anavunja kikombe
man he-is-breaking cup

1.1.3. ‘Qirective Clauses

 

1 2
lsact'N” ’Pdir'vpdir ioda'NP

This clause type contrasts with the types given above both by
the nature of its directive predicate and by the presence of an
optional objact-of-directed-action tagmeme manifested by noun-phrases

of type 2 (in which the head must be manifested by an animate noun).

meplCl San Pdi’ 0d.
Ali alimjia babe yake

all he-came-to-him his father
This clause type is further distinguished from the intransitive
clause type by the fact that, unlike the intransitive clause type, it
has a passive transform.

1.1.4. Ditransitive Clauses

 

1

gantmpl flawed, :1.sz _+_o mp

9
This clause type contains a ditransitive predicate and an indirect-
object tagmeme as nuclear elements, which is sufficient to set it off

from the preceding clause types.

16

Examples: Sact Pdi I Cg

Ali anampa nduguye chakula
Ali he-is-giving-himw his-brother food

1.1.5. Causativeglauses1

 

. 1
:51n1t8NPI *Pca‘VPca goactszl +GzNP

This clause type is set off from the above clause types not only
by its distinctive subject-as-initiator and object-as-actor tagmemes,

but also by the causative predicate manifested by a causative verb-

phrBBQe
Example: sinit PCB Oact G
Ali anamlisha ng'ombe majani
Ali he-is-causing-him-to-eat cow grass

("Ali is feeding the cow grass")

1.2. Non-Action Clause Types: There are three emic non-action

 

clause types in Swahili: an equative clause type, a locative clause
type, and a possessive clause type.

1.2.1. Equative Clause: The Equative clause type contains an

 

Optional subject-as-item tagmeme manifested by any noun-phrase and an
obligatory equative predicate tagmeme, manifested by a copula and an
obligatory equative tagmeme, manifested by any noun-phrase.

:SitsNPl +Pe :Cop +chNP1

q

1The exact nature of this clause type has not yet been determined.

17

Example: Sit peq Eq
Ali alikuwa mtu mkubwa
Ali he-was' man big

1.2.2. Locative Clauses The locative clause type contrasts with

 

the equative clause type in its locative predicate, which is manifested
by a locative copula, followed by an Optional locative tagmeme mani-
fested by a locative noun-phrase.

:si :NPI +9

t 10c:Cbp10c :LocsNP

loc

Examples Sit P10c Loc
Ali alikuwako nyumbani
Ali he-was-at at-home

1.2.3. Possessive Claugg: This clause type contrasts with the

 

preceding clause type in its subject-as-possessor tagmeme, in its
possessive predicate tagmeme, manifested by a possessive copula and in

its item-possessed tagmeme, manifested by a noun-phrase of accompaniment.
1 ‘

-"’--»Spossessor‘NP +Pposs‘C°pposs +Itpo’Npac
Example: spossessor Pposs Itpo

Ali alikuwa na kisu
Ali he-was with knife
("Ali had (or owned) a knife")
It should be emphasized here that the relationship between the
subject and what follows is not only one of subject and accompanying

item, but also of possessor and possessed.

CRAPTER TED: DERIVED CLAUEES

2.1. _Ihgmfigtgrgug£;ge£ixsd_gllufiess Those clauses which are not
included among the basic clauses in Swahili fall into the category of
derived chluses. Derived clauses are those clauses which can be
formed by multiplying basic (or “tsrnel') clause types by a constant.
that is, some feature such as, for example. I'emphasis.'I Thus, by
multiplying basic clause types in a given language by the “emphasis‘
feature, one might produce such clauses as an ”emphatic intransitive
clause“, or “emphatic transitive clause”. and/or an "emphatic ditrsns-
itive clause". The entire array of basic and derived clauses can
then be charted on a matrix. Such a mode of description, described
in a nunber of articles over the past few years by Kenneth Pike,l
eliminates a great deal of redundancy in description, and provides a
convenient method of showing the general pattern of clause distribu-
tion in ”field" (or matrix) -- that is, the relationshtps of all
possible clause types in a given language to one another. For this
reason, this mode of description has been followed in this study. For
the sake of brevity, only one example will be given to illustrate each
series of derived clause types: to ascertain whether a certain clause
type does or does not occur, referencsieust be made to the matrices

showing possible clause types for Ewahili,2 which will be found at the

end of each section on the various derived clause groups.

_.._ ..
w s. .qm aim-s..." - ‘ ’ ‘ A - -——- -—'— A

'—V ~v-

lSee especially Pike, (1962).

2Not all possible clause types may be represented in the matrix:
the prime object was to account for clause types found in the corpus
and to fill in possible gaps with the aid of fir. Nikundiwe.

QQ.‘

l9

Derived clauses in general may be placed in one or two broad
categories: emic derived clauses and etic derived variants of
basic clauses. or of other derived clauses. Emic derived clauses
are those clauses which show at least two structural differences (of
the kind mentioned earlier) from the clauses from niich ttoy can be
derived, end from each other. Etic derived variants are clauses
which fail to neat that triterion. (These will be described in the
(allowing chapter).

A word should be said about the derivation of clauses in 9wahili
by wultiplication by a given feature. a number of derived clause
types formed by nultiolication of a number of basic clause types (or
of derived clause tyoes) by a given feature form a derived clauae
class in Swahili. Each derived clause class, than, is a number of

derived clause types which are characterized by a given feature. i.e.
that feature by which the basic clause types were multiplied to form
the derived clause types. in describing Swahili derived clause classes,
reference will be nade to an over-all formula, meant to symbolize the
class as a whole.

2.2. ,fiqficnperivngfiiaucgsqin_$nehllla Enic derived Clauses in
Swahili may be divided into three groupss A, B, and C. ‘Iy multiplying
certain basic clauses by a certain Group A feature, such as ”reciproc-
ity", one may produce certain Group A clauses. Likewise, by multiplying
certain basic clauses by a Group B feature, such as ”innerative”, one

may produce certain Group B clauses. Yet again, certain basic

20

clauses may be multiplied by a certain Group A feature and a certain
Group B feature to produce yet other derived clauses .- those of
Group C. Thus, by multiplying a basic clause. by the Group A
feature "reciprocity". and by the Group B feature "hortative", a
Group C hortetive reciprocal ditrensitive clause may be derived,
e.c. ”Sisi na tupeane sawadi", “Let us give one another gifts.”

It should be noted, however, that multiplication of a basic clause
by two features of the same group is not possible. For example,

a basic clause which has been mflltiplied by the Group A feature
"reciprocity“ may not be multiplied also by the Group A.feature
”passivity”; this precludes the occurrence of such clause types

as a "passive-reciprocal-ditransitive" clause type. Likewise,

a basic clause which has been multiplied by the Group B feature
"hortative" cannot be multiplied also by the Group B feature
”imperative“; thus, for example, a ”hortative-imperative-ditranai-
tive' clause typer does not occur in Swahili.

2.2.1. Group A Derived Clauses: These are formed by multiplying

l

 

cm ”W

basic clause types by a Group A feature.

 

2.2.1.1. Passive Clause Classs The members of the passive clause
class contrast with the clauses from which they are derived in that

they contain a subjectnas-qoal tagmeme, and their predicate slot like-

wise is filled by a passive verb-phrase and has a passive function which

distinguishes it from other predicates. An agentive tagmeme often

 

1Feature-clause multiplication possibilities for Group A clauses
are shown in the matrix at the end of this section.

 

 

 

'm ' -—— -
' LVM ..."-

7“

“'~ ileTL's '

. m ~L—fi‘..- _ ...-1“ -...
. . ~' ‘ I. .l‘._mihu.k-1...——-l—‘—-
L. Q.” ' s

‘. A“—.—.- ‘—
a. a_
w

i..3"BC.1-a-.. .- -
‘ lsA‘

 

law i {WA "A. s

21

follows, but it is neither obligatory nor cross-referenced to the
predicate; nevertheless, it may be regarded as nuclear since it is

diagnostic of this particular clause type.

Over-all formula for the Class:1

+*Ppa:VPpa 1AgsNP3 :#(other nuclear tagmemes

+e
SgsNP .
of baSIC clauses)

Examples:
(Passivity X Transitive)

Sg-t Ppa-t Ag
kikombe kilivunjwa na kijana
cup it-was-broken by youth

(Passivity X Directive)
Sg-dir ppa-dir Ag
Ali alijiwa na baba yake

Ali he-was-come-to by his father

("Ali was visited by his father”)

(Passivity X Ditransitive)

SQ'di Ppa-di Og Ag
wafanya kazi walipatiwa kazi na serikali
workers they-were-gotten-for work by government

("The workers were provided with work by the government”)

2.2.1.2. Reflexive Clause Class: In this clause type a subject

lSymbols marked with an asterisk represent a whole class of
tagmemes -- not a single tagmeme.

22

acts upon itself. Members of this clause class are distinguished from
the basic clauses from which they are derived not only by its subject
tasmeme, but by its istinctive predicate tagmeme as well.

Over-all Formula for the Classs

‘Egreil‘flp "prsfl‘vprefl :f(other nuclear tagnemes of basic
clauses)

Exampless (Reflexivity X Transitive)
gratios Prellst
June sliiikata

Jame heocut-himself

(Reflexlvity X Ditransitive)
P
Srefl-di refl-di $5
Juma elijipatia kazi
Jame he-got-for-himself Hark
2.2.1.3. .uecisrosslaalases.£lssss Gver-all farmulaa for the

possible ways of .msressing the reciprocal relationship are as

follows:
a. 333 ix? _ ., *‘P sVP . :!(ether nuclear tagmemes
rec (plural) rec re- of basic clauses)
E"m”"" srec-s Preset

viiana wale walipigena

youths those theyrfought-one-enother

t“
érec-t prec-t

Jame na Ali aaiipigses

June and Ali they-fought~one-another

23

b. :38 .249 «a we we we 30mm- nuclear tag-
rec 2‘6 rec res ‘6 names of basic classes)

Examples grec-t prec-t SHecot
Juma alioigana as All
June he-fougbt~with All
In the first two examples, the reciprocal subject is expressed by

a plural noun-phrase (single-centered or double centered). The third

1

example shows a discontinuous reciprocal subject with an obligatory

second party (manifested by a relator'axis accompaniment noun-phrase

which follows the predicate).

,§;¥§tgi§ of Grouo A Derived Clause Types

.... -_ V _
I. ». you-naha‘v'vnaul‘ ‘. ..I "I. _~F‘.w..* Q.“
7 . .

Basic Clause Types: Group A Features
“figgign Passive Reflexive Reciprocal
lntr. ‘X
Trans. 'x *x *X
Dir. X X
Ditr. “x X X
Caus. *X X X

,LNonfactlon: (won-Action Clauses cannot be multiplied by Group A features).
2.2.2.3MGrougL§Whperiyed Clauses: Geoup'B Derived clauses are

those clauses formed bylmultiplying basic clause types by a Group B

9- .p- .1..- . - .- _ -
. h e'. s..-- ..--..s ... ---.-,s"- -. .. _—-._~.I ~W‘ - V'0-- -.' -I m; al— ..I... n ha.
, . . . .- . - I- - - .
-. 'Il - d..- -_-n.~...~>y

1In this and all succeeding clause classes, only one example will
be given to illustrate the class as a whole; the exercise will illustrate
the feature of that clause class times the transitive (basic) clause type.
For feature multiplication possibilities, reference must be made to the
matrices.

2‘ 8 occurs in corona
X 3 attested by informant
A gap means that 1 consider that such a clause is not likely to occur.

feature. Group B clauses may be divided into two groups: lndenendont
derived clauses, and dependent dcrivcd clauses. Independent derived
clauses in Swahili era those clauses which are potentially independent
on the next higher level. the sentence level. That is to say. such
clauses may at times function as dependent units in such sentence types
es direct or indirect quotation sentences, yet they have the potential-
ity of occurring on the sentence level independent of other elements.
so that such a clause, ulna characteristic sentence intonation, may
manifest e given sentence tyne. Dependent clauses in snahlll, on the
other hand, are found to occur either in e state of patterned depen-
dency on the sentence lavol, or else embedded in the clause-level or
loner-level slot. and can be dividcd into teo distinct sub-groups on that
basis.

2.2.2.1. Indenendent Derived Claussss

flue—.m- romv an.” ens m owe.

2.2.2.1.1. imperative Clause biases The identificative-ccntrss-

 

anew—v w.— '1 m

tive features of all innerative clause types may be given in an over-

ell formula es follows:

in? «in :f(othar nuclear teqmemus of basic clauses)

«e; I?
" '3‘,“ imp" up

The vocative subject (or aubject-ee-eddressee) manifested by an
animate noun-phrase and the derived imperative predicate manifested
by en imperative derived verb-phrese establish every member of this
class as enically distinct from the basic clause types from uhlch they

are derived.

25

r.“ a" '2-

-xamlm an)?“ . imp-t 03
fili. fungi alango!
£11. clone dacti

2.2.2.1.2. Hortailvo Gianna Clacau An over-:11 {cumula for

“ tho hartatfive clause claaa any be given that:
1

235835? :fl-vmm “Passid‘WdN-Xd 3' (other main: “ism“

cf basic Clay‘s:

Thu optimal pram. of the Bonn!“ nut», manna hr the
punch m, thick ...... imdiutoly before the predicate 3nd m:
the clause on hartativc. and thn dsxlvnd dscldorottvo prodlcntn OhOl
thug chums to he mica!” nutmeg from the basic damn from which
they at. derivtd.

Example: Eggpdhflufi" ”Mid-4: of]

marker)
all us afunqo mlango
&11 l¢&-h!mrclotq doc:

2.2.2.2. Dependent Dorivvd Claunots as auntionod in :qctioa

thaw-u- -= murmur-04mm - ma-c. mun.

 

2.2.2. defiondant derlvmd clause; coatrast nith Chi hotlc clauaoa tram
dutch they can be derived 1:: their dummzm and in at lent an.
“no" of that; internal structure. awn. «Went 4mm clans"
duck occur in a mu 0! patterned dwmcy on m tmtmco 1m!
contrast (by application of tho aforwmantlonod critaria) 31th dependent
dorivod clauaoa which occur «aboddod on tho clau‘o lcvnl o: a loan: itth.

1
2.2.2.2.]. 99mm! Clause. 27¢:th on the Bantam. Lmla

W 01'» u-‘w- 3' “h~--Mu."un.-An~'omc-n-muxua “W- Ipw-tpH—pr‘p ~1‘M‘“I ...“...m ”

 

2.2.2.2.1.1. Conaocutivq Imgerltive Clause Claaca Tbs n.»

m- ...-n ‘ " ~H»mmflW-fMG-H macaw-n t~~m

m. clam. clan contra“ uith tho mutant series lined above both

 

“Ia-bumwua-Q- I- M“ Mo‘s-1w..." "N“m~=fl---.fifi.‘--M~fl.fli~flul- ...”-.n-vunw-u “Ion-«.1 ' w.- ukupuOr—D M‘th-“flu com-Manna..- lul- .-a~m -'~'~"‘-“ *‘V‘

‘mxm. of us. «Menu 1m! a. mu mammo. but 1: ha
been mind an cmplatoly a «mad macaw far «shun-10w! mam“.

26

in its distinctive consecutive desidarativo verb-phrase, and in its dio-
tribution--it is found only after thn main clause in consecutive
imparaiive cantonges.

:NP *9 Neon-dosid‘v;con-deaid __(att¢r nuclear tag-

irsvoc
”axe: of has it cleatet)

Examplol Svoc..ct Faun-detid-t Q3
(fiends), All, okafunga mianqo
(Go), Ali. and-thon-cioso dear

23.2.2442. 2951992933.”-flsatesixsflmagmas; The .....m 0!
this clash conttatt :ith thone of the consecutive inoaretivo clause
class in their subject taqmeqa cleanse. The subject taguewo claaa of
the consecutive imparativa clans. class has a vncativo feature which
19 abstnt in the subject taqmomea a! tie cansecutive hortctivo clause
c1999. fiecondiy, the member: of thic class contrast with those of the
cansecutivc imperative aeriet in tiat trey accur only after the nain
c1909. in I consecutive hortativo sentenco.

3r9anp «'p :vr :f(othar nucioar taqnemnt if

con-dnsid con-deaid b..,¢ c1.g...)
Examples Scot pcon-dosid-t QB
(Na agenda) Iatoto uakufungo mianqo

(lat-them'go) children so-thnt-they-CIOto door
2.2.2.2.lo3. Er‘tg jigNQLngg $19 3953 fienbert of tfo Protasio
Claus. c1999 fill protacia aiots in the conditional sentence typo.

Protasio clauses can be formed in two ways, with no significant

difference in meaninqsl

= ___-- ,_- ... ‘ .. “—‘~' .g.'pl-“II ‘IM:I¢~#H¢~WFM~ I-‘~N'“q'd§i u n‘...” -.AO- M‘W“-Q.o~.-l~mufihu u.“- -' .- Mwmm

lThcso or. variant forms of ciauoos--not contrastivo clauec9.
For thit reason it taunt best to include them here, rather than place
than with tho ctic clans. variants, where a structural difference does
in fact ontoil 9 differencc in meaning.

‘5

ikiul

,q «winxic 3 (any basic clauco)l'

‘cond'
tame

:P(nther nuclear teamemec

.gicmd: km £3.5sz «P
of bacic cicuces)

part'vppert

Th3 first fern is characterized by an obligatory cohibr (ihggg
or 2333) which nrnccdas an axis filled by one of the basic clause types.
The second form it characterized by an Optional reintor 3331 Ind an axis
including a participial derived predicate. manifested by a pnrticipiai

derived verb-phrase.

Examples: Rcond 5:3!“ pt QE
iii“! A11 ItIfUflQI glance...
if Ali hc-will-closo door...
Rcond slat Pollt't 65

(Rana) Ali alifunqn mitnqo....
(if) Ali if-hc-cicacl door...
2-2-2-24'4. ’1!§:9.E’;5£199i..f{9£99imagmas.” m. 61m.

class contracts with the former both in its prodic9t9.tvpa. and in its
external disttibution. This cation occurs in hypothetical conditional
centenco types, uhich are diatinguich-d from conditional content. typec
by the fact that, in hypothetical condttionai santoncac, hypothetical
clauto types and gal: than. fill both protncic and IQOGOiit clotl.
An over-91; formula for this series must be given than:

::(othor nuclear togmnnes

+9 damn 335.22? «P NP
”9° of basic clan-09)

"cond h hymn

A _____~.* M._*“m*,w‘* ~_.“...”.M_~ow-va—~mdm4 A“

v

1A double acterick indicates that a whole claca of clause typoc
in being nymboliaod.

28

Examplaa Rhypo sact Phyno-t 0%
(Rama) Ali angofunga n1anqo....

(if) Ali if-ha-uould-cioaa door ....
2.2.2.2-1-3- iimfisjigi5W9§31£3£§1fl2i31 T" mm... 0‘
this ciaoa contract with thooa of the abovc ciaca in that tho ralator
t‘a.}io obligatorily absent. and in that it must follow tho tyootho-
ticai protania clausa in a hypothetical-conditional acntonco.

Over-an fat-mun

gfsufip *Onh o‘vph :f(othar nuclear tagmomoc of hatic
V9 yno clauses)
t - .
cxamplaa sact Phypont Assoc.
...mimi ningeendeieo nn kazi yangu

. ... I i-uould-continua with work my
24-2-23. Rani xndfimsc..§ins sna...i’ob:2§.zi§t§..29_$t9..$}§99§.J-929.1_..9£.
Lowpsmmgy
8.2.2.2.2J. WWHM$1MM The nonbcra of thin clan
of derived clause types contract with those 0! tho protacio ciauta
claaa in that. though its predicate ia manifested by a particioiai varb~
phraaa also, tna aalator ham; 1| obliqatoriiv absent, Secondly, ainca
it filia a (peripharai) oarticipiai clausaniaval slot. its distribution
19 contractiva.2

VP 13(ntber nuclear tagnonaa of bacic clauses)

.an . wt
_,..vp Ppart' oart

M M M
A- -- m'-w-—-* on... 4'- “.- m wan-v..- -w.-»- .0 «..--m ..-- ”..~.V~.—cpc b ...-u.» .

“A

17M Aaaoclative tame ia a peripheral tom and will b.
diacucsed later.

2Ono alternativa solution would ho to consider member ciauao tyne:
as noun nhraeoa with an ambndded clause.

29

ExomQIOt East Ppart-t 0%
(nilimuona) Ali akifunga nlango
(I-sau-him) Ali he-clocing door
2.2.2.2.2.2. PQrp06o-Egjgfgnigfffa The mombaxa of this class
contrast with thoaa of the hortativc clasa in that. though its predi-
cate also it manifested by a doaidarativn verb-phrase, it 19 a dooendent

clauoc clan: and its optional relator i9 111 or i~nf . lhia claaa filia

a (peripheral) purpose clauco-level slot.

iii
tapurn ' 5’3’“P *‘P. IVPJ‘ id 39(othor nuclear tog.
kuoodi cesid ““ memes of basic clauses)
Examoio: Rporn sact Pdoeid~t G5
kusudi Ali afungo miango

in-ordor-that All ho-moy-closa door

2.2.2.2.2.3. Daoiderntivo Cl??£3-§li§3' The mombera of thia

"..-..—

 

 

claca arc dictinguiohod from those of both the bortative and the
pornoaa clansot by the obligatory absence of the rolatora for thoal

classea, and by their distribution in Goal-ac-Action clots in tronaitiv.

ciauaon.
...39533? 0*? 9 3V? . ;f(otho: nuclear tagmomea of basic
dGJid defiid ‘1.”‘e‘)
Example: Sact Pdocid-t 0%
(nilimtaka) Ali afungo mlango

(x-uantod) Ali that-ho-cloco door

30

2.2.2.1.2.4. Scintiyc-£icu§§.fitrcsn The members of this clauco
clacc occur typically embedded in post-head position in modified noun-
phrfliil Ihich manifoct I given clause-level tagnono. it is important
to not. that tho cubjoct tcgmomc 6099 not occur in the memborc of this
clause claca when the head of tho noun-obtuse modified by the ombodded
clcuco in identical with the subject of the embedded clause.
Two turns of these clause types are possible. with no dilferonco
of meaning; cithor an overt :ointor signifying "rolativc cicuco' occura
with a basic clause to axis, or the clause contain: a relative predicate
oanifocted by a rolativo verb-phrase.
‘Rrai'rxrol *"Axica (any basic clause)
or olaa

:PSuuP 0*? :VP 39(othar nuclear taomemoa of baaic clauses)
rol rel

Examplool p 0

R ti 3

rel

...ambayo alifonga clango

... who to-cloccd door
prel-t C5
... aliyotunqa alanoo

... he-aho-closcd door

2.2.2.2.2.5. .Relctixctnirmznn: mfllcucc Sloan: The member: of this
cl... contract with those of the roiativo clause class in that they fill

clause-level manner tasnomo clots, and, again, their rolatcrc are distinct

{run that. o! the relativo clause class. Unlike tho subjnc‘ tnamamo
of tho nlatiw cimc clan, the whim: We at the native-of-

nanno: 21.0%. c133: I. unfit: no ctricturea regarding occurrunce.

um.
km
4.
“$000 (M) .110“ :33”? ”PtOl-mm'vpfll ! :(athu tag-
nunou of
vii. hnio aim“)
Bum!" an“ pui-nm-t 03

(km) Al 1 :11me :1 am
(on) All ou-hc~clon¢d coo:
2.2.2.2.2.6. Tfaporgi Relative 619930 Claugo The combat: at

this ciau:o clan. contraat Iith that. of tho preceding tho elibscn in
the. thou till claucc-icvoi temporal 1101.. and in that thou hav. a

 

distinctive motor. In this :10“ the. th- «mm a” in in.
to occur without «than. no form an ponibio for thio ciao“ clan,
a tunporol rolotaI-axio (om-...
hali
tabla
macho
Rt..ps 0*.Axita(any basic clcuso)
tanw
but!

had!

32

Examples: Rtemp_3act Pt 0°
hali Ali anafunga mlango
while Ali he-is-closing door

or else a form with a temporal relative predicate ...

:PS'NP eepr.l.t.mpeVPg.1-temp If(:fih;:.?:ci;::.::gm9m"

Examples Sect Prel-tenp-t 09

Ali alipofunga mlango

Ali uhen-he-closed door
2.2.2.2.2.7. ggggg_§1§gge_§1§§;e The members of this class contrast
with the classes above in the light of their distinctive relators, and

of their exclusive distribution in clause-level cause tagnene slots.

(kua) sababu

+R°.u..' (kua) means *‘iAxiss (any basic clause)
kua kuwa
Example: Rceuse Sect Pt 09

... kea sababu Ali alifungs mlanao

... because Ali he-cloeed door

 

A Matrix of Group B Derived Clause Types

 

Basic Clause Typos

 

Action ' Non-Action
indop. Intr. Trans. Dir. Ditr. Caucs Eq. Loc. Poss.
Imp. x *x x x x
Hort.' x *x x x x x ? 7
D99.

Cons. Imp. x x ' x x x x x
Cone.Hort. x x x x x x

Prot. *x *x *x *x x *x x *x
Hypo Prot x x x x x x x x
Hypo Apod x *x x x x x x x
Port. *x *x x *x *x

Purp. '- x *x I x x x x x 7
Desid. x x i . x x x x ? x
Rel. *x *x *x *x x x *x *x
Rel-man. *x *x x x *x *x x
Rel-temp. *x *x L x x x x x
Cause x *x x x x *x x x

 

1x = Attoéted by informant
* = Occur: in corpus
? = Suspected to occur, though not attested by corpus or
informant.
A gap means that I consider that such a clauee is not likely
to occur.

34

2.2.3. Group C Derived Clauses: Group C derived clauses are

 

formed by multiplying a basic clause by both a Group A and a Group B
feature.
All feature-clause multiplications are possible except for the
following:
1. Hultiplications by the Passive feature together
with either the Hortative or Imperative features.
2. Multiplication by the Directive-Passive feature

together with the Consecutive Imperative feature.

CHAPTER THREEs ETIC CLJUSE VAR! ANTS

An atic variant of a clause say be defined as a clause ahich
differs from another clause in both fora and meaning, but which fits
to satisfy the criteria for contrastiveneas outlined in the intro-
ductory chapter. Etic clause variants in Seahili may be presented
as folloess

3.1. rmmmumcasmu.

3.1.1. Desidargtivggfrggsltiva giants Variants This cleuse
variant differs froe the transitive clauee only in its objectoas-
Action tagmeme, manifested by a desidarstiva clauaee

zgact'npz W t ”P t 'oaction'vpdasld

Examples sact Pt oaction
June alitaka aanda

Juma he-eanted that-ha-night-go

3.2. EliotVarianta_nf.Darixad.Clsoarss

3.2.1. Concessional Clause Variant Class. The concessional
class is a class of variants of the protests clause class. it differs
from the protasis clause class. in the first fora in that the ralator is
distinct from that of the first form of the protasis clause class, and
in the second fore in that the predicate tagnane class is distinct from
that of the second fora of the nectasis clause class. The second form

is not in frequent use.

ijapokuna
’Rconc' insane *‘*Axisa (any basic clause)
or else
295'”? *‘P OVP' *“(other nuclear tagmsmes of
conc “0““ '. basic clauses)
Examolass “cons sect Pt 95
lJapokuea All atafunga nlango ....

evan~though all ha~eill-close door ....

3act pcons-t GE
All aispofungs nlango ...

Al i even-though-he-closes door . . .

 

3.3. Group)' gticgnause gfi‘flfi” timbers of the 3 Group for:- y
a group in the sense of the tens “group‘ as applied to Groups A, I. and
C. in that clause variants formed by aultiolyino a basic clause or a
derived clause of Group a. I. or Ciby a Group V feature cannot be suiti-
olied by another Group t feature.

3.3.1. Emphatic Equativa Clause Variants

“mesa ~-.a--ur._-.-ym~‘a—~ .. ~ * ‘ ---— A

A formula for the emphatic clause type say be given thuss
33‘!‘.Q)INP rP‘q_.mflhsCop‘mph *EgsHP
The emphatic eduativa predicaternanifested by on obligatory euphe-
tic cooula plus noun-phrase is'tha only structural feature uhich contrasts
with the equative clause from ehich this clause class is derived. It is

therefore only an atic variant of the equative clause type.

31
tremble: sit paq-enph Eq
All ndiye ntu aliyafunga Islango
Ali lt-is-indoed-he person he-whoeclosed door
3.3.2. lntarrogative - of - banner Clause Vari.antsa A formula

“I whcwwun-WM-fl No.1. ear-WI“ MW _,_“, ”W er—I-Uw‘aw.‘ ......”

for clause variants may be given thus:

:PSsfiP 391.”:V91q._(other nuclear tagmones of basic clauses,
or of clauses of Group a. I. and C)

These clause vsrlsnts differ atically from the basic clause types
fron*ehich they are derived only in their characteristic interrogativa-
ofbnannar derived predicate. manifested by an intarrogative-ofeaanner
derived varbepbrasa.’

Examples 8,5. pi-u-t G5

all alifungaie nlango?
all how-did-ha-cloaa door?
3.3.3. Negative Clause Variantse In the case of an overwhelming

MIN.“ vow ”me-.m-w- cameo

majority of the derived clause types, .. and of all basic types .. the

 

clause can be negated by reane of a negative predicate. In all cases.
however. the negative predicate is the only contrastiva feature which
seoaretea the positive from the negative clause; thus all negative clauses
(except those to be mentioned) are etic variants of positive clause tyoes.

Over-all formulas

:szNP 0'? sVP ‘;(other nuclear tagnenas of basic
"’9 “‘9 clauses. or of clauses of Group
a, B, and C)

- ‘UU'W‘ ODO- ”u. can ~— I—h’ -Qmuew '— Ql- one» ”400*...“ r

1In terms of distribution within the sentence, these clause variants

would not be considered contrastiva; in terms of distribution on higher
levels, however. they night well be considered contrastive.

- '1 “Imus-'mhwl at“ -w

 

-Q' 0" “*1fl\v- ‘l. I ','”M

33

' All ei ifunge o1 ango til i haiku {we Manet!

All he-closod door Ali herdid-not-cloee door
S“moo-am Pitta-t G3 5'06"" Pn’a'e- lap-t 03

Ali. {ma alarm! Ali. sifunoe valance!
Al i . close door! :1 i , don' t-cl oee dod

5goat Pcont-t % Sjeot FW‘W" Q3
All ski lungs Mango M i asipofunoa ail soon
All if-he-cloeea door Al. 1 ii-ha-does-not-tl on door

3.34. Group Y multiplication i:«meibiiitiess The wltipl ication

”an I” OM-IIII‘C I'M-WW rm fifl'm

 

'1“ 'M! :wwm J4

possibilities of Group Y are MI. amenable to description by statement

 

then by presentation of ostrices.
Two of the teatures of Group V have ertrmiy limited wltiolication
masibllitless
l. The music 'QOMO can multiply only the Equative (basic)
clause. in order to produce the Eophetio Equative clause. an
etic variant e! the equative clause.
2. The Interrogative-ot-isamer mm. can oultioly min
(a) all bseic clauce twee eroeot the Locatlva and Possessing
(b) all the Grange A clause types

(c) the (Grouo iiiiiwothoticel Apodocis clauce type.

39

(d) All Group G clauses turned by multiplication of
basic clauses by the leatures of the clauses listed
in (b) and (c).

All clauses can bernultiolied by the negative issture-botb basic
clauses end those of Groups A. l. and C-escaot those ol‘tbe clause
classes of Groups 3 and C ehich have the Consecutive-Hortative or
sonsecutive-iooerstive feature (i.e.. the Consecutiverlmnerative clause
class. the consecutive-Bortstfiva clause class, the bootstivewconeecu-
tive-Baciorocal clause class. etc.). These last-oeutiened clause classes
oemot be negated. 0! the clauses produced by eeltiolicetien by the
iiegative feature. all are etic vaflusta of the clauses in. idols they
see derived. eith the sensation e! those clauses diicb contain both the
Iagative end the Bootstive fiesta". fliese letter diffs! uioslly has
the clauses tron ehich they are derived in that ushers e! such clause
classes obligatorily «sit the fluetstive seeker teases (senilestsd by
m) shich is optionally presmt inthe positive classes. and in that
ass-bars e! such cloves classes contain a negative predicate ehich is
distinct fro. the predicates of positive cleans. Thus the Negative
Hortative clsuse class is eeically distinct froolthe (positive) Hortstive
clause class. On the other bend. since such clause classes do not
contain the Hortstive sorter tsgoene, they differ only in distribution
from those those classes with both the negative and the deciderative
lectures. Thus all Clauses containing both the Reactive and the flortetlve
features are etic variants of those clauses containing both the Negative
and the Desiderative issturss. For esooole. the Negativerflortative

clause class is en etic vsriant of the Negative-Declarative clause

40

class shich is itself an etic voriont of the Dosidorative clause class.
Using the easmoloc above, the problem might be rsoreconted as
follons (with solid lines representing contrast and broken lines

representing etic variance):

Hortstive Clause Class A1_ Neqativeahortative Clause Class

 

 

'"Sssideretivs Clause Class : ascetivecossidorstive Clause Class

The Hegetivo-Rortstivo Clause Class is soon to be so otic variant
of the Nogative-Desiderative Clause Class. shich is. in turn, an etic
variant of the Desideretive Clause Class. The Hoqetive-flortativo
Clause Class, however. contrasts eith the (positive) Desidorative Clause
Class. It would case, than, that it the criteria regarding struc-
tursl differences set Iorth in the introductory chapter of this thesis,
are folloeed. such clause classes as the negativeoflortative cannot be
assigned either to the crooo o! etic cleose variants or to the group
of cootrastivo clause types. it my be necesssry to revise or use
sore explicit the criteria for structural differences so that such

cases as those mentioned above may be handled in a loss awkward manner.

~ a--.’

CflfiVTER FOUR: CLAUSE Tficnafaaafi

4.1. Deletion of Subject Tammi- The Subject tomomo is
deleted obliqatorily in serial clauses (aliasing the initial clauss
of a serial sentence ehen the Subjects of the serial clauses are

identical to the Subject of the initial clause.

. C: o 1:
Examples "act Pi an ‘act Pt 0%
*Juma sliksonda inflini J0me akonunua chatula

June hc-sent to-tomn June ho-then~bouoht {cod
becomess
out 9‘ Loc Pt 03
June alikaonds mjini. alooonua chakula
June hersent to-town. he-thanohouaht food
Similarly. the Subject tagsoms of an spodosis clause in a condi-
tional sentence is dolstod obligatorily if the Subject is identical to

that of the protacis clause.

Examples $.ct Pcond-i Loc S‘ct Pt 9%
“June akienda njini, Juma stansnua chatula

June if-he-goos to-tosn, June he-eill-buy food

becomes:

act pcomi--i LOG P t 03
June aklenda njini. stanunue chakula

June il-horgoss to-tonn, ho-sill-buy food

41

42

In dependent clauses other then spodosis clauses, the Subject

tagmeme of the dependent clause is obligatorily deleted when it is

identical to either the Subject tagmeme, the Object-es-Goel tegmeme,

the Object-of-dtreated-action tagmeme, or Object-es-Actor tegmeme

of the main clause of the sentence.

Examples:

sactK p1 L°° Rpurp sect Pdesid-t 09
*Jume aliknends mjini, ill Jume enunue chakule
Jume he-eent to-toun, in-oederothat Jume he-mey-buy {bod
becomess

sect ’1 L°° npurp Pdesid-t 0;

June eliknende mjini ili enunue chakule
June he-eent to-toun in-ordeeothat he-may-buy food

sect Pt 09 Rpurp Sect ’1

Jume slimkemes All 111 Ali enyemese

June he-scolded-him Ali in-ordee-that Ali he-be-quiet
becomes:

Sacg Pt ‘ 0° Rpuep P1

June elimkemee All 111 enyamsse

Jums he-scolded-hin Ali in-order-thet he-be-quiet

4.2.

JEEEEE'I

Deletion of Subject ngmeme with Replacement of Predicgtg

Basic ection clauses have their subjects deleted end their

predicates replaced by an infinitive construction when the subject is

identicel te thst of e preceding clause (in e coordinate sentence) and when the

43

action represented by the predicate is being performed simultaneously
with the first:

sect P1 5

*Ali alicheza Ali eliimba
Ali he-played All he-sang

becomes:

8 P1 Acc

act

Ali slicheza na kuimba
singing
Ali he-played with (to sing)

Similar replacements optionally occur with DesiderativeOTransitive
etic variants of transitive clauses when the subject of the main clause
and the subject of the dependent clause filling the Object-asoAction
slot are identicals

S
3“ Pt oaction

Ali elitaka Ali eende

Ali heonanted hli that-he-go

becomes:

Sact P1 09

Ali elitaka kwenda

Ali he-wanted going (to go)

 

CHAPTER FIVE: CLAUSE-LEVEL TAGMEMES

5.1. flgclga; Iagmgmgg; The manner in which the nuclear tagmemes
function in basic clauses has been described earlier in the chapter on
derived clauses. Distribution of nuclear tagmemes in various clause
types was described in the chapters on basic and derived clauses. A
further description of nuclear tagmemes -~ specifying their functions
and filler classes -. would perhaps be redundant at this point, so that

it might be best to present a simple inventory of clause level tagmemes.
An Inventory of Clause Level Nuclear Tagmemes

Basic Clauses

 

Action Clauses: SactsNP1 Pi:VP IsNP2 GsNPl

sinitmp2 Ptr:VPtr OdasNP2
Pdir'vpdir Oactor'NP2
Pdi:VPdi ogzupl
Pca'vpca

Non-Action Clauses:

SitsNPl Peq3Cop ' EquP1

SpossessorxNP1
Ploc'C0ploc LOC’Nploc
Pposs:Cop ItpotNPac

45

Clause-Level Nuclear glasses of Iagmeh~§1
.and~§lnglg.Ta -emes in D ixed.2laeaeel

 

.Grnup.A:
3

* *

ngNp PpasVPpa AgsNP

2 .

”Srei’l‘NP *Preflivprefl
*Srec'NPac *Prec‘vprec
.Grnup.Bz

Independent: *Svoc‘NP2 *pimpavpimp

*Pdesid'vpdesid

Dependent:
R :r

c°“d cond *pcon desid‘vpcon desid
Rpurp'rpurp *Ppart‘VPpart
R :r *P IVP

cause cause hypo hypo
Rrel'rrel *pdesid‘vpdesid
Rman‘rman *Prel‘vprel
Rtemp'rtemp *Prel-man‘vprel-man

*prel-temp'vprel-temp

 

lSymbols marked with an asterisk represent a whole class of
taqmemes, not a single tagmeme.

46

mmmmmgaswflm

acons' rcons “peonc.vpconc oaction’vpdesid
Pemgh'ccpenpb
’Pi.asVP‘.a
'Pneg'VPneq

5.2. Egriobggal;!§gg§3ggj One can postulate at least seven

1
peripheral tagmemes for the Swahili clause.

1. Temporal 5. Cause
2. Locative 6. Purpose
3. uannerrlnstrumentel 7. Participbel

e. Associative

5-2.1. Que!aslueqzdflmgfiaiatgeuewx "who Wit
relative order In regard to one another and vie-aovie the nuclear tag.
me, the {alluring may be advanced.

In Basie Action clauses, the cause teanene tends to occupy the out .
sunset orbit from the nucleus. and tends to fella. the nucleus ears
eften than it precedes it. The Temporal tonnes. tends‘te occupy the
next east outermost orbit. and lands to precede the nucleus. The
Locative teqneme tends to occupy the next orbit in tonsrd the nucleus.
and typically folloes the nucleus when an intransitive predicate’is meni-
fested by s «new»... containing a verb of motion. Otherwise, it nay

precede the nucleus. The Manner-instrumental tegnene end the Associative

“-“1.‘ =mvw-W-nu-u-«Ms-e- I dawn-- u.'—.*..- r . 9-!" “A m 9-... l 19-.h. .> - zWI.‘-GW‘ -.p.;..p..,.~....p.~.u. e .n-.- .. - o~..-..‘...1-.§ ., ,7“..--4-.

Those given here are those nhich occurred in the corpus.

47

tagmoms typically immediately follow the nucleus. In considering the
ordering of these last three trgmemes, one might say that the la:etivs
tenuous tends to rrecode the other two teenomes, thouoh the ordering
of the three in record to one another is hard to establish.

The Purpose tenuous end the verticipisl tegmeme. in contrast to
the relatively freer ordering of the teeneoes described above. obli-
qetorily fallen the nucleus in Basic Action clauses. It diould be
noted that the Purpose. Participiai, and Cause teanemss do not co-occur
in any of the clauses of the serous.

Regarding the peripheral tagnenes in Basic action clauses es s
shale, it is difficult to postulate an ordsdno. It seems relatively
easy with most peripheral teemsnes to advancecounterexanples ehich break
a postulated pattern. especially in literary works where elegance (or
variety) of speech is sought. flora sill be said of this in the section
on variations in the ordering of tegnenss.

In non-action basic clauses. peripheral tsqoeoes occur far less
frequently than is the case with basic action clauses. The sane peripheral
tsomenes occur in non-action clauses as in action clauses, but the range
of fillers is restricted. This it especially true of the manner taonene.
nhich is manifested by only a fee fillers. such as ”base”. “especially”,
”knell”, "truly”. ”habits", “certainly“, etc.

In the cess of the derived clauses also, the peripheral tegneoes
occur less frequently than in basic action clauses. Though peripheral
tame in derived clauses fol low the same general ordering that they
follow in basic action clauses, they generally folloe the nuclear elements

if the clause.

Exans.oss
Basic Action Clauses
Temp SBCt 3’1 LDC
Jule natu nuliknonda miini
Yesterday peoole they-went to-tonn

Derived Clauses.

sect prsl-i Lo: Temp
fictu uslintsonda njini jana

People they-sho-sent to-tosn yesterday

Loc Temp
imp-i
fiends mjini kecho
Go to-tosn tomorrow!
pound-i Loc Temp
Tukionde mjini kecho (tutalipus)

If—ue-qo to-tenn tomorrow (we-sill-beopaid)--i.e. at any time

Temp P Loc

cundri
cf. Xssho tutienda sjini (tutaliosa)

Tomorrow ii-se-oo te-tosn (ee~nill be paid) --i.e. tomorros

5.2.2. Fillers of the Peripheral Taqmsmess

M ver- eru "QIP-I‘. so" ”two-M-a- Impm-H-“m-sulunum ‘6'. ”as

5’2'2“‘_.355p9?3§*1:9?939' Tyfiically filled ty time nerds. time
phrases, and temulrel embedded cloucos.
"leo' 0- “today"
”mocks alihufa" -- ”until he died"

'alioofihef -* ”shen he arrived”

49

Example:
7'30 Sact P1
Bands ya Ittambo. vilulimuli vilianza Kupungua...
after little-utila, gloa-norna tray-began to-leaaen

5.2.2.2. [2g53133413939333 filled with a grant many noun-phraaa
typos: placa names, locative noun-phraaea. locativa daicttca, atc.
”Morogoro” -- (place hams)
”tntilra ”tuba" -- “in the home"
“nyumbani humu“ 'w " " "
“hapa" -- "hero”
Examfileu Pt cg Lac
... akanfuata Baana final aakabortni
... ha-than-folloued Mr. Mata to092avaa
5.2.2.3. gaggggzjegggggeagglwxagqggga filled by advatba, advarbial
abraaea, ralattvaaof~manner clausaa. and inatrumantal phraaaa. ginca
no diffaranca In position or Internal atructura (aava Io: tha fact
that tha haada of advarbial phraaaa ara filled by abatract nouna chila
thoaa of instrumental phraaaa ara fillad by concrata nouna) anfficlantly
aaparataa inatrunantal phraaaa from advarbial phratoa, they abould ba
regal-dad aa naMfaatino a atnqla tamer».
Wlblo' - 'qulckly‘ "kua ahoka laka” -- "by naana of
his axe“
“llbavubavo' -. 'aidauava

"kaa haraka' -- 'qulckly' “namna 11a” -o“(1n) that aannar”

”alivyoaama' - '0‘ ha aatd” ”vila‘ .0 'thua'

50

Examplaa
sam: ‘ PS 03 lam
Buana an“ ' akaandalaa kuwta ktko than Maya tim-

flr. Mun ha-than-ceotlmad «noting plpa Ma quiatly qoiatly
5.2.2.4. gagggggg“ 13ml filled by ralatoa-axla nonn-
phaaaaa aith tha aalator m plua and!!!“ noun-phruaa with maul-at.
Mada.
'na ahoka laha" - ‘uith MI an"

"na notohaa yaka" .- “ulth Ma aotoaobila"

Exmlaa
Tap Pl Lo: Ana:
Jana alikaanda “Stunt na ahoha laha

Yaataaday ha-Iant to-foraat with-hu-m

5.2.2.5. _gaggL1ma mm by poaaaaaiva awn-Mano or any
clma, althar OM paacadad by a apaciflc aalatoa ”(Ru-a) aabahu'. (Inna)
mum". “in tau".
Examplaa

m
... Kn "baba kuauua barn. baa! yaya n1 mam harm

Cm. (‘5’?) a" ‘ P Eq

... bacauaa ha-uaavbom inland, all, ha 1a child illogittmta

5.2.2.6. 'furpoaa Tam: “Had by purpoaa clausoa or that:

infinitiva tramfmrm.1

n' a a .. . A . ‘ ~ .
O m“! can Ind-turn. m wwwmww ..., «a..- - am"..- .. ... .. ~...-,,., -....3, .-...w‘. “wk “..., IN'”. -_r"._ “K: ”- ’-« a.
M - ”may

inmates-ma an describad in Chaptar Pour.

51

' lll aonda nyumbani” -- “co-that ho-mluht-qo to-homo"

”hound! tupata chakula‘ - 'co-that uc-alohtroct food"

”(k-a) kupata chakula' r- “ln-ordor to-oat food”
Example:

8 P1 Loc Purp

act
Juno alltoka ~nyumbanl kununuo chakula

Juma ho-loft at-homo to-buy food

5.2.2.7. _£‘;31§1211l;119mgaga filled by participlal clauaaa.
'aklja“ -- 'hc-comlna"

”naklchora' ~- ‘thay—plcying'

Eramolcc:
Jana allaoona uatoto uaklchaaa

.Jula ha~caI-thua children they-playing

(Jana can the childrou playing)

sact Pl Lac Part
Juno allkuanda nyumbani akllmba
Jana ha-uant tc-houo ha‘alngino
(Jana wont homo singing)

M- yzgstwriutaw-mgfingw “ h" M ...-
tlonod aarllar. variation. occnr In tho ordering at taomcmoa. both
nuclear and peripheral. lo tha coca o! pctlphoral taqnanoa ln Baalc
Action claoaaa. variation. in ordarlnq arc outta lroqoant. to that a

atatamant of tho ordorhng of peripheral tagncmoa auat in fact atata only

52

a atatiatioally preferred ordering. In the caaa of nuclear tannonao.
however. variationa in ordering are infrequent. and are allowed only
ahan no ambiguity results. According to Er. Nikundiaa, aoch varia-
tiona occur mainly in narrative or rhetorical cocoon; tha corouc on
ahioh thia atody la beard containa tharefora. nora rariationa of this
kind than aould ha found in normal conversation. Several examplea of
variationa in tho ordering of teenonea hill be oivan. It ahould be
noted that, according to Mr. Hikondina. transpoaitiona of tha Agent
tam and tha aubjact-Aa-Goal Tom in a oaaaiva claoae would not
occur.
tronolaaa
(l) Normal ordering:
51‘ Flo: Loo
ate alikonapo kna uoanda> na kich-ani
can he-nac-at at aide of at-haod
ordering in corpora
L" Ploo 5it
...kae upende na ticnnoni, alikuuapo It!
at aida of at-hard. ha-naa-at man
(2) Normal ordarlnct
(Slain) Pg 99 Loc
...na kainyoaha niouu rake kua whale
and ha-atratcnod logo hia at front

53

ordering in corpus:
(conj 0 ) 03 Pt LDC
... no miquu yake kainyocha kuo mbale

and legs hia he-atrotchod-theo at front

(3) Normal orderings
sect . Pt flan
... beoe lenqo llnauna kidogo.

ahoolder my it-hurta e-littla.
ordering in corona:
aea £16090 b”. 1““ liflOWeee
a-llttla ahooldar my it-horta

(4) Normal Odoringa

3'“ F'reflrt '93 fl
Raina alijitia oahujaa kna nqoyo oana..

flajun ha-put-in-himaol! bravery uith atrangth ouch..

ordering in corpus:

5 H 0

act Prail-t
Najon, kaa n|lvu aana alljitie ochujae...

Najun. with atrenoth much. he put-in-hlnoolf bravery

APPENDIX

gymbolgfiond Abbreviationfiflfimployedl

 

ac I accompaniment
act-3 actor

on = agent

aceoc ‘ associative teqmeme

' ca ‘ causative
ceuee ‘ ceuee

cl 8 clauco

con 8 coneecutive
conc 3 concaaaional
cond I conditional
cop 8 copula

' deoid 8 deeidorativo
di 3 ditraneitive
dir a directive

eq fi equative

emph 8 emphatic

g a goal

h-m 8 hortativa marker

hypo 8 hypothetical

i 3 intransitive

i-m 8 interrogativo-of-

manner

"I fiat-“m

imp = imperative
i a indirect object

It 8 item possessed

po
loo 8 locative

man l manner

neg I negative

no 8 noun phrase

npl I with any noun or head

up2 8 with only animate nouna aa head
0 8 object

0act 3 object-ee-actor

o 8 object-ac-action

action
°da a objact-of-directedoaction
0g 8 object-ea-goel

p 3 predicate

pa 3 paesiva

part a participial

pose 8 poacoceive

purp = purpose .

r ‘ relator

rofl n reflexive

lFor purpoaaa of clarity only, certain eymbole have been rep-
raeentad by upperrcaae letter: in the formulae.

56

rel 3 relative temp = temporal
raloman a relative of manner t I trenaitive

a 8 aubject voc = vocative

'act 8 oubjoct-ea-actor vp 8 verb-phrase

'dir a aubject-oe-director * 8 claea of togmemee
.0 = eubject-ac-goal ** I clear of clause:

“it 8 auhjoct-eo-item

‘poacescor a subject-ac-pocceecor

 

57

.Minimcl_Eormoioe for Swghili Beeio Cleuee typog~

”fiction Cloggo Typos:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Intrencitive:
:sactxnpl +P13VP1
Transitive:

l - l
2§act’”P +Pt3VPt :pchP
Directive:

1 2
:Sactmp +Pdir'vpdir :Od.!NP
Ditranaitivet
+s N91 +P VP + NP2 +0 ~91
- act' di' d1 J' - 9'
Causative:

l l l
35.n1taNP *Pc.'VPc. :pact'Np *GtNP
-..BQ.D...A§£LOD..C 1 once Type a a

Equetivea

1 l
:SitrNP *P.thop +EQtNP
Locative:

1
:Sitth *Ploc.COploc :LOC'NPIOC
Poaaeeaivea

V 1

:Spoaaaaaor'flp +ppoae'CODpoae *Itpo'Npac

 

 

 

58

 

 

Over-All Formulag_jpr Swahili Derived Clwg§__§1§§§§§__
Group A:
'. 3
Passive: :rngNP +¥Ppazvppa :Ag:NP :?(other nuclear

tagmemes of
basic clauses)

Sample Individual Clause Formulae:

Passive-Transitive:

l 3
ISG't'NP +ppart'vppa-t :Ag:NP

Passive-Ditransitive:

2 1 3
:50,“ :NP Hope.“ swordi ogmp :AgsNP

Reflexive: :fSieflxNP **pref1‘vprefl :#(other nuclear tag-
memes of basic
clauses)

Sample Indiviidual Clause Formulae:
Reflexive-Transitive:

2
:srefl-tt :NP +1Drei’lnt’vprofl-t :OQ'NP

Reflexive-Ditransitive:

 

2 2 1
lsrefl-di‘NP +Pref1-di'vpref1-di zlsNP :anNP
Reciprocal: irsrec'Np(plural) **Prec'vprec :f(other nuclear tag-
memes of basic
clauses)
or ( h
#5 mp H’P :VP #5 :VP 3* at or nu-
- rec -. rec rec rec ac clear tag-
memes of
basic clauses)
Sample Individual Clause Formulae:
Reciprocal-Transitive:
1
5-:Srecut'Np (plural) +Prec-t‘vprec-t

or
1
:Srec-t‘NP +Prec-t‘vprec-t +3rec-t‘NPac

 

 

1
Group B:
’ inyaaapfieot
Imperative: :93 :NP' 0'? :VP :F(other nuclear taomemes
voc imp imp of basic clauses)
. «I on
Hortative: :fS:NP :fi-ncng, -*Paesid'vpdesid ._ (other nuclear

teamemes of
-... i, - ba.si.e...9laoses.,1_m

. .,_ I... _ .. .
.... m ...“...- .. ‘.--‘ue’vficnflWC‘-~"vw»fifl- Cur-vwvvfl ”-M" ‘r"-"‘"“"" ““5"" '"' '—
s. a. .

”Eyesvésns?

Consecutive Imperative:

IFSVOctflpz *‘Pcon.d..1d‘vpcon-desid 39(other nuclear
teamemes of
basic clauses)

. ......_._.
‘Mt-ub fimvmmfi v we" ‘ w“ -0!» .... w .

..W'Eonsecutive Hortative:
so 9 P VP . 4* other nucle r ta -
"S'N con-desid' con-desid "(memes of ba:ic g

clauses)

' 1 - - '- ._ es_. 4—" ' A“ ‘ v. v -' M1!- JIM!»
'— - -_

Protests: ‘Raond'rcond 0*‘Axisa‘an! basic clause)

01'

e! se
:Bcond'tim‘ "‘S'NP Ppart'vppart 13(other nuclear

tagmemes of
basic clauses)

._ ....‘A _ ... ”6-0-4 *5. nm pass-awv-w-Mh-rma- mw*“".‘w--'“

Hew—c-o—fiumnuvevsw-‘UV .— eve-v .— v-

Hypothetical Protasiss

«a 0's N? 0‘9 VP 0' other nuclear
- cond'm - . hYDO' hypo - (t.m. 0'
basic clauses)

finer-.-

 

 

_ “L ...— __‘__. 4... ... m”. ..-.q..~.¢.—.‘"' I.-. We “fl

* v—

V 19(other nuclear

tagmemes of
basic clauses)

Hypothetical Apodosisa zPSsNP *‘P

P
hypo. hYPO

 

w "-m--mmvw-~mlwvd\ b-"c‘ men’s-.30. '— ‘4' Guns-“um

?’ "v ‘—

1Free here on, sample individual clause formulae will be muted.

2It should be recalled here that, with the dependent clause classes,
distribution may be an identificational-contrastive feature diagnosis
of a clause class.

65

Participiai: :!S:NP «*P .gt:VP t :P(other nuclear taqmemes
9 par of basic clauses)

 

Purposes :R :r :FS:NP 0*? :VP :!(other nu-
pflrn purp desid desid clear tag-
mnmss of
basic clauses)
. e! ' +9
Desiderative: _ S:NP Poesid’vpdesid 39(other nuclear tagmemes

of basic clauses)

m _T___ ..h

***Axisa (Any basic clause)

 

Relative: *Rrel'rrel
or
9*
_ SsNP “Prel'vprel further nuclear tame of
basic clauses)
Relative-of-Manners “V? w? —' r__v_ w v
:Rman'gman :rssflp *.Prs1-man'vprel~man 39(other nuclear

teamemes of
basic clauses)

Temporal Relative:
:fi

sea
tfi-p.rt.mp ”“3“"! basic clause)

01'

39(etber nuclear teamemes
of basic clauses)

4. «I
"3'NP prel-tempwprel—temp

"WV—w—

Causea *Rcause"cause **'Axis: (Any basic clause)

L33.

5339.. $1.!!!” ..Y§¥339$!..

msiderative-Irsnsitives

. 2 ¢ '
gfiactsflP *P‘IV?‘ "Jection'wdfifld
Concessimals
see
"conc"conc Aris:(env basic clause
or
‘ «e e
3,-3.5? pcons'wconc Jotber nuclear isms of
basic clauses)
Group Y:

Sadistic Equative:
guns?” 'Peq-enph'cwewh

m-h-p-IMW _-...u.as ... .. ..-.-n-...- -“~h~p .. a. My ‘fieflo‘l «la-awn“ ' --’- rw'v- ”realm—«o

Bqfli?

m I"“"” «Mm-ow

 

Interrogative-ei-Cenners
335m? ”qu'vpgm flasher nuclear teams of basic
clauses. or of clauses of Group
‘9 B. 0’ C)
Negative: .
335' «up «so “who :(other nuclear tomatoes of basic
"9 ° clauses, or of clauses of Group

a. 3. or c)

Jim Derivesien in Mill
v“b-‘4I.4-Ab “r’f‘wfi‘ .nu sinus-4' auras-r“ ...-..‘1 mau- e mane-ago“:

 

  
 
 

 

Passive
ésfle'lj m A Reflexive
Intransltive Reciprocal
Directive
Assist: Transitive
alumnus "
Causative
Hmzbsim.
aquative
son-Action Lecaiiee
but.
Fosseesive
I J1 mum
f . Islatise '
(etc.)

”‘01: nutrwurms-” .r-,. n w- “—3 =s. q. u),'w¢,a “_w4-.'- I.~.~.¢"' ‘. 4.:* 5 -.,«,m..' ‘ , ... .... ...“... 1“,“, ,fi. ‘W o I: ‘,‘W* *‘h 'fi'Hkr ”1‘“ .... '

lThe erases ears-emu the users insisase the possible fees-es-
eieuse multiplication possibilities. Though derivation of Geouu c
clauses h possible by multiplication of basic classes by both a
Group Andante-plasters. sushderieationdeesms lad ices"
so presentmen- an e shes-ta m c clauses are. accordion". net sheen.

63

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abdulle, Muhammad Said. Mgimu wa Watu wa Kale, Dar es Salaam: East
African Literature Bureau, 1960, pp. 28-30.

Ashton, 2.0. Sgahili Grammar (Including Intonation). London:
Longmans, 1963, pp. 398.

Bison, Benjamin and Pickett, Velma. An Introduction to Morphology and_
Syntax. Santa Ana, Ca1if.: Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1962,

16’ pp.

Guthrie, Malcolm. Bantu Sentence Structure, London: School of
Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1961, 29 pp.

 

Longacre, Robert E. Grammar Discovery Procedures,gA Field Menu al_.
The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1964, 162 pp.

. "The Notion of Sentence" in Blansitt, E. L. Jr. (ed). B_port
o? the Eighteenth Annual Round Table Meetingo on Lingui sticsmgnd
Language Studies (in Monograph Series on Languages and Linguistics).
Ianhifigton, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1967, pp. 15-25.

Loogman, Alfons, CSSp. Swahili Grammar and Syntax. Pittsburgh:
Duquesne University Press, 1965, 436 pp.

Pike, Kenneth L. "Dimensions of Grammatical Constructions", Language
Vol. 38, 1962, pp. 221-224.

__~____: Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the_$tructgrewgfi_
Human Behavior. The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1967 (rev. ed.), 762 pp.

. Tagmemic and Matrix Linguistics Applied to Selegted_Afirican,
Languages. U.S. Dept. of H.E.W., Office of Education, Bureau of
Research, 1966, 289 pp.

 

m

Polom‘} Edgar. Swahili Languagg Handbook. Washington, D.C.: Center
for Applied Linguistics, 1967, 232 pp.

Whiteley, Wilfred. "Some Problems of the Syntax of Sentences in a
Bantu Language of East Africa", Lingua, Vol. 9, 1960, pp. 148-
174.

. "Further Problems in the Study of Swahili Sentences", Lingua
V01. 10, 1961’ pp. 148.1730

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