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RURAL - URBAN MIGRATION IN N GERIA:
IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WELFARE

Chioma M. Amadi

DOrothy E..Nalm

AN ABSTRACT

In partial fulfillment
of the requirements for
the Master's Degree in Social Work

Michigan State University
School of Social work
East Lansing

196?

V~ aesrsacr

After an analysis Of the traditional family and social
structure and migratory phenomenon in Nigeria, and a review of
the literature related to the culture conflict inherent in
urbanization. it was hypothesized that the longer time an
individual remains away from his village, the less involved he
will be in his extended family. A questionnaire, designed to
test the variables of time and involvement. was administered to
Nigerian students at Michigan State University. The subjects
were divided into three criterion groups, based on the length of
time they had been away from the village, and the data was sub-
jected to a Criterion Pattern Analysis. The patterns discrimina-
ted among the criterion groups. demonstrating traditional
reSponse patterns for the group away the shortest time and
increasingly secular patterns for the next two groups. An inde-
pendent analysis of variables also supported the hypothesis.
This evidence of breakdown was then looked at for its implica-

tions for the deve10pment of social welfare services.

 

 

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RURAL - URBAN MIGRATION IN NIGERIA:
IhPLICaTIONS FOR SOCIAL WELFARE

Chioma H. Amadi

Dorothy E. helm

In partial fulfillment
of the requirements for
the Master's Degree in Social Work

Michigan State University
School of Social Work
East Lansing
196?

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

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IN'I‘RODUC’PIOIGOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

Chapter
I.

II.

III.

IV.

VI.

SUIiili‘EEXRY.OOOOOOIOOOOOOCOOOIOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOI

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TITLE NIGERIILN FIIIIHILYQQQQIQOQO0.0.0.0000.to...

The Marriage System

\ Family Functions

The Patrilocal System

Family Relationships and Authority Pattern

Urban higration
Effects on Traditional Family System

CUL‘I‘UHE COIGFLIC‘I‘.0.0...0......OOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOO

Anomie

Insecurity

Alienation

Disintegration of Social Control

HYPOTL‘IESIS AIGD [Hairi‘iODOOOO0.0.0.000....000.000.00.00.

Pattern Analysis

RESULTS OF 8:1‘UDYOOOOOOO0.0.0.000...OOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOO

IFQPLIC:XTIOIJS OF THE STUDY..0OOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

Implications for Future Research

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BIBLIOGRJXPHYOOOOCOOOOOOOOOCOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

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48

ACRNOWLEDGEHENIS

In the course of preparing this project report, we have
received encouragement, which has been essential to an enjoyment
of our work, from our research adviser. Dr. Gwen Andrew, of the
School of Social Work at Michigan State University. We appreciate
her willingness to allow us to pursue a study in an area which
has had little investigation by social work research. We apprec-
iate her patience and c00peration in helping us to untangle the
unfamiliar maze of preparing data for the computer and analyzing
the results. We appreciate most of all her good humour which
helped us through some of the most discouraging periods in our
work.

Our thanks goes also to the Nigerian students at Michigan
State University for their excellent COOperation in our study.
Although they are besieged by researchers who want to use inter-
national subjects, and although our study touched on some very
crucial and sensitive areas for these students, they participated

willingly and enthusiastically.

Chioma H. Amadi
Dorothy E. halm
East Lansing, Michigan

1967

iv

The emergence of the Third World of developing count-
ries into the mainstream of internatunal affairs is both cause
and effect of dynamics and changes in the traditional postures.
of the countries with implications for all professions, including
social w rk. Social workers accustomed to examining their prac-
tice and profession within a local context must begin to look.
at their profession in the broader international scope, and at
the role American social work is to play on the international
scene.

Social workers who are to be directly involved in practice
in these countries are faced with a dual social process - that
of simultaneous development and breakdown. AS urbanisation. indus-
trialization. and cosmOpolitan influences bring econ mic growth,
upgrading of health and education, and other benefits to the coun-
tries of the Third World. these same f rces bring with them a break-
down of traditional social structures, of value systems, and of
socia1.cohesiveness. As social workers participate in planning
and development. we must be aware of the accompanying process of
breakdown and of the inevitable transition through which the society
must suffer;

It is with the breakdown of social structures that we are
concerned in this paper. The authors both hepe to one day prac-
tice social work in a developing country. and we have therefore

been motivated in this endeavor by a desire for some knowledge base

 

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for our own practice as well as the hope that our work might
make some contribution to an as yet undevelOped body of knowledge
upon which international social work can be based.

_:,We chose to deal with Nigeria specifically in this paper
because one of the authors is Nigerian and the benefits she could»
both contribute to and gain from our work is obvious. Cur choice
is further Justified by the common acceptance, by people familiar
with AfriCan affairs, that Nigeria is one of the most developed,
industrialized, and urbanized of the new countries in the Africa
south of the Sahara and north of the Union of South Africa. There-
fore, we can assume that what is happening today in Nigerian society
can'well be an indicator of what is happening. and will happen,
in other develOping countries. .

As a traditional society becomes urban and industrial.
one marked phenomenon is the migration of peeples from the rural
areas to the fast developing cities. The growth of large urban
areas has been the trend of the modern world. hany small towns
are now merging into urban areas. As a result of this process.
we are witnessing the concentration of the population in large
cities, as well as an increase in the size and quantity of world
z,metropolitan areas. We are also witnessing a corresponding change
_ in the‘activities of the society.

In the past decade. Nigeria has changed at a rapid rate.
The Nigerian peeple are extremely mobile. and this is a highly
?significant characteristic today. Almost all individuals have

lived away from their vi legs at one time or another, and many

 

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peeple leave the village early in life. (Whereas most men leave
their village as bachelors, women leave generally only when married.)
Why do these young peeple leave the rural area to go to the city?
Industry is one reason why many migrate. Cities provide opportunities
and occupations. Most of these migrants - the technically untrained
and uneducated - face competition and unemployment. The movement
of these peeple effects the village as well as causing confusion
in the cities. Currently, the movement to urban centers is the
prevalent pattern of life, as is the break away from kinship or n
the traditional family system. ‘
We have chosen to concentrate, in this paper, on the social

institutiOn of the family - for the extended family has served
as the very base and nucleus of traditional society. The family
system is the one most ikely to receive the blows of the development
prOCess, and its breakdown to have the most pervasive implications
for the society. I n

‘ Our study concerns the effect of rural-urban migration
on the traditional family system. We will be concerned with the
implications of migration for Nigerian society, and for the deveIOpment
of social welfare services. Specifically, we will study the rela-
tionship between the length of time Nigerian students at Michigan
State University have been away from their villages. and their
present involvement in their extended family. We will look at.
the effects of value conflicts on a society. and what deveIOpments

in social welfare institutions are necessitated by these conflicts.

 

 

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CHAPTER IL.

URBANIZATION AND THE FAMILY

Urbanization has pervasive effects on the family system
in all cultures. There is a dichotomy in a view of family role
and function between the traditional and the secular, the rural
and the urban. Dynes et al state succintly the two opposing con-
ceptions of the family. The "historical normative conception".
or $familism". is: "The family should be characterized by economic
self sufficiency. Since family objectives are more important
than individual interests. decisions should be made by the head
of the family. the husband and father". The "contemporary norm-
ative conception" is: "The family should be characterized by
satisfying interpersonal relationships. Since individualriiffer-
ences should be respected, major decisions should be based on
democratic — equalitarian principles".1

It is generally agreed that traditional extended families
break down in urban areas. Gist and Holbert state that "under
conditions imposed by city life urban families have often been
depriVed of certain historic functions. or at least prevented
from carrying out these functions in the traditional manner - a .._
there are chinks appearing even in - - - tough kinship-group armor
- - - traditional forms of family organization - - - appear to,
be ill suited to the metropolis".2

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Blilsten makes important predictions: 1. "corporate
families will disappear as Operational organizations in
societies that become industrialized, secularized, and highly dif-
ferentiated"; 2. "autonomous nuclear families will become both
the normative ideal and the most numerous in fully developed.
technologically advanced societies".

Blilsten gives an excellent analysis of the disintegration
of the corporate family in the city. City life requires that a
person's social relationships increase and that he move out of
the family circle. The organization of the corporate family depends
on its power to regulate all aspects of the lives of the individual
members. The family authority, however, depends on the ability
to meet the needs of members. In the city, family maintenance
depends on the efforts of individuals outside the family. Urban
life involves participation in several organizations and institu-
tions.. There is pressure for the individual to subordinate his
allegiance for his family to that for his society. Corporate
family organization depends on the domination of men over women
and of the elders over the young; this status is threatened in
the cities by doctrines of social equality which increasingly have
legal backing. 'Blilsten states that:vcorporate families - - -
require such extensive control of political and economic resources
that they interfere with the development and Operations of political
and economic organizations".LL

An article in the Nigerian magazine "Drum" states that,
"There is no doubt that the extended family system within the clan

has played a vital part in tribal life. But for many, life is no

 

 

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longer tribal, and the same set of rules can no longer be
applied.' There is also little doubt that the system is on
the way out - - - ."5

.nderson and Lindeman explain the breakdown in terms of
source of control and authority. In the rural tribal setting.’~
the relationships of the individuals to the group are primary
and impelling. In the secondary society of the city. controls
are held by formal agencies, and the primary group must relinquish
its control of individuals to formal government.

Wilensky ard Lebeaux attribute the rise of the nuclear
family to the factors of mobility and the success motive, which
are inherent in industrialization, and which prohibit main-
tenance of an extended family.7

DenBerghe, in his statement on the effect of change
on the family, states that it has been a threat to the extended
family; and eventually the old-style family system will be replaced
by the new. Extended families break up more easily in an indus- ’
trial society, and there is no doubt that Iigeria will be faced
with the-same, eSpeoially at the rate that change is taking
place. In the study made by this author. he finds that among the=
..African elite, there is frequent complaining of the burden of
family obligations. The attitude of business men is that they
should help relatives only when it is absolutely essential. They'
complain that they need capital for their business. and can not
support all family members. Africans must learn self-help and

3 not be continually sponging on relatives. Another trend of change

is in the extent of visits to ones village. Those who have moved

 

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to the city are more apt to visit friends in the cities, than to
visit relatives in the village. Secondary school youths in the
city prefer to visit relatives in another city rather than go to
their village for vacation.8
In his observations of the behavior of school drop outs.
Mayer mentions that a good number of these peOple migrate to seek.
employment. A lot of the school drOpouts do not have means of
. maintaining themselves while in the city; they must depend on their
family in the village. but after they have been away long enough
they withdraw their dependence. A reason suggested for this is
the shame it brings for one in the town to be dependent on his
family in the village. Nigerians have always held the idea that
the village family should depend on the town family or members
'of its family. because the town family has more status and more
chance of success. Mayer observes that the obligations of the
_ migrant's wife towards her husband's kin is less than if they were
in the village. Another observation is that the traditional prac-
_ tice of the subjection of young wife to the senior wife. and that
' of male to female is not strictly enforced.9
-Titmuss, in his study of industrialization and the family.
states that family functioning today is effected by the forces of
industrialization. It is simultaneously benefitted and damaged
I by these forces. The rate of change has put the family in a posi-
T tion of divided loyalties and conflicting values; the family has
been forced to choose between kinship and economic progress. The

family has been led into instability which is a high risk for the-

society. The effects of industrialization on the family system

.-

 

 

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are unhealthy, and compensation is not being made for the damage

10 -
caused.

Bliltsten states graphically what the transition in fam-
ily systems means for Africa: "One of the most disruptive aSpects

of the Struggle for modern governments and economies in the new”
African nations is its destruction of tribal family organizations.
which are still the basis for most of the political. economic.
religious, and personal relationships of these people. It seems
probable that the Spread of msdern social techniques, such as
representational government. economic transactions based primarily
on money, deliberately enacted laws and planning for social welfare.
and modern technology will continue and that tribal life is doomed,
but it is certain that the transformations that accompany current
changes in these societies will continue during the lifetime of
several generations and will cause a good deal of distress for these
African populations."11

In describing the African family, Omani states that the
traditional family system is moving from a sacred to a secular
system. This has led to the breakdowx of family ties and has shifted
authority from the elders to the young educated men. He contends
that the following factors are threatening the traditional family:
cities. desire for socioeconomic status. education, and migration.12

Cutkind describes the African urban world as a world of
goods and services, of mobility. and chances for opportunity and
failure. Many who drift to the cities are faced with failure and

maladjustment. Those in the urban areas have rejected the small-

scale tribal society and have replaced it with values and character-i

 

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istics of the urban society. The contracted urban family unit
is largely divorced from its wider kin ties.13

With the advent of urbanization and industrialization
many changes take place within a traditional society. Life pat-
terns, personal interactions, and social roles change due to
rural-urban migrations. What such changes mean for Nigerian

society can be better understood by looking at the traditional

Nigerian family system.

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CHAPTER II

THE NIGERIAN FAMILY

In traditional African society members are linked to one
another by kinship ties, a binding which is done in order of com-
mon ancestry and living arrangements, and the core of which is
the extended family. This pattern of living is undergoing signif-
icant change in urban areas where the traditional mode of life
is difficult.

In any culture we can predict the family of tomorrow
better if we understand the family of today, while bearing in
mind that today's family has continuity with that of yesterday.
Today's family in Nigeria is rooted in traditions of yesterday
which, together with practices of today, serve as a guide to the
course that the family of tomorrow will take. We are presently
witnessing a movement from the sacred to the secular, whereby
traditional family functions are being transferred to other
institutions.

Nigeria has been a sacred society which, through lestern
influence, and the urbanization process, is rapidly changing and
is becoming more secular. The western culture has replaced many
African traditions; the introduction of a western system of educa-
tion, of politics, of life style, and of interaction have brought

about a secularization of many institutions and practices, which

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the African has always held sacred. One sacred institution being
significantly effected is the family. Here we have an African
proverb to help us visualize the problem: When you take from a
people what is dear to them, you had better replace it with some-
thing of value. What is replacing the traditioflal practices,
always considered to be sacred and of high value, which are giving
way to western influence and subsequent changes?

These questions probably can not be answered fully and
surely not in this paper, but some suggestions can be made that'
might be of importance to an answer. Nigeria is now at the
height of social, economic, and political revolution. Besides
rapid social reforms, industrialization and educational advance-
ment, it is also on the verge of civil War.. It is better, in this
case, to avoid far-fetched speculations until conditions of the
civil war are stabilized.

Before going further into the discussion of the effect
of education, socioeconomic, and recent political developments
on the family system in Nigeria, it is necessary to understand
the traditional family system. The traditional family system in
Nigeria may be described as one of consanguinal relationships,
'very often patrilineal, with the patriarch as head.

The Marriage System

The trad tional form of marriage in Nigeria is not only
£3 union of a man and a woman; it is an alliance between the two
:families concerned. Beauty as well as character and health are
(zonsidered in the choice of a wife. rather than romantic love

sserving as a base for marriage. The strong affection that is

 

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found in the Nigerian family is the result of living tOgether

and c00perating in the many activities within the family of
procreation, particularly in the rearing of children. The father
usually finds a suitable woman for his son to marry. This is done
with the idea that parents and elders have the responsibility of
providing good mates for their children. The consent of parentSc
is usually sought in marriage, although it is not legally compul-
sory. A fathu‘(or mother) provides the son with a wife; even if
he sought out a bride for himself, a respectable young man would
not marry without his parents' approval nor would a respectable
young woman marry without her parents' approval. The traditional
marriage ceremony is solemnized by the elders of both families_
rather than by a minister.

Family Functions

 

The major functions of the traditional family in Nigeria
have been transmission of culture, reproduction of members,
protection of members, and care of the aged and other incapacitated
members. The traditional extended family as an organized unit
engages in welfare activities - giving material aid to needy family
members. The family has also been a basis for political and religious
organization.-

Training of the young is done informally. The boy is usually
taught by an uncle, and the mother or grandmother teaches the
girl. Traditionally, the child has been taken into the relative's
custody and trained in the relative's occupation. Emphasis has
been placed on how the young children will take their place in

i the society, as husbands, wives, and as leaders.

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The traditional family meml Jers contributed funds which
‘were dist riouted to relatives in need whether they were the
orphaned. the elderly. the unemployed. or the young man eager
for an education. The tr mi tional extended family therefore.
has functioned as public and private welfare programs function
in western culture. or have obviated the need for such programs.
The family has been a social. an economic, a political and often
a religious unit extending into the bonds of the clan and. eventually
the tribe.

The Patrilocal System

 

The Nigerian family lives grouped together in a system
referred to as the compound. Here people of the same ancestry.
bearing the same last name. live with the oldest man as the head
of the family or the ho sehold. The nan and the woman usually
live in the man's compound. and there they make their home. The
young people live in the mother's household until adulthood;_they

0

then either have their own house within the compound or move in
'with their father. Women are either married nd move with their
husband into his patrilccal compound. or. while single. continue
living in their mother's household. In the patrilocal society.

everyone is inclined to provide help. and it has been a saying

in Nigeria that "one zan's business ia another man's business".
Common w rk is done in the group. Since fa ming is the traditional

occupation. every member of the pat iloeal system contributes

labor on the farm. Ownership of preperty is held jointly.

 

Familv Relationsnips aid Atzhority Patter:
In Nigeria. as in most Afr an coult es. the parents

 

 

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the position of the children has been that of subordination.
Among adult company, particularly at home, the child is seen and
not heard. The position of elderly relatives. cepecially the
uncle. is a very reSpected and important one. ihe uncle has
always had responsibility for educating the child either through
formal or informal means. The child looks upon the uncle as his
second father. and in the event that the father dies the uncle
is obligated to take full reSponsibility in taking care of the
child. It is the same for the aunt; she also contributes in
educating the child. eSpecially if she was not married and still
lives in her extended family of orientation. A child who was brought
up by an uncle or aunt is responsible. on the other hand. to
give help to the younger children of the uncle and aunt. It is
believed that the uncle's help in educating his brother's child
is an investment which should be realized by the next younger
relatives. The uncle. of course. is entitled to reSpect equal
to that given by the son to his own father.

The traditional family patterns described above are the
characteristics of family systems in Nigeria. The family as it.
exists today is undergoing changes and tending to move from the

to be

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system described above. The following factor

(

acting upon the traditional family system. pushing it in the direc-
tion of_secularization: education which has brought about the

rise of an elite group of professionals and other intellectuals
which we may call a middle class; the rise of cities with their
attendant socioeconomic manifestations; and, very important. the

introduction of political institutions which threatens family ties

 

 

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15

and the authority pattern of the family elders. The educated
Nigerian in the city seems to be cut off from his own extended
family. He has taken up the idea of living like the westerner,
and has contributed less and less to his family and has looked
down upon the unlettered past of his heritage. The young African
elite stands as a threat to the traditional beliefs of his elders.
Urban Eigration

The move from the village to the city is very common among
the younger generation - that is to say, among those who have been
to school or those who are seeking employment, But while those
who have been to school tend to move more than those who have not
it would be oversimplified to say that education is the only fac-
tor responsible for this move. There are many other factors to
be considered, such as Opportunities available in the towns, the
desire for the urban way of life, and the prestige given to var-
ious occupations available in the cities. It could also be said
that education often stimulates a move from the monotony of rural
life. The youngcaiicated or semi-educated man in the town has
different interests from his father in the village, and the fam-
ily ties with the village become weaker with each succeeding genera-
tion. One comes to wonder why there is such a tendency to move
to the city in Spite of the fact that Nigeria is an agricultural
country. More agriculture is done in the village; still the atmos-
phere and situations of village life do not give peOple the desire
to stay and work on the farm. Agriculture was never a part of

secondary education, and only recently has an agricultural

 

 

 

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curriculum been introduced on the university level.’
Effects on Traditional Family System

How then has all this effected the traditional family sys-
tem? In the first place, marriage patterns in Nigeria are follow-
ing the form of western society. Marriage is losing its signif-
icance as a union between two families."*.1 The young peeple are
now marrying without the consent of their parents or family elders.
They are now marrying outside Nigeria and outside their particular
tribe. This has meant that functions performed by the families
are now being taken over by courts and the churches. Now the hus-
band and wife usually live together constituting a family by them-
selves instead of tying themselves in with their reSpective-tradi-
tional families. The older people frown on this, especially when
the wife is foreign. Foreign marriage is bound to produce social
and cultural difficulties, eSpecially in the breaking of family
ties.

With the increase of westernization and of cities in Nigeria
has come a breakdown and change in the family from that of the
household and of consanguinal relationships to conjugal ones. The
individual who moves to the city or township to seek employment
has no choice but to live with only his wife and children, and to
be out off from the greater family ies he was used to. The impact
of city life has an effect on the traditional family system. Town
dwellers live in rented houses rather than in households. They
have single family dwellings rather than compound living. They
tend to visit relatives less often, and visit friends more. The

towns are fast producing a middle class that is more western than

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African in outlook, effecting not nly the na‘ure of the traditional
family system but other aspects of tne society as well.
Many of the functions of the traditional family are being

taken over by bureaucratic establishments. The breakdown of ties

has also effected the political svstem. In the traditional family

the elders have always held the leadership. The family was the
basis for political action - through the election of elders to
office and to the chieftainoy. The change from the sacredness
which existed in he politics in the past to that of secularity
today is having tremendous influence on the olitical scene in
Nigeria. ‘The head of a family household who was once at the head
of the political system finds it her to accept the idea that

education is very important in the politics of today, and that

a civil service and popular elections are the order of politics.

 

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CHAPTER III

CULTURE CONFLICT

Anomie

A social condition which we can expect to find in a newly
urbanized culture such as Nigeria is that of anemia. Such a con-
dition exists when social norms are present, but the individuals
oriented to the norms are ambivalent about them. The members of
the social system have weakened respect for the norms.14

Srole has identified some components of anomie: a feel-
ing that the community leadership is not meeting the needs of the
individual; a perception of the social order as unstable, changing,
unpredictable, and orderless, which produces the feeling that the
individual can do nothing to direct his future or to plan ahead;
a feeling of lack of progress or inability to progress with reSpect
to the self; a feeling that life is futile and without meaning;
and a feeling that one can no longer depend upon his immediate
personal relationships for support.15

Durkheim's theory of anomie is certainly relevant to the
societies of developing, countries. He discusses the "mechanical
solidarity" of simpler societies where all individuals are directed
by a collective conscious, which is based on likeness, common
interest, and feelings. This contrasts with the "organic solidarity"

of the industrialized society.‘ Here, division of labor produces

18

 

 

 

 

 

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19

complementary relationships, with the collective conscious diminish-
ing and the encouragement of individual differences. Anomie results
because division of labor fails to provide effective contacts be-
tween members and adequate regulations of social relationships.
Social norms lose meaning when a disruption of the collective order
allows the aspirations of individuals to rise beyond realistic
possibilities of being met. Discipline is not imposed by society
and there are no social norms to define the ends of action.10
Merton's theory of anomie emphasizes the disequilibrium
between cultural goals and institutional norms. This is highly
relevant to a society such as urban Nigeria where aspirations are
high with promises of material prosperity, a new political inde-
pendence, and prestige and status - and at the same time a mass
of peOple who are unequipped to meet these goals. In such a
situation, according to Merton, the social structure exerts pres-
sure on the individual to engage in nonconforming conduct:7

Insecurity

 

The transformation of a rural population into an efficient
work force in an industrial society is a conflict ridden process
in any country. Wilensky and Lebeaux state that the most impor-
tant factor in the process of acculturation to industrialism is
that of overcoming the insecurities produced by the factory sys-
tem. -The insecurity faced by newcomers to the city has multiple
sources. A new kind of demand for discipline, for an acceptance
of individual responsibility , is levied. (Absenteeism is a major
problem in all industries employing newly arrived migrants.) In

rural life, the risks of an agricultural economy are spread among

 

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20

the members of the extended family; it is difficult for the migrant
to perceive that his economic security lies with the balance of
supply and demand. With the Specialization of labor inherent in
industry, the new worker suffers from a loss of pride in workman-
ship, a loss of independence and self reliance. His role assign-
ment changes from "who you are" to "what you can do". His work
relations are functionally specific and are separated from his
home and family. The factors all add up to a pervasive insecurity
felt by the new arrival to the urban work force.18
Alienation

In the transitional stages from rural to urban society,
members of the society, and eSpecially newly arrived migrants,
are apt to suffer an alienation which is healthy neither for the
individual nor for his society. The French report to the 1966
International Social Service Conference says that adaptation to
a newly urbanized culture is preceded by isolation, as individuals
are caught between two cultures. Continued attachment to the
native milieu only serves to produce ambivalence, and does not

19
prevent isolation.

Clinard defines alienation as an estrangement from society
and culture. Powerlessness, normlessness, and social isolation
are components of alienation, and he believes these factors to

correlate negatively with occupational prestige and a rural back-
20
ground.

"Drum" states, "The transition from tribal solidarity to

Iirban individualism has imposed a severe strain, both economic
21

land.psychological, on Africa's bright young men."

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VanVelsen, referring to kinship ties in Nyasaland, says
that as the individual moves away fromphis village he is stricken
of his identity and suffers confusion.dé

Mowrer states the unhealthy aspect of alienationsuccintly,
"--—ethical neutrality and anemia cannot provide the structure
of organization and power and the context of personal identity
and meaning which are as essential to individuals as they are to
groups."33

Disintegration of Social Control

The family is one of the most essential institutions of
social control in a society. The family is the source of authority
and discipline, and the vehicle for the passing on of cultural
heritage.2§ As the family loses some of its traditional structure
and meaning for the individual, and as the individual is increasingly

vulnerable to insecurity, alienation, and anomie, chaos ma rei n
E

in a culture if other institutions do not fill the gap.

 

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KAPTEH IV

HYPOTHESIS AND METHOD

F!)

We were interested in evaluating the e feet that the length
of time an individual Spends away from his village will have on.
his relationship to his extended family. Therefore, the hypo-
thesis tested in our study was: The longer an individual remains
away from his village, the less involved he will be in his extended
family. The "time" factor refers to the length of time since the
person last was a permanent resident of his village; "involvement"
refers to the extent to which he family is a source of need
fulfilling relationships and of social control; "extended family"
means all of a person's relatives bearing the same surname.

Our sample was made up of the entire population of Nigerian
students enrolled at Michigan State Univers ty. This sample was
limited in that it certainly is not representative of the majority
of peeples migrating from the villages to the cities in Nigeria.
The students, however, are exposed to rural-urban culture conflicts,
and do themselves represent a reasonable cross section of Nigerian
culture. There are a total of sixty-three Nigerians at Eichigan
State Cniversity. One of these is the co-author, two did not
return the questionnaire, and two were dropped from the sample
because of inadequate reSponses. We were,n0t able to locate_two
Eigerians for the study. We had, then, a final sample of fifty-
six subjects.

22

 

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Our data were collected thrclgh a questionnaire, a cepy
of which is included in the appendix. Several questions were
designed to measure tine Spent away from the villa age and time
Spent in the city. Other questions were designed tc.measure
family inv olv ment in terms of such factors as correspondence,
TtlIWlan ace of village practices.

adherence to fami

.e was distributed to all subjects by the N gerian

93
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The ques tic nn

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author, and were co acted by her after two or three weeks.

P'TL'FQI‘V‘. Av» n1 .LIJVSi-‘J

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In order to test our hypothesis, respondents to the question-
naire were iivided ir to three groups Irom the shortest time away

from the vi lage to the lonrest time away. We then wanted to

rt

determine which if any "sets" of responses di ferentiated among
these three groups. Further, we expected these sets of responses
to a range of variables to characteristically 1e lect certain
differences in orientation so that the group away from the village
the shortest .ime would respond in more traditional or family
oriented ways then would the group longest away.

In order to arrive at these sets some form of factorizing
or combining was necessary. Since our data did not meet the
requirements of factor analysis, that approach was discarded.
Instead, a method of pattern analysis was use . This method,
Clark's Criterion Pattern Analysis, permits matching of responses
on a number of discrete characteristics to determine what patterns
occur among respon ants and, at the same time, indicates the ex tent

to which patterns elicited from the data distinguish among criterion

groups.

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In this methcd it is possible to set the limits of dis-
crimination required Here it was decided to use a mi imum dir—
crimination level of 60, which moans that no pattern would be
reproduced by the computer unless at least sixty percent of the

rion group under test.

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number of pattern: which met the minimum disc im; nation level.

.A maximum significance lexel of .05 was also used which established
the point at which a pattern must differ from a prior elicited

pattern in order to be reported in the analysis. This significance

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level influence the number of patterns which are found in the
course of the computers 1alys is and here it was simply set con-
ventionally. Had there been very few patterns re ight have raised
'this level to .10 in order to determine whether patterns could
be found at that -Level since this is an exploratory study and the
purpose was to lead to patterns. In any case, t will be necessary
to test the results w th further groups of Ni gerians,

It should be noted that Clark's form of pattern analysis
is somewhat different than that used by NcQuitty, who isolates
types c? perSOns on the basis of their response patterns. These
then are compared with criterion established on sorrre other basis
to determine whether the types discriminate to or terion. Clark's
method sorts to criterion groups while searching patterns and
could fail to locate patterns which Mo auitty' 8 method would iso-

late, but which presumably would not differentiate the criterion

groups.

 

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any other type. Clark's method says that there are more members
in the type from a given criterion group than there are from any

i‘ 2.

5.
other criterion group.

The patterns obtained from our data discriminated among
our criteriox groups. The patterns obtained are reported in Table 1.
The responses commonly ocouring in Group 1 are traditional in

nature. That is, the members of the group which have been away

hteen response

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and involvement. From the roup that has been away from the vil-

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lage for the neit'_odgest time, seven patterns were obtained..Four

of involve-

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sixteen patterns. Eleven of the patterns were indicative of
secularization and noninvolvement, while one pattern reflected
continued involvement. The remaining four patterns were not rele-
vant.

Table 2 shows the discrimination capacity of these
patterns by groups.

When individual variables were looked at independently.

V

we also found a significant difference in the degree of involve-
ment of Group 1 from that of Groups 2 and 3. There is little

difference, however, between Groups 2 and 3. These variables

26

 

 

 
 

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27

are presented in.Table 3. .An eXplanation for such a differentia-
tion could be that in the first six years away from the village
(Group 1) an individual retains a traditional orientation,

yet after six years (Groups 2 and 3) his traditionalism gradually
declines. Whereas the difference between those who have been
away for only six years and those who have been away longer is
marked, the differences between individuals who have been away
longer are less pronounced. Presumably, then, it is somewhere
around the sixth or seventh year away from the village that the
individual makes a significant shift from a traditional to a
secular orientation, and after that he gradually becomes increas-
ingly more secular.

The patterns reported in Table 1, showing more traditional-
ism and involvement in Group 1 than in Groups 2 and 3, and the
individual variables reported in Table 3 which show the same
thing, support our hypothesis. The data obtained does give evi-
dence that the-longer a person is away from the village setting,
the less involved he is in his extended family and the related

raditional social structure. Therefore, the phenomena of
rural-urban migration is one replete with implications for social

welfare.

 

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CEAEACIEBISIIC RESPON

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TABLE 1

DEA) IN PILEIDILI‘ED

[1" vs 3 p m"

IDENTIFIED BY CBITEdION GROUPS

 

 

Criterion Group

Common Heeponses

 

Group I .
(away from Village
under seven years)

18 patterns

Group II
(away from village
7-15 years)

7 patterns

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Single terns)
Under 2 r of age (2 patterns)
Parents lived in village while
subject was growing up

Father lives in village now

(2 patterns)

Lived in city for less than

9 years before going to high
school

Parents participate occalionally
in tribal ceremonies

Correspond with cousins at

least once a month (4 patterns)
Correspond with an aunt or

uncle at least once a year

(5 patterns)

Would not act against the wishes
of relatives in marriage

Would not act against the wishes
of relatives in change of resi-
dence (2 patterns)

Would not act against the wishes
of relatives in religious
affiliation (4 patterns)

Would not act against the wishes
of relatives in moral standards
(2 patterns)

Married (2 patterns)

Parents lived in village while
subject was growing up

Father lives in city now
Lived in city for less than

9 years before going to high
school (3 Patterns)

Parents never participate in
tribal ceremonies (2 patterns)
While subject lived in the
city, he never participated
in tribal ceremonies
Correspond with siblings once
a month

 

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17.

Correspond with an aunt or

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While living in the city,

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Would act against the wishes

of relatives in change of residence
Would act against the wishes

of relatives in marriage (2 patterns)
Would act against the wishes

of relatives in choice of friends
(2 patterns)

harried (2 patterns)

harried outside village

Spouse is in U.S. now

Father lives in village now
Father lives in city now
Parents lived in city while
subject was growing up (3
patterns)

Lived in city more than 9 years
before going to high school

(2 patterns)

Lived in city for less than

9 years before going to high
school (2 patterns)

While living in the city, visited
the village less than once a
year (2 patterns)

CorreSpond with cousins less
than once a year

Has no cousins

has no siblings (4 patterns)
Yoruba

Parents participate occasionally
in tribal ceremonies

While subject lived in the city,
he participated occasionally

in tribal ceremonies

Would act against the wishes

of relatives in change of residence
Would act against the wishes of
relatives in moral standards

(3 patterns)

 

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Criterion Group

18. would act against the wishes
of relatives in religious
affiliation

19. Would not act against the wishes
of relatives in choice of friends

 

 

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“...-.7— - A ;. _-. n w o i.
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DISCRIMINATION CAPACITY OF PAITERKS BY CTIIERION GROUP
Criterion Group Pattern Number of cases Number of cases
incl‘ded in in other groups
criterion_grouo
Group I (N22) 1 10 6
2 9 6
3- 11 5
4 7 1
5 7 1
o 8 1
7 8 1
8 7 i
9 8 1
10 8 1
11 7 1
12 8 1
13 8 1
1a 9 O
15 9 3
16 7 C
17 9 1
(Group II (N16) 1 9 6
2 7 1+
3 11 7
4 5 1
5 5 1
6 5 1
7 5 O
(Eroup III (N18) 1 10 2
2 5 2
3 U 0
1 9 5
5 6 1
6 5 O
7 u o
8 9 O
9 4 O
10 9 6
11 4 O
12 8 a
13 5 0
1h 5 O
15 7 1
16 6 o

 

vat-“... ... n

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.5-

 

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n , .... . A.-

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27‘4~-—--‘c

 

 

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RESPONSES TO SELECTED SINGLE VARIABLES BY CRITERION GROUPS
‘Variable Group I Fronp II Grou III
T22 é v16 7 3187 y?
" Would act contrary
to the wishes of
relatives in:
Marriage
yes 36 82 72
no 55 18 27
no answer 9 O 0
Religious affiliation
yes 50 81 77
no #1 13 16
no answer 9 6 7
Change of residence
yes 45 94 73
no 50 7 27
no answer 5 O 0
Choice of friends
yes 55 68 66
no 41 25 33
no answer 4 6 O
Ifioral standards
yes 36 56 50
no 59 37 50
no answer a 7 O
IFamily participates in
‘tribal ceremonies
never 9 17 18
occasionally 45 56 31
always 12 22 43
no answer 12 5 8
Wiiile in the village,
sxibject participated
in same ceremonies
as family
never 18 31 22
occasionally 45 43 55
always 9 12 17
no answer 27 12 5

 

 

 

 

 

 

L 3--
'Variable Group I arroui II Group III
322 j" 516 _fi 118 _§

'While in the city,

subject participated

in the same ceremonies

as in the village
never 41 50 33
occasionally 41 44 55
always 0 O 6
no answer 18 6 6

 

 

        

 

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~~~om-.—I._m-l- 1 n---“..a—-‘ ‘ w..«~u. --- .-A _.._I_.-.» n." -.—-_-H‘ .- - - a- - on“ ...-n.

 

CHAPTER VI

MPLICATIONB OF THE STUDY

Our study has shown that the longer an individual is

away from his village, the less involved he is with his

; extended.family. This trend of declining family involvement

has not been experienced in Nigeria alone, but also in most
countries that have once had an extended family system.- Each
country must develop adequate welfare programs according to its
own special problems and cultural factors, so that programs can
keep pace with the rate of social change.

Industrialization and urbanization have contributed to
the decline of the traditional family system and life patterns
in Nigeria. Therefore, other institutions need to fill the gaps
created by such decline - whether government, church, public.
or private organizations. Resources need to be developed; to
compensate for that which progress and change have taken from the
society.

'Every society, whether it be primitive or advanced,
is faced with its own particular problems. Any society will
eendure and survive only so long as it is dynamic enough to tackle
successfully all those problems which undermine its very existence.
iDhe nature of Nigeria's culture and present stage of develOpment
eaccounts for its particular problems, although any nation at a

ssimilar stage of industrialization and with a similar history
34

~ u )1”

o (C

 

 

-'r

.J.

 

 

 

....“

\J)
U}

would be expected to have the same problems. At any rate. these
problems determine the Specific needs from which a welfare pro-
gram can be built. In Nigeria at present the most urgent welfare
needs are: child care and health education, rehabilitation cen-
ters for cases of emotional disorders and chronic disability,
planned parenthood, emergency relief programs, and community
deveIOpment, both in the villages and the cities.

The standard of living is rising in Nigeria and family
households are becoming more nuclear. Each family feels obligated
' to its immediate members rather than extending obligations to
other relatives. One reason why many people have had little money
in Nigeria is that of the extra help extended to kin. This has
been an obligation, especially when the kinsmen could not pro—
vide enough for themselves. These peeple who are now effected
by the decrease in family welfare activities need to be aided and
rehabilitated by a government welfare prOgram. Social workers
need.to take the lead in establishing such a program. Social workers
need first, however, to gain the confidence and support of the
‘peOple they seek to serve in order to invoke a response from the
ggovernment. One crucial problem here, however, is that most people
vvill feel strong shame at receiving government aid, whereas it
Fuss been very acceptable to receive family aid. Any welfare pro-
ggram must include rehabilitative efforts to help the peOple
loecome self sufficient, and be designed with acute awareness
(of the culturally imposed feelings of shame.

Another group of peeple that might be reached by social

36

welfare is_the farmer. In Nigeria, farming is a low status
occupation. Farmers work very hard and produce very little.
Because of this, many school drOp outs refuse to farm and drift
to the cities looking for jobs. To raise their income level,
farmers need to produce more cash crops and less food crOps.
Here social workers can work along with agricultural experts to
help farmers learn and accept new methods and be able to . 7
produce crops for cash. By raising incomes and helping to.
improve village conditions, more young people will be attracted .'
to remaining in the village. Economic necessity is one of the
most potent motivators of migration. Many young people would not
migrate ifthey were not compelled to do so by financial neces-~
sity. Curbing migration by improving agricultural conditions would
help alleviate the rural manpower shortage as well as alleviating
the multitude of urban based problems.

There is need in Nigeria for vocational rehabilitation
jpr0grams and trade schools. There are presently no programs
'to help the school drOp out. Those who drift .to the cities look-
ring for Jobs are left with no resources and add to urban social
problems.

Health problems are also the concern of social workers.-
Imack of adequate sanitation, poor housing. and living conditions
lxead to unsatisfactory health conditions. Social workers must
hue involved in training people to bring simple health education
cc) families in the cities.- Unaccustcmed to urban conditions, and

,nithout the help of family members, city dwellers must be taught

 

 

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[W
y. .8: - I) s.)

 

 

 

 

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to deal with physical and emotional emergencies.

The area of marriage and family problems is a difficult
~ one for social work. That such problems are bound to exist as
a result of the conflicts and stress inherent in a transition of
family systems is apparent. Yet such problems are considered to
t.be of a very personal nature and something to be handled within
the family and not with the help of a professional person. Family
'welfare centres need to device means of offering services which
, reflect a sensitive awareness of the cultural prohibitions involved.

The lack of adequate housing is another social problem,
fast becoming acute. Most available housing is too expensive for
the labourer and overcrowding in small living units results. In
Nigeria now the housing problem is twofold; that of providing new
,_housing and keeping the existing housing in satisfactory condition.
£30cial welfare can be involved here both at the level of helping
the individual family with Specific housing problems and of press-
.ning fer government housing programs.

To our knowledge, there has been no study done in the
exrea of social welfare problems peculiar to Nigeria. tudies
ideed to be made and attention brought to current social problems
111 order to speed up services to the Nigerians facing the problems
:resulting from a breakdown in family ties. Social welfare comes
jgito being in a country when people feel the need to improve
.rniman conditions and the quality of social relationships. The
exiterprises of social welfare may be concerned with any aspect
3f"social experience. They may seek to deal with any one or

Iuany of the social problems people face. When social institutions

 

.\>

38

- the school, the church, the court, the hospital, and industry -
are motivated to take some responsibility for social concerns then
there begins social welfare. The care can take any form as

long as its effect is to elevate human functioning.

During the past decade, many important conferences have
been held by Africans, especially those in West Africa, to dis-
cuss the effects of rapid social change upon the welfare of the
African people. One of these conferences was held in Ghana
in 1962, at which problems common to all Africans were discussed.
Here was stressed the need for more professional social workers,
as well as particular areas that need to be deve10ped in the social~
welfare field. The need for the involvement of the federal govern-
ments and for legislation as well as the need to improve the funct-
ioning of the family welfare centres, was stressed.dz

Other conferences held have been concerned with an analysis
of the effects of urbanization and industrialization. Still others
have involved discussions of specific problems by specialists 9
in various fields of social welfare and community deveIOpmentf8

Urbanization has contributed to and created many social
problems, as our study has shown. All the myriad of urban social
problems now exist in Nigeria. - prostitution, juvenile delinquency,
truancy, destitution, inadequate housing, and unemploymentf9
Family disorganization is a most important concern. Nembers no
longer assist individual relatives, and even if they do; it is
now on a small scale. Therefore, it is necessary that there should

'be, in Nigerian society, social welfare institutions and social

'workers to deal Judiciously and expeditiously with some emerging

 

 

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—

 

39

social problems. As the extended family is no longer able to
meet the material and emotional needs of the Nigerian peOple,
than social welfare institutions need to be developed to assume
functions traditionally held by the families.

Implications for Future Research

A study similar to this would have to be done in a natural
setting in Nigeria where a sample more representative of the migra-
ting pOpulations could be obtained.With a more appropriate sample
and a more refined research tool. it should be possible to deter-
mine whether the projected breakdown in the traditional social
structure has occured or is occuring and whether a need for
social welfare services is indicated. It could also be designed
to pinpoint exactly where the most acute areas of stress and poten-
tial conflict are, if such areas indeed exist.

Also, since we were not able to hold the culture factor
constant in our study, we would like to see a study done which
would control for the ongoing culture change. Since the social
structure within the villages is changing as exposure to urbaniza-
tion becomes more wideSpread, we would expect that the character-
istics of migrants from the villages would be different over time,
and their problems might be different. For example, migrants who
left the village in 1960 would have different characteristics
and consequently different problems than those who leave in 1967,
due to the cultural dynamics which are taking place throughout
the country.

Also, of course, a study could well be made to assess

change, stress, conflict, and problems within the village and
to pinpoint how certain welfare services need to be brought
to the village level. as well as being deveIOped in the urban

areas.

SUIZI-IARY

The study findings indicate that in Nigeria the more time
an.individual Spends away from his village the less involved he
'will be in his extended family and in the traditional social
structure. As more peOple leave the villages and migrate to
the cities, this lack of involvement will produce various mani-
festations of culture conflict. Urbanization weakens social
structures and areas of stress and potential problems develop.
Social welfare services must be designed both to prevent such

problems and to meet the problems where they have already deveIOped.

41

AI} 7 ”Ix
This questionnaire is a part of a research project required for a masters

degree. The aim of the project is to study the effects of rural - urban
migration on the traditional Nigerian social struCture, and the implications
tions of these effects for the development of social welfare services.
Please answer all the questions, and return this form to the poison who
distributed it to you by February 26, 1967. You naed not put your name

on the questionnaire, and all responses will be kept strictly confident-

ial. Thank you for your c-opirution.

\

1. Check one: male ----- femaleé----

2. Check one: Your present age is:
18-20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29

over 29

 

 

Hill!

I

 

5. Check one: Your tribal affiliation is:
Ibo
Yoruba
Hausa

Other Zspccify)

4. Check one: Your region is:
Western
Mid—western
Northern
Eastern

 

5. Check one: Your marital status is: single married

6. If married, check one: You and your spouse were married:
M In Nigeria, in your village
L'ESSLHNB of In Nigeria, in the city
involvement In the United States

Other (explain)

 

 

7. If m.rried, check one: Your spouse is now:
In Nigeria

 

_, “assure O ‘In the Unit-ed States
' involvement - Other (explain)

 

8. Check one: Your father now lives in:
The village
The city

Other (explain;
42

9. Check one: You: mother now lives in:
The villageéfi
The city
Other (explain)___

 

10. Check one: How long has it been sinCe you last lived in your vil-

lage?:
6 months
1—5years
‘Usefi to 4-6yoars
“t establish criterion groups 7-9years

10-12 years
13-15 years
16-19 years
20-22 years
over 22 years___

 

 

11. Check one: How old were you when you left Nigeria to come abrOad
to study?

18-20

21

22

25

24

25

26

27-29

over 29___

12. Check one: How long did you live in a city after you left your
village and before you otme abroad to study?

6 months
1-3 years
4-6Y3ers
7-9 years
10-12 years
13-15 years
16-18 years
19-21 years
over 21 years

 

 

 

13. Check one: When you were in Nigeria, how often did you visit your
village (after you had moved to the city?)

 

..- _ . at least once a month
measure of
at least once every 6 months
” involvement at least once a year

less than once a year

14. With how many members of your extended family, and how often, do
you correspond since you have come to N.S.U.? (Consider your exten-
ded family to be all your relatives with your surname. If a family
member is deceesed, check "inapplicable". Check as many spaces as
are apprtpxbite) continue next page
Neasure of

e” involvement

43

question 14 continued:

father
at least onCe a month
at least once every 6 months
at least once a year
less than once a year
inappli0ab13

brother (3)
at least once a month

at least once CVery 6 months

qt least once a year
less than once a year;____
1 nappl Ii) 0. a h] r;-

uncle (s)
at least once a month

 

at least onCe every six months

at least once a year
inappiixahinxxx

less than once a year
inapplicable

cousin (8) -
at least once a month

at least once eVery 6 months

at least one; a year
less than onCe a year_*
inapplicable

other (8)
at least once a month, -m_
at least once eVery six months
at least once a year
less than once a year
inapplicable,

mother
at least once a month
at least once every 6
months
at least once a year
less than once a year
Inapplicable

sister (s)
at least onCe a month
at least once every 6 months__
at least OHCc a year
less than once a year
inapplicable

 

aunt (s)
at least once a month_____
at least once CVury 0 months’_
at least once a year
loss than once a year
inapplicable

grandparent (s) _-p.”
at least once a month
at least ruee every 6 months__
at luRJC once A year
Less than once a year
inapplicable

 

N RNX 7e xxx: ~, vxx N‘h X X X‘X-X X XX XX)! X X-XX X*X*-X*-X'X--X X*¥****-¥***-X **-¥-******************

15. Check one in each category:

a. Marriage

definitely no

Neasure C“ no

Would you consider acting contrary to
the wishes of your relatives in:

W

 

involvement y 38

 

absolutely yes

b. Religious affiliation
definitely no

no

.
3'» S

athlutely yes

44

-_..._.7V .. -.....

 

continue on next psge

question 15 continued:

c. Change of residence
definitely no
no
yes
absolutely yes

 

 

d. Choice of friends
definitely no
no
yes

absolutely yes

 

 

a. Moral standards
definitely no
no
yes
absolutely yes

 

 

****************************** V‘*****************************************

16.

17.

, 18.

19.

20.

22.

250
24c

 

Check one: The parnnt(s), or relatives, whith whom you lived while
you were growing up lived in
the village
the city
other (explain)_

Check on): How long did you live in the village prior to going to
high school? 0 months , at least one year , 2-4 years ,
5-8 years , 9-11 years , 12-14 years , 15-17 years ,
longer than 17 years .

Check one: How long did you lch in the city prior to going to

high school? 0 months, at least one year , 2-4 years ,

5-8 years , 9-11 years , 12-14 years , 15-17 Yearsfifififix
, longer than 17 years.

Check one: Were your parents willing for you to come abroad to study?
yes no

 

Check one: While you were living in the village in Nigeria, did
your family participate in the tribal ceremonies that others in the
village did? never , occasionally , often , always

HEAéURES CF INVOLVEHENT

While you were living in the village, did you practice the same
tribal ceremonies that your parents did? Check one: never ,
occasionally , often , always .

While you were living in the city in Nigeria, did you participate

in these same ceremonies? never , occasionally , often ,
always .

In the village, did your family follow the same religious practices

as others in the village? never__, occasionally__, often__, a ways__.
In the village, did you follow the same religious practices as

as your family did? never___, occasionally___,often___, always___,.

25.While you were living in the city, did you follow these same practices?
never , occasionally , often , always .

45

9.

10.

11.
12.

13.

1a.

15.

8.3. Dynes et al. Soc1al Problers: D133ensus and Deviation
in an Ind ustri3l Society (hew York: Oxford University Press,
17(17):. Pp. U70 730

 

 

Noel P. Gist and L.A. holbert, Urban Sc ciety (New York: Thomas
Y. Crowell Co.. 1956), p. 416.

 

Dorothy H. Bliltsten, The world of the Family (New York:
Random House, 1963), p. 277.

 

Ibid., 267-8.

"hen of Two worlds", Drum, as reprinted in Atlas, February.

1967.

Nels Anderson and Edward C. Linderman, Urban Sociologz (New
York: Alfred A. hampf, 1928), pp. 35Q-5.

 

Harold L. Wilensky and Charles N. Lebeaux, Industrial Society
and Social welfare (New York: Russell Sage foundation, 1958),

p. 73.

Pierre L. VandenBerghe, Africa: Social Problems of Change and
Conflict (San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Co.. 1905), p. 117.

 

Philip Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen.(Cape Town: Oxford University
Press, 1961).

Richard M. Titmuss, "Industrialization and the Family", Social
Service Review, XXXI (March, 1957), p. 54.

Bliltsten, Op. cit.. 270.

Thompson P. Omani, "Of Sacred Things in a Secular Society -
the Changing African Family System in the Gold Coast", Journal
of Human Relations, IV (Summer, 1956), pp. 66-7u.

Peter c.w. Cutkind, "African Urban Family Life and the Urban
System", Journal of Asian and African Studies, I (January, 1966),
pp. 35-h2.

Harry M. Johnson, 80010103;/: a Systematic Introduction, (New
York: Harcourt, Brace, and world, Inc.. 1900), p. 557. '

Alan H. Roberts, "Anomie and Authoritarianism: a Study in
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1?.
lit
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2h.

25.

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27.

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“7

Harshall B. Clinard, Anonie and Deviant Behavior (New York:
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Nilensky and Lebeaux, op. cit.. 55-6u.

French Reflections on Some Social Aspects cf Urbanization in
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d'urbanisme et d'habitat (Paris).

 

 

Clinard, op. cit.. 37.

"Men of Two Worlds, Drum, as reprinted in Atlas, February, 1967.

 

J. Van Nelsen, The Politics of Kinship: a Study in Social
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O. Hobart h wrer. foreward to william Glasser, h.D.. Reality
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Paul H. Landis, Sgcial Control, (Chicago: J.B. Lipincott, Co..
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James Clark, "Criterion Pattern Analysis", Prosram for CD
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Patricia Dunn and Patricia Reynolds, "Guilt as a Criterion
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St. Clair Drake and Thompson P. Omani (ed.) Social Work in
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Volunteers in Action in West Africa, Report of meeting sponsored
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Ibid., p. 61.

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