PLANNING PUBLIC RELATIONS:
PRELUDE T0 PROGRAMMING

Thesis for the Degree of M. U. P.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
GENEVIEVE A. BRUNE
1959

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ABSTRACT
PLANNING PUBLIC RELATIONS:
PRELUDE TO PROGRAMMING

by Genevieve A. Brune

Public relations for planning has received little
treatment as a continuing process in the operations of
urban planning. Instead, it appears to be engaged in ex-
temporaneously. With changing communications involving
more and more people in today's problems, with federal
requirements stipulating more public involvement in plan—
.ning, and with a more sensitive social conscience cpen to
suggestion, this haphazard approach should not be allowed
to continue.

With increased exposure, the relations established
by planning agencies with their various publics become even
more important to the overall effectiveness and development
of planning. Public recognition of professional compEtence
is necessary for the acceptance of this new profession. An
associated effort by the profession thus becomes apparent:
it must clarify its professional role so that it can hold

an understandable public image.

Genevieve A. Brune

Available literature on public relations is gen-
erally oriented toward business, management or social
services and these are often not suitable for the more
general approach of planning. Because little has been
written in direct discussion of the subject of public
relations for planning, it is difficult to develop a more
conscious and comprehensive approach. Rather than merely
adOpting techniques and philosophies designed for other
fields as has been done for other interests of planning,
it is felt that this subject area is too significant for
the future of planning to be left to secondhand fit.
Therefore, it is proposed that research be launched by the
profession to pursue the subject from a unique planning
point of view, considering all the influences on and needs
of planning and thus Planning Public Relations (PPR).

To encourage this commitment, a study was designed
to assess current local PPR principles, techniques and
directions across the country. Since this information is
not available in any form, a national survey conducted
through a sampling of public planning agencies was neces-
sary to provide the research framework. Analysis of the
results and recommendations for change become tentatively
possible, awaiting further substantiation.

The idea is to move PPR away from the impromptu to
a perceived programming, from the added luxury to a contin-

uing resource, from the shy avoidance to a positive

Genevieve A. Brune

confrontation between planner and public. This does not
mean the planner is constantly "on stage." It means he is
acutely aware of potentials to educate and inform as well
as to listen and learn and is astutely prepared to exercise
these potentials for mutual growth and development.

The basis for this move should be a professional
consensus--on basic tenets which will be encouraged by
practicing professionals, on general techniques which will
be researched and evaluated for effectiveness, and on com-
munication channels which will be opened for information
exchange between agencies. While local conditions often
make a direct transfer of an approach or event from one
scene to another impractical or even impossible, examina-
tion of the experiences of others through a collaborative
approach may stimulate a useful idea in another locale.

Because it is increasingly recognized that planning
is a process, any subjects related to planning should be
integrated into that process. This research study indicates
that the make-up of PPR can be conceived in a very similar
processual form. With a view to the overall goals, objec-
tives and effects of PPR and conditions of urban society,

a programmed approach seems inevitable and desirable and

should be planned as much as possible.

PLANNING PUBLIC RELATIONS:

PRELUDE TO PROGRAMMING

BY

Genevieve A. Brune

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF URBAN PLANNING

School of Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture

1969

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

No work ever stands alone. All work is preceded in
some fashion by the doers and writers of yesterday, and
their contributions to the subject of this research were
its stimulant. Special recognition, however, must be given-
to today's people who have facilitated this pursuit.

The interest and active participation of Professor
Keith M. Honey in critically reviewing the project are
gratefully acknowledged. As academic advisor, he suffered
through the signing of 326 survey letters and sessions of
probing discant with the author. If the work has profes-
sional qualities, they are traceable to his continued
counsel throughout the graduate program.

The planning directors and their assistants who
showed concern in the subject matter by taking their ra-
tioned time to complete the national survey questionnaire
are congratulated on their foresight in this area of public
planning and are sincerely thanked for their enthusiastic
response.

The resources made available at the School of Urban
Planning and Landscape Architecture through its understand-
ing Director, Professor Myles Boylan, made the task of a
national survey possible.

ii

The fundamental resource most acknowledged--for
patiently allowing and thoroughly encouraging the entire
professional educationof the author is her husband, Donald
W. Brune, whose extraordinary love supports and inspires

all her efforts.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O 0

LIST OF

TABLES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

LIST OF FIGURES o o o o o o o o o o c o '0 o o 0

LIST OF

Chapter

I.

II.

III.

APPENDICES O O O O O O G O O O O O O 0

PUBLIC RELATIONS: AN ISSUE FOR THE PLANNING

PROFESSION O O O O O O O O O O O C O O 0

Legislative and Historical Beginnings of

Public Relations for Planning . . . .
Identifying the Publics of Planning .

Determining Planning Relations with Its

PUbliCS o o o o o o O o o o O o I o o

The Qualities of Public Relations .
Understanding and Goodwill . . .
Influence and Persuasion . . . .
Management . . . . . . . . . . .
Information, Education, Communic
Human Relations . . . . . . . .
A New Term . . . . . . .‘.
Planning Public Relations (PPR)

The Case for Planning Public Relations

THE RESEARCH FRAMEWORK FOR DETERMINING
PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR PLANNING . . .'. .

Hypotheses Advanced . . .,. . . .
Hypothesis 1 . . . . . . . . .
Hypothesis 2 . . . . . . . . .
Hypothesis 3 . . . . . . . . .
Hypothesis 4 . . . . . . . . . . .

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44

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Chapter

IV.

V.

Selection of Research Methods
Statistical Records . .
Direct Observation . . .-
Interview . . . . . . .
Questionnaire . . .«. .

The Principal Research Method . .

Objectives of the Research Method
Advanced Research . . . . . . .
Quantity and Quality of Planning
Relations . .-. . . . . . . .
Interest in Planning Public Relatio
Systemic Possibilities . . . .7.
Other Objectives . .-. . . . . .

Techniques of the Research Method
Sample Selection . . . . . . . .
Survey Construction . . . . . .

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A NATIONAL SURVEY OF PLANNING PUBLIC

RELATIONS o o o ‘ o o o o ‘ o o o o o o o o '

Survey Response . . . .
Agency Characteristics .
Context of PPR . . . . .
PPR Activities . . . . .
Service Activities ...
Research Activities . . .
Favored or Unique Techniques
Citizen Involvement (33)
Audio-Visual Aids (20) .
Mass Media (16) . . .
Services (6) . . . . .
Speeches (6) . . . . .
Unique Techniques (5)
Legislative Relationshi
Schools (3) . . . . .
Miscellaneous (4) . .
Comparison of Activities
Survey Summary . . . . . .

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SECONDARY RESEARCH METHOD: COMPARISON
PPR PUBLICATIONS . . . . . . . . . . .

Annual Reports . . .
Physical Format .
Factual'Material
Purpose . . . .
Receptivity . .

Primers . . .-. .

Special Studies
General Plans .
Policy Plans . . .

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108

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119
121

Chapter

Public Information Programs . .'. . .
smary o o o o o A o o o o o o o o o a

VI. RESEARCH ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS . . . .

Agency Change . . .-. . . . . . . . . .
Professional Change . . .-. . . . . .
Review of the Hypotheses and Objectives
Permanency . . .<. . . . . . . . . .
Improvement . . . . . . . . .
Consensus . . . . . . . . . .
Process . . . .7. . . .~. . .
Value of the Questionnaire . . .

VII: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF PPR
PROGRAMMING o o o o o o o o o ‘ o o o o o 0

Choosing the Right Technique
Audio-Visual Aids . . .
Group Interfaces .
Education . . . .

Youth . . . .
Adults . . . . .
Mass Media . . . .

Financing PPR . .

Organization of PPR
Decentralization .
Centralization . .
Mixed . . . . . .
Autonomy . . . . . . .
Collaborating Consultan
Staff Professional . .

Planning Public Relations P
Study Design . . . . . .
Local Goals and Policies
Technique Programming .
Follow-up Evaluation and
Study . . . . . . . . .
Process Summary . . . .-

Research . . . . . . . . .

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BIBLIOGMPHY O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O

APPENDICES o o o o o o o o o ’ o o o o o o o o o 0

vi

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11.

12.

13.
14.
15.
16.

LIST OF TABLES

Stratification of Sample by Population . .
Survey Response . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Comparison of Time and Money for PPR . . .
Policy Control over PPR . . . . . . . . . .
PPR Policy Priority Ratings . . . . . . . .
Rank Order of PPR Special Activities . . .

Rank Order of PPR Provisions for New Plan
Commission Members . . . . . . . . . . .

Rank Order of Interest Group Influence on
Planning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Major Restraints on PPR . . . . . . . . . .

Rank Order Importance of Methods for
Determining Planning Problems . .~. . . .

PPR In-Agency Training Program . . . ... .-

Rank Order Reliance on Planning Evaluation
TeChniqueS o o o o o o o o o o o o o c ' 0

Agency Self-Evaluation of PPR Effectiveness
Agency PPR Improvements Anticipated . . . .
Proposed Major PPR Objectives . . . . . . .

PPR Research by AIP . . . . . . . . . . . .

vii

Page
54
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67
70
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78

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84

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93

95
129
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135

138

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page
1. The Planning Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
2. Planning Public Relations Process . . . . . . . 174

3. Sample Return Distribution . . . . .-. . . . . 196

viii

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix Page

A. Geographic Distribution of Sample and
survey Returns 0 o ‘ o o o o 7 o o c o o o o o 196

B. NatiOnal survey Forms 0 o o o ‘0 o o o '0 o o o ' 198

ix

CHAPTER I
PUBLIC RELATIONS: AN ISSUE FOR THE

PLANNING PROFESSION

The work of planning for some professionals probably
seems to resemble most the work of "Madison Avenue" exper-
tise while for others, public relations has had little to
do with their view of operational planning. And yet most
planners have been legally charged with educating and
informing the public regarding planning matters.

There have been various external and internal re-
strictions on realizing this function. Some of the external
restraints include political power pulls, public ignorance
and apathy including the press at times, planning's tradi-
tional lack of authority, and the abstract quality of the
"product." More important from a position of change are
the internal restraints imposed by the profession. These
include the indecisive states of what a planner is, what he
does, what his basic planning principles, theoretical and
operational directives are, and the point where expertise
leaves off and policy planning, citizen involvement, and

any other form of nonprofessional participation begin.

In addition to the vacillatory manner in which the
legal directive of informing the public about the productive
activities of planning have been met, there appears to be a
reluctance to set ethical standards and operational guide
lines for enlightening the public about the planning pro-
fession. Image-making and the general notion of "pr" has a
record which spurs dubiety. But the increasing popularity
of urban planning can no longer allow its practicing members
to hide their heads in the sands of silent, unpublicized
and relatively unknown competence--if they wish to be rec-
ognized as a profession. These quandaries indeed make
public relations an issue for professional planning. Some
of their origins date back to the turn of the century.

An issue should be debated and that is the major
purpose of this thesis. To raise the platform, the history
of public relations will be revived and its legality brief-
ly reviewed. With this backing, the task of identifying
who planners will deve10p relationships with must be under—.
taken. Before attempting such a determination, public
relations must be examined for contextual and operational
meaning and a definitional base established as a point of
clarification.

To open the debate, an assessment of current con-
cepts and practices of public relations for planning (PPR)
should be made. Because it has not been done before, a

research framework is developed and carried out as the

major portion of this thesis. The principal method is a
national survey questionnaire. With information now avail-
able, analysis of the subject of PPR can begin. Based on
the findings from the survey and public relations literature
from other fields, some recommendations for change and
research are proffered to invite the imaginations and

skills of professional planners in a continuing discussion.
The challenging question begins with yesterday's impression

on today.

Legislative and Historical Beginnings of
Public Relations for Planning

Preceding and shaping the modern planning movement
were pressures for systematic physical reorganization and
social reform in nineteenth century American urban areas.
Although planning as a public or professional concept had
not yet developed, there were a few visionary giants who
saw it coming and urged its being. One of them was Horace
Bushnell who, in 1864, sincerely regretted the sacrifice
Americans were making in not deve10ping a "new city plan-
ning profession" to take advantage of the opportunity to
make a new world on "a clean map."l

Getting Americans to see this advantage for what it

could be did not really occur until 1893 when the

 

1Horace Bushnell, "City Plans," Work and Play (New
York: Charles Scribner, 1864), p. 376.

"designer-booster collaboration" in the "city beautiful"
movement sparkled at the Chicago world's fair. Daniel
Burnham's recorded remarks that, "Beauty has always paid

better than any other commodity,"2

and the profound dis-
plays were so convincing that visitors went home to plan
their own fairs and even partially rebuild their cities.
The infectiousness of beautiful ideas, aptly expressed
began the first public relations for planning.

The merger and promotion of physical, aesthetic and
social reform interests further resulted in a positive
ideological response whose "measurable results were basic
change in mood and a small but crucial reorganization of
mixed-enterprise democracy, which has since broadened in
scale if not purpose." The mood and the means were of
vital significance to the planning profession.3

For those political change agents who had fought
and brought state-legislated local government changes, such
as home rule, also brought in the first "expert planning
advisors" to lecture, show slides of actual planned work,

and, in some cases, survey or even plan their cities for

the overall purpose of "showing people how to rebuild

 

2John L. Hancock, "Planners in the Changing American
City, 1900-1940," Journal of the American Institute of
Planners, Vol. XXXIII, No. 5 (September, 1967), p. 293.

3

 

Ibid.

cities."4 This was probably the first consciously planned
program of public relations and it occurred in the "pro-
gressive era" of 1907-19 when the profession emerged.

A vehicle which promoted this emergence and formal-
ized it was the NCCP (National Conference on City Planning).
Reformers in architecture, conservation, engineering, gar-
dening, government, health, housing, landscape architecture,
law, philanthrophy, real estate, social work and other
fields convened in Washington for the first time in 1909.
NCCP became the chief forum for bringing the movement's
elements together and broadcasting them in its publications.
As Hancock notes, most importantly for the new profession,
NCCP's executive and program committees for subsequent
conferences were dominated by planners "who used this forum
to fashion their common social commitments and systematic
technical approaches into a viable pattern for urban
redevelopment."5

A systemization of the elements planners decided
should be a part of planning became known as "comprehensive
planning" and the first planning reports presenting these
elements as they pertained to a particular city were issued
in 1909. The most famous of these was that of Daniel

Burnham and Edward Bennett in their "magnificently rendered,

 

Ibid.

 

Ibid., p. 294.

vaguely regional" Plan of Chicago.6 While public informa—
tion, education or persuasion ("pr") did not become one of
the "elements" in the plans produced, they existed just as
much as those elements appearing before the eye on the
printed page.

In the case of the Chicago Plan, public relations
was evident on the printed page in the form of expansive
explanatory material. For example, the historical, natural
evolution of cities and their now logical need for a well-
ordered plan comprised the first two of eight chapters of
the Plan.‘ Before the plan was formalized, Chapter I states
that "during the years devoted to its preparation the plan
has had the benefit of varied and competent criticism."7

An acknowledgment is made of the power of the press
to this regard:

The newspapers and magazines, both at home and through—
out the country, united in commenting on and commending
the undertaking; and during the decade that has elapsed
since the plans (of the lake front scheme originating
from the world's fair) were first presented, the pro-
posed improvement has never been forgotten, but has
ever been looked upon as something sure to be accom-

plished. This was the beginning of a general plan for
the city.8

 

61bid., p. 295.

7Daniel H. Burnham and Edward H. Bennett, Plan of
Chicago (Chicago: The Commercial Club, 1908), p. .

81bid., p. 7.

In like manner, the authors relate their concern
for public scrutiny after the plan's inauguration, for
"the real test of this plan will be found in its applica—

tion" in the "determination of the peOple to secure more

perfect conditions."9

What other term would be more appropriate than
"promotion" or "public relations" for the inspiring final
paragraph of Chapter I of the Plan, quoted in part:

This-same spirit which carried out the Exposition in
such a manner as to make it a lasting credit to the
city is still the soul of Chicago, vital and dominant;
. . .-It finds the men,; it makes the occasion; it
attracts the sincere and unselfish; it vitalizes the
organization and impels it to reach heights not be-
lieved possible of attainment. This spirit still
exists. It-is present to-day among us. Indeed, it-
seems to gather force with the years and the opportu-
nities. It is even now impelling us to larger and
better achievements for the public good. It conceals
no private purpose, no hidden ends. This spirit--the
spirit of Chicago—-is our greatest asset. It is not
merely civic pride: it is rather the constant, steady
determination to bring about the very best conditions
of city life for all the pe0ple, with full knowledge
that what we as a people decide to do in the public
interest we can and surely will bring to pass.

While waving the flag is not as popular today, a
more current mode--but with as deadly an aim--can be
adapted in the telling of the story. For this Plan does
tell a story--no blunt, cold chapter headings and clipped

off paragraphs. While the story was, admittedly, vague

 

91bid., p. 2.

lOIbid., p. 8.

and the plan had little authorization to be implemented,
it did become a model of the times. But the public wasn't
buying anything so completely new so quickly.

Despite the need for more complete public author-
ization and more versatile and imaginative planner concep-
tualization by today's standards, plans and their planners
as an emerging profession took giant steps by 1919.11 The
interruptions of the war saw cities after the war which
had already begun planning become the quickest to resume
and expand it. More SOphistication and professionalization
crept into reports.

But the record and manner of "public acceptance in
the 1920's was no better or essentially different, however,
'official'." Approximately one-fifth of the one thousand
city planning, zoning and housing reports made in this
decade (three times as many as the preceding one) were

12 The

actually carried out to any significant degree.

"city practical" era was in and welfare or social reform

or any other "nonessential" elements were temporarily out.
In this mood legislation rose considerably and by

1935, every state had planning and zoning laws; and public

plan commissions (95% of them official) existed in all but

 

llHancock, Op. cit., p. 297.

lzIbid.

two of the larger cities of over 100,000 pOpulation by
1934. This move was primarily stimulated by the 1928
Standard City Planning Enabling Act.

Popularized in a practical era, the Act's contain-
ment of public relations items was not too prominent. One
item essential for public information was the stipulation
to keep "a public record" open to public scrutiny and con-

13

sideration of all planning transactions. But the most

significant recommendation was for a public hearing to be
held prior to any adoption, amendment, extension, or addi-
tion of the plan. The detailed footnotes accompanying this
Act attached at least two values of importance to the
public hearing:

One of these is that those who are or may be dissatis-
fied with the plan, for economic, sentimental, or other
reasons, will have the opportunity to present their
objections and thus get the satisfaction of having
their objections produce amendments which they desire,
or at least the feeling that their objections have been
given courteous and thorough consideration.

The other great value of the public hearing is:

. . . an educating force; that is, it draws the public's
attention to the plan, causes some members of the public
to examine it, to discuss it, to hear about it, and

gets publicity upon the plan and planning.14

 

13U. S. Department of Commerce, Advisory Committee
on City Planning and Zoning, Section 12, "Organization and
Rules," A Standard City Plannin Enabling Act (Washington:
Government Printing OffICe, 1928 , p.712.
l4Ibid., Section 8, "Procedure of Commission,"
p. 18.

10

Notice that not only was "publicity" being sug-
gested for the documented result of planning, it also was
being authorized for the very act of planning--a vital
inclusion for achieving public acceptance of professional—
ized planning.

The plan itself is to serve a public relations
function of promotion as charged in Section 7, "Purposes
in View." The plan is to "best promote health, safety,
morals, order, convenience, prOSperity, and general welfare
as well as efficiency and economy," through the "promotion"
of good civic design, wise expenditure of public funds,
etc.15

This Act established the trend for municipally
legislated planning functions. Model legislation for
larger areas, i.e., county, metropolitan or regional, and
state, was parallel in basic public relations content such
as holding public hearings, extending public education and
promoting the plan and planning. While the municipal leg-
islation urges that plans be made in consideration of the
environs, the model county, regional and state enabling
acts makes this concern more explicit.

For example, in the model county enabling act pro-
posed by Bassett and Williams, conferences with local

authorities in the county "from time to time" are made

 

15£§£§., Section 7, "Purposes in View," p. 17.

11

mandatory.16 And in their model state planning act, the

state planning commission is required to "secure the coop-
eration of adjacent states and of counties and municipali-
ties within the state in the coordination of their proposed
improvements" in the state master plan. And the commission
shall advise the legislature with respect to the formulation
of development programs as well as advise governing bodies
and plan commissions of counties and municipalities for
"the purpose of guiding and accomplishing" a coordinated
and harmonious development of the state.17
In the model state and regional planning law pro-
posed by the National Municipal League in 1954, the duties
of regional or metropolitan plan commissions include:
. . . to advise and supply information . . . to civic
groups and private persons and organizations who may
request such information or advice (and), . . . provide
information to officials of departments, agencies and
instrumentalities of state and local government, and
to the public at large.18
While there have been many improvements in planning

legislation since the model acts, an infinitesimal amount

has been devoted to public promotion and acceptance of

 

16Edward M. Bassett and Frank B. Williams, Model
Laws for Planning Cities! Counties, and States (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1935), p. 49.

17

 

Ibid. I Pp. 53-54.

18See Philip P. Green, Jr., Cases and Materials on
Plannin Law and Administratign_(Chapel Hill: University
of Nortg Carolina, 1962), pp. II-49-50.

 

12

planning and plans. With the firmly legislated "advisory"
restrictions placed on independent plan commissions and
their planners so that, among other things, they are on the
outside looking in at politics, persuasion as a profes-
sional tool should be nothing less than cardinal.

The legal and technical aids which have come to
professional planners have largely been designed to in-
crease professional competence. Silent competence while
perhaps winning merit badges from the few who "know"
doesn't have a flair for winning popularity contests. And
the motto practiced by most citizens is: "If you don't

understand it, OPPOSE IT!"19

Identifying the Publics of Planning

Facing the various publics with their various af-
fects and effects on local planning operations is a task
which can be pleasant, horrendous, rewarding, exhausting,
and at the same time, inspirational. For these adjectives
are descriptive of most human relationships.. Planning to
be meaningful and effective in its unique position of
change agent, positive force, and political inbetween,

must engage in a variety of different human relationships.

 

19Wilford G. Winholtz, "Planning and the Public,"
in William I. Goddman (ed.), Principles and_Practice of
Urban Planning (Washington: International City Managers'
Association, 1968), p. 565.

 

 

13

Because urban planning deals with the public both
on a grand scale and in smaller neighborhood dimensions, it
can not concentrate entirely on an intimate kind of human
relations. It must by sheer necessity develop a more in-
clusive, generalized policy but use particularized applica-
tions when appropriate. It is for this reason that the
interfaces of planning may appropriately be termed "public"
relations.

The process of development and implementation of
plans necessarily involves a host of various "publics."
They can be categorized as Government, Interest Groups and
Citizens either as individuals or en masse. A major in-
terest of this paper is to determine where the planner
receives his guidance and support for facing his "publics,"
whether his purpose is to satisfy, stimulate, activate or
whatever.

An authoritative source has been state enabling
legislation which contains directives to plan commissions
to promote public interest in and understanding of munic-
ipal planning. This functional requirement is specified
in the Michigan State Act, as one example, to encompass
the triad identified of government, interest groups and
citizens:

It shall be a part of its duties to consult and advise

with public officials and agencies, public utility*
companies, civic, educational, profesSional, and other

14
organizations and with citizens with relation to the
protecting or carrying out the plan.20

Aside from the authorization, pathetically little
has evolved to guide the professional in his relationships
with the "public" of Government. The relative newness of
the planning function within the governmental structure can
account for much of the confusion and inconsistency exper-
ienced between governmental planning divisions on a vertical
scale, i.e. federal-state-regional-local-neighborhood. It
is a lesser excuse at a horizontal scale, as between plan-
ning departments and agencies and other similar level gov-
ernmental units with their increased longevity. Proximity,
access and familiarity would seem to engender greater in-
terest in planning. Yet how many city halls contain em-
ployees of all ranks who still do not know what a compre-
hensive plan is or how their particular governmental
function relates to the planning process.

While it can be argued that this condition is due
to the laxity of central administration, e.g. the office of
the mayor or city manager, in not better coordinating
intergovernmental relationships, the point here is not who
is responsible, but that the consequences of misunderstand-

ing and wasted resources do occur to the detriment of urban

 

20State of Michigan, "City, Village and Municipal
Planning Commission Act 285 of the Michigan Public Acts of
1931 as Amended through December, 1966," Section 5.3001,
Michigan Statutes Annotated.

15

planning and to the community as a whole. The question of
responsibility is extremely important if a theory of cau-
sality and improvement is to be realized and this subject
will be explored in a later chapter.

An even more ignored topic in the professional
archives is how to best establish relationships with the
sundry Interest Groups comprising urban society. William

H. Whyte21

has indicated that America consistently has been
a nation of "joiners" and H. R. Mahood22 denotes the par-
ticipating influences of many of these groups on American
politics. With increasing sophistication, American society
has been able to encourage new voices to be heard. Witness
the advance of labor unions and now the poverty-stricken
and a new black identity in the political arena. This type
of participation, however, has been described by Gans as
"deprivation-oriented" wherein people participate while
they are deprived of something but cease to participate as
soon as the deprivation is removed or they become recon-

ciled to it.23

 

21William H. Whyte, The Organization Man (New York:
Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1957).

22H. R. Mahood, Pressure Groups in American Pol-
itics (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1967).

23Herbert J. Gans, "Political Participation and
Apathy," in Ph lon, The Atlanta University Review of Race
and Culture, 3rd quarter, 1952, pp. 185-191.

16

A resurgent nettling suggests that power is limited:
that where one group gains, another loses. Has-not the
gain of the "lower classes" been accompanied or accommodated
by a demise of the "upper classes" as a womb of comfort
invites increasingly more citizens to be drawn inward to
private reSponsibilities, ignoring the ugly uncomfortable-
ness outside? C. P. Snow, in a tour of the United States
and its North American and European ancestors in 1968,
found that people were pulling the curtains against the
street outside, as if in a state of siege.24

Snow's answer is "collaborative responsibility"
with strong reliance on intelligence, "the strength of the
species."25 To tap this resource, the public must be made
to understand the problems at hand. Hancock has already

captured this concept in a planning framework.26 But the

 

24C. P. Snow, The State of Siege (New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1969).

251bid., p. 42.

26Hancock interprets this term for planning in his
article, op. cit., p. 301 as follows: "Planning, the art
and science of environmental development, is a process in
which democratic choice can become meaningful, and capabil-
ity can approach desire by satisfying needs, amenities,
minimum standards for new communities in town and country-
side which preserve and extend the most desirable features
of each as appropriate to time and place.

"Such planning requires collaboration of trained
talent, coordination of means, continuing reallocation of
resources, full public empowerment and intelligent human
subscription--a slow and gradual process whose success
depends largely upon education to its human purposes--for
layman and planner alike. The planner's role herein is as

analyst, creative designer, critic, and coordinator, at the
very least."

17

problems at hand usually are short-term and therefore pol-
itically associated. Thus, an even greater effort will be
required to encourage a collaborative responsibility from
everyone for the long-term decisions.

That the plan commissions and their subsequent
staffs have attempted to remain apolitical since their
birth has no doubt alienated many groups. Further, it has
encouraged some to become more articulate and press for
more planning influence, as will be seen in the results of
a national survey in Chapter IV. The umbilical cord with
the past must be severed. Like it or not planning is pol-
itical and must operate offensively as well as defensively.
If such social trends as Snow suggests are occurring, it
behooves the planner to be cognizant of them and then to
map out a strategy, often politically dangerous. He must
take a stand if planning is to serve a useful place and
grow with a community.

Completing the triadic framework of the planning
publics is the Citizen. His behavior and attitudes will
reflect his social experiences in groups, but he still must
be considered as an individual because these experiences
overlap. Some will be complementary and this will rein-
force related views; others will conflict and require
separate approaches. In our individualistic society today,
it is not surprising that the Citizen more than the other
two categories of publics has received relatively more

attention in planning public relations.

18

The advent of this concern began with social reform
movements in the early 1900's and was reinforced by the
enabling acts which served to establish plan commissions.
Commissions increasingly have delegated their appointed
functions to fledgling, physically-oriented professionals.
This progression and the onslaught of urban renewal have
been two major deterrents to the development of a good
public communications system as part of the planning
process.

The cries of federal bulldozing and undemocratic
representation in urban decision-making27 eventually gained
responsive directives from the federal government to plan-
ning agencies not only to consider the interests of all
citizens in renewal activities, but more recently, to in-
volve the citizen in the planning process.28 Ignoring
these directives could evaporate the thirst-quenching
federal funds so needed by near-bankrupt municipalities.
The latest attempt at mass communication and community
understanding has been the 1969 directive from the Housing

and Urban Development Department in Washington to

 

27See, for example, Martin Anderson, The Federal
Bulldozer (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1964); also Jane
Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New
York: Alffed A. Knopf, Inc., 1961).

28Such directives have been issued in the Housing
Act of 1954, the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, and the
Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Act of 1966.

 

19

incorporate as part of any new "701" planning program an
"Information and Communication Plan" to be made as signif-
icant as the traditional Land Use Plan or Streets and
Highways Plan, etc.

That the citizen participation rage has passed its
idealistic phase is no secret to any planner. Many prob—
lems often linked in a chain fashion are occurring in those
planning areas actively involving citizens. One reaction
is to climb on the planning expertise wagon and retreat to
a more comfortable, physically-oriented kind of planning,
leaving social and political decisions to the politicians
and other influentials--or in the hands of more radical
militants. This tactic ignores the collaborate responsi-
bility the planner is endowed with and, more importantly,
ignores the problem. The fact that a new approach flounders
does not necessarily mean there is something wrong with the
basic principle: it could mean the best means for making
the principle operational is yet to be discovered. Enter

public relations customized for urban planning.

Determining Planning Relations
with Its Publics

29

While it is generally conceded that good rela-

tionships with the public are essential to plan

 

29This tendency will be noted in detail in Chapter
IV as a response to a large national survey regarding public
relations for planning. It is supported by the "Code of
Professional Conduct" of the American Institute of Planners
in Section I of their Handbook and Roster, 1968 (Washington:
American Institute of Planners, 1968), p. 30.

 

20

effectuation, the profession really has not provided its
practitioners with any basic assistance for developing
these relationships. This near vacuum can be observed by
the dearth of publications specifically written for plan-
ning public relations in establishing principles, suggest-
ing situational techniques or developing evaluative
procedures. Professional planning schools do not offer
coursework in this area. It would be interesting to learn
how many school administrators would encourage study in
this field as an outside elective without some concrete
directive from an official spokesman, e.g. the American
Institute of Planners, on the "place" of public relations
in planning or of communication and human relations studies
in the planning curriculum. Clarity of ethical and opera-
tional principles would seem to be in order.

If formal clarification has not been given aside
from the general provisions for plan promotion in the enab-
ling acts, a pertinent question arises: Is it a valid
concern to the profession? There are some prominent writers
who think so. From a utilitarian point of view, Edward J.
Milne wrote in 1949 that "understanding must precede accep-
tance" of any planning program.30 More explicitly, Wilford

G. Winholtz writes in 1968:

 

30Edward J. Milne, "The Press Medium," Plannin
1949 (Chicago: American Society of Planning Off1c1als,
1949), p. 146.

21

Local planning, although basically a technical process,
depends in large part for its effectiveness on the
attention paid to its relations with the public. . . .
many valid and sound plans have died at birth onl
because of the way in which they were delivered.3¥

In addition to the probable functional advancements
to planning that a public relations program could bring,
Winholtz feels it could serve to strengthen the American
political tradition--in having elected and appointed offi-
cials together with civic organizations review prospective
plans and encouraging citizen involvement through public
hearings in the old town meeting fashion.

While Winholtz keenly cites two valid concerns of
the profession, i.e. effectiveness and democracy, he offers
little beyond the generalities of how these goals are to be
achieved. Urban society has become too big, too complex,
too apathetic to be accommodated through either a one-time
town meeting/public hearing or through nonspecialized mass
media.

On a more pragmatic level, Harold V. Miller exhorts
that planners had better be able to "talk folks' language
if you expect them to accept you, understand you, and wind

up on your side."32 For example, if a political machine not

interested in planning dominates a community, the planner

 

31Winholtz, op. cit., p. 564.

32Harold V. Miller, "What the Planning Director
Expects," Planning 1949 (Chicago: American Society of
Planning Officials, 1949), p. 168.

 

22

might be able to whip it by a frontal attack. On the other
hand, chances are he would get farther and have fewer scars
if he simply showed a few thoughtful citizens33 what could
be gained through planning if . . . and let the seed ger-
minate until it crowded out the entrenched roots of the
past.

Following this line of thought is a current research
project being conducted at the University of Michigan. The
subject is how to improve communication between the public
and government agencies involved in water resource develOp-
ment planning for the Susquehanna River Basin.; The course
is to determine the degree of knowledge and types of atti-
tudes that community Opinion leaders have about water

development problems and solutions. The "influentials"

will be approached from a combined "positional-decisional-
34

reputational" approach. The underlying philosophy would

seem to support a representational democracy versus total

and direct citizen involvement in planning affairs.
Planning relations with the total public are of

high importance to Canadians. They attempt to interest

and involve every citizen, including influentials and

 

331bid.

34Thomas-E. Borton, J. William Wenrich, et_al.,
"Abstract:. Public Participation in Development PIafifiing
for the Susquehanna River Basin," a mimeographed paper from
the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, September
23, 1968.

23

their program has received one of the most successful
meters of our society--funding. Canadians have had a gov-
ernment-financed citizen association--the Community Planning
Association of Canada--since 1946. It was formed by prac-
titioners in city planning, architecture and engineering.
These professionals did not subscribe to the theory of some
to "Leave it to us; we know what is good for people."35
The Association practices what-it preaches by
studying various planning proposals at local branch and
Provincial division levels, crystallizing their expressions
before the local public as well as through the national
monthly bulletin printed in both English and French, and in
national conferences.. The branches and divisions have
subsequently been successful in supporting campaigns for
changes in planning legislation, for increases in local
planning budgets and for strengthening of planning staffs.
Other planners have written in recent times on more
specific aspects of public relations although none have
taken off from or zeroed in on any basic principles for the
profession to follow. At the base of all these expressed
interests must come some established ethics, objectives and
acceptable means or the profession will continue to take an

uncertain circular route as only specific interests are

parlayed.

35Alan H. Armstrong, "Planning in Canada," Plannin

1949 (Chicago: American Society of Planning Officials,
I949), p. 192.

.0”
v-V

.
re
and

1
I“ '1
air-l

can

.1:

"GI

 

24

Examples have been the discussions of advocacy

planning by Paul Davidoff and Alan S. Kravitz,36 of par-

ticipatory democracy by Aaron Levine and James Q. Wilson,37

of a more representative government by Walter Hahn, Jr.,38

and of public attitude and opinion studies by Gadschalk
and Mills.39
Regarding this movement toward involvement, a
student of American politics, David Riesman, has suggested
that:
If it were widely recognized that not all peOple in a
democracy need concern themselves continuously with

public affairs . . . but that all should have a "right
of veto" of which to make sparing residual exercise,

 

36See Paul Davidoff, "Advocacy and Pluralism in
Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Planners,
Vol. XXXI, No. 4 (November 1965), pp. 331-338; see also
Alan S. Kravitz, “Advocacy and Beyond," Plgnning 1968
(Chicago: American Society of Planning Officials, 1968),
pp. 38-46.

 

37See, for example, Aaron Levine, "Opportunities
for Community Relations," Plannin 1963 (Chicago: American
Society of Planning OfficiaIs, I963), pp. 259-266; and also
James Q. Wilson, "Planning and Politics: Citizen Partic-
ipation in Urban Renewal," in Hans B. C. Spiegel (ed.),
Citizen Partigipation in Urban Development, Volume I -
Concepts and Issues (Washington: Center for Community
Affairs, NTL Institute for Applied Behavioral Science,
1968). PP. 43-60.

38Refer to Walter Hahn, Jr., "The Planning Process
Takes a New Form,“ Planning 1968 (Chicago:. American Soci-
ety of Planning Officials, I968Y, pp. 46-51.

39See David R. Godschalk and William E. Mills, "A
Collaborative Approach to Planning Through Urban Activities,"
Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXXII,
No. 2 (March 1966), p.i88; and MeI J. Rav1tz, "Use of the
Attitude Survey in Neighborhood Planning," Journal of the
American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXIII, No. 4 (FaII,
1957). PP. 179-183.

 

 

25

they might more readily agree to comply with the minimal
demands for information and participation that such a
veto would need for its effectiveness. And with pol—
itics no longer regarded as a continuousduty6 peOple
might feel less re31stance to part1C1pation.
Such an approach as analyzed by Gans implies that planning
could better employ energy now Spent in pursuing "the
mirage of active participation by the rank and file."41
The facts of life of political participation imply that
planners, for the most part, must deal with the "reward-
oriented" type of participators--the politicians42 and,
therefore, more emphasis must be placed on the political
role of the planner.,
Another view on the validity of public relations in
planning is presented by Norman Beckman.- He states that
the planner's role is that of a bureaucrat or public em-,
ployee. In a bureaucracy, ultimate authority is vested in
the voter which is tentatively entrusted to politicians.
Influence on public policy can be achieved within a bureauc-

racy by planners only through competence. The planner's

power is the power of the idea and his role is

 

40David Riesman, "Individualism Reconsidered," in
Religious Faith and World Culture, a symposium edited by
A. William Loos, New York, 1951, pp. 61-77. Reference is
also made to The Lonely Crowd (1950) and Faces in the Crowd
(1952) both published by the Yale University Press, New
Haven.

 

 

41Herbert J. Gans, "Planning and Political Partic-
ipation," Journal of the American Institute of Planners,
Vol. XIX, No. 1 (Winter 1953), p. 8.

42

 

Ibid., p. 9.

26

persuasion.43 This approach certainly suggests an image-
making public relations program if earned competence is to
truly be known by the public. It also suggests working
with instead of against the rather permanent bureaucratic
state of planning for which a generalized format of public
relations policies and methods would be helpful.

In contrast, Robert C. Hoover44 philosOphizes that
planning partakes of the personal inward views of those who
plan and valid planning emphasizes variety and differentia-
tion over specialization and standardization. Hoover sees
two planning images competing for professional commitment:
the PhilOBOpher-King which discourages the creation of
responsible publics and is implemented through force and
fraud; and the Judeo-Christian Suffering Servant which is
fed by and exudes love but can never be successful due to
the fallibility of man. Hoover advocates the servant
planner who is always working himself out of a job because
only in losing his professional identity can he have any
hope of finding it.

This is a thoughtful, moralistic image proposal

which is very unrealistic, however sound its basic premise

 

43Norman Beckman, "The Planner as a Bureaucrat,"

Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXX,
No. 4 (November 1964), pp. 323-3277

44Robert C. Hoover, "A View of Ethics and Planning,"
Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXVII,
No. 4 (November 1961), pp. 293-304.

27

of differentiation is. The moral conditions of our society
lean more toward the PhilOSOpher-King candidate and those
planners not armed with some of his technique will fall
flat on their faces. An experienced newspaperman has
warned planners not to let reporters catch them "turning
the other cheek too often, giving too much ground," espec—
ially in smalltime zoning and property cases. A reporter
may never live long enough to see the results of a more
meritorious production such as a master plan, but he will

report on the things happening today as they are.45

If
planners do not consciously develop their rightful image of
competency, they will in the long run be unable to attempt
the loving kind of relationship Hoover speaks of for public
betterment. Planners cannot remake the world they live in:
they can remodel significant portions with positive infec-
tious results.

The confusion of roles and images is symptomatic of
nondelineated professional ideals, ethics, principles,
theories, practices. What does the planner do in his
public relationships with so many kaleidosc0pic possibil-
ities? It must be obvious by now that he develops his own
brand. In so doing, is there any identifiable consensus

among planners in their activities? The curiosity and

Concern for answers to these questions led to the

 

45Milne, op. cit., p. 147.

28

conducting of a national survey which will be presented in
Chapter IV.

Before uncovering the existing nature and extent of
planning public relations, the significance of the term

"public relations" will be examined in Chapter II.

CHAPTER II

PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR PLANNING

The nebulous role of the planner and his newness of
status as depicted in Chapter I have slowed the introduction
of a clear-cut public relations policy for the profession.-
Indecisiveness is not characteristic of planning alone:
public relations, another important factor in contemporary
decision-making, also is in a fluid state of defining
itself. In considering the two together, a point of begin-
ning would seem to be the edification of what public rela-
tions appears to be, what it has been and what it could be
for urban planning. Knowledge of this tool could then lead
to a conception of the need for public relations. The
national survey to be presented in Chapter IV will indicate
some boundaries presently placed by planners on the need

for and actual use of this tool.

The Qualities of Public Relations

The qualities of public relations induce both neg-
ative and positive reactions in their discussion. Much of
the negativism has been due to a heritage of differentiated

use. For example, there has always been a great difference

29

30

between the publicity efforts of American politicians who
were interested in creating favorable public opinion because
it mattered at the polls, and the press-agentry of showmen
who have been interested in any kind of public notice (par-
ticularly the more prominent, delightfully bad notices)
because it pays off at the box office. And in the days of
the muckrakers, an "out" for those attacked who could not
silence their attackers, was to whitewash.l

Times change, concepts change and communication
needs change. In government, particularly, communication
with and cooperation from citizens is essential for sus-
taining a democracy. While some goals may be obtained by
force, such as urban renewal, much greater success depends
upon understanding and cooperation. This requires a suit-
able public relations program.

Finding a "suitable" kind of public relations is no
easy chore because it involves basic ethical principles.
The study of certain distinct qualities of public relations
may be helpful in completing this search.

Understanding and Goodwill.--Public relations as
defined by Webster and commonly thought of is "the art or

science of developing reciprocal understanding and goodwill

 

1John E. Marston, The Nature of Public Relations
(New York: McGraw-Hill 300? Company, Inc., 1963), pp.
15-240

31

between a person, firm, or institution and the public," and
is "the degree of understanding and goodwill achieved."2
Influence and Persuasion.--Marston defines public
relations as "planned, persuasive communication designed
to influence significant publics."3 Similarly but with a
human relations twist is the definition offered by Cutlip
and Center: "the public relations function is the planned
effort to influence opinion through acceptable performance
and two—way communication."4
A deflation of the term occurs when it is used as
a handy synonym for some of its functional parts, such as
advertising or publicity. It is here that public relations,
whether fairly or unfairly, receives its "Madison Avenue"
press-agentry connotation. A similar injustice but in the
opposite direction occurs when the term is expanded and
equated with "human engineering" or "social engineering."
As Cutler and Center put it, this is "akin to fencing in

the moon."5

 

2Webster' 3 Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary
(Springfield: G. & C. Merriam Company, Publishers, 1963),
p. 690.

3Marston, op. cit., p. 3.

4Scott M. Cutlip and Allen H. Center, Effective
Public Relations (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-HaII, Inc.,
1958), p. 3.

sIbid., p. 5.

32

Management.--A more specific type of definition has

 

evolved from business management wherein modern public

 

relations is construed to mean "a planned program of pol-

icies and conduct that will build public confidence and

 

increase public understanding."6 (italics theirs)

 

Although some proclaim two-way communication, all
of these definitions essentially are one-way channeled:
from the seller to the potential buyer. In planning as in
other government services-~whether they be administrative,
health, welfare, recreational--the public to be served may
want an opportunity to get its ideas across, too. Both
forces of expression are needed if true communication is to
be realized and concordant programs designed.

Information, Education, Communication.--If public
relations for planning is conceived of as being a two-way
process, if its role is to be one of both learning and
teaching for both planner and public, the term "public
relations" may be inapprOpriate and not inclusive enough.
This may be a valid argument in light of the dubious image
"public relations" seems to conjure up for many people.

Human Relations.--"Human relations" can be inter—

preted either too broadly or too individually as explained

 

6Desmond L. Anderson (ed.), Municipal Public Rela-
tions (Chicago: International City Managers' Association,
, p. 16 as taken from J. Handly Wright and Byron H.
Christian, Ppblic!Relations in Management (New York:
McGraw-Hill 306k Co., 1949), p. 3.

 

33

in Chapter I. It tends to focus more on the social science
side of planning to the neglect of its essential, technical
expertise characteristics. While it may lead to a build-up
of trust--one of the goals planning public relations should
consider, that trust must be firmly established on compe-
tence of delivery.

Canfield states the problem of human_relationships
as "reconciling the attitudes, temperaments, and points of
View of peOple," which is one of the "most delicate, diffi—
cult, and important" problems confronting the human race.7
The attempts to solve this complexity have left a confusion
of terminology. The broader and more inclusive term of
"public relations" is preferred by Canfield with this
interpretation:

the development of attitudes and understanding in.
people that will cause them to reconcile their views.
with those of other persons with whom they come in
contact.8
This broad construction is also favored by James L.AMcCamy.9
The problem of building good relationships with

people for a professional organization, just as for business

or social organizations, is that it should involve every

 

7Bertrand R. Canfield, Public Relations: Principles
and Problems (Homewood: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1954),

p. v.:

 

81bid.

9See-JamesL. McCamy, Government Publicity (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1939).

34

aspect of modern economic, social and political life. Rex

F. Harlow10

eXpands this involvement even further to include
the social sciences of economics, sociology, psychology,
political science, history and philosophy. Obviously, no
individual or vocation can be expected to be so broadly
trained.. The dilemma exists because these and other in-
terests Q2 compose the planning environment and influence

the planning public.

A New Term.--Americans are besieged by the New.

 

There may be merit in keeping the old and sprucing it up a
bit. Note the revived interest in furniture of an antique
era, of clothing of the 1890's and 1930's, of entertainment
of the 1920's. Might a public relations program be planned
ahead enough to experience the advances in educational
standards and subsequent higher intelligence and thus pro-
mote a "collaborative responsibility"? It could spread to
other areas of concern for a continuing civilization.

One major professional field perhaps more socially
aware than urban planning has retained the term "public
relations.“ The expectation is to teach as well as to
persuade or sell. This is the program adOpted by National
Health and Welfare Service professionals who have their own
National Public Relations Council which provides publica-

tions and services to all members.

 

10Rex F. Harlow, "Public Relations at the Cross-
roads," Public Opinion Quarterly, Winter, 1944-45, p. 554.

 

35

A new and fresh term with an individualized def-
inition may be the answer for planning. The task of
getting that term across to the public as correctly and as
fluently as possible, however, might be more difficult than
improving the acceptability of the old term.

Planninngublic Relations (PPR).--The possibilities

 

for accepting "public relations" might be enhanced if cer-
tain objectives were proffered: (l) gaining public accep-
tance of planning through information, education, persua-
sion, influence ("selling" if you must); (2) establishing
an image of competence and recognition of the planning
profession (understanding and goodwill); and (3) achieving
reciprocity of learning and teaching (communication and
human relations) between planners and their publics.

While these three general purposes may not be
agreed upon by the profession in its entirety, they offer
a platform from which discussion and agreement can begin.
This initiating step is.one of the prime reasons for this
research effort.

Until another term is chosen or public relations
is accepted, Planning Public Relations (PPR) will be used

in this research project.

The Case for Planning Public Relations

Various qualities of public relations have been

presented for examination. Many if not all can play a

36

part in a definition of public relations for planning.
Before completing the examination and making a selection,
some of the possible needs for a public relations program
should be considered.

At the head of the list by virtue of its longevity
as well as its being a public ideal is the instruction,
through the enabling acts, to inform and educate the public
concerning the master plan. Associated with the enabling
acts is the theory that urban planning should be advisory
in nature.

What must be considered is how much weight advisory
recommendations are to carry: should they simply be pre-
sented? should they be given a hard-sell approach due to
circumstances such as a dire need in the community for
their approval? A planned public relations program could
strengthen the advisory status of most agencies and com-
missions. It could also provide an alternative to a direct
association with management (e.g. the mayor or city manager)
in retaining planning as a staff function but with a def-
inite image before the public.

From the standpoint of administration, it must be
realized that any public relations model which exists to
explain relationships in a governmental social system must
be predicated on (a) the relationship of public relations

to the decision process, and (b) the inseparability of

37

public relations from the politics of government.11 The

extent of public relations for planning purposes, therefore,
cannot be divorced from local politics._ It should not sup-
plant administrative-political public relations, nor should
it necessarily whole—heartedly support them. Here is where
ethical standards would be of some assistance in determining
the "stand" a public relations program for planning would
take, although the intuitive judgment of the planner would
still probably be required in the final analysis.

Of major importance in the decision-making process
and subscribed to in the American Institute of Planners

(AIP) Code of Professional Conduct12

is acting in the
"public interest." Without launching a separate disserta-
tion, it can be said that this concept is an illusive
butterfly. Its consideration, however, is necessary for
establishing boundaries in a public relations program.
According to Meyerson and Banfield, a decision is
said to serve "special interests if it furthers the ends of

some part of the public at the expense of the ends of the

larger public," while it is in the "public interest_if it

 

serves the ends of the whole public rather than those of

 

llAnderson, op. cit., p. 18.

12American Institute of Planners, Handbook and
Roster 1968 (Washington: American Institute of PIanners,
1968), p. 30.

38

some sector of the public."13

This position could be
proven invalid if the "concessions" to blacks in our inner
city projects, made to repair societal injustices and/or
prevent rioting, were said to be serving "special interests."
When the scale is tipped so far, it swings back with a
socking, accelerating force. When this is permitted to
happen as it has in some cities, the whole public conceiv-
ably suffers in some manner.

A further expansion would be to say there is pp
public interest; only many individual interests which con—
flict or complement. And only when individual interests
seriously affect the continuance of a society or its ad-
vancement as agreed on by that society might the issue of
"public interest" arise.-

While institutional change may be the best solution
for many "public interest" problems, it takes too long for
today's complex crises. This factor of delay partially-
explains the prevalence of reactionary groups and demon-
strators in urban communities. Two-way communication lines
can serve to ease the strain, speed.up the change process
and make possible more meaningful long-range institutional
results--including changes in the institution of urban

planning.

 

l3Martin Meyerson and Edward C. Banfield, Politics,
Plannin , and the Ppblic Interest (New York: The Free
Press, I955), pp. 322-329.

39

This brief discussion of the public interest sug-
gests two things to the planner, acting as a public servant
and change agent, in his public relations approach. One is
that he should keep his ear to the ground and out of the
clouds with the public for whom he is planning. Frank
Bennett, former Detroit planner and now Director of the
Wayne County Planning Commission in Michigan, recently
expounded that planners need to develop more Sensitivity,
Insight and Sincerity of Concern. Aside from classroom
education or on—the-job training, planners need to "mingle,"
to experience in every sense of the word the environment
for which they are planning.14

A second point is that the planner should also keep
in touch with other specialized disciplines to get the best
of their knowledge, their vieWpoints, and their appraisals
of local conditions.-

From the other side of the planner-public communi-
cation linkage, Sallie E. Bright writes:

The extent to which any organization will be permitted
to serve the community depends directly on how much
people understand and how they feel about the needs it

is attempting to meet, about the methods it is using to
meet them, and about the quality of its performance.

 

 

14Francis P. Bennett, Director, Wayne County Plan-
ning Commission, in a talk May 6, 1969 at Michigan State
University's School of Urban Planning, East Lansing,
Michigan.

15Sallie E. Bright, Public Relations Programs (New
York: National Publicity Council for Health and Welfare
Services, Inc., 1950), p. 3.

 

40

All this despite the fact that most people do not get
interested in planning matters until it affects their
neighborhood, their block, their house. Even so, at least
planners can be ready £p£_them. A public relations program
is not a "frill" to be indulged in when and if.there is
spare time. "It advances the movement you believe in."16
What Charles E. Wilson, former president of General
Electric, said of business could be said of planning:
"What the public thinks about any business has always been
important. The new factor is that more of us businessmen

admit it."17

Before "admitting it," planners may well ask:
Is it really important that everybody know what planning is
or how they relate to it to be Operating in the public
interest? Do people have access to such information in
other public professions? Wouldn't it be wiser to simply
"be there" when called upon?

There are, of course, advantages and disadvantages
to silence as well as to exposure. Exposure can mean
brickbats as well as applause. If planners are to take
their Code of Professional Conduct seriously when it says
that professional planning demands "the highest values of

18

social consciousness," they will seek means to better

 

l6Ibid.

17Canfield, op. cit., p. 3.

18American Institute of Planners, op. cit.

41

relate to their publics rather than trying to not see what
they wish would go away. Aptly expressed by Hughes Mearns:
As I was walking up the stair,
I met a man who wasn't there.

He wasn't there again today.
I wish, I wish he'd stay away.

19

Ignoring a problem can breed traps. While planning
enlightenment cannot be completely equated with sex educa-
tion, both have suffered social and economic consequences
from their low exposure level.‘ Cities will continue to
fall apart unless the pOpulace demands a better way.

People must see some hope before they will be bothered
enough to push their congressmen into action for more city
funding. Just as reproduction and illegitimacy rates and
the broken lives resulting from them can be expected to
continue unless some basic facts are understood and
promoted.

Planners preferring to keep a silent image for fear
of taking a tiger by the tail might consider the theories
of social conflict advanced by Simmel. One proposition is
that conflict, a natural human phenomenon, creates associa—
tions and coalitions in a unifying force between previously

20

unrelated parties. When, for example, the various

 

19Hughes-Mearns as quoted by Nathan Wright, Jr.,
in Black Power and Urban Unrest (New York: Hawthorn Books,
Inc., 1968), p. 163.

20See Lewis Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict
(New York: The Free Press, 1956), pp. 139-149.

42

voluntary associations which have always been the structure
of American society fail to materialize or to confront each
other, the planner's role in recommending acceptable alter-
natives for planning decision-making will become consid-
erably more difficult.

A second proposition, on the other hand, is-that
social conflict establishes and maintains balance of power;
that the most effective deterrent to conflict is the rev-
elation of comparative strength, often only possible through

conflict.21

Note again the "concessions" to blacks in
urban areas and universities: when over 300 years of
ethical and legal mechanisms for the adjudication and ad-
justment of their rival claims fell on deaf ears and un-
seeing eyes, confrontation apparently was all that was left.
Such confrontations may keep the planner from interferring
in issues of misallocation and perhaps losing a position in
which he might be of longer range assistance in matters
previously swept under the rug. Or, he may decide the only
way for him to act is to become socially or politically
involved.

There is no pat answer, Of course.~ The alternatives
should be weighed and judiciously selected--based on some

form of ethical standards and professional directives. At

its best, public relations:

 

ZlIbid., pp. 133-137.

43

Can build bridges of understanding between hostile
groups; create a climate of understanding, if not
always a basis for agreement, and ensure a measure of
progress despite divergent forces. .-. .(It) can light
the way and be a catalyst for constructive action.2
At its worst, the Director of Public Information
for the U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare,
continues, public relations:
Can obscure issues, serve as a mouthpiece for doubtful
causes, build facades around problems that need solving,
and evidence more concern about pronouncements than
accomplishments.23
Public relations for public service organizations
should not be the business of flashy techniques. It should
be the business of "thoughtful analysis, sound judgement,
good taste and a constant concern for the public interest."
To do this, Director Spitzer recommends professional public
relations counselors who are a part of the organizations

24 Their

they serve and who have a voice in policy-making.
most effective tools will be "candor and realism" for they
will save time, effort, and money and lead to the truth of
urban problems and their solutions:
Truth is stronger than all other persuasions. It en-
dures heat. It is strengthened by passing debate. It-

needs only constant exposure. Providing that exposure
is public relations at its best.25

 

22Carlton Spitzer, "Public Relations at Its Best,"
D namic Public Relations and Communications, Report of the
1967 National Public Relations Institute7f3r Non-Profit
Organizations (New York: National Public Relations Council
of Health and Welfare Services, Inc., 1967), p.-20.

23

 

Ibid.

24Ibid., p. 21.

251bid., p. 26.

CHAPTER III

THE RESEARCH FRAMEWORK FOR DETERMINING

PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR PLANNING

Public relations is a rather under-studied area in
urban planning research. What is discussed in publications
and at conferences relating to public relations for planning
has been borrowed from other disciplines, namely business,
marketing, communications and social services. Adaptation
of knowledge is typical of the planning profession as it
seeks to improve upon the general state of knowledge and
distinguish its own body of knowledge.

Because social answers have been demanded of prac-
ticing planners before the profession had a chance to
develop its unique curriculum, much has been gained by
empiricism. Because public relations by very nature is an
interpersonal experience, much of its existence appears to
depend on the individual planner and on the particular
moment or circumstance.

How much can be "taught" may rely on the innate
qualities or unique experiences of a planner. In this
contention, public relations is no different than most

characteristics of planning. An element of personal

44

45

experience does seem to be germane and is the reason why
the major research method for this thesis is devoted to
ascertaining the degrees to which planning practitioners
actually use or think of using public relations in their

planning Operations.

Hypotheses Advanced

While various sources refer to public relations
undertaken by professional planners, they usually assume
that all planning organizations engage in PR activities.

NO facts have been found which substantiate this assumption.
It will be tested in Hypothesis 1.

Hypothesis l.--Public relations for urban planning

 

does exist in all public urban planning agencies. (The use
of "public" and "agencies" as Opposed to the more inclusive
"private and public" or "organizations," or the less in-
clusive "private" or "plan commission" or any other terms
will be explained in the next section, "The Principal
Research Method.") Building on Hypothesis 1 are the as—
pirations of Hypotheses 2, 3 and 4.

Hypothesis 2.--There is room for improvement in
both the quantity-and the quality Of existing public rela-
tions for urban planning.

Hypothesis 3.--A consensus of values, techniques

 

and philosophy of expansion for public relations in pro-

fessional planning is possible.

46

Hypothesis 4.--A Planning Public Relations Process

 

(PPRP) similar to the general planning process is a possible

implementation of the profession of urban planning.

Selection of Research Methods

Testing these hypotheses requires a general report
of public relations for planning. As has been stated, none
is available; therefore, one must be developed. Alternative
research methods for this development which can accommodate
the social relationship base of the hypotheses will be
examined., They include the interview, the questionnaire,
direct Observation, and statistical records.

Statistical Records.--Statistical records on public
relations for planning were not found. While raw data on
agency types, personnel, educational background, budgeting,
etc., may be gained from the American Institute of Planners
(AIP) or the American Society of Planning Officials (ASPO),
no sources were discovered which offered cross-related data
or distinct public relations categories which could lend
perception to their significance to public relations for
urban planning.

The Municipal Year Books produced by the Interna-
tional City Managers' Association are another source of
raw data. They carry a regular section on municipal public

relations but nothing specific to PPR. In the 1967

47

edition, a survey of public relations practices in United
States cities over 10,000 population was presented.1

The survey resulted in responses from 885 cities
who acknowledged that they had some public relations ac-
tivities in 1966, although according to the source, "Every
city has it (public relations) even if they won't admit
it."2 The subject area of this survey included public
relations activities, total amount spent on public relations
activities, public relations organization, personal or
organizational responsibility for public relations activ-
ities, and evaluation of effectiveness of public relations
programs.

While the information gathered did not specifically
pertain to planning, its format was useful in formulating
the principal research method used for this research
project.

Direct Observation.-—A second alternative to be

considered is direct observation. This method would def-

initely give a more first-hand accounting of and insight

 

1See "Municipal Public Relations in 1966," pp. 242—
275 in The Municipal Year Book, 1967 (Chicago: Interna-
tional City Managers' Association, 1967). The 885 city
sample ranked four public relations objectives in order of
their importance in 1966 as follows: (1) to serve the
public via information, handling requests and complaints;
(2) to publicize city activities, programs; (3) to create
goodwill for the city in the community; and (4) to persuade
the public to support city programs (p. 242).

21bid., p. 242.

48

into planning public relations. Yet it could only be con-
sidered situational without statistical records of "like"
agencies which would lend comparison and generalization
qualities. It would also be a very cumbersome as well as
long range project, if the best attributes of empirical
study were to be attained.

Interview.--A more expeditious method which would

 

permit a higher percentage of comparison is the interview.
Here again, without a statistical framework for comparison,
the interview would have to be considered as a case study,
not to be used for generalization of the profession as a
whole. Because it does permit a more personalized source
Of information, its use as an intensive follow-up procedure
to check on the validity Of this research study is highly
recommended.

Questionnaire.--The method remaining is the ques-

 

tionnaire. To get a true representation of the profession
in view of the lack of statistical data, and the time and
funds limiting this total research effort, a national
survey is prOposed. The standardized wording, ordering of
questions and instructions lend an impersonal nature to the
research.

Standardization ensures some uniformity from one
measurement situation to another, provided the person to
whom the questionnaire is directed either answers it himself

or checks the responses made by others before it is mailed.

49

Standardization may provide a consensus of opinion or prac-
tices; however, its lack of flexibility may only feign
uniformity since there is no opportunity to interpret a
question or eliminate confusion which puzzles a respondent.3

Respondents may experience greater confidence in
the anonymity Of a questionnaire and thus feel freer to
express views on public relations that might "get them into
trouble" if their identity were known.4 On the other hand,
anonymity and standardization may divert from the truth on
issues inducing emotional responses.

The factor of time may be a positive feature of the
questionnaire in that the respondent can consider each
point carefully, rather than replying with the first thought
that comes to mind or feeling it socially necessary to fill
silences as in an interview, for example.

Weighing the advantages and disadvantages of this
technique alongside the Objectives of the total research
effort resulted in the selection of the questionnaire as
the principal research method to be used. Allowances for
disadvantages will be attempted in the analysis of the

results.

 

3See "Comparisons of Interview and Questionnaire,"
in Research Methods in Social Relations by Claire Selltiz,
et al. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1959),
pp. 238-243.

4Ibid., p. 240.

50
The Principal Research Method

Objectives of the Research Method

Expansion of the four hypotheses to be tested sug-
gests the following subsets of objectives:

Advanced Research.--A prime Objective is to advance
the theory of knowledge concerning public relations as it
relates to urban planning. There is no pretense that this
one small effort can hOpe to achieve much of this Objective.
What is hoped is that some basic insights from the survey
technique can be gained to strengthen or encourage further
study in this area, starting from the empirical reality of
a proven hypothesis that public relations is being used--
whether consciously, consistently, by design or-intuition.

gpantitypand anlity of Planning Public Relations.--
A second objective is to acknowledge the context in which
public relations operates, that is, vital statistics sup-
porting the planning Operation, and the environment invest-
ing public relations.

A third objective is to seek the extent to which
public relations is being practiced with the related Ob-
jective of examining the types or qualities practiced.

Interest in Plannipg Public Relations (PPR).--A
fifth Objective is to determine how much interest there is
in this topic. The measure of this interest could be the
response received, whether of negative, neutral or positive

characteristics.

51

Related to this Objective is that of noting the
qualitative characteristics of the response and attempting
to find a pattern. Any pattern might be helpful in pursuing
more specific research areas of the topic or perhaps in
redesigning the research tool itself for further use. The
response also might serve as an inducement to involve other
researchers or the AIP.

An ultimate Objective is to study why public rela-
tions takes the approaches it appears to be taking, i.e.
basic or altered motivation patterns, extenuating circum—
stances, or external influences. Coupled with this objec-
tive would be an attempt to evaluate the approaches.

A further objective is to elicit the progressive
thoughts of practitioners on the subject of PPR.

Systemic Possibilities.--Another main objective is
to test the hypothesis that a PPR Process similar to the
planning process could be developed to lend structure,
purpose and direction to public relations in planning.

Other Objective§.--A methodological objective is to
limit the inquiry to a manageable and analogous scope.

Secondary research partially served by this re—
search method inserts the objective of obtaining actual
samples of public relations work. This effort will be

examined in Chapter V.

52

Techniques of the Research Method

 

The method selected for the primary research into
PPR is a national survey Of local planning agencies. The
vehicle is a written questionnaire mailed to a sample of
agency directors.

§gmple Selection.--To realize the methodological
objective of keeping the research method manageable and
analogous in scope, it was decided to survey only local
public planning agencies. It was felt that the type of
public relations engaged in for regional, county, state or
federal planning purposes would necessarily vary due to
differences in intent, plans and programs, manpower re—
quirements, sheer size, etc. Therefore, only local agencies
are included in the sampling. Local agencies may be either
planning agencies serving only the incorporated city, the
city plus extra territory, a metropolitan area with a city
as its focus, or a city agency associated with either its
township or county.

The choice of a public agency was made because it
was felt that private or semi-private agencies would prob-
ably be operating on a different basis than a public agency,
i.e. they would largely consist of consultants who would
choose their clients, they would receive specified fees for
each of their services, they would have specific interests
involved as Opposed to the "public interest,“ and any pro—

motion of their planning would tend to be profit-oriented.

53

A further refinement was made in excluding any
specialized types of agencies, such as transportation,
urban renewal, educational, etc. Nor were foreign addresses
included. It was decided that it would be more favorable
to include only the most general, comprehensive agencies
which would probably characterize most cities in the United
States.

While either a stratified or a random sample of all
local public planning agencies in the nation probably would
be desirable, neither were possible since each would require
a complete listing of all these agencies. None is available
anywhere.

The next step was to seek a professional membership
role of agency directors with the thought that not only
would such a listing be more probable but would lend pres-
tige and importance of response to the survey if specific-
ally composed to the director rather than to the agency in
general. The most complete listing appeared to be con-
tained within the Handbook and Roster of the American
Institute Of Planners (AIP). The most current issue was
used (1968) to notate all names with directorship titles
associated with local public agencies appearing to qualify
by the terms outlined above.

The names were put on slips of paper and alphabe-
tized by city. Any duplication of agencies or cities was

weeded out so that in all, 326 cities were represented from

54

44 states plus the District of Columbia. Their
geographical distribution is given in Appendix A. Only 6
states, Alaska, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota,
Vermont and wyoming were not represented.

A second check on distribution was made by strat-
ifying the cities to be studied by population. The seven
categories used by the Municipal Year Book were adopted and

each city's pOpulation was noted.5

Table l.--Stratification of Sample by Population

 

 

 

Cities Sample
Population Category Represented Percentage
Over 1,000,000 6 1.8
500,000 to 1,000,000 19 5.8
250,000 to 500,000 25 7.7
100,000 to 250,000 59 18.1
50,000 to 100,000 78 23.9
25,000 to 50,000 85 26.1
10,000 to 25,000 54 16.6

SAMPLE POPULATION: 326 100.0

 

Survey Construction.--Three major features must be

 

well coordinated in the construction of any questionnaire.

 

5Data was taken from the "Fire Department Data for
Cities Over 10,000" in the 1967 Municipal Year Book, o .
cit., because it appeared to be the most complete listing
5f_cities.

 

56

draft of the questionnaire was begun by outlining the list
of topics in the best psychological sequence. In this case,
the "best" psychological sequence appeared to coincide with
the most logical sequence of question types. That is,
people find it "easier" and "more fun“ to answer basic,
noncontroversial questions about themselves (such as the
type and size Of the agency they work for, number Of per-
sonnel, type of work done, amount of budget, etc.). Factual
information is best obtained by direct question methods
using check-off or fill-in-the-blank techniques. From a
logical point of View, they provide a frame of reference in
which to consider the rest of the answered information.
(This section of the questionnaire became known as the
"Context of the Planning Agency.")

The next psychological parallel was in getting at
the base of the topic--public relations. Again, easy
check-Off questions were asked which almost anyone working
in the agency could answer. As this category progressed,
more thoughtful reactions were requested in more complex
content and question construction. They forced an answer
through "fixed-alternative"8 or "scaled" questions wherein
degrees of agreement to stated alternatives are requested.

This "force" was believed to be necessary in some instances,

 

8C. Phillip Baumel, Daryl J. Hobbs and Ronald C.
Powers, The Community Survey (Ames, Iowa: Iowa State Uni—
versity, 1964): p. 256.

 

57

based on the hypothesis that public relations concepts may
not be crystallized nor its activities immediately apparent
to the respondent.

The weakness of fixed-alternative questions lies in
their inadequate representation of possible alternatives
when none Of the choices corresponds exactly or at all to
the respondent's situation. The Opportunity for further
degrees of qualification may not arrive in other questions.
Omission Of possible alternative responses may lead to bias
and this is one reason why the questionnaire was pre—tested
as well as checked against similar public relations surveys
and records.9 (This section Of the questionnaire became
known as the "Context of Public Relations.")

Following the factual and the introductory objective
influence questions were more intensive objective questions
seeking the influence of persons, organizations, conditions
or events on public relations. As in the previous section,
the more exacting fixed-alternative questions were "slowed
down" by a few check-Off types. (This section was later

entitled "Evaluation of Planning Public Relations.")

 

9Records checked included the 1967 Municipal Year
Book, O . cit., The Community Surv_y, o . c1t., Can 1e 3
PEBIic ReIations: Principles and ProbIems cited in Chapter
II, and an unpublished Master‘ 3 thesis entitled "A Study of
the Use of Attitude Assessment Techniques by American Plan-

ning Agencies" by Gordon N. Dixon, Michigan State Univer-
sity, 1968.

 

57

based on the hypothesis that public relations concepts may
not be crystallized nor its activities immediately apparent
to the respondent.

The weakness Of fixed-alternative questions lies in
their inadequate representation of possible alternatives
when none Of the choices corresponds exactly or at all to
the respondent's situation. The opportunity for further
degrees Of qualification may not arrive in other questions.
Omission of possible alternative responses may lead to bias
and this is one reason why the questionnaire was pre-tested
as well as checked against similar public relations surveys
and records.9 (This section of the questionnaire became
known as the "Context of Public Relations.")

Following the factual and the introductory objective
influence questions were more intensive objective questions
seeking the influence of persons, organizations, conditions
or events on public relations. As in the previous section,
the more exacting fixed-alternative questions were "slowed
down" by a few check-off types. (This section was later

entitled "Evaluation of Planning Public Relations.")

 

9Records checked included the 1967 Munici a1 Year
Book, o . cit., The Community Survey, O . cit., CanfieIa's
EEBIic ReIations: Principles and PrObIems cited in Chapter
II, and an unpuBlished Master's thesis entitled "A Study of
the Use of Attitude Assessment Techniques by American Plan-
ning Agencies" by Gordon N. Dixon, Michigan State Univer-
sity, 1968.

58

If the hypothesis of noncrystallization posed
earlier were true, the respondent now should be "ready" to
open up his subjective feelings in specifying what he
thinks, wants, desires, interprets, or expects regarding
PPR. For this, question types were mixed but primarily
Open-ended, that is they permitted a free response without
an imposed structure. Here the respondent has a chance to
really clarify his position if he felt previously constrain-
ed. He also can experience release from his mental exercise
which may have stimulated some emotional reactions.' This
serves to deaccelerate the responsive process and leave a
more favorable feeling regarding the experience. (This
section was casually identified as "Thoughts on the
Subject.")

Following the advice given in The Community Survey,10

 

questions of a similar form (direct, closed, fill-in—the-
blank, fixed-alternative and Open-ended) were grouped as
much as possible to avoid confusing the respondent in
having to "change horses in the midstream" of his thinking.
At the same time, some changes by grouped question types
were made in each section to permit variety and edification
of what was desired.

There was an interesting supervention of similarity

between the finished questionnaire and the original study

 

10Baumel, pp 31., Op. cit., p. 10.

59

design statement of the problem. While this could be said
to exemplify bias, it also could attest to purpose. "Re-
search always starts from a question or a problem of some
sort."11

One important purpose which was restricted in the
survey was that of learning the extent of the relevancy of
public relations for all three "publics" identified in
Chapter I--Government, Interest Groups and Citizens. In
satisfying the objective of making the research manageable
and analogous, all three could not be given sufficient or
adequate treatment. Because Interest Groups and Citizens
share more in common, concentration was placed on them to
the virtual exclusion of Government. It is felt that this
identity requires separate and precise attention and is
recommended as a future research effOrt.

QUESTIONNAIRE FORMALIZATION. After the third draft,
the questionnaire was pre-tested by giving it first to a
survey consultant for improving its engineering qualities,
and then to a professional planner with various experiences
in local public planning agencies for improving its realis-
tic qualities. An empirical test was made to see that the
questionnaire conformed to standards for response: that
completion of the questionnaire take no more than 30 min-

utes, which corresponds to five or six typewritten pages.

 

11Selltiz, pp 31., Op.cit., p. 2.

60

As psychological encouragement, the six finished pages
were not numbered.

Stencils made from impressive "executive" type
were run on high quality paper. A letter of transmittal
explaining the purpose of the study and the value of each
reply to the profession and to the individual was headed
by the University's standard letterhead and co-signed by
the academic advisor and the author, both members of AIP.
A self-addressed and stamped envelope also was enclosed to
stimulate speedier returns. To ease tabulation of returns,
the envelOpe was coded for city size stratification.

Three weeks later, a follow-up letter was mailed
with a more cogent invitation for the addressee to partic-
ipate and with the insertion of a one-week deadline. A
second questionnaire and coded return envelope were en-
closed. This time, although the inside address was ad-
dressed in the director's name, the mailing envelOpe was
addressed to the agency to avoid any forwarding of mail or
refusal to answer in case the director had changed posi-
tions since the 1968 AIP listing. The questionnaire, the
letter of transmittal, and the follow-up letter all are

displayed in Appendix B.

CHAPTER IV

A NATIONAL SURVEY OF PUBLIC

RELATIONS FOR PLANNING

The national survey was launched June 3, 1969 and
response was immediate. Chapter IV presents the results
of the survey and begins a surface analysis. A more con-

clusive analysis will be attempted in Chapter VI.

Survey Response

Of the 326 agencies representing local public
planning in the United States, a total of 240 or 74% Of
the sample replied to the survey. Over half or 53% re-
plied prior to a follow-up and another 16% was received
by the cutoff date established for tabulation and analy-
sis. The total amount actually processed within the time
frame of the thesis was 225 or 69%.

As indicated, population stratification was made
of the cities in which the agencies were located, in anti-
cipation of a possible size influence on planning public
relations. Since only two Code 100 cities (see Table 2)
responded, it would be unfair to attach any real signifi-

cance to their responses in terms of comparisons with

61

62

other code cities having much larger representations.
Therefore, only occasional reference to Code 100 cities
will be made in the discussion unless their position
seems particularly unique or notable. Table 2 on the
next page shows the questionnaire distribution by city
size, the sample sent and the response received.

The remaining 31% not answering the survey ques-
tionnaire could have altered the study findings. Borg
contends that if more than 20% are nonrespondents in a
mailed questionnaire, there is a possibility that this
group represents a biased sampling, "that is, those peo-
ple who did not respond to the questionnaire are in some
measurable way different from those who did respond."l

Borg continues, "A common sampling bias of this
type is that persons having a good program are more
likely to respond than those having a poor program."2
Using this example as a check indicator of bias, it prob-
ably would not be substantiated in this survey: only

55.4% of the respondents ranked themselves above the

median categories (good or excellent PPR programs) while

 

1Walter R. Borg, Educational Research: An In-
troduction (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1963),
p. 219.

Ibid 0

 

63

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.omsommon mo>usmll.m manna

64

44.6% ranked themselves below the median categories (fair
and poor PPR programs).

The fact that 40 of the 44 states and the District
of Columbia qualifying for sample inclusion are repre-
sented in the total results, as indicated on the map in
Appendix A, suggests a rather even distribution of influ-
ences which might be attributed to any socio-cultural
differences, both for respondents and nonrespondents.
Eliminating bias in social research is an exacting task
and will be left to future researchers. At this point in
time, it appears to be relatively safe to assume that the
results from this survey are representative of the uni-
verse they portend to represent, i.e., local public

planning agencies.

Agency Characteristics

To establish a frame of reference for more de-
tailed discussion Of particular questions which will come
later, certain basic information about the responding
agencies is necessary. To begin with, the agencies pri-
marily serve an incorporated city as their area of plan-
ning concern (65.3%). Other areas and their representa-
tions are as follows: 17.9% for incorporated city plus
extra territory, 10.2% for a city—county association,
4.4% for metropolitan areas, and 2.2% for city-township

associations.

65

The life-span of the agencies is overwhelmingly
above 5 years of age--85.8%. Only 13.3% are between 1
and 5 years and less than 1% are younger. Although there
is close to 100% correlation between city size and agency
age in the larger-sized cities and slightly less in the
medium-sized cities--which suggests a parallel in age of
both city and agency--this is less true with regard to
smaller-sized cities who have an approximate 25% repre-
sentation in agencies 1-5 years of age. In answer to
Questions 5, 6 and 7, a high relationship can be Observed
between size of the city and size of the planning staff.

If city size can be equated with age as the his-
torical develOpment of our nation seems to indicate, that
so many "older" cities contain respondents to the subject
Of public relations would tend to dispute a contention
that it is the younger cities/younger agencies who spend
the most time in public relations activities to get them
started. If this were true, it could be expected that
they would have so apparent an interest as to want to re-

apond even more than they did.3

 

3When PPR time and money are compared as propor-
tions of total agency accountings, the smaller-sized
cities represented in the sample do rank highest, but the»
larger-sized cities run a close second. (Refer to Table
3.) Historical perspective alone thus will not completely
explain engagement in the survey or dispersion of its
tallies.

66

In answers to Questions 37-38, complaints were made
by agencies of all sizes that the survey was designed for
an agency/city size different from theirs. Still the re-
spondent usually filled out all the questions and the
total number registering this complaint was minor. In
summary, it appears that size has very little to do with
the authenticity of PPR. But this point will reappear in
discussions of other questions.

In terms of the agency-to-government positions of
the respondents, 53.6% reported an allegiance to a policy
body while 37.8% reported their city manager and 7.7%
their mayor. Less than one percent were independent
agencies. This indicates the trend away from complete
identity with plan commissions and more reSponsiveness
to the modern chief executive (for better or for worse),
the city manager. Interestingly, the smaller-sized cities
were most likely to report city managers. Perhaps as in
the case of agency age, smaller and younger entities are

more capable of change.

Context of PPR

When asked how PPR activities were paid for, 80.7%
reported "No distinction as any budget item." Of the
categorical distinctions made, 7.8% said they were a de-
partmental expense, 6.0% a programmatic expense (related

to a specific plan, program or study), and only 5.1% said

67

they had a separate budget which covered all PPR related

expenses (manpower, supplies, services, etc.).

Of the latter, 12.5% of all Code 200 cities ex-

tended this recognition. If again, age can be equated

with size, some of the Older, more experienced agencies

appear to favor distinctive treatment of PPR.

And yet,

7.3% of the smallest-sized cities and agencies made the

second highest response to this issue.

Codes 200 and 700

were the only notable differentiations in the approach to

funding PPR.

When the overall adjudged budget and time for PPR

are compared, the national recognition extended is 11.6%

of all total staff time and 8.2% of total agency finances

(for the past fiscal year). The high's and low's of this

estimate are shown in Table 3.

Table 3.--Comparison of time and money for PPR.

 

 

 

 

 

Code Group Agency

% .Code % Code
Highest Percentage of Time 16.1 700 70.0 (600)
Highest Percentage of Budget 9.6 700 70.0 (600)
Lowest Percentage of Time 4.0 100 .01 (200)
Lowest Percentage of Budget 4.5 100 .003 (500)
Survey Mean of Time* 11.6
Survey Mean of Budget* 8.2

 

*Representing 91.6% of the returns.

68

If PPR receives no real quantitative or remunera-
tive distinction, does it get qualitative assistance in
its formulation and control? In terms of specialized
personnel, the answer is no, unless it is conceded that
planners are best qualified, in their present statuses,
for public relations. Of 225 agencies, 80.7% said their
public relations as they pertain to planning are formu-
lated by a planning staff member. This percentage went
as high as 92 for all Codes 400 and 500 (medium-sized)
cities to a low of 69 for Code 600 cities.

The other means were 12.9% for central administra-
tion formulation (e.g. as part of an administrative-
departmental program), 4.6% for a separate, specialized
public relations section within the planning agency, and
1.8% for outside consultants. Code 600 cities picked up
their percentage in central administration formulation to
25.5 as compared with a similar percentage of 23.5 for a
'separate PPR section in Code 200 cities.

The background of major training influencing the
person or persons formulating PPR is, not surprisingly,
primarily that of planning. Code 200 cities reported
18.8% as having administrative training as well as the
survey high of 25% in having communications expertise.
(One of the Code 100 cities also reported a communications
background for its PPR formulator who is supported by a

separate PPR division in the agency; it is a city

69

well-known for its advancements and success in PPR.) The
mean for a communications background, however, was only
3.8%.

Other 3.8% contenders were architecture and
sociology; political science and engineering received
2.8% each. There was one psychologist and one historian,
two secretaries, and four economists reported across the
nation as being in charge of PPR formulation, in relation
to their training and experience.

As PPR personnel detail increases, a digression
occurs in terms of planning representation. While plan-
ning receives a large 81% of PPR formulation, it receives
only 69% as the major training of the formulator and only
54% when it comes time to exercise policy over PPR (see
Table 4). If the 54% representing planning directors is
added to the 11% representing plan commissions, the "plan-
ning" representation increases to 65%; but plan commis—
sions notoriously do not consist of planning-oriented or
trained personnel.4

The other half of policy control over PPR is

divided between administrators and policy bodies, 24.2%

 

4See, for example, Robert A. Walker, The Plannin
Function in Urban Government (Chicago: University of C51-

cago Press, 1941), Chapter 1, pp. 3-16; and for a more
recent view, Pierre Clavel, "Planners and Citizen Boards:
Some Applications of Social Theory to the Problem of Plan
Implementation," Journal of the American Institute of
Planners, Vol. XXXIV, No. 3 (May 1968), pp. 130-139.

70

Table 4.-—Policy control over PPR.

 

 

City City Plan Plan City Miscel—
Code Mayor Manager Director Commission Council laneous

 

100 100.0

200 11.8 64.7 17.6 5.9
300 86.6 6.7 6.7
400 7.9 13.2 60.5 13.2 5.2
500 10.2 14.3 57.1 10.2 8.2

600 1.8 24.6 45.6 14.0 8.8 5.2
700 2.4 36.6 .39.0 9.8 12.2

Mean* 4.6% 19.6% 54.3% 11.4% 6.9% 3.2%

 

*Representing 97.3% of the returns.

and 18.3%, respectively.5 No agency reported any PR de-
partment or consultant nor political leaders in the com-
munity as exercising direct policy control over PPR.
Politicians might be involved indirectly through the
council, mayor, or plan commission (totaling a reported
22.9%) since they all are typically associated with
politics.6 A suspicion of naivete in reporting may be

unfounded but curious, nonetheless.

 

5The 24.2% is the sum of 19.6% for city managers
and 4.6% for mayors; the 18.3% is the sum of 11.4% for plan
commissions and 6.9% for city councils as reported in the
survey.

6Studies of this association and its relationship
to planning can be found in Robert Daland's "Organization

71

To determine what kinds of philosophy the policy
makers hold in determining PR effects, the agencies were
asked to rank the most important and least important
policy priorities exercised. A selection of five alter-
natives was given as Question 18. The results are shown
in Table 5.

Serving the public with information, education
and answering their requests received the highest rating
from all agencies. The only code group below the mean of
47.7% was that of 400. It placed the highest emphasis
among the priority choices in goodwill, the second choice
of all the agencies.

Both Code 400 and 300 cities were well above the
mean in the lowest ranked priority--"to advance the image
Of the encumbent political administration," which re-
ceived an overall low rating of 75.7%. No other category
approached it. This priority is a rather loaded category
but the response does seem to indicate some measure of
confidence in local officials to have the better inter-
ests of the public at heart since, as has been pointed
out in the preceding discussion, 43.5% Of the PPR policy

makers could be politically associated (see footnote 5).

 

for Urban Planning: Some Barriers to Integration," Journal
of The American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXIII (W1nter

, pp. - . For a rural case study, see Clavel's
article, op cit.; and for the Chicago metropolitan story,
see Martin Meyerson and Edward C. Banfield, Politics,
Planning, and the Public Interest (New York: The Free
Press, 1955), especially p. 56 ff.

 

72

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 5.--PPR policy priority ratings.

City Goodwill Services Persuasion Dialogue Image
C°de 5 1 5 1 5 1 5 1 5 1
100 50.0 50.0 50.0 50.0
200 17.6 17.6 47.1 11.8 5.9 17.6 11.8 11.8 58.8
300 7.1 57.2 7.1 14.3 14.3 7.1 92.9
400 28.2 5.1 38.4 2.6 15.4 5.1 7.7 5.1 10.3 82.1
500 12.2 6.1 47.0 2.0 14.3 12.2 12.2 6.1 14.3 73.6
600 14.3 1.7 51.8 3.7 14.3 3.7 10.7 16.0 8.9 74.9
700 26.8 4.9 48.8 9.8 2.4 4.9 9.8 4.9 12.2 75.5
Mean* 18.8 5.0 47.7 5.5 11.5 5.5 11.0 8.3 11.0 75.7
HRO (2) (1) (3) (4) (5)

LRO (5) (3) (4) (2) (l)

 

*Representing 96.9% of the returns.

HRO = Highest rank order where 5 is most important priority
exercised and percentages equal 100% for the 5 rating.
LRO = Lowest rank order where l is most important priority

exercised and percentages equal 100% for the 1 rating.

73

Achieving public dialogue for a policy type of
planning doesn't seem to be very favored. The only thing
that seemed a little less desired as a "5" high priority
is "persuasion" which might be equivocated as "selling."
Present PPR policy standards thus lean towards a one-sided
approach, that is, giving or Offering to give something
with some control over the giving (i.e. services, good-
will, persuasion) and without getting involved, as in a
two-way approach. Discussion of PPR activities, research

methods, and other data will support this statement.

PPR Activities

Service Activities

 

Various sources were consulted in constructing
the questions describing actual PPR action in order to
allow the most reasonable amount of choice for the re-
spondents. Fixed-alternative questions with degree ranges
were used because: (1) they permit the most voluminous
selection possible; (2) they attempt to find a consensus
of use and perhaps an underlying philosophy then would
more specific, individualized responses; and (3) they
attempt to educate a categorical thought process for those
agencies caught up in heavy workloads who might not have
looked at it that way before. Here then is what has been

translated as PPR in local public planning agencies.

74

The question was asked what PPR services were

proffered by the agency as either established, developing

or had no plans:

1.
2.
3.
4.

A Speaker's bureau--staffed, available, accessible.
Audio-visual equipment loans.

Display loans of models, charts, maps, etc.
Consultant-dialogues with other professionals,
other disciplines for an interdisciplinary-
approach.

Assistance in developing or encouraging the
formation of neighborhood block clubs or similar
organizations.

The service most established across the nation

was display loans. It was either an established fact in

51.4% of the agencies or developing in 27.8% for a total

of 79.2%. There were no plans for it in 20.8% of the

agencies. Interdisciplinary consultations for the pur-

pose of widening the perspective and gaining specialized

services for the agency received 56.5% (30.1% established,

26.4% developing) and block clubs received 52.8% (20.4%

established, 32.4% developing).

The other two categories, reported no plans in

more than 50% Of the cases. Restrictions to the develop-

ment of a speaker's bureau or audio-visual loans might be

due to size-funding factors since the small-sized cities

reported an average of 54% no plans for A-V loans and the

75

mediumrsized cities reported 56%. The large sized-cities
reported only 29% (both Code 100 cities had established
A-V loan programs). This explanation is not so persuasive
for a speaker's bureau which small-sized cities reported
an average 56% no plans for, medium-sized cities reported
60% and large-sized cities reported 46%.

The services offered to the general public reflect
the technical graphics heritage of the profession and in-
dicates hesitancy in introducing or expanding social in-
terchange techniques such as interdisciplinary contacts,
block club dialogues or A-V sensory exchanges and, at.the
very least, a one-sided speaking experience.

Question 20 got more specific in its inquiry of
PPR services for citizens en masse and in certain groups.
A stronger element of time was introduced as respondents
were asked to stipulate whether these activities were
regular, occasional or non-existent:

1. "Open house" of planning agency headquarters.

 

2. Publicized invitations to visit all new planning

 

projects.
3. Special city—wide events, e.g. "City planning
week."
4. COOperative programs with elementary schools,
e.g. providing "text" materials on urban planning.
5. Cooperative programs with local colleges, e.g.
providing planning students with internships,

Speakers, etc.

76

6. Use of the vernacular in publications or dialogues

 

for specific groups, e.g. foreign or ghetto lan-

guage, "comic-book" technique for youth, statis-

tics for businessmen's groups, etc.

Curiously, the one program most engaged in in all
cities was with universities or colleges. As might be
expected, the larger cities/agencies reported the highest
(almost 100%) activity in this category, probably because
most institutions ofrfigher learning are located in or
near larger cities. Still, the smaller cities/agencies
strongly supported the consensus of 75.8% with means of
28.3% regular and 47.5% occasional participation.

Small-sized cities were a little more enthusiastic
than other code groups in their support of the second rank
item, Open house. This category received 59.4% with means
of 18.3% regular and 41.1% occasional participation. The
rank order of these events and programs are scheduled in
Table 6. Their key words are underlined in the listing
above.

The questions now move from general public activi—
ties to converge on Interest Groups and touch lightly on
Government. Question 21 is a somewhat related Government
question in the exposure of plan commission members to
various governmental publications, principles and procedures.
It asks how Often a planning agency provides its new plan

commission members with each of the following services:

77

Table 6.--Rank order Of PPR special activities.*

 

 

Rank

 

Order Regular % Occa31onal % Never %
1 28.3 colleges 47.9 schools 86.3 events
2 18.3 open house 47.5 colleges 65.8 vernacular

3 17.5 invitations 47.5 invitations 44.8 schools

U!

7.3 schools 41.0 Open house 40.6 Open house
4.1 vernacular 30.1 vernacular 39.7 invitations

.9 events 12.8 events 24.2 colleges

 

*Representing 97.3% of the returns.

Introductions to all agency personnel.

 

Guided tour of agency's quarters.
Guided tour of city and current planning projects.
"Primer" of planning principles, practices, etc.

Personal copy of comprehensive or master plan.

 

COpies of recent planning studies.

Copies of all local ordinances and codes.

 

The underlined key words are used to present the rank order

of the survey findings in Table 7.

Today's new plan commission members can expect to

receive COpies of current planning studies 97.3% of the

time (86.8% always and 10.5% sometimes); and they can look

forward to comparing these studies with the master plan,

when there is one, 91.8% of the time (86.3% always and 5.5%

sometimes). When it comes to detailing the studies and

78

Table 7.--Rank order of PPR provisions for new plan com-
mission members.*

 

 

Rank

 

Order Always % Sometimes % Never %
1 86.8 studies 54.3 city tour 19.2 city tour
2 86.3 master plan 31.1 agency tour 12.3 ordinances
3 68.5 ordinances 26.0 primer 11.0 primer
4 64.4 introductions 26.0 introductions 9.6 introductions
5 63.0 primer 19.2 ordinances 9.1 agency tour
6 59.8 agency tour 10.5 studies 8.2 master plan
7 26.5 city tour 5.5 master plan 2.7 studies

 

*Representing 97.3% of the returns.

plans as to their relationship with community codes or
ordinances, however, they are less prepared: 68.5% al-

ways, 19.2% sometimes, 12.3% never. This may be due to
a deficient legal recording of local intentions or perhaps-
to the planner in his attempt to relieve the frequently
unpaid commissioners from so much detail. If the latter
reason were true, it would seem that the planner also
wants to relieve him of generalities as well in only pro-
viding him with a "primer" of planning principles 63% of
the time with an additional 26% sometimes.

Getting acquainted with the planning surroundings
doesn't receive as much attention as what to do with those

surroundings. Only 26.5% of the agencies said they always

79

take their commissioners on a city tour while an additional
54.3% said sometimes and 19.2% said never. A guided tour
of the planning agency to acquaint them with personnel,
facilities, functions, equipment, etc. rated higher than
the city tour with 59.8% always, 31.1% sometimes, which
can be associated with the introductions to staff person-
nel of 64.4% and 26.0%, respectively. With all this at-
tention, one wonders if conditions of exposure to planning
considerations have vastly improved since the charges made
against plan commissions (e.g., see footnote 6), whether
these educative measures are insufficient if not prOperly
stimulated to be accepted, or whether they are, indeed,
appropriate measures of enlightening commissioners of the
nature of planning and its relationship to its publics.
Perhaps a better measurement of enlightenment for
both commissioners and practitioners is to gauge the in-
fluence definable Interest Groups in the community have
on local planning. The rank order method is continued
in showing the degree of influence effected. (Table 8)
From a democratic point of view, it would seem
commendable that none of the Interest Groups really enjoy
great influence over planning Operations, except for the
business community's 22.7% for developers and 13.4% for
the chambers of commerce. Interestingly, militants got
9.3% of this influence, notably from Code 300, 500 and

600 cities. While this may be a fleeting influence in

80

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81

keeping with the social times, it does become exercised
an additional 39.3% some of the time. On some question-
naires the term was qualified as militant neighborhood
improvement associations although both students and
neighborhood groups were included in the category on the
questionnaire form.

Business still ranks high in "some" degrees of
influence but is confronted by boards of education 58.8%
of the time and Leagues of WOmen Voters 44.9% of the time.
Not surprising when almost any portion of the urban en-
vironment is observed is the report that fine arts com-
missions or similar organizations (such as historical
preservation societies, civic associations, etc.) hold a
71.7% "insignificant" influence over planning operations.
Part of the reason is that they simply don't exist in
many cities: the rating in their favor gets higher as
city/agency size increases.

The desirability of influence from religious
councils or similar organizations may be debated from the
societal stand of separation of church and state. But
its absence of any real influence may account for some of
the difficulty in searching out, designing for, or imple-
menting basic truths representative of our society. If
planning is to truly serve a society, it must truly incor-
porate itsgrinciples of living; if not religious, then

something very akin to it.

82

Capsulizing the increasing tendency to impersonality
in urban society with increasing size is the reported
trend of decreasing religious influence.7 The strength
of other Interest Groups in other city sizes can be seen
in Code 400 and 700 cities where the chambers of commerce
are particularly felt and Code 200, 300 and 700 cities
which hail developers. The insertion of the Code 700
cities regarding develOpers is probably induced by the
wealth of expansion occurring in the many California areas
responding in this category. The League of WOmen Voters
received above-mean attention in Code 600, 200 and 300
cities as having "some" influence while being rather
ignored in Code 100 and 400 cities.

That the Interest Groups associated with business
and, to a lesser degree, education (since education is
only a partial entry into the business world and a middle-
class existence) exercise so much influence relative to
the other socio-political groups in the selection charac-
terizes a successful entrepreneurial society. If further
sophistication is to be reached, more diverse opinions

must not only be accepted but consciously sought.

 

7For an interesting treatise on the symbiotic
relationship between concurrent secular thought-modes
and urbanistic settlement patterns, see The Secular City
by Harvey Cox, (New York: Macmillan Company, 1965).

 

83

Before examining the degrees to which diversity is
sought, it is only fair to extract the restraints, both
external and internal to the agency, which may be oppres-~
sive to communication actiVities in urban planning. As
usual, the greatest restraint is funding: 51.4% said it
was a great restraint and another 38.7% said it was some
restraint with only 9.9% saying it was no restraint. Code
300 cities are experiencing the largest reported stringency
with 69.2% but all of the cities regardless of size know
this tightening with the noticeable exception of one Code
100 agency which reported absolutely no restraint in fund-
ing. This particular agency, again, is the one which has
proved its success in PPR programming. (Please refer to
Table 9.)

Coming close to funding is the restraint of per-
sonnel or staffing PPR programs. Associated with it is
the concept of time. Personnel-time restraints received
83.5% (40.6% "great" and 42.9% "some") and here again
larger cities have a better chance of overcoming this re-
straint: Code 200 agencies represented only 68.8% of the
83.5% mean in reporting a low 31.2% "no restraint" of
personnel to PPR activities.

Conceptual restraints fluctuate yet one stands
out clearly as being no restraint in the survey: staff
attitude. It was this question subset which experienced

the greatest exchange between the first (53%) survey

84

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85

response summary and the final follow-up (69%) summary.
The former reported staff attitude as being no problem
59.1% of the time; the latter increased it to 76.4%. The
concept exchanged was overcoming a poor planning image in
the community. Since the biggest increase in the two tal-
lies was derived from Code 200, 300 and 400 cities as well
as the addition of a second 100 city agency (a percentage
increase which averages about 22%), it would seem that a
poor planning image is less a restraint for smaller sized
cities while staff attitude is less a restraint for larger
sized cities with their proportionately more exposure to
the public over the years.

Continuing with the discussion of conceptual re-
straints, it can be noted that the interest of public
officials in PPR is about even across the board as some,
no or great: '45.3%, 32.5% and 22.2%, respectively. A
few write-in restraints were these: the ad hoc approach
to PPR, jealously of politicians and officials over PPR,
people's distrust in government, higher priorities than
PPR, pressure from external groups, and, in the State of
washington according to one respondent, a state law which
prohibits the use of public funds for public relations.

If the concept of PPR is discernibly less a problem
than its actualization through funding, personnel and of-
ficial support, efforts to improve PPR should be not so

omniously viewed if the desire to improve is present and

86

the means to overcome the physical restraints are taken.
The latter requires an in-house PPR program to convince
officials and funding sources of the need. Whether these
steps are being taken will become evident in Chapter VI

under the discussion of agency change patterns.

Research Activities

 

The research activities engaged in by a planning
agency are just as important as the actual services
rendered to the public and perhaps even more important
because they may lead to or detract from certain valuable
services. Questions 22, 23, 24 and 29 in the survey_are
in some way related to the research function. Question
22 asks the agency to rank various methods for determin-
ing the nature and extent of local planning problems.
Based on a processual approach to planning, only when the
problems are known can positive factors of goals, policies
and relevant programs and plans become useful. Therefore,
it is extremely important that the fullest and most direct
methods of problem research be utilized.

The methods listed in question 22 do not imply a
conclusive nor a best listing, nor are they all neces—
sarily equivalent. They attempt to incorporate a range
of possible uses from the older reliables to the newer
tryables. The fact that the tally sheet takes a defined

leftward lepe away from the "no importance" category and,

87

with a slightly less rightward slope from the "extreme
importance" category, forms a peak to the "some" and
"high" importance categories would appear to authenticate
the methods offered for selection. Because of the bulk
of the information, a rank order technique is again used
for presentation purposes.

Table 10 indicates that three methods are promi-
nent as having an extreme importance in problem determi—
nation: empirical observation (EO), directives from the
policy body (PB), and directives from the chief executive
(ED). When "extreme" and "high" degrees are added, the
rank order changes slightly toward PB, E0, ES (economic
studies), then ED. The "some" category receives about
the same treatment from all methodological responses,
ranging from l/4 to l/3 in importance. When it is added
to the "extreme" and "high" ratings as an indicator of
which methods are put to the most average use, the rank
order still does not change significantly as it becomes:
PB, TD (technical devices), ES, E0, ED except that TD has
moved up into heavier usage.

The agency size identity patterns are a little
confusing. As has occurred on occasion, there is a simi-
larity of report between a large and a small-sized code
group. In the case of empirical observation (E0) extreme
use, Code 200 and 700 held above the mean percentages

(16 and 8, respectively) with a mean of 22.3% while Code

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89

300 led in E0 "high" usage. A similar pattern occurs for
the ED and PB categories, the other two most nationally
recognized problem delineation methods. The two Code 100
agencies agreed on an extreme rating for acknowledging
policy body (PB) directives as to what their planning
problems were. Economic studies (ES) received heavy sig-
nificance in problem identification in all three large-
sized cities.

Two methods attaching little importance to plan-
ning problem identification across the nation are opinion
surveys (OS) and cost accounting (CA) with political di-
rectives (PD) close behind. Opinion surveys reached only
a high of 23.1% in Code 200 agencies while getting "some"
importance in 45% of Code 700 agencies; but a combination
of "high" and "some" for both make their percentages al-
most equal again, and unlike any other percentage grouping
in this method category.

Cost accounting techniques get the most of the
little attention they receive in general from Code 200
agencies. Code 300 cities/agencies emphatically have
limited or no use for it (84.6% in combination). Politi-
cal directives got its highest rating from Code 100 cities
(100% "high") and Code 200 cities (76.9% for "extreme" and
"high" together). Middle-sized cities take a middle-of-
the-range stand on PD. A very similar "extreme" and "high"

concentration occurred for executive directives (ED) which

90

received relatively more importance than political direc-
tives in the overall rating.

Another lesser used method, social statistics (SS)
was most represented in the larger-sized cities, with
"extreme" and "high" sums of 100% from Code 100 and 53.8%
sums from both Code 200 and Code 300 agencies. Larger
and more sOphisticated staffs could account for this
social scientific orientation and also could account for
the stronger emphasis of refined technical devices (TD)
in the larger staffed agencies.

Thus, unlike the leftward slope noted for the
overall rating, the pattern for individual agency groups
tends to be scattered. There are noticeable groupings of
external influences such as directives received from
policy bodies, executives and politicians in the Code 100
and 200 agencies as compared with the more scientific and
internal-staff productions of economic studies, empirical
observations, technical measures and social statistics in
Code 200 and 300 cities. The other code groups set pretty
well in the middle of the five-range importance scale,
however.

Three more specialized research techniques were
investigated in question 23. Their purpose is to serve
as vehicles for improving citizen-planner understanding
and COOperation in planning. The techniques are:

l. A symbol system for "instant communication" for

91

example, to convey leisure, social services,

traffic conditions, etc.

2. The testing of publications--prior to release,
to measure rates of understanding, comprehension
and retention.

3. Separate Information and Communication Plan as
significant a part of the comprehensive or master
plan as any other subplan (e.g. land use).

Agencies had the choice of saying they had either "estab-
lished" these techniques, were "developing" them for their
agency, or had "no plans" for them in any way.

Clearly, these were not very pOpular items. They
all were above the median as "no plans": 81.4% for sym-
bol systems, 66.0% for testing publications, and 62.8% for
a Public Information Plan (now a required part of "701"
planning programs). The most interest in developing a
symbol system (30%) came from the smallest-sized city/
agency group, Code 700 and, again, the competition (of
20%) from Code 200 agencies. A total of 10 agencies said
they had already established a symbol system with the
highest percentage coming from Code 400 agencies (10.0%).

When it comes to pre-testing publications before
distributing them to the pOpulace, Code 200 agencies ranked
highest with 20% "established," followed by 18% from Code
500. The small-sized city/agency groups (600 and 700)

showed the most interest in developing this research aid.

92

A separate communications plan was developed by
15% of the Code 300 and the 700 agencies but being devel-
Oped by 40% of the Code 200 and 34% of the Code 500
agencies. This was the most promising sign of inventive-
ness. Both Code 100 cities had absolutely no plans for
any of the three techniques. The ideas themselves sound
good; maybe in practice they aren't that worthwhile. More
likely, there has not been enough motivation to include
such extra's which add to the convenience and logic of
various areas of urban planning and its PPR program.

If invention seems undermined, perhaps it is due
to a non—inventive orientation of staffs. A check was
made on the training program in PPR concepts and functions
provided by agencies. They really do not exist (see
Table 11).

If the "none at all" category is added with the
"informal" program for both professionals and nonprofes-
sionals on the staff (which is highly suspect to any real
training), the percentage becomes 90.9% for all agencies.8
Only seven agencies in the country reported having a for-

malized training program for both professional and

 

8Formal training is differentiated from informal
training as being pre-planned, organized teaching of spe-
cific public relations principles and techniques on a
regular basis; whereas informal training receives a more
haphazard approach as in unscheduled Open briefings to all
employees on telephone manners, sources of information
available to the public, etc.

93

Table ll.--PPR in-agency training program.

 

 

 

Code F.P. F.P. F.P. I.P. None
Group Only F.N. I.N. I.N. at All
% % % % %

100 50.0 50.0
200 47.1 52.9
300 35.7 64.3
400 2.5 7.5 5.0 55.0 30.0
500 2.0 3.9 56.9 37.2
600 5.3 7.2 51.8 35.7
700 7.5 42.5 50.0

Mean* 1.8 3.2 3.6 50.5 40.9

 

*Representing 97.8% of the returns.

Where: F.P. Only = formal for professional only; F.P./F.N.

= formal for professionals and nonprofessionals;

F.P./I.N. = formal for professionals and informal
for nonprofessionals; I.P./I.N. = informal for
both.

nonprofessional employees: 3 each from Code 400 and 700

groups and 1 from Code 500. Four agencies have formal-

ized training for their professional staff only (1 from

400, 3 from 600). Eight agencies have formal training

for their professionals and informal for their nonprofes-

sionals (2 from 400, 2 from 500 and 4 from 600).

Total

professional PPR training exists then in 19 agencies or

8.6% of the agencies surveyed.

94

Apparently in-house PPR training or its benefits
are not highly regarded. When the agencies were asked in
question 32 what outside source held the best promise for
improving their PPR programs, only 12.6% agreed to hire
specialists to become part of their staff. However, 34.7%
agreed to PPR additions to professional planning school
curricula and 5.0% to regular use of professional PPR
consultants. Education as an improvement concept is not
completely thwarted but its importance at a locally ap-
plicable level is certainly not heeded.9

If the staffs are not trained in PPR techniques,
their creative use in evaluating the effectiveness of
planning in the community wouldn't be expected and they
generally aren't, as Table 12 indicates.

The method receiving the "greatest" reliance from
all agencies was actual plan support (53.7%) and when
added to the "some" support choice, totals 92.1%. This
choice sounds obvious: if a plan or program is not sup-

ported, it isn't going to be effective. Insertion of the

 

9Some excellent criteria for establishing a for-
mal public relations training program for municipal em-
ployees is given by Robert B. Callahan, "Employee Relations
and Training," in Municipal Public Relations, Desmond L.
Anderson, (ed.), (Chicago: International City Managers'
Association, 1966), pp. 225-232. This source could be
used either for comprehensive programsdesigned for all city
employees with departmental subprograms (such as planning),
or as a separate, specialized planning undertaking.

 

95

Table l2.--Rank order reliance on planning evaluation
techniques.*

 

 

Great Reliance Some Reliance No Reliance

 

 

 

 

Rank

Order % % %
1 53.7 S 69.0 P 70.4 0
2 34.7 I 66.2 M 57.9 C
3 23.6 M 53.3 I 12.0 I
4 19 9 P 38.4 S 11.1 P
5 4.1 O 38.4 C 10.2 M
6 3.7 C 25.5 0 7.9 S

 

*Representing 96.0% of the returns.

Key: C = Social Cost Accounting O = Opinion Surveys
I = Intuitive Feel P = Press
M = Public Meetings S = Plan Support

choice in the questionnaire probably was a mistake be-
cause of its obvious assumptive and general qualities.
And yet another phrase would be difficult to find which
indicated actual effectuation of professional intent.
Support could be verbal and nothing else. The choice
also assumes a conscious decision is being used by the
respondent in its selection; that this is an evaluative
guideline. Analysis of that support, however, may be
either positive or negative: the question reveals nothing
of the quality or degree of the support.

Public meeting attendance received a 34.7% "great-

est" reliance but when totaled with its 66.2% "some"

96

reliance figure, ranks second to plan support for overall
reliance. Can planners honestly say they can look out
over either a half-filled house or an occasionally emotion-
filled auditorium once a month at best and say they can
tell how effective their planning really is?

Right below public meetings in total reliance is
the evaluative technique of the press. It received only
19.9% in "greatest" reliance but ranked first in the
"some" reliance category with 69%, for an overall reli-
ability rank of third. The position of the press in
"some" reliance probably is a fence-sitter: planners
cannot afford to ignore the press because of its poten-
tialities to hurt and to save, nor can they completely
rely on it because of the ignorance of some reporters
placed on city hall beats or because of political bias
injected by publishers. Thus "no" reliance in the press
received only 11.1% of agency votes.

More honestly it would seem is the response of
intuitive feel of the community. It ranked second in
"great" reliance and fourth in overall reliance although
the sum was very close to plan support, public meetings,
and the press with a range from 92.1% to 88.0%. As
broached in Chapter III, how much intuitiveness can be
"taught" is indeed debatable. What is important is
whether the profession prefers to leave it unanswered and

thus leave PPR controls up to the personal intuition

97

levels of the individual planner without attempting to
understand the advantages and disadvantages of that
range.

Such techniques as opinion surveys and social
cost accounting (weighing costs of all types of values,
monetary and nonmonetary) are not being taken seriously
according to this survey. Perhaps they are as yet not
"better" techniques than, for example, intuitive feel of
truly experienced men. But as new methods they really
have not been tested enough or researched for improvements
to make a fair judgment.

The debate for improvement is on. For the pleas

10

before the profession to become "relevant" are ground-

less when the evidence here is viewed.

-Favored or Unique Techniques

One of the chances for a respondent to give an
open and unstructured relay of PPR conditions in his
agency was provided by question 39. It requested a c0py
of any plan or program exemplifying PPR in that agency.

The returns from this question will be examined in Chapter

 

10Reference is made to the papers and speeches
presented at the American Institute of Planners national
conference in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, October, 1968 and
especially to the statement made by Frank P. Bennett dur-
ing the Michigan Chapter discussion of this topic at the
Botsford Inn, Farmington, November 1, 1968.

98

V. Another chance came with the invitation of question
36 to describe unique or favored PPR techniques, designed
and/or employed by the agency. The most especially ef-
fective techniques have been grouped and are presented in
order of popularity, with their number of incidence ap-

pearing in parenthesis.

Citizen Involvement (33).--A major concern in

 

acknowledging various community groups is to maintain
close, personal and interested liaison with citizens.

(a) Community Groups (23). Events under this
sub-category may include breakfast meetings with interested
citizens; talking to citizen groups; task force or citi-
zen advisory groups for recommending goals and policies,
preparing and/or reviewing plans; seminars and mass meet-
ings to discuss goals and a platform committee to formu-
late and distribute goal possibilities to the general
pOpulace. Often the focus is reported to be on "affected"
groups and agencies or on service groups who may become
disseminators of information themselves.

(b) Neighborhood Groups (10). Some larger
agencies produce areal development reports which are dis-
tributed to and discussed with areal residents; others
work with neighborhood planning committees or block clubs;
and others simply call informal neighborhood meetings to
discuss planning matters in general, sometimes in indivi-.

dual homes.

99

Audio-Visual Aids (20).--Sensual stimulation is

 

next in importance to personal contact in effectively
reaching the public:

(a) Slide shows (13). Most pOpular are slide
shows, usually with taped narratives and sometimes with
taped background music. Two agencies reported the effec-
tive use of shock contrasts in their presentations. The
point dramatized seems to stick with the receiver longer
and reactions are more profuse. Some agencies have com-
piled a slide library which they make available to other
local officials and interest groups as more indirect pro-
motion and informational planning purposes.

(b) Publications (5). Popular pamphlets and
fact books distributed to civic groups and libraries (the
"interested" publics) are common in this grouping but
some agencies go further by producing a bi-monthly plan—
ning magazine or one-page newsletters to project residents.

(c) Displays (2). One agency reported a planning
display at a local home show but only because they were
asked by show officials. Another sought and received en-
thusiastic permission to display neighborhood plans in a
neighborhood shOpping center which was the focal point of

exposure for that neighborhood.

Mass Media (l6).--While a few agencies supported

 

usage of all mass media available, others had found

specialities:

100

(a) Press (11). The press was cited most. One
agency said it wrote its own press releases to avoid con-
fusion; another said to keep an issue alive as long as
possible in the press was a successful technique (based
on the repetitive acceptance learning theory); another
emphasized frankness with the press; and some promoted
newspaper articles immediately prior to public hearings
to stimulate a more informed type of interest.

(b) Television (2). Use of this media will be
tied to city size and facilities. Smaller cities may
not have access to a local or regional station for plan-
ning purposes. Larger cities may have plenty of stations
but also plenty of viers for use of public service time.
When time was available, one agency reported that evening
television was best to reach the most people, with follow-
up in a newspaper series.

(c) Radio (1). A small community makes regular
successful use of two local radio stations to discuss

particular planning matters.

Services (6).--Some directors report keeping the

 

door open either at all times or at stipulated times when
citizens know they will be welcomed and uninterrupted.
This usually means overtime work without pay for planners
but much of planning and especially PPR involved extra
effort. This invitation reportedly has cleared up some

distorted ideas about planning. If these peOple are

101

particularly those considered influential (of all classes
and groups as described by Katz and Lazarsfeldll), this
service could be most rewarding. One director takes the

position of purposely remaining neutral so that he is

"friend and advisor to both proponents and opponents."

Speeches (6).--One-way-communication as repre-

 

sented by audio-visual aids, mass media, publications
and Speeches are still most prominent as PPR methods.
Speeches are a little more personal and useful when time
is short and the number of people to be informed are
large. This technique is especially used with local in-

terest groups.

Unique Techniques (5).--Two favored techniques

 

are "walking tours" through planning areas. Their unique-
ness comes from the fact that they are such a normal,
see-for-yourself and teach yourself human activity. An-.
other agency uses a comparative technique of sending
officials to other cities and then publicizing their trip
and trip reports. On a local level, another planner says
that he stimulates a group to action by telling them he
didn't think they could or would ever do anything. The

ego is a defensive being if stimulated properly.

 

11See Elihu Katz and Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Personal
Influence (New York: The Free Press, 1966).

102

One larger city has devised a low-cost four-color
road map style summary of master plan sections which they
distribute widely throughout the community. While the
idea sounds unique and the agency says it is easy to read,

no indication is given of what the public thinks.

Legislative Relationships (4).-—One philOSOphy

 

underlying this choice is that planners do not plan; they
only provide the basis for decisions which result in
plans. Therefore, the emphasis in planning relations
should be on the decision-makers, formally, the Council
and Plan Commission. This can be done provocatively or
neutrally. An action-oriented approach may reinforce
confidence of decision-makers in planners. Although a
neutral position of religiously avoiding making recom-
mendations on controversial subjects, as one director
strongly urges, forces the policy bodies to probe the
subjects thoroughly themselves. This director optimizes
citizen involvement through this probing process; how—
ever, their findings may very possibly run counter to
longérange benefits. Is the planner still to remain.
silent as the community hangs itself? As in all locali-
ties, the planner must make the decision of what his

operating principles will be.

Schools (3).--These three programs are from smaller

 

agencies/communities. One use is a taped closed circuit

103

television program which is also circulated to other in-
stitutions. The program was developed at the request of
local school officials. It is followed up by field trips
with the children to view planning results. Another
agency reports cooperating in a high school government
day which acknowledges planning commissioners and planning:
director for a day. The services of university students
through planning internships are also gained by this
agency. A third agency is considering a high school cur-
riculum addition of planning coursework and/or classtime
spent in planning field trips and office review of plans.
Here are cases where low cost, long-range (growing stu-
dents) public relations are being realized and in agencies

small in size.

Miscellaneous (4).--Among the one-time items

 

listed were hiring a consultant for use in promoting
special plans or events; initiating a fund drive for a
bond issue affecting urban facilities; using the vernacu-
1ar of simple layman's language in all relations with the
public; and the design and use of a "life-cycle" house-
hold attitude survey which seeks opinions on livability,
services, etc., in all urban areas, rather than depending

on the opinions (usually by "anti's") at public meetings.

Comparison of Activities

 

There is an interesting variance between the PPR

activities reported as actually being used on a regular

104

basis and those personally endorsed as_being most helpful
or effective. The wide use of interdisciplinary consulta-
tions could be considered as part of the favored involve;
ment with various interest groups and use of seminars.

It is hoped that the range of vieWpoints is extended to
include not only lawyers, businessmen and educators, but
also artists, social psychologists, students, ecologists
and so on, to more realistically broaden the perspective
of the planner.

The formation of block clubs appears to be in-
creasing according to the survey and this could reflect
the evaluative findings in the most favored technique of
citizen involvement. But the present national incidence
of bldck clubs per this survey sample generally is quite
low.

Group contacts can be very rewarding for both
citizen and planner; they can also be misleading if the
same voices speak out and they are not really representa-
tive of the group. Except for the one innovative "life-
cycle" household attitude survey, no agencies reported a
favored use of structured opinion surveys to determine
more of what the people think, feel or want.

Despite the effective emphasis of audio-visual
aids, their loans to the public are not facilitated very
often. It would seem that something so relatively simple

to put together, operate and repair would be used more

105

often (contrary to their reported usage earlier in the
survey) since they appear to be so effective as personally
reported.

The fact that publications rated low in favored
.usage suggests the realization that the stuffy reports
typical of agencies and commissions are not that effec-
tive. This subject will be discussed in greater detail
in Chapter V when comparisons are made of different
publications from different agencies.

A speaker’s bureau was not very popular in either
regular or favored groupings although this could be due
to the term "bureau" which may imply additional staffing
not presently available as opposed to delegating some
authority for informational speech making to other plan-
ning staff members or to informed community leaders.

Too few school-related programs were reported as
being favored although they were well represented on a
regular basis (see Table 6). Here, again, ingenuity ape-
pears stagnated in not proudly reporting new ideas or
fresh twists to tried ideas. One possibility is the
establishment of a junior plan commission at the high
school level which could become just as significant for
government as the Junior Achievement program is for
business.

As mentioned earlier, questions inquiring about

the use of mass media on a regular basis were inconsistently

106

answered so that it is impossible to make a comparison
with the third most favored technique grouping. The PPR
emphasis notable in the personal comments of the respond-
ents is on firsthand personal contact. While this approach
likely will produce longer lasting and more reciprocal
planning-public relationships, it should be promoted in
coordination with mass media methods, which appear to be
lacking in attention..

This oversight may be due to a lack of PPR pro—
gramming since the use of radio and television and the
press require conscientious pre-planning, e.g. getting
public service time from the stations or column space in
the newspapers, scheduling staff talents to coincide with
the presentation and still TCB (take care of business)
and, perhaps most significant, being willing to "take on"

the public it may enthuse, frustrate, alienate, activate.

Survey Summary

The picture of PPR across the country appears to
describe these color values:

. Nondistinctive--in funding, programming, or
staffing or in general planning problem
determination.

. Unilatera1—-with emphasis on one-way services

rather than two-way involvement.

107

. Enlightening--with regular schobl exchanges and
more exposed plan commission members.
. Commercial--with the strong business interest
group influence on planning operations.
. Ordinary--with little reported innovation of or
variations on typical communication vehicles.
. One-shot--not future-oriented in terms of using
a cause-effect framework of formulation and evalua-
tion,.or in training the staff in PPR concepts
and practices, or in reusing resources, or in
coordinating goals and resources.
. Professionally accepted--as personally testified
and statistically verified as a need for and im-
provement of PPR.
A more thorough analysis and evluation will be
made in Chapter VI. First, a chance has been given to
the agencies to actually present their PPR through the
ltechnique of publications.5 If the questionnaire was un-
fair in representing their situation, the wrong should be
partially corrected through this visible evidence. Chap-

ter V offers this opportunity.

CHAPTER V

SECONDARY RESEARCH METHOD: COMPARISON

OF PPR PUBLICATIONS

Examination of twenty-seven publications used for
PPR purposes in 19 cities as a response to question 39 on
the survey is the secondary method for researching the
nature and extent of today's public relations for planning.
This response represents 6% of the total sample or 8% of
the tallied returns. Despite the small number, some useful
comments can be made on the various presentations, ap-
proaches, appearances, vernacular, etc. The publications
have been divided into six categories for comparison:
annual reports, primers, special studies, general plans,

policy plans, and public information programs.

Annual Reports

 

Reports were received from five cities: Cleveland,

Houston, Lexington, San Francisco, and Santa Rosa.1 To

 

1Annual reports included Planning in Cleveland:
1965, by the Cleveland City Planning ComfiiSsion; 1968
Annual Report by the Houston City Planning Department;
Aghievements in 1965, by the Lexington, Kentucky City-
County Planning Commission; San Francisco City Planning
Commission Annual Report, 1967-68, by the San Francisco
Department of City Planning; and, Annual Report, 1968-69,
by the Santa Rosa City Planning Commission.

 

 

 

 

 

 

108

109

provide structure to their comparisons, certain features
supported by the National Public Relations Council of
Health and Welfare Services2 for the production of annual
reports will be examined in each: physical format, factual
material, purpose and receptivity.

Physical Format.--Because the first impression is
often a lasting one, physical appearance is very important
in a subject so bland as traditional planning and with a
task so required as an annual report. In this department,
Santa Rosa takes the prize for invitational quality with
its unique three-quarter fold, abstract everyday sketches,
and tasteful candlelight, fern and sandlewood coloring.
San Francisco's play on its golden identity has more
sophisticated sketches in tune with its more SOphisticated
metropolitan flavor. But the long, avocado gold pages of
the report are an unwieldy size.

Cleveland's looks professional but approachable
with several sharp photographs and with a soft tri-color
treatment. Houston forgot to hire a photographer or an
artist and left everything to the management. Lexington
tried but its cheaper paper detracts from its efforts.

The purpose of these tough reactions is to show that an
immediate identity is made with the city and with city
planning in merely thumbing through a report.

2Beatrice K. Tolleris, Annual Re orts: How to Plan
and Write Them (New York: National Public Relations Council
of Health and Welfare Services, Inc., 1946).

 

 

110

Factual Material.--Receptive qualities will make

 

the business at hand--reporting on the status of planning
in the community--easier to comprehend. But the facts must
be presented well also. Houston does a rather thorough job
of presenting basic information on a variety of activities
its agency is responsible for, with few dry statistical
tables. Its plat review sequence chart is an excellent
presentation.

Cleveland's approach is a more flowing narrative
and must be read in its entirety to know if a particular
subject has been covered. While Santa Rosa's brevity is
refreshing, its succinctness requires some interpretation.
San Francisco's is more explanatory and uncluttered with
statistics. Lexington's has some very unique factual cate-
gories and it is a pity they are not more appealing to
review.

Purpose.--All of the five given an indication of
their planning status and thus-meet the first criterion of
an annual report. But each seems to have a special theme,
perhaps new for that particular year or perhaps basic to
their planning operations. (Other reports would have to be
reviewed to determine the latter.) Santa Rosa's presenta-
tion says suburbia; Cleveland's change, with emphasis on
who is involved in the change (very long lists of boards
and committees end the report); San Francisco's says conti-
nuity of improvements; and Lexington's report says involve-

ment.

111

Receptivity.-—The Lexington report clearly is
designed to anticipate the involvement of people in the
planning process, both continuing and new participants.

It discusses the planning achievements made by interest
groups and various citizen organizations and has a separate
section on "Community Information and Liaison." The content
of the entire report is highly receptive but its presenta-
tion, unfortunately, is a confusion of mixed styles.

In a city of astute businessmen and space technol-
ogists, Houston's report should be very acceptable. Because
San Francisco's is rather brief, it is difficult to tell
how much continuing reception will be gained for its con-
tinuity of planning theme. Santa Rosa's will be attractive
to suburbanites but may not get past a PTA treatment with
its lack of tying together the various planning elements
for a unified perspective. The meandering narrative of
Cleveland may be just interesting enough to leave some
ideas with its readers but lack of structure here, too,
seems illogical. The page devoted to the problems of signs
would seem to be better placed in a fact sheet flyer or a
special study.

All of these statements are, of course, largely
subjective, reflecting the experience and emotions of one
individual although based on some professional criteria as
cited above. Yet it is the sum of such reactions which

determine whether the intent of a publication is being

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112

served. Aesthetics, clarity, comprehension and invitation
are four features which should be obvious to the readers

for whom the report is designed.. None of the five qualifies
in all categories although a few come close. The secret is
coordination. And, it would be interesting to learn any

differentiations due to cost or time of production.

Primers

Nine of the publications received might be classi-
fied as informational primers, although one essentially is
a general fact book on the community prepared by the plan-
ning department.3 A primer for adult usage usually is
thought of as a small introductory book on a particular

subject,4 in this case planning and/or the plan.

 

3Primers included a Planning Department Primer, by
the Albuquerque Planning Department; A Look at Plann1ng, by
the City of Atlanta Department of Planning; Plannin in
Cleveland, 1966 and 1967, by the Cleveland City Planning
Commission; Prel1m1nary Planning_Report, by the Grand Blanc
Regional Plann1ng Comm1531on; The Department of City Devel-
opment: Path to City Progress, by the Department of C1ty
DeveIOpment and presented by the Milwaukee Government Serv-
ice League; a General Plan Program, by the City Planning
Department of Redwood C1ty, California; Local Citizens
Prepare a West Berkeley Neighborhood Plan, by the West
Berkeley Neighborhood Council for the City of Berkeley;
and Planning Worcester, Massachusetts, by the City of Wor-
cester Planning Board and Plann1ng Department. A community
fact booklet was received from Worcester, Massachusetts,
produced by the Worcester Planning Department in August,
1967.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

4Webster' 3 Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary
(Springfield, Massachusetts: G. & C. Merriam Company,
Publishers, 1963), p. 676.

113

Some of the publications are too small to give very
much of an introduction to the uninformed. They often do
not get beyond The Plan--to a more important revelation of
basic planning principles which, in turn, would help to
establish rational and ethical thoughts about planning; or
to a description of the many related aspects of planning as
they increasingly affect a spectrum of city services and
events; or to developing a perspective of planning as a
process so that an overall grasp of a rather nebulous con-
cept could be begun.

Chapter IV established that there were too few
evaluations made of planning per se, nor of its PPR tech-
niques. In answer to the particular value of pamphlets or
reports, a 1960 ASPO Planning Advisory Service Report
stated a view shared by several agencies:

It is the general feeling of those here at the time of
original distribution and subsequently that interest
was increased ... .5
This comment implies that primers or fact sheets need re-
current distribution,6 perhaps in a serial fashion. Other

comments gave credit to this technique for helping make

 

5"Pamphlets about Planning Programs," Plannin
Advisory Service, Information Report No. 130 (C icago:
American Society of Planning Officials, January 1960),

p. 11.

6Questions 25 and 26 of the survey attempted to
determine to what degree recurring distributions were made
of planning publications and to what percentage of the
pOpulation. Answers were inconsistent, forbidding any
generalization.

 

114

planning more receptive, better financed, larger staffed,
and especially when other PPR forms complimented and sup-
plemented the pamphlets.

Most of the reasons planning departments may have
had less success with their publications than they could
have had are summarized quite well by Alexander L. Crosby,
as six sure ways to kill the power of a pamphlet:

1. Never publish anything that might be controversial.

2. Never call attention to negative developments. Be
positive. Smile.

3. Never risk offending anyone.

4. Avoid specific and unqualified statements on major
questions. The qualified general statement is
always safe, though meaningless.

5.. Shun simple, popular language. Be professional.

6. Never let a touch of humor brighten the text. It's
undignified.

Abstracting the recommendations of ASPO in their
report, four major guidelines may help to overcome the
above condition of pamphletitis:

BREVITY: Keep it short enough to attract and hold
attention and long enough to accomplish what's really
important.

TARGET: Zero in on purpose for the publication and

hit all the major problems with candor.

 

7Alexander L. Crosby, Pamphlets--How to Write and
Print Them (New York: National Publicity Council for
Health and Welfare Services, Inc., 1959), p. 5.

 

 

115

SIMPLICITY: Get some life into it with a higher
proportion of uncomplicated verbs of action and less orna-
mental adjectives of promise. Use the vernacular to reduce
the ambiguity of planning jargon for the readers addressed.
Use examples people can see in pictures, and feel through
description, rather than cold generalities necessary to fit
everything in for all times and all places.

ATTRACTION: Introduce appealing color, neighborhood
or familiar pictures, cartoon graphs and three-dimensional
feelings which animate the message.

How do the eight candidates rate by these standards?
As with the annual reports, some rate higher in some fea-
tures, lower in others and none fulfill all of the qualities.
Atlanta does an excellent job of explanation but in planner
jargonese. As with Houston's annual report, this may
satisfy the increasing business tone of the cities and thus
the major influential public reading the publications. If
that was the purpose, it was served. Variety was introduced
in picture form, exemplifying all parts of Atlanta, good
and bad. While this technique may make planning problem
areas more poignant, it also loses self—respect for anyone
living in or identified with those areas who may be unable
to help himself. An important point made by Shakespeare,
although not quoted here quite as he intended, is that

planners should be careful to "condemn the fault, and not

116

the actor of it,"8 and immediately seek its causal
antecedents.

The humanized informal sketches of organizations
and events in Albuquerque's primer on the planning depart-
ment are more appealing than other immobile diagrams or
one-time photographs. Albuquerque's also makes the best
attempt at brevity and comprehensiveness but, again, assumes
too much pre-knowledge of terminology. The West Berkeley
Neighborhood Plan is the most delightful in appeal and in
getting across certain basic principles of and motivations
for planning in a brief pictorial form: it is a comic
book! Overall there is no doubt that this is a neighborhood
plan written for and by the peOple living in the neighbor-
hood. The major fault is that the fun summary stops ab-
ruptly with the appearance of a typical mapped plan. Very
little advance definitional preparation is given in the
dialogue for such terms as "land use," "collector street,"
etc.

Similar appraisals could be made of other primers
received from Worcester, Redwood City, Milwaukee, Grand
Blanc, and Cleveland. What becomes increasingly apparent

is a need to determine who the audience will be and how

 

8William Shakespeare, "Measure for Measure," II,
ii, in The Complete Works of William Shakes are, edited
by W. G. Clark and W. Aldis Wright (Garden C1ty: Nelson
Doubleday, Inc., 1968), p. 670.

117

much to cater to it in the most appropriate style. It
would seem a better investment to establish information
priorities in line with various planning activities asso-
ciated with certain sections of the community. With some
judicious planning and fuller use of staff capabilities and
the acceptance of this task as an investment activity, this
treatment would not be that difficult. It is regretful
that no samples were sent of publications specifically made
up for educational institutions (i.e. elementary or

college).

Special Studies

 

Rather than use the same analytical approach used
in the first two categories, this section will simply com-
ment on the range of diversity of special study possibil-
ities. Of the eight received,9 eight different topics were

covered:

 

9Special studies included TheFine Arts Guide,
prepared by the Fine Arts Advisory Committee of the Cleveland
City Planning Commission; Planning in Cleveland: 1964, by
the Cleveland City Planning CommiSsion; Business Relocation
Assistance Guide, by the RedevelOpment Authority of La
Crosse;_fnformational Material regarding_Residential Relo-
cation in the Civic Center,_by the'Redevelopment Authority
of fa Crosse; Urban Renewal and Redevelopment and What It
Means tetSanta Clara, by the Santa Clara Redeve10pment
Agency; Land Develqpment and Planning Information in Walnut
Creek, by the City of Walnut Creek Planning Department;
Q1V11 Disturbances in Washington,_D. 9;, by the National
CapitalPIanning Commission; and Fort Lincoln Urban Renewal
Area, by the National Capital Planning Commission.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

118

1. A businessmen's relocation assistance guide from
La Crosse.

2. Informational material regarding residential relo—
cation in La Crosse.

3. A community plan within a larger comprehensive plan
in Cleveland.

4. Land development and planning information in Walnut
Creek.

5. Urban renewal and development information in Santa
Clara.

6. A fine arts guide from Cleveland.
7. An urban renewal project near Washington, D. C.

8. A civil disturbance preliminary damage report from
Washington, D. C.

Clearly, special studies are going beyond the technical-
physical, albefizimportant, range of economic and land use
studies. And their purposes are generally served. However,
exception must be taken to a statement made in Cleveland's
Glenville plan: "You are a thinking citizen of Glenville.
You don't need much telling about Glenville's faults and

problems. You see them every day."10

While building the
ego of the reader is an important ally, it is doubtful how
much any person, trained or untrained, actually perceives
as a "problem" in the areas he most frequents. Or if

indeed what he perceives is a problem or merely the symp-

toms of one.

 

10Planningin Cleveland: 1964, op. cit., opposite
page 4.

119

Most everyone needs a little push to exercise and
extend his range of perception. This should not be taken
as a slight to anyone but rather an honest recognition of
human nature. While the problems the planner "sees" may
not be the interpretations the area's residents would make,
there is merit in at least his suggesting some and leading
the citizen to speak in return. Cleveland reports it does
have good liaison with the Glenville block clubs and this
may account for its statement. It also apologizes for the
shortcomings and unnaturalness of "round radiating squiggles"
to signify trees.ll While the apology is admirable, a plea
to the profession external to the report to improve its
visual arts, especially in presenting maps, would be even

more admirable.

General Plans

 

Two general or master plans and one plan summary

arrived with the survey.12

The plan from Upland covers the
usual elements originating from enabling legislation but
also has a broadscaled section on implementing the plan.

Among the considerations are: public information program,

 

llIbid.

12A Summary of the Community Development Plans,
prepared by the City-County Planning Commission, Lexington,
Kentucky; Saratoga General Plan: 1968, by the Saratoga
Planning Commission and Liv1ngston and Blayney, City and
Regional Planners; and General Plan Report, City of Upland
Planning Department.

 

120

periodic review of the plan, coordination of public facil-
ities, coordination of school locations, coordination of
other facilities, coordination of public utilities, coordi-
nation with other government authorities.

A startling point about this plan is its beginning.
It flatly announces that "the general plan is peE_a zoning

plan,"13

and proceeds to put zoning in its place. While
this approach may offend some, it may at least stir up some
discussion of what, indeed, a general plan is or should be.
Another feature is the use of colored paper to differentiate
the various report sections.

Saratoga takes a traditional approach with maps and
statistical tables, done in a very professional looking
manner by outside consultants. A separate map packet at
the rear neatly holds the mapped plan. A comprehensive
action program package for seriously implementing the plan
is quite good but citizen participation as part of that
package is given token recognition. Some excellent still
life photography is included but not one image of a living
human being or animal could be found. The omission of

human purpose is too characteristic of all the reports

reviewed.

 

13General Plan Report, Ibid., p. l.

121

Policy Plans

 

Just one policy plan came from the survey.14 With
the distinct relevancy of policy planning to PPR, more were
hOped for; yet, it is realized that this plan format is a
new one. Comparison of this publication, therefore, will
be based on tenets commonly held for policy planning.15

The plan proffers alternative approaches to rebuild-
ing a riot-torn area of Washington, D. C., discussing ad—
vantages and disadvantages of each. While this approach is

heading in the right direction of helping to convert the

past planning status of noninvolvement in ghetto areas,

 

14Alternative Approaches to Rebuilding Seventh
Street, 14th Street, N. W. and H Street, N. E., prepared by
the National Capital Planning Commission, August 28,1968.

15American Society of Planning Officials, "Policy
Statements: Guides to Decision-Making," Planning Advisory
Service, Information Report No. 152 (Chicago: Amefican
Society of Planning Officials, November, 1961); Frederick
T. Aschman, "The 'Policy Plan' in the Planning Program,"9
Planning 1963 (Chicago:- American Society of Planning Offi-
ciaIs, 1963), pp. 105-111; Franklyn H. Beal, "Defining
Deve10pment Objectives," in Principles and Practice of
Urban Plannin , William I. Goodman (ed?) (Washington:
International City Managers' Association, 1968), pp. 327-
348; F. Stuart Chapin, Jr., Urban Land Use Planning (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1965), pp. 349-354 and pp.
457-487; also by Chapin, "Taking Stock of Techniques for
Shaping Urban Growth, " Journal of the American Institute of
Planners, Vol. XXIX, No. 2 (1963), pp. 76- 87, Henry Fagin,
"The Evolving Philosophy of Urban Planning," in Urban Re-
search and Policy Plann__g_, Leo F. Schnore and Henry Fagin
(e d. 5 (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, Inc., 1967), pp.
309- 328, and, Keith Max Honey, "Comprehensive Policy Plans
for the Lansing Tri-County "Region: A New Dimension in the
Planning Process" (unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan
State University, East Lansing, 1964).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

122

its presentation, unfortunately, is typically architectural
with page after page of two dimensional schemes. It would
be interesting to compare what was produced by the Black
United Front and Community Urban Renewal Action Council who
also submitted plans for mayoral consideration.

This would seem an excellent opportunity for the
National Capital Planning Commission to adapt its manner of
presentation to the group interests of the area, the black
community. This in no way is meant to degrade the compre-
hensive qualities or vernacular abilities of that community:
it is meant to respect the forms of expression customary to
that community and to liberally insert its own ideas into
the alternative development process.

In the strict sense of the word, then, this is not
a policy plan. It provides logical alternatives but without
integrated values of the residents into those choices,
which also decreases the logic of implementation and

acceptance.

Public Information Programs

One indication of the "701" requirements for a
public information plan came from the Indianapolis metro-
politan area in the form of a "work paper" procedural out-

line for an informational and policy development program.16

 

16Informational and Policy Development Program Work
Paper: Procedural Outline, prepared by the Metropolitan
Planning Department of Marion County, Indiana, July, 1968.

123

While clear objectives of the program are set forth and a
cost breakdown of techniques, programs and services is
given, personnel delineation of activities is ambiguously
left to the "planner-in-charge or other qualified staff
member" without stating, for example, methods for deter-
mining "qualification."

Training of staff and officials is allowed $200 in
the total $74,400 program estimate but no detail is given
on how this training will proceed or what will be gained._
The agency does see the need for including "a communications
consultant" to ensure comprehensibility of written reports,17
but makes no mention of other media such as television
shows, speeches, neighborhood visits, etc.

In each of the informational segments of the pro-
gram, such as air quality and management, structural and
environmental surveys, preliminary goals and objectives,
delineation of planning areas, development controls, etc.,
emphasis is given to slide presentations. According to the
response to question 36 of the survey, this technique has'
been one of the most favorably received in public informa-

tion attempts.

Summary

Overall, the six categories of publications re-

viewed are impressive and make good attempts at informing

 

17Ibid., p. 12.

124

and educating the public and, to some extent, involving
them when that is their purpose. They still reflect the
restraints revealed in response to question 27 of the

survey as discussed in Chapter IV; namely, the impositions
of insufficient and undesignated funding for PPR, personnel
training in the art and science of good communications, and,
in varying degrees, the restraining attitude of the planning
staff.

Their greatest restraint, however, still lies in
conceptualization: they lack imagination, innovation and
common sense. Too often they lack purpose: they erect a
superficial shell without ever filling in the real reasons
for planning in their assumption of too much pre-knowledge
of the planning process and its raison d'étre.

Too often they fail to encourage discussion: they
hit and run when they do not provide such simple things as
putting dates on the covers or consecutively numbering
pages so a person could refer to a particular item if he
wished to; or when they are polished to retain political
acceptance, meet budgetary requirements, or primarily seek
public recognition.

To the counter that a lot of the issues raised in
the preceding discussion could have been explained or
cleared up if the reader had gotten in touch with the
agency, read more of the agency's publications, or perhaps

read more carefully is the glaring fact that this would be

125

the approach most peOple would take if and when they read a
publication produced by an organization, especially a non-
profit organization. Not only is a first impression impor—
tant, a most thorough impression will serve to prevent
misconceptions as well as induce understanding.

Looking to reputable sources for guidance, recom-
mendations for improving PPR activities in general and
publications in specific in reference to this chapter will

be made in Chapters VI and VII.

CHAPTER VI

RESEARCH ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS

In capsule form, the national survey and publica-
tions derived therefrom indicate these characteristics
concerning public relations for planning in local public
agencies:

1. Agencies are over 5 years of age and responsible
to policy bodies but moving toward more executive-adminis-
trative relationships.

2. Public relations for planning receives no real
monetary distinction and little personnel distinction.

3.* PPR receives professional planning influence as
an upper median pyramid with one foot in formal planning
training to the apex of PPR formulation to another foot in
final policy determination.

4. Policy for PPR activities favors services
(information, education, requests) with goodwill a low
second and persuasion and dialogue quite low.

5. PPR activities involve formal educational pro-
grams (elementary and college) the most; Open house second;
with special events and vernacular specialization ranking

very low.

126

127

6. Plan commission members as one of the Government
relationships of the planning agency mostly receive studies
and master plans as background material for furthering
understanding and comprehension, and some ordinances and
codes. City tours and primers are less provided.

7. Interest Group influences on planning Operations
permitted are emphatically commercially oriented (develOpers
and other businessmen). Religious and aesthetic groups
receive minimum attention.

8. Restraints on PPR are primarily financial, then
personnel and/or time, with fewer reported conceptual staff
hang-ups although there appear to be poor organizational
relationships between objectives, activities, and evalua-
tion. This may be due to insufficient PPR training.

9. Discoveries of planning problems are made by
observation, policy body and executive directives and some
economic studies; then cost accounting, political direc-
tives, opinion surveys and social statistics which receive
much less usage.

10. Little inventiveness in PPR techniques can be
witnessed either in the three subject areas of symbols,
pretested publications or information plans, in open-ended
question response to favored techniques, or in actual pub-
lications as reviewed in Chapter V.

11. Evaluations of planning effectiveness is left

to a rather doubtful plan support measurement and to public

128

meeting attendance versus more scientific methods of social
cost accounting or attitude change.

12. Minimal PPR training exists in planning staffs;
what there is, is informal for both professionals and
nonprofessionals.

With these Operational limits placed on PPR, ques-
tions concerning self-evaluation of change and professional

aspects of change become pertinent.

Agency Change

To gain an indication of how each individual agency
saw itself in its overall PPR effectiveness, question 30 on
the survey asked for a self evaluation. According to Table
13, the agencies saw themselves as having good to fair
effectiveness. The agencies most seeing themselves as
having excellent PPR were Code 200 (18.7%). Drawing from
the earlier discussion of intensity of activities and vari-
ety of techniques, this result is not unexpected, especially
when a similar intensity and rating are noted for Codes 600
and 700. The less PPR active middle-sized cities/agencies,
although ranking themselves highest as having good PPR,
were lowest of the three general size groups (large, medium
and small) in excellent classifications and highest of the

three in fair ratings.

129

Table l3.--Agency Self-Evaluation of PPR Effectiveness

 

 

 

Code

Group Excellent Good Fair Poor
100 50.0% 50.0%

200 18.7% 31.3% 37.5% 12.5%
300 13.3% 46.7% 33.3% 6.7%
400 10.3% 51.3% 30.7% 7.7%
500 6.0% 42.0% 48.0% 4.0%
600 15.4% 42.3% 38.5% 3.8%
700 12.8% 43.6% 38.5% 5.1%
Mean* 11.7% 43.7% 39.0% 5.6%

 

*Representing 94.7% of the returns.

Few agencies saw themselves as having a poor rating.
The fewest number occurred in the small-sized agencies and
increased with size. When the categories of excellent and
good are summed, and fair and poor categories are also
summed, the more positive image occurs only 10.8 points
above the 44.6% less rewarding viewpoint. There definitely
is some dissatisfaction with PPR conditions as they are.

When agencies were asked to indicate the PPR im-
provements anticipated for the coming fiscal year, the
results were as is shown in Table 14. If the agencies give
an indication of dissatisfaction, no correlation of improve-
ment can be taken from it with the tabular information

below. Obviously, "good" effectiveness is good enough when

130

40.7% say they anticipate absolutely no change in their
approach, especially when the largest proportion of this
percentage came from small-sized cities. Their decision
may be due to imposed restraints such as funding or staff-

ing as well as to their having the highest summed ratings

of good and excellent.

Table l4.--Agency PPR Improvements Anticipated

 

 

Change More

 

Hire PPR Diver-

Code Budget Spe- Policy sified No Haven't
Group Increase cialists Line Media Change Decided
100 50.0% 50.0%

200 6.3% 6.3% 25.0% 31.2% 31.2%
300 7.1% 7.1% 28.6% 28.6% 28.6%
400 10.3% 5.1% 2.6% 25.6% 38.5% 17.9%
500 2.0% 2.0% 2.0% 20.0% 42.0% 32.0%
600 7.2% 1.7% 3.6% 14.3% 44.6% 28.6%
700 5.1% 2.6% 28.2% 43.6% 20.5%
Mean* 6.0% 2.8% 2.8% 21.8% 40.7% 25.9%

 

*Representing 96.0% of the returns.

Such impositions apparently are working less on
Code 200 and 300 cities when they respond an average of 30%
as having made no decision even though they have rather
For those

high evaluations of their PPR effectiveness.

33.4% having made an improvement decision (at least from

131

the categories provided), 21.8% said they were giving con—
sideration to more diversified media to serve their various
planning publics, 6.0% said a budget increase, and 2.8%
said hired communication specialists--with the largest
number of votes coming from middle-sized cities. The re-
maining 2.8% went for PPR policy line changes--this pri-
marily from a 200 agency.

Interestingly, the city with the longest record of
PPR activities and a PPR specialist staff and budget, one
of the Code 100 cities, rated itself "fair" and said it
would improve by adding more specialists and saw the best
manpower source for PPR outside the agency as coming from
additional staff specialists.

Other reactions to the search for outside manpower
to benefit agency PPR were focused on the direct political
involvement of the agency director in local politics
(35.7%), and requiring PPR communication training as part
of professional planning school curricula (34.7%). A
curious pattern can be seen to occur between these two
sources in their agency code distribution. Every other
code group supports political involvement (beginning with
200) more than curriculum revision, and the reverse is true
beginning with Code 300.

Staff specialists get less popular with decreasing
agency size and this could be due to external restraints

again. Hiring outside consultants on a regular basis is

132

not too keen. Viewing some of the hard-finish works of
consultants in Chapter V, it would be easy to understand
why some agencies would prefer to "do it themselves."

One 200 agency cited the need to activate the voice
of usually apathetic power structure groups, asserting that
their minimal influence on local planning was because they
simply did not take the interest to speak up enough. In
contrast, a large city agency states that the reaction of
elected officials and local community leaders is sufficient
to influence the direction of planning programs and their
implementation. This sentiment was expressed on more than
one occasion from larger cities who felt the questionnaire
was so inapplicable as to express their PPR in a letter

form in which they essentially answered the same questions.

Professional Change

The views expressed toward concrete agency change
and the status quo seem to reflect the procrastination
afflicting most human activities as "the art of keeping up
with yesterday,"1 which typically does not support concep—
tual change but may encourage others to change. When plan-
ners were asked what they thought the major objectives of

the profession should be for PPR, they supported democratic

lDonald Robert Perry Marquis, archy and mehitabel
(1927) as quoted by John Bartlett, Familiar Quotations
(Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1955), p. 894.

 

 

133

ideals first and foremost and professional expertise to a
lesser degree but decidedly less for self-help objectives.
That is, employing PPR to aid in fund-raising for plan
effectuation was given an extremely low 7% "always" and the
highest "never" (23.2%), but a vacillatory "situationally.“

One agency in the State of Washington, where it has
been reported that the use of public funds for public rela-
tions is unlawful, recorded a definite "never" to fund-
raising as a PPR objective; then stated in open-ended
question 36 that their most unique or especially effective
PPR technique was a combined multi-governmental capital
improvements program and finance drive. In another case,
an agency says public relations is "a much needed luxury"
but impossible because "austerity budgets are prescribed,“
and then places its only "never" for PPR objective prior—
ities under fund-raising. Morality tied to a dollar sign,
as for conscious fund-raising or persuasive promotion with
its salesmanship connotations, certainly knows much
ambivalence.

It seems time to be realistic: if the largest
restraint to PPR and thus to planning, since the two are
inseparably siamese in the discussion of effectuation, is
funding and staffing (closely linked to funding), why is it
considered immoral to ask the community or, as significant
today, to lobby higher government levels, to alleviate this

strain on planning operations and ultimate infringement on

134

community benefits? A similar paradox exists for obtaining
legislative support for plans and programs.

As the rank order presentation of Table 15 shows,
the policy currently being exercised in agencies is also
conceptually supported in principle: service to citizens.
There is an undeniable paradox between the two top leading
objectives and the already reviewed current policies, prac-
tices and change intentions, however. The summed accepta-
bility of citizen involvement (63.7% always + 34.9% situa-
tionally) and attitude-toward—planning surveys (59.5%
always + 39.1% situationally) place these two objectives
higher than the others listed. The inconsistency of ideal

and real may be due to the difficulty in implementing their

 

more social qualities as opposed to more physical, ascer-
tainable and manageable items, or may be due to flagrant
political interests.

A case in point is a recent occurrence in a local
Model Cities policy board meeting the author attended.
Also in attendance were two young men trained in social
surveying who sought.approval to conduct a thorough social
statistical investigation of the Model Cities area. Their
fee was reasonably low in deference to their gaining exper-.
ience and recognition for their newly founded company for
conducting a "model" statistical program. The idea appealed
to the Model Cities staff and to HUD offices with whom it

had been discussed. Also present was a Mexican-American

135

spokesman for the largely Mexican-American inhabitants of
the Model Cities area. He arose as a spectator and politely
inquired into the benefits of yet another survey, since

the area already "had been surveyed to death"2 and he knew
his peOple would be reluctant to share such personal infor-
mation again without seeing any concrete results of improve-
ment to their neighborhood. He questioned the cooperation
they would muster; he particularly questioned what the
intent was in eeipg_this information beneficially. He was

outwardly shushed and the motion was railroaded through.3

Table 15.--Proposed Major PPR Objectives*

Key: C Citizen involvement L

= Legislative support
F = Fund-raising for plans P

Persuasion

 

 

 

I Interpret plans to the S Survey attitudes
public toward planning

Rank

Order Always Situationally Never
1 70.2% I 69.8% F 23.2% F
2 63.7% C 53.5% P 5.1% P
3 59.5% S 42.8% L 2.3% L
4 54.9% L 39.1% S 1.9% I
5 41.4% P 34.9% C 1.4% S
6 7.0% F 27.9% I 1.4% C

 

*Representing 95.6% of the returns.

 

2A point substantiated by the author and several
other planning graduate students in attendance who have
religiously dug through the maze of available and up-to-
date statistics for detailed studio coursework on the Model
Cities area.

3Model Cities Policy Board of Lansing, Michigan, in
a regular meeting, August 6, 1969.

136

On a national scale, the selection of these ideals
may be based on democratic ethics and/or the contemporary
rediscovery of peOple or the primary group. The relevance
of interpersonal relations in public decision-making has
been a recent popular social science topic. One study
noted that the item most responsible for changing the vote
intention of peOple during the course of a campaign (insert
a PPR program) was "other peOple." Further, there were
"opinion leaders" identified who were not at all identical
with those traditionally thought of as influentials and
these were distributed in all occupational groups on every
socio-economic level.4

When the study researched what influenced the "in-
fluentials" it was determined that mass media was active.
In a "two-step flow of communication," ideas flowed from
print, radio and television to opinion leaders and from
them to less active sections of the population.5 While
some planning agencies may be only willing to permit this
involvement from the typical influential framework they
know or think they know, the increasing influence of other
influentials (e.g. militants as discussed in Chapter IV)

must be reckoned with. While voting may be one thing,

 

4Elihu Katz and Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Personal In-
fluence (New York: The Free Press, 1966), p. 32.

5

 

Ibid.

 

137

planning may be quite another and frequently the question
is asked of one section of society: Are the poor capable
of planning for themselves?

An article by Edelston and Kolodner cites the dif-
ficulties encountered with the Johnson Administration
mouthing the desirability of sound local social planning
by the poor through "maximum feasible participation"
but making it impossible to achieve by imposing
unrealistic administrative time deadlines.

The poor themselves have shown little disposition to divert
their energies from coping with their own personal problems
to planning for alleviation of their community ills.6 In
the opinion of these writers:
. . . claims of involving the poor in planning are
spurious when it is clear that the process has pre-
cluded an opportunity for them to comprehend what is
happening. It seems to us that there are only two
choices: either time, money and method must be avail-
able to facilitate a process which is more than per-
functory, or the pretense should be dropped altogether
and program planning left to the technicians. Any
course between is meaningless ritual.7
At least the principle of involvement is still

alive. In answer to question 34, 40% of the agencies said

they felt that a citizen living, working, or having social

 

6Harold C. Edelston and Ferne K. Kolodner, "Are the
Poor Capable of Planning for Themselves?" in Citizen Par-
ticipation in Urban DevelopmepE,‘Volume I, edited By Hans
B. C. Spiegel (Washington: NTL Institute for Applied
Behavioral Science, 1968), p. 239.

7Ibid., p. 240.

138

or economic interests in a planning area should be given
the general right to influence decision-making concerning
that area; 2% said he should even be given decision—making
power to the extent of veto power over public authority of
necessity; and 38% said he should be at least consulted for
his opinion. Trusting in professional expertise and ethics
were the 20% who said that planners should be so operative
within the public interest as to make consultation

unnecessary.

Table 16.--PPR Research by AIP

 

 

 

Code ApprOpriate Up to Inappropriate
Group to AIP Each Agency to Profession
100 100.0%

200 53.0% 47.0%

300 73.3% 26.7%

400 64.1% 28.2% 7.7%

500 60.9% 27.5%' 11.8%

600 66.0% 24.5% 9.5%

700 57.5% 32.5% 10.0%
Mean* 62.7% 29.0% 8.3%

 

*Representing 96.4% of the returns.

All of these responses should be of interest to the

professional organization generally looked to by planners,

the American Institute of Planners.

When asked whether AIP

139

as a professional organization should undertake PPR re-
search to establish guidelines for its professional use,
63% said yes, 29% said it was strictly the agency's respon-
sibility, and 8% said they felt it was inappropriate to the
profession as a whole.

To draw out direct feelings of respondents about
the apprOpriateness of PPR as a part of the planning pro-
cess, Open-ended questions 37-38 were provided. Of the
55% who took the time to write a personal-professional
evaluation, the overwhelming majority hailed its propriety.
The more thoughtful transmitted concern for devising ethical
standards for employing PPR prior to planning action, i.e.
goal choice, plan selection, plan adoption and implementa-
tion, as Opposed to PPR only used after the fact.

Another major point made was that PPR essentially
must be a local experience, that is, no one can tell or
teach anyone else how best to handle his community. The
school of hard knocks and a sincere willingness to learn
are what "taught" them. Others argued that PPR was so much
an integral part of planning that it was not and should not
be considered as a separate entity; it should be "natural."
The crux of these statements is that theory is all right,
but it won't get planners very far when they find unique
problems not in the text, which they more than likely will.

While this may have been the only way to approach

the delicacy of interpersonal relationships in the past,

140

social science (despite its yet inherent shortcomings) has
advanced a long way in helping to understand popular needs,
both expressed and latent. A real question is whether or
not the planner wants to be a change agent or simply serve
within the existing structure of the community hiring him.
In other words, does he want to at least suggest changes
which he thinks will be beneficial, or firmly back them,
based on the special training he has received and his
intuitive ability to perceive the local environment in
totality? Because if his roles are to be both servant and
suggester-supporter, he will have to establish some range
of Operation. The public will soon know whether he has
worked this out for himself, is still debating the range,
or is slanted in a direction not to their liking. Truth
must be internalized before it can be extended to others.

A planner does not Operate in a vacuum but is a
part of an increasingly defined profession. He cannot
continue to make his own rules of conduct for the integrity
and develOpment of the profession. This is not to infer
strict national control over local Operations. That idea
is preposterous. It does mean there must be an established
starting point; and getting some research-proven assistance
and adapting it to local conditions certainly makes more
sense than blundering onward. Precious moments and public
confidence can be lost in the school of trial and error.

The profession is not taking advantage of the proven

141

experiences of its practitioners because there is no pro-
fessionally linked communication channels concerned with

this subject.

Review of the Hypotheses and Objectives

This research project was undertaken as a propitious
opening of such communication channels. With the tone of
the profession echoing from this survey, a review of the
hypotheses and objectives for the survey will he made to
determine any relationships. The four PPR hypotheses and
their complementary, expanded objectives advanced in Chapter
III might be captioned as having grounds for permanency,

improvement, consensus, and process.

Permanency_

 

Using a favorite planning device of projection
which estimates future intensities based on present condi-
tions, the public planning agency information obtained from
this survey should reveal an established existence and
propose a solid future for PPR on these premises: (1) the
74% total survey response substantiates current interest in
PPR; (2) the large percentage of PPR activities reported
testify to an ongoing PPR Operation in all the public

agencies reporting;8 and (3) the self-evaluations, claims

 

8In addition to the massive active content of the
replies is their numerical context: of the 225 respondents,
an average of 8 agencies declined to answer any one question
so that an overall recording of response was possible for
96.4% of the sample returns.

142

toward improvement and stated processual tie-ins with plan—
ning propose its continuance in public planning.

While the existence of PPR may not always be con-
sciously conceived or directed to any great extent as
evidenced, for example, in the open statements of the
inseparability of PPR from planning, other statements
attested the necessity and function of a purposeful and

defined PPR program.

Improvement

 

Standards for determining need for improvement will
vary according to point of View. One interpretation of the
55.4% above—average self-evaluation might be that it is
sufficient for this particular consideration of planning:
there are other things to think about, too. Another inter-
pretation might be that a fair PPR effectiveness isn't bad:
it really might be all that can be hoped for as an envoy of
public change which people naturally tend to resent.

The contention to these views is that in a profes-
sion dedicated to beneficial change, fifty percent is not
enough. Even more troublesome is the forty percent who say
they have no intention of changing anything in the next
year. They apparently are satisfied with their public
relations and the strength of planning in their communities.
While a fiscal year may not seem like a very long time for
status quo, it can bring a lot of surprises in cities large
and small. Planners are also supposed to anticipate unex-

pected change.

143

The paradoxes recorded between actions and between
actions and principles give further indication of need to
improve. These may have been caused by inadequacies of the
formal questionnaire or to human error in answering, but it
is unlikely these weaknesses will explain away all the
inconsistencies. The question subsets were designed to
give the fullest possible range of choice. While they may
not have always met this objective, the degree of response
indicates they could not have been too far off. Further,
there was no consistent answering pattern for agencies:
responses were neither all affirmative nor all negative,
all inclusive nor all exclusive of choices given, but mixed.

The fact that agencies availed themselves of the
Opportunity to "set the record straight" in the Open-ended
questions on the last page of the questionnaire only 39% of
the time, suggests that either they did not have any dif-
ferentiation from the fixed-alternative ranges to report or
were not interested enough to give a direct response. Of
the 39% only 4% had decidedly negative statements to make
concerning the prOpriety of PPR to planning; a few more had
reservations about it; but the vast majority expressed
belief in it and many of them sought assistance for their

own PPR or for professional growth and attention.

Consensus

 

Consensus of all techniques was not and should not

be expected. This of necessity must be a local choice

144

fitted to local conditions. But the principal usage of
audio—visual aids, the press, publications, speeches and,
increasingly, citizen planning organizations, indicates
some agreement on the most effective means for getting
across a planning message and/or receiving one in return.
A national program developed in recognition of PPR impor-
tance could at least parlay the various experiences for
local comparison, analysis and testing.

Consensus of PPR values or continuing philosophy is
more important. Just as the nation appears in need of some
national goals to help people and their institutions know
where they are going and why, so PPR is in a similar quan-
dary. Will it be completely service-oriented, or will
there be other more-functional-to-the-profession values?
Will two-directional reciprocation be seriously promoted?
Should these value division decisions be left to the in-
dividual agency? In other words, are PPR values something
which the profession should even try to be in agreement on?
Almost two-thirds of the professionals comprising the
sample say there is a professional concern, and basic
guidelines to help the local planner should be researched
and issued.

The interest shown by requesting a copy of the
questionnaire results certainly must indicate some curios—
ity for comparison and standing. Only 11% said they either

did not want a copy or failed to check a preference,

145

usually matching a declination to answer any of the Open-

ended questions.

Process

That a basic process already does exist in planning
agencies for Planning Public Relations is indicated by the
consistency of objectives, policies, techniques and evalua-
tive follow-up reported by some agencies, and by the few
reported established PPR plans or programs (11.6%). The
inconsistencies previously discussed suggest need for a
conceptual framework. The emphatic affirmation of PPR
being a part of the planning process suggests it must also
operate in processual fashion to be so incorporated,
whether the affirmation is conceptual rather than actually
practiced. The overall response pattern suggest the via-
bility of this hypothesis and its programming will begin

in the next chapter.

Value of the Questionnaire

One research effort cannot hope to satisfy com-
pletely the set of hypotheses advanced nor administer to
the objectives sought. That the principal method seems to
have provided a large quantity of vital statistics concern-
ing the status of PPR lends acceptability to the hypotheses.
That they are entirely true remains for efforts involving
more in-depth searching, expanded methodology and follow-up

procedures. Attempts at relating the underlying motivations

146

whether psychological, social, political, financial, phys-
ical, mixed or whatever, were made in the progressive
discussion of Chapter IV. Deeper insights will come with
more thorough research designs.

There was no intent to solve any specific PPR
problem. The overall intent was to gather a general basis
from which sensitivity to and capabilities for developing a
research framework for further study and a recognition of
the need for that study. To this end, the project appears
to have made some success, i.e. in the enthusiastic response
from agencies and their personal comments.

Some of these statements suggest other values:

. . . "Filling out a questionnaire such as this impresses
on one the need for and importance of public relations"

. . . "The questionnaire emphasizes areas in which we are
deficient" . . . "This questionnaire on PPR could help to
create more enthusiasm for appropriate communication" . . .~
"The questionnaire has reminded us of our actual performance
versus possible improvements, with some benefit to the
management of our planning program" . . ."The questionnaire
will serve as a guide to all planning agencies" . . . "In-
formation from the questionnaire will be helpful in 'sel-
ling' funding for general public relations programs in a

number of jurisdictions."

147

With the seeming acceptability and viability of a
processual approach to PPR, and of PPR to planning, a PPRP
(Planning Public Relations Process) will be advocated in
Chapter VII along with other suggestions received from
participating agencies on ways to successfully accomplish

PPR.

CHAPTER VII

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE ADVANCEMENT

OF PPR PROGRAMMING

Synthesizing the literature available on public
relations and the factual results from and analysis of this
national survey, certain recommendations for the advance-
ment of PPR programming have come to light and appear to be
legitimate. Starting with those change elements supported
by the profession by virtue of their acknowledged intent in
Chapter VI and as expressed in Questions 37-38, recommen-
dations will proceed from practices to structuring to

conceptual-processual coordination.

Choosing the Right Technique

Because people appear to initiate, modify and term-
inate relationships by communicating with each other, com-
munication is a channel of influence and a mechanism for
change. But it will hardly be effective if the audience
is not listening. In PPR, planners must realize they are

communicating "with a passing parade, not a standing army."l

 

1Scott M. Cutlip and Allen H. Center, Effective
Public Relations (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hail, Inc.,
1958), p. 160.

 

148

149

Diversification of techniques and delivery become extremely
important factors in communicating the PPR program to an
increasingly pluralistic and individualistic society.

Those areas which could use some attention are audio-visual

aids, group interfaces, education and mass media.

Audio-Visual Aids

 

Everybody knows the value of seeing something for
himself. When other senses strengthen sight, insight often
develops. Sound appears to be the most effective accom-
paniment to sight according to the reported popularity of
slide show-taped tracks. This may reflect the near ine-
briation of some parts of society first to movies then to
television. From a cost standpoint, it certainly beats
making movies. These travelogue-dialogues when imbued with
a shock treatment of pleasant sights versus distasteful
urban sights, and pleasant recorded sounds (slow vehicles
rumbling on brick streets, people laughing in outdoor en-
joyment) all exquisitely audible, versus sheer urban noise
(a confusion of squeeling wheels, wailing sirens) or the
unexpressed noise of a pounding headache from urban stress—-
all can do much to promote urban beauty and serenity as
well as controlled excitement.

All these gimmicks just to get a point across?

Yes, if the point's worth making and they work! It would
be interesting to learn just how much Mr. Citizen perceives

as he purposely moves from Point A to Point B to Point C

150

in a day's time, never really seeing the inadequacies
around him, much less perceiving why they exist or what
they may be costing him in time, money, and frustration.
Acute blindness often occurs in his own neighborhood he
swears he knows. Conditioning is a marvelous human saviour
and a stubborn resistor to change. Therefore, immediately
followup a passive slide presentation, walking tours of the
areas publicly displayed should be personally "experienced."

Imaginative use of nonaural methods can produce
more effective displays and publications if it is realized
that some of the senses have been lost and those of sight
and touch (through visual texture or tactile feel) remain
and must be overstimulated. Learning to laugh at ourselves
could go a long way toward breaking the planning ice, espe-
cially in encouraging two-way communication. People feel
less critical when they are amused. Dead seriousness rep-
resentative of an admittedly dead serious subject only
strengthens apprehension and urges resistance. A vote for
the comic book approach is registered not just for "lower
class" populace. Even better would be two-sided human
comedy, acknowledging the frustrations of both planner and
citizen as in this real life incident:

A motorist left this note on the windshield of his car,
parked opposite a fire hydrant:

"I have circled this block 20 times. I have an
urgent appointment I must keep. Forgive us our
trespasses."

151

A policeman found it and exchanged it for this:

"I have circled this block for 20 years. I'll
lose my job. Lead us not into temptation."2

Another visual choice could be a calendar technique
used to portray the annual report, saving the meatier items
for special reports, etc. This could become an "every-home"
item. When the architect or draftsman gets bored drawing
lines for his regular assignments, dare him to render a

scene for one of these techniques. Both tasks will benefit.

Group Interfaces

 

Personal contact between planner and citizen and
between citizens, however frustrating, confusing or deli-
cate, may still be worth the most emphasis in a PPR program
for establishing genuine rapport and enduring support. The
collaborative processual approach by Godschalk and Mills
attempts "genuine interchange between planners and citizens
from all walks of life throughout the course of the pro-
cess," working with rather than for the community. They
analogize this process with the collaborative marketing
approach which assumes that the consumer is not sure of his

exact desires but would be interested in having them defined

 

2Noel Dant, "People, Planning, Politics, Publicity
and the Press," Community Planning Review, Vol. 12, No. 2
(Summer 1962), p. I2.

 

152

with the aid of a skilled counselor who knows the range of
possible alternatives.3

To gain this skill, they continue, the planner must
know his client; therefore, he must be concerned with
analysis of human activities. The kind of information
sought has quantitative dimensions of population, employ-
ment, land use and traffic and qualitative dimensions of
attitudes, group discussions and neighborhood analyses.4

This "life style" approach5 may do much to beef up
and relevantly coordinate the inventory phase of the plan-
ning process and will do something to initiate curiosity
and perhaps even concern in the planning process. But the
role of the planner is still that of technical expert with
a little socio-psychological softening gained from his data
experience. If this is the role chosen by the planner,
then his PPR runs on a one-way track with some feeder lines
coming into the mainline, but the lines do not spread back
out or run a double track where interfaces can occur in

true collaboration.

 

3David R. Godschalk and William E. Mills, "A Col-
laborative Approach to Planning through Urban Activities,"
Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXXII,
No. 2 (March 1966), p. 86.

41bid., p. 89.

5This approach stimulated a reported unique attempt
being made in a small-sized Tennessee planning agency whose
director is presently at the crossroads of deciding what to
do with all the data now that he has it. He is optimistic
that it will, however, be an investment.

153

If the process is to be two-way, active involvement
must be sought. Meetings can accommodate this objective if
certain features are provided. Cutlip and Center note this
checklist:

l. Comfortable facilities.
2. "Breaks" in the middle of long sessions.

3. Exhibits, displays, charts, graphs, and films
wherever suitable to the subject matter.

4. Refreshments if participants give up their spare
time.

5. An opportunity for everyone to get into the act
even if it's only through a note pad and a pen.

6. Press notice for the occasion with credit to the
departmental peOple who were responsible for it.6

That more and more citizen organizations are crop—
ping up of their own volition is testimony to the omission
of a formal planning invitation. In San Francisco, SPUR
took the initiative as a formal citizens advisory committee.
It is composed of architects, lawyers, neighborhood leaders,
housewives, businessmen and "just plain citizens from all
parts of the city."7 Its financial support comes from
membership dues, corporate and business contributions,
foundation grants and special assistance from the Blyth-

Zellerbach Committee.

 

6Cutlip and Center, op. cit., p. 163.

7San Francisco Planning and Urban Renewal Associa-
tion, "What is SPUR?," 1967 brochure.

154

The author has no first-hand information on its
activities or its success or actual make-up. Yet the
colorfully enthusiastic, straight-from—the-hip publications
tend to be nothing less than encouraging successful think-
ing. The illustrated pamphlet on issues and policies for
developing a great San Francisco8 pulls no punches in the
policy alternatives it offers for every issue--as many as
five approaches per issue which concern place, people,
power structure, physical form and the planning process.

While there may be disadvantages to having a
citizens organization financed by the government as Opposed
to the privately financed SPUR, at least it might be assured
of continued existence given an initial legislated commit—
ment. Cited earlier, the Community Planning Association of
Canada (CPAC) particularly would be helpful to beginning
planning agencies requiring a massive dose of public en-
lightenment. CPAC starts from the premise that both plan-
ners and citizens have lots to learn. Most of the articles

in their quarterly Community Planning Review are an exercise

 

in PPR. Other services include planning counseling services
on local planning matters and a lending library available

to members in Canada or the United States. The library

idea certainly could be transferred to local planning

agency services here.

 

8San Francisco Planning and Urban Renewal Associa—
tion, Prologue to Action (San Francisco: SPUR, 1966).

155

The latest issue of the AIP Journal is devoted to
planning and citizen participation.9 It is disappointing
because, unfortunately, the Journal retains its theoretical
breastplate with its analytical articles shunning incidences
of operational secrets. Planners need less cut-up over
what didn't work or guesses at what will and more case
studies, however simplistic, on what has worked or seems
to be working and why.

To overcome some of the specialty problems of deal-
ing with the public, some planners have begun focusing on
the interest group most influencing planning operations (as
reported in the survey)--the developer. One small Cal-
ifornia agency "rich" in new development has found it
favorable to meet with home owner associations which are
one step removed from the actual develOpment. He realized
he needed their help to promote good planning since they
"could not understand anything but money." As a result,
his prOgrams have been approved and supported.

Calvin S. Hamilton wrote an article on "How to
Interest Developers and Provide Liaison with Planning" in

10

1965. While the avant garde citizen concept now is

 

9American Institute of Planners, Journal of the
American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXXV, No. 4 (JuIy
1969).

 

10Calvin S. Hamilton, "How to Interest Developers
and Provide Liaison with Planning," Plannin 1965 (Chicago:
American Society of Planning Officials, 965 , pp. 207-210.

156

anti-business and pro-poor, it would do well for planners

to comprehend why business has been so slow to participate

in sound planning. By showing some real concern for their

problems (and they do indeed have their own set just as

valid as any other group's), they may_feel more inclined

to cooperate.~

Based on Hamilton's guidelines,ll these ideas may

be helpful:

1.

First, get to know the various publics including
develOpers--their ideal objectives so their move-
ments can be predicted.

Show a genuine interest in their problems and a
willingness to consider a co-partnership to rebuild
the city. Government certainly needs their re-
sources and increasingly, developers need
government's.

Listen to and be willing to follow up on their
gripes of red tape, duplication, timing, etc. Good
administrative procedures should be an expected
part of planning.

Infuse the attitude of being a public servant in
all employees.

Balance this willingness to serve with a sense of
responsibility as a public trust. The director
should maintain an atmosphere of conscience to
correct any "overboard" situations, realizing that
citizens of all interests have a right to equal
treatment.

Organize the office to provide maximum service-
within the agency and between agencies such as city
and county in the case of getting develOpments,
approved.

Provide the framework and motivation for encouraging
innovation. This will attract the better develOpers.

 

11Ibid., pp. 208-209.

157

Minneapolis has not only tried to expand the per-
Spective of its develOpers but also to assist them in their
rebuilding efforts by meeting every 30 days with every
governmental agency related to a particular project. This
may include the plan commission, school board, highway de-
partment, public works department, etc., in a work force
collaboration.12

There definitely is a place for more interagency
COOperation. Intensifying this association with planning
through PPR has the advantage of being identifiable. The
organized premise of most agencies despite their often dis-
organized functional attitudes provides a basis from which
to work for change. In the case of a more anomalous and
anonymous Citizen public, COOperative efforts can be more
thwarted. Studies such as the one by Katz and Lazarsfeld13
on active influentials in all walks of life should be taken

seriously enough to see if their ranks are identifiable and

can be tapped. If the group contacts of planning are to

 

12James E. Lash, "Creating Marketability in Urban
Redevelopment Planning," Planning 1965 (Chicago: American
Society of Planning Officials, 1965), p. 215.

13Refer to Elihu Katz and Paul F. Lazarsfeld,
Personal Influence (New York: The Free Press, 1966). A
means of locating these influentials may be derived from
the locational theory of the Webbers who believe that dif-
ferent social sub-systems having different interaction
realms can be spatially interpreted and understood. See
Melvin M. Webber and Carolyn C. Webber, "Culture, Terri-
toriality, and the Elastic Mile," Taminngegalopolis,
Vol. 1, H. Wentworth Eldredge (ed.Y (Garden City: Double-
day & Co., Inc., 1967), pp. 35-53.

 

 

 

158

emphasize a mass approach, however, public education

techniques should be studied.

Education

 

Yepth.--A Newsweek editor reported a tremendous
hunger for news among teenagers of all levels in 1967. He
believed that every possible Opportunity to bring young
peOple into "the real work of the world and into full
partnership should be exploited," because the unreality of
the whole educational system is what "turns them off."

What this means for PR in any field of public responsibility
is to present the case of an organization in a way that
comes over "like sincere." This generation is expert in
detecting the cover-up, in resisting the sell, and in
translating double talk. The best kind of PR consists of
what is eepe_that others can talk about, if they want to.14

Aside from setting an example, some planners have
reported formal programs to involve the youth of today in
the planning of tomorrow. PPR activities most engaged in
ranked college programs No. l at 76% of the time with
elementary school programs taking 55% of their time. In
Canada, planning education was introduced into Ottawa high

schools in 1964. In addition to the usual classroom

 

14John T. McAllister, "Communicating with Youth:
A Look into the Teen-age Mind," Dynamic Public Relations
and Communications, A Report of the 1967 NationallPublic
Relations Institute for Non-Profit Organizations, New
York, pp. 43—44.

 

 

159 '

learning techniques, local neighborhoods were walked and
observed. Familiar and depressed areas were included and
most had never walked through, let alone really observed,
a depressed area. Learning to look at the familiar and
the "differently new" thoughtfully soon produced construc-
tive reports dealing with their discoveries.15
A 1952 project at a younger age level, kindergarten,
also recognized that children have more sense than adults
usually give them credit for. In their urban tours, these
kids exposed a greater awareness of the elements that make
up a community than many adults. The group built their own
"city" using cardboard and the imagination of the young.
Besides learning many lessons about constructive activities,
they also learned something startling about dismantling a
city when they exclaimed, "It took us three months to build

16 The intelli-

the 'city' and two days to take it down."
gence of children should never be underestimated nor
underutilized in areas of public responsibility. Schools
needs materials developed by planners in the real world.
Adults.--More difficult perhaps is finding success-

ful educative measures for adults with all their precon-

ceived and inculcated notions about urban life. Two

 

15Barbara Lambert, "Planning Education Starts in
School," Community Planninngeview, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Fall
1967) , pp. B-go

16Olga Adams, Children and the City (Chicago:
Irwin Zider, 1952).

 

160

projects have been brought to the attention of the author
which can serve as examples for study and extraction. The
Falls of Ohio project, which will be cited later (see foot-
note 21), is one; the Sacramento regional planning project
is the other. The latter is described in a rather thorough
manner from point of conceptualization to evaluation.17
Both projects were financed by the 1965 Higher Education
Act.

Undertaking a regional educational program with its
many diversities of people, institutions, jurisdictions,
interests, etc., admittedly must be more difficult than a
local attack so that much information should be obtained

from a more expanded approach. Television and home study

groups were the keynotes of the Sacramento Valley project.

Mass Media

 

Television and other mass media can be very effec-
tive PPR techniques if their expectations are respected.
That is, while 70 million people may be a potential audience
of public television (1967 figure), programs on public
issues require some kind of drama to reach this audience.

A Chicago educational television director of programming
in addressing a National Health and Welfare Services con-

ference recommended two approaches which have worked for

 

17University of California Extension, Planning for
Regional Growth, A Report of a COOperative educational pro-
gram for the citizens of the Sacramento Valley, Spring, 1968.

 

161

him in getting across messages on commonly distasteful

subjects such as cancer and alcoholism--the documentary

and the cartoon. He quiets anticipated opposition to the

documentary by citing some findings from a TV Guide study:
Fact 1: Recent research sampling by ABC TV on documen-
taries that appeared on all three networks in the years
1962 through 1966 reveals that reality films are watched
attentively by the mass audience.
Fact 2: The most comprehensive study of nationwide
viewing habits ever made revealed in 1963 that there
was little difference between the TV tastes of the
college educated and those who were not college
educated.

Fact 1 may sound encouraging except that from the
wording it is not known whether all three networks simul-
taneously carried a program and thus offered no other
choice for a viewer or whether it is a summed statement,
which certainly carries more weight. Fact 2 is definitely
encouraging (if still true today) in not having to worry
about "reaching too high." The main thing to remember is
that programs have drama: the public wants it.

Booklets offering counsel in developing good tele-

vision and radio public relations as well as press relations

have been recently produced by the National Council of

 

18Edward Morris, "Opportunities in Public Tele-

vision," Dynamic Public Relations and Communications, A
Report of the 1967 National Public Relations Institute for
Non-Profit Organizations, New York, p. 50.

162

Health and Welfare Services. They may be worth their
small price as a PPR investment.19
Before getting carried away with any media choice,
the audience should be surveyed. While numerous studies
have been made by advertisers on what will reach a partic-
ular market, little has been done outside Madison Avenuec
The Department of Communication at Michigan State University
has made an attempt to rectify this situation through their
1967—1969 project supported in part by a grant from the
Educational Foundation of the American Association of
Advertising Agencies.
20

The study has produced seven research reports.

Because the emphases are on the urban poor, the black and

 

19Roy E. Johnson, Making the Most of Radio-TV
(1966) and John H. McMahon, Productive Press Relations
(1968), both $2.00 from the National Public Relations
Council of Health and Welfare Services, Inc., New York.

20Report #1: "Communication and Related Behaviors
of a Sample of Low-Income Urban Adults Compared with a Gen—
eral Population Sample," by Bradley S. Greenberg and Brenda
Dervin, November, 1967; Report #2: "Communication and
Related Behaviors of a Sample of Urban Adults in Three Low
Income Areas," by Greenberg and Dervin, December, 1967;
Report #3: "Communication and Related Behaviors of Low-
Income White and Negro Adults," by Greenberg and Dervin,
May, 1968; Report #4: "Television Usage, Attitudes and
Functions for Low-Income and Middle-Class Teenagers,“ by
Greenberg and Joseph R. Dominick, November, 1968; Report
#5: "Mass Communication Among the Urban Poor," by Green-
berg and Dervin, March, 1969; Report #6: "Communication
and Urban Poverty: A Research Summary," by Dervin et‘e1.,
April, 1969; and Report #7: "Communication and Urban
Poverty: An Annotated Bibliography," by Dervin, Greenberg
and John Bowes, April, l969--all published by the Michigan
State University Department of Communication, East Lansing,
Michigan.

 

 

163

youth, their findings may serve as an up—to-date source
for planning agencies developing their communication

programs.

Financing PPR

If planning agencies are going to wait until the
body holding the purse strings recognizes the merit of
planning, therefore its effectiveness, therefore a need
for PR to ensure its effectiveness, some may wait a long
time before gaining financial assistance above the very
basic public information services they can scrape out of
their usually low annual appropriations. If planners
firmly believe in something as necessary as PPR and can
show an organized but not restrictive program to Council,
chances are they'll get the one thing they complain is now
holding them back--funds.

The silent pathway to PR and planning effectiveness
directed by the roadmarker "Virtue Earns Its Own Reward"
has considerable merit but "fails to reckon with the babble
and bedlam of today's court of public Opinion." The marker
reading "The Fallacy of Publicity" is taken by loud voices
who think publicity is the answer to everything. This
approach seems most resented by professionals (and rightly
sol). Cutlip and Center subscribe to the middle of the

road marker, the one most suitable to planners: "Good

164

Performance Publicly Appreciated" based on public relations
built of good works egg sound communication practices."21

Some convincing material shown to Council can be
produced by more innovative design of present PPR tech-
niques and by reasonable cost estimates. For example,
since color is an expensive item although it is known to
have specific emotional effects, it may be satisfactorily
substituted by clever layout, unique ideas such as cartoons,
or abstract but recognizable sketches of familiar situa—
tions, events, facilities. Brainstorming sessions of all
staff members, professional and nonprofessional, could be
very insightful and rewarding and develop an esprit de
corps--regardless of staff size. Extending the internal
cut-costs approach, the agency should work as much as pos-
sible on a teamwork basis with other agencies to promote
mutual interests. Expensive waste can be reduced with
judicious planning.

Actions taken at higher government levels could be
beneficial at the local level if properly managed--specif-
ically, lobbying through the AIP. Because legislation
substantially affects funding as well as organizational,
programmatical, and conceptual aspects of planning, the
Institute should take steps--supported by local agencies--

to establish an adjunct lobbying organization. The

 

21Cutlip and Center, op. cit., pp. 14—15.

165

professional organization of AIP could retain its present
tax exempt status and the lobbying organization would be
capable of performing direct political activities at state
and national levels.22

Another item which bears looking into is funding
available for adult education processes in the community
through Title I under the Higher Education Act of 1965.23
And, of course, the drawing power of "701" planning funds
for public agencies at all jurisdictional levels will
legally require financing of a complete public information
and communications plan. The idea is to do it right the

first time and thus lay a foundation for continued local

financial backing in years to come.

Organization of PPR

Sallie Bright writes that public relations is a

continuous process, a day-by-day way of life. Public

 

22American Institute of Planners, AIP Newsletter,
Vol. 4, No. 6 (June 1969), p. 2.

23The Urban Studies Center, University of Louis-
ville, has conducted a very interesting program under this
Act's provision. It originally was financed under "701"
funds as a 1967 project to establish the citizen priorities
for the Falls of Ohio Metropolitan Council of Governments.
Entitled an "Urban Decisions Process," it was patterned
after the Great Decisions program of the Foreign Policy
Association. This information was derived from a letter
and sample COpies of publications received from Mrs. Agnes
D. Livingood, Assistant Project Director, May 12, 1969.

 

166

relations is everybody's business who works in an agency.24
Christofferson as well as most planners responding in the
national survey support her statement, that underlying any
program or organization must be the basic understanding
that "every employee has, in addition to his primary job
assignment, a collateral public relations duty."25 But,
Bright, warns, "therein lies the danger. It may become

nobody's business."26

Some kind of organization with
assigned tasks is paramount to successful PPR, and to a
viable PPRP.

Some of the ways public relations have been organ-
ized in various municipalities are itemized below.27 More
in-depth investigation should be made before attempting to

choose or design an organizational structure right for a

particular agency.

 

24Sallie E. Bright, Public Relations Programs (New
York: National Publicity Council for Health and Welfare
Services, Inc., 1950), p. 33.

25Robert M. Christofferson, "Organizing for Public
Relations," Municipal Public Relations, edited by Desmond
L. Anderson (Chicago: International City Managers' Asso-
ciation, 1966), p. 215.

26

 

Bright, op. cit.

27Christofferson, o . cit., pp. 215-221; and Orin
F. Nolting and David S. Arnold (eds.), The Municipal Year
Book 1967 (Chicago: International City ManagersT Associa-
tion, 1967), pp. 242-275. Of 839 cities reporting on
public relations organization in a survey conducted by the
Year Book, 38% had centralized, 48% had decentralized, and
14% had a combination of the two (p. 243).

 

 

167

Decentralization

 

Public relations is conducted by an individual
department or individual employees with no central coord—
ination or control as through an executive officer such as
the mayor under this scheme. In the case of larger cities,
individual departments such as planning may be large enough
to justify a PR unit of its own. Some of the pitfalls of
this lateral organization are the "empire building" or the
development of materials on basic principles which may not
only exclude other related interests but may be detrimental
to them to the extent of losing ground for the entire

central organization.

Centralization

 

Public relations is conducted by a single central-
ized organization having final responsibility for control
and coordination of all related departments or appointed
employees. Some of the agencies in the national survey
asserted that working closely with the chief executive and
thereby maintaining an overall perspective of the city and
its needs as well as the means for enforcing programs to
meet those needs (i.e. the executive arm) is absolutely
essential for PPR effectiveness, as well as its existence.

This might be realized either through the stronger

 

28Christofferson, op. cit., p. 217.

168

centralized organizational structure or through a limited

mixed organizational structure.

24.1122.

Authority and decision-making by the chief admin-
istrator or city council is coordinated with the actual
execution of specific PR activities by individual depart-
ments under this combined arrangement. This would appear
to be most common among the agencies responding in the
survey. While it may lend coordination, it could restrict
a PPRP or soundly support it. A lot depends on the phil-

OSOphy of those in charge.

Autonomy

Very seldom will a public planning agency be inde-
pendent enough (only 2 agencies or .9% were reported to be
independent in the survey) that it will be able to conduct
an autonomous program. Usually it will still have to
answer to someone. Whether the director takes on the task
Of public relations himself or delegates responsibility for
it, the hazards of departmentalization are avoided and
costs of consultants are eliminated. The one-man show may
be particularly desirable for smaller cities of 50,000 and
under, and the delegated task approach is feasible, accord-
ing to Christofferson,29 in cities of 100,000 to 200,000

population.

 

29Ibid., pp. 216-217.

169

Variations to these overall administrative struc-
tures might be the addition of professional communication
experts or PR consultants. In a public municipality based
on democratic representation and control, it is doubtful
that they would ever operate alone as they would in private

or semieprivate organizations.

Collaborating Consultant

When thoroughness and complexity become the keynotes
of PPR (as in the undertaking of an extremely important and
large drive or program), a competent, qualified consultant
can often not only save time and money from untrained false
starts, but also breathe in a fresh approach. His unique-
ness, however, may not be to the liking of a traditional
community, may be naive in relation to the agency's real
problems, may be resented by the rest of the organizational
tree if under a decentralized structure, and most assuredly

will cost money.30

Staff Professional

 

As a move to overcome the disadvantages cited above
for an "outsider," more and more cities and planning agen-
cies are hiring professionals to become a part of their
staff. They may be permitted to establish their own sub-

section in a planning agency similar to long—range and

 

3OIbid., p. 218.

170

short-range planning sections, with authority to tap the
services of the other specialists when their particular
talents are indicated. Or they may become a subsection
shared by both long-range and short-range sections if that
is the administrative division.

Some of the survey respondents say that it is es-
sential for this professional to have a voice in policy
matters of the agency or his contributions can prove futile.
Again, he is not a cure-all but may become just one more
specialist collaborator in the coordinated discipline of

urban planning.

Planning Public Relations Process (PPRP)

The obvious solution is not a partial patch-up or
unipurpose injection but a whole new perspective on public
relations for planning. The whole of PPR should be viewed
just as comprehensively as the planning process it portends.
It could become a process itself. The idea already has
been proposed in other fields but not in direct relation to
planning.

The proposals are essentially the same. The basic
discussion on PR programs by Sallie E. Bright should be

31

reviewed as a starter. Cutlip's four step research-

planning-communication-evaluation process, however,

 

31Bright, op. cit.

171

emphasizes the communication aspects.32 Marston's RACE
formula of Research, Action, Communication and Evaluation
emphasizes action forms—-decision making and "exterioriza-
tion," the Latin American way of showing on the outside
what is really felt on the inside, which he feels are
necessary to overcome the North American deadpan, whitewash

traditions associated with "pr."33

E. Stuart Wells34

puts planning back into the
Cutlip model and comes up with SPACE: Seeking facts,
Planning, Advising management on PR aspects of all deci-
sions, Communication and Evaluating-analyzing feedback.

In so doing, he comes closer to the planning process. A
Planning Public Relations Process (PPRP) will be outlined
for consideration here. It has no accompanying slogans or
easily remembered formulas. It is designed to work, com—
plementing the complex planning process. Other PPR sugges-
tions either gained from the survey or gleaned from current
public relations materials or projects supporting a proces-

sual approach to PPR have just preceded and are also dis—

persed through this discussion.

 

32Cutlip and Center, op. cit., pp. 91-151.

33John E. Marston, The Nature ef Public Relations
(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1963), pp.
161-303.

34E. Stuart Wells, "The Professional Approach to
Planning," Public Relations Journal, Vol. XXII, No. 10
(October, 1966), pp. 99-100.

 

172

A PPRP is envisioned as becoming a distinct but
integral part in the general planning process. This latter
process is usually perceived as being representative of
Figure 1. Using this as a model, a PPRP design becomes
apparent and an abstract structure is proposed as Figure 2.
The diagrammed proposal consists of four major subprocesses:
a study design; a local goal and policy framework; the
formulation, testing and selection of PPR techniques which
implement the program; and follow-up evaluation and con-

tinuing study.

StudyiDesign

 

To be incorporated as part of and to draw from the
general planning process, a study design will be the basic
input feature. Things which will have to be considered are:
(1) information and educational service needs of all the
system inventories (physical development, transportation,
population and economics, social—political, etc.); (2) any
PPR needs not being met by the previous PPRP cycle and PPR
innovations discovered during the previous evaluation phase;
(3) present agency resources (budgets, organizational
structure, staff talents, physical facilities or equipment,
etc.); and (4) the basic tenets subscribed to by the pro-
fession, based on AIP research and professional consensus.
From this data base, the analysis-forecasting-synthesis

phase of the study design can begin.

173

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175

Needs should be examined for both complementary and
conflicting features in each input factor. For example,
publicizing the economic base projections with the goal to
lure new industries had best consider past programs and
projected conditions of air pollution as well as any past
PR activities for other related factors such as transpor-
tation. The social—political inventory may, through a
public attitude—toward-planning survey, reveal where certain
types of information, services, promotion, etc., related to
other input factors are particularly needed. In short, the
publics involved should be well known.

Similarly, staff and budget requirements for all
PPR needs should be analyzed for programming. Information
for making a decision on the apprOpriate structuring of
staff and budget should be compiled. The current staff-
budget arrangements should be compared for advantages and
disadvantages of alternative arrangements as just discussed.
A teamwork approach should be used whenever feasible. A
joint approach with the mayor's office, public health
department, etc., sometimes is stronger and cheaper.
Physical facilities such as floor space and PR equipment
should be taken into consideration. Thus, a forecast of
PPR needs in certain areas of the city and within certain
time frames in a synthesized relationship of needs makes

possible the second processual phase.

176

Local Goals and Policies

 

Based on the data inventory of PPR needs and the
principal professional tenets of PPR, alternative goals
and related policies can be formulated which will best
reflect the desires and needs of the local community.
Considerations here should include the long-range objec-
tives of the General Plan, the goals selected by the com-
munity for the General Plan, the short-range objectives of
action programs implementing the plan, and the degree to
which the planner will serve the political, policy body,
or executive directives as to which PPR goals and policies
will be honored and by what priority.

To help in the priority selection, fundamental PPR
directions should be charted. The following list, if it
became the principles subscribed to by the profession,
could be used as guidelines for deriving locally applicable
objectives. Some of these were proposed by Canfield35 as
principal objectives for public relation programs of
nonprofit organizations.

1. To interpret planning--its objectives, policies,
practices, competence and accomplishments--to the

public.

2. To persuade the public to support plans, based on
planning expertise.

 

35Bertrand R. Canfield, Public Relations: Prin-
ciples and Problems (Homewood: Richard D. Irwin, Inc.,
I954), p0 2270

 

 

 

177
3. To correct misconceptions and answer criticisms
directed at the profession.
4. To aid in fund-raising for plan effectuation.

5. To secure legislative support for planning
recommendations.

6. To determine the attitudes of the public toward
planning and its programs.

7. To open channels permitting citizen involvement in
policy-making and plan selection.

8. To establish liaisons with the community which will
result in reciprocal learning-teaching experiences.

Establishing a priority range for the PPR goals and
objectives selected precedes their actual programming into
action. For example, it might be best to tackle only a few
PPR tasks during the projected time frame, such as intro—
ducing or reintroducing a story of planning to the community
by various formats, making sure all segments of the popula-
tion are reached this time. Then a more particular goal
project might be developed such as a community or neighbor-
hood newssheet on planning project matters. Thirdly, the
goal of developing more effective relations with the depart—
ments and agencies related to planning might be begun.

The PPRP deviates from the general planning process
at this point in not submitting goals and priority selection
to the public. The expertise of planning management is
called upon here to arrange PPR policies which will coor-

dinate with publicly chosen General Plan goals.

178

Technique Programmipg

After it has been decided which PPR objectives will
be sought and in what order, the techniques must be devised
and programmed to accommodate the policy framework. A
process approach will have particular value for the in-
volvement of mass media techniques which require consid-
erable attention to lead time, for example, in developing
tOpics most pertinent to the community when air time is
available, or in developing sufficient material early
enough to do a sequence.

Choice of techniques should consider the staff and
budget projections as well as physical restraints (space
and equipment) determined in the study design, newly for-
mulated goals and policies, and new or innovative technique
uses which have come to light. Perhaps one technique, a
local television series, could serve two goals if programmed
properly, or be twice as effective if followed immediately
by another technique such as a newspaper series. The fol-
lowing may be among the various techniques accessible to a
local agency:

MASS MEDIA: press, radio, television

GRAPHICS : WRITTEN:
posters letters and postcards
maps handbooks and primers
charts newssheets
photographs handbills or flyers
sketches periodicals
models plans and programs
exhibits special studies
children's artwork annual reports

sculpture calendars

179

EXCHANGE:
neighborhood meetings
block clubs
public hearings
speaker's bureau
the grapevine
interagency meetings
interdisciplinary

WRITTEN:

(Cont'd)

comic books

text books

bumper stickers

home study kits

glossary of planning words
and phrases

children's poetry, plays

seminars
classroom presentations
attitude surveys
Open house
audio-visual loans

IMAGERY EXPERIENCES:

slides

mOV1es

neighborhood walking tours

field trips

special city events

Selection of the techniques and their accompanying

programs for implementation should be made by the agency
director. His selection should consider case studies of
successful PPR technique employment, perhaps eventually
through channels set up by AIP or another professional
organization. His selection must consider any restraints
such as no local television station, staff shortage, etc.
It may entail a temporary reorganization of PPR staffing
from previous assignments to best accomplish the desired
results. Whenever, possible, the techniques should be
pre—tested to ensure effective and long—run savings.
Ideally this should be done in the research section of the
agency or be among the ongoing research tasks of an as-
signed PPR employee. With any alterations made, the tech-
nique is ready to be employed at the designated time.

Scheduling the techniques selected for the various

PPR objectives may be done in a modified PERT version such

180

as that suggested by Kent M. Lloyd.36 An honest assessment

of the staff's capabilities should be made at this time and
any training necessary to carry out the program or future
programs should be made a part of this scheduling procedure.
If there were an ongoing formal training program, it could
be tapped here for special and immediate application.

Of prime importance in any training is to emphasize
the use of the vernacular of the people being reached. In
most cases, everyday layman's language will go much farther
than the stilted phrases of the profession. Abstracted
concepts are helpful in speeding up and permitting a larger
scope of communication between professionals, but they
alienate the uninformed and frequently bother the informed
who prefer terms they are more comfortable with. A dic-
tionary of planning terms might be a blessing to both

planners and publics.

Follow-up Evaluation and Continuing

Study

 

As much as possible, effects of implemented tech-
niques should be studied and analyzed for achievement rates
and improvement symptoms. If the agency has a research

section, PPR research should be a vital part of its duties.

 

36Kent M. Lloyd, "Research and the Public Relations
Process," Municipal Public Relations, edited by Desmond L.
Anderson (Chicago: International City Managers' Associa-
tion, 1966), PP. 46-47.

 

181

Innovative ideas should be encouraged, perhaps by a sugges-
tion box for all employees to use as well as the profes—
sionals. Tested information should be fed into the next
study design phase as an act to stimulate currency and
prOpriety with local, regional and national environmental
conditions.

Lest the small agency turn off their receivers at
this point, they should know that PR research is not above
their means. There are practical steps the smallest of
agencies can take which can yield new insights and reduce
the groping characteristic of too many PR efforts. A
little book written by a PR consultant may suggest evalua-

. . 37
t1ve means for any s1ze agency.

Functional objectives38

which may be included in
this research phase are:
1. Determining where an agency stands with its publics,
spotting small problems before they grow into large
ones.

2. Pretesting various techniques considered before
they are used.

3. Assessing or post-testing selected techniques while
they are in use and after usage..

4. Devising and exploring new, inventive techniques..

 

37Alvin Schwartz, Evaluatinngour Public Relations
(New York: National Public Relations Council oleealth
and Welfare Services, Inc., 1965).

38

 

Ibid., pp. 7-8.

182

The best place to start gauging PR effectiveness is
with a definition of the PR themes stressed, their actual
and ideal relative emphases such as: needs met by the
agency, services provided, quality of the service, activ-
ities of the staff and other involved persons, agency's
place in the community, agency's professional role, agency's
problems, and/or fund-raising efforts and other events.39
For a more abstract checklist, see Cutlip's 7 C's of
Communication: Creditibility, Context, Content, Clarity,
Continuity and Consistency, Channels, and Capability of
audience.40

Some evaluative methods which may be used are the
questionnaire, the interview, recorded observation (at
meetings, etc.), degree of actual effectuation of plans and
programs, social cost accounting of dollars saved and

values gained, and those suggested by Cutlip.41

Process Summary

 

The PPRP is a conceptual framework whose concepts
have been derived from and supported by business and gov-

ernment management and social service sources, reworked and

 

39Herman D. Stein, Measuring Your Public Relations
(New York: National Public Relations Council of Health and
Welfare Services, Inc., 1952).

40

 

Cutlip and Center, op. cit., pp. 140-141.

411bid., pp. 143—151.

183

customized for planning objectives. To become operative,
local agencies would have to adapt it to their programs,
organizational structures and processual arrangements. It
is proferred as a stimulant to get people thinking in terms
of a connected chain of events vital not only to PPR but
also to general planning and the eventual benefit of the

community.

Research

Much of what has just been presented probably
sounds prosaic. Its defense is that the commonplace, the
resources already at our disposal are too often overlooked,
taken for granted, or underdeveloped.

That so little research on-planning-public contacts
has been made by the profession is deplorable. That AIP
apparently has not even seen the need is inexcusable. If
it as a professional institution does not feel inclined to
actively research this and other vital planning issues,
then it should direct and encourage other institutions to
do so; the very least it could do is compile a bibliography
of source materials and, ultimately, case studies for itS’
members. As a national group it could undertake the pro-
duction and promotion of national television programs.-
This would help the local agency in their uphill battle
against ignorance and disinterest as peOple see their plan-

ner isn't the only deviant proselyte of change.

184

AIP could be especially helpful in the field of
government public relations by urging, and even conducting
at the national level, programs of interagency cooperation
and understanding. If a government lobby were established
and public recognition gradually extended, even more moti—
vation to cooperate would emerge. Especially if AIP and
its lobby made it clear where their interests began and
ended so that fears of now controlling interests would not
be so quick to sabotage the effort.

More follow-up of conducted planning research
should be done. With a field so new, so expanding, so
undefined, new research piles upward instead of condensing
laterally in a more contoured fashion. The results of this
thesis should be checked by determining the authenticity of
agency responses concerning the real effectiveness of plan-
ning in general and PPR in specific.

One idea would be to match up evaluative question—
naires to be filled out by a local group having a large
interest in civic advancement with the planning question-
naires of this thesis. The League of Women Voters could
be utilized: their national membership list indicates a

70 percent city match-up with the planning agency sample.42

 

42Suchan evaluation was intended as part of this
thesis but an unexpected family illness and death made it
impossible to carry out within the time frame of the thesis.

185

It would be most interesting to see an evaluation of plan-
ning made by any concerned interest group.

Without this procedure, the project can stand alone
it is felt, as a beginning inquiry into the subject of
public relations for planning and the planning of a public
relations program. The torch is humbly passed to the next

aspirant for truth and betterment.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

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Anderson, Martin. The Federal Bulldozer. Cambridge: MIT
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Bassett, Edward M. and Frank B. Williams. Model Laws for
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Baumel, C. Phillip, Daryl J. Hobbs and Ronald C. Powers.
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Beal, Franklyn H. "Defining DevelOpment Objectives," Prin-
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186

187

Canfield, Bertrand R. Public Relations: Princi 1es and
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188

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State of Michigan. "City, Village and Municipal Planning
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Walker, Robert A. The Planning Function in Urben Govern-
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Winholtz, Wilford G. "Planning and the Public," Principles
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Wright, J. Handly and Byron H. Christian.' Public Relations
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Wright, Nathan, Jr. Black Power and Urban Unrest. New
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189

Reports and Pamphlets.

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Bright,

1952.

Sallie E. Public Relations Progtams. New York:
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City-County Planning Commission of Lexington, Kentucky.

City of

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City of

City of

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Achievements in 1965. Lexington: City-County
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. A Summary of the Community Develepment Plape.
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Albuquerque Planning Department. Planning Depart—
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Atlanta Department of Planning. A Look at Planning
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Upland California Planning Department. General
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Walnut Creek Planning Department. Land Develo ment
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Worcester Planning Board and Planning Department.
Planning Worcester, Massachusetts., Worcester:
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Cleveland City Planning Commission. Planning Cleveland:

Crosby,

 

1966 and 1967. Cleveland: Emerson Press, Inc.,
1968.

 

. Planning in Cleveland: 1964. Cleveland:
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. Planning in Cleveland: 1965. Cleveland:
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Alexander L. Pamphlets--How to Write and Print
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Health and Welfare Services, Inc., 1959.

 

190

Dervin, Brenda, Bradley S. Greenberg and John Bowes. "Com-
munication and Urban Poverty: An Annotated Biblio-
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1969.

Dillon, Henry A. The Department of City Development: Path
to City Progress. Milwaukee: Government Service
League, 1968.

 

Fine Arts Advisory Committee of Cleveland. The Fine Arts
Guide. Cleveland: Cleveland City Planning Commis-
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Grand Blanc Regional Planning Commission. Preliminary
Planning Report. Grand Blanc: Regional Planning
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Houston City Planning Department. 1268 Annual Report.
Houston: City Planning Department, 1968.

 

Johnson, Roy E. Making the Most of Radio-TV. New York:
National Public Relations Council of Health and
Welfare Services, Inc., 1966.

 

McAllister, John T. "Communicating with Youth: A Look
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Public Relations Institute for Non-Profit Organiza-
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of Health and Welfare Services, Inc., 1967, pp.
36-44.

 

 

McMahon, John H. Productive Press Relations. New York:
National Public Relations Council of Health and
Welfare Services, Inc., 1968.

 

Metropolitan Planning Department of Marion County, Indiana.
Informational and Policy Development Program Work
‘Paper: Procedural Outline. Indianapolis: Metro-
politan Planning Department, July 1968.

 

 

Morris, Edward. "Opportunities in Public Television,"
Dynamic Public Relations and Communications. A
Report of the 19676National Public Relations Insti-
tute for Non-Profit Organizations. New York:
National Public Relations Council of Health and
Welfare Services, Inc., 1967, pp. 47-50.

 

191

National Capital Planning Commission. Alternative Approaches
to Rebuilding Seventh Street, 14th Street, NW and
H Street, NE. Washington: NatiOnal Capital Plan-
ning Commission, August 28, 1968.

National Capital Planning Commission Redevelopment Land
Agency. Civil Disturbances in Washington, D. C.,
April 4-8, 1968: A Preliminary Damege Report.
Washington: National Capital Planning Commission,
May, 1968.

. Fort Lincoln Urban Renewal Area. Washington:
U. S. Government Printing Office, 1967.

Redevelopment Authority of the City of La Crosse, Wisconsin.
Business Relocation Assistance Guide. La Crosse:
Keller Printing, 1967.

. Informational Material Regerding Residential
Relocation in the Civic Center. La Crosse: Redev-
elopment Authority, 1967.

Redwood City Planning Department. General Plan Program,
Redwood City, California. Redwood City: City
Planning Department, February 1969.

Riesman, David. "Individualism Reconsidered," in Religious
Faith and World Culture, A Symposium edited by A.
William Loos, New York, 1951, pp. 61-77.

San Francisco Planning and Urban Renewal Association.
Prologue to Action. San Francisco: SPUR, 1966.

. "What is SPUR?" 1967 brochure.

San Francisco City Planning Commission. Annual Report,
1967-68. San Francisco: City Planning Commission,

I968.

 

Santa Clara Redevelopment Agency. Urban Renewal and Redev-
elopment and What It Means to Santa Clara. Santa
Clara: Redevelopment Agency, 1969.

Santa Rosa City Planning Commission and Department of City
Planning. Annual Report, 1968-1969. Santa Rosa:
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Saratoga Planning Commission and Livingston and Blayney,
City and Regional Planners. Saratoga General Plan:
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192

Schwartz, Alvin. Evaluating Your Public Relations. New
York: National Public Relations CounciIIOf Health
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Spitzer, Carlton. "Public Relations at Its Best," Dynamic
Public Relations and Communications. A Report of
the 1967 NatiOnal Public Relations Institute for
Non—Profit Organizations. New York: National
Public Relations Council of Health and Welfare
Services, Inc., 1967, pp. 20-26.

Stein, Herman D. Measurinngour Public Relations. New
York: National Public Relations Council of Health
and Welfare Services, Inc., 1952.

 

Tolleris, Beatrice K. Annual Reports: How togtan and
Write Them. New York: NationaIIPublic Relations
Council of Health and Welfare Services, Inc., 1946.

 

 

U. S. Department of Commerce, Advisory Committee on City
Planning and Zoning. A Standard City Plannipg
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Office, 1928.

 

 

University of California Extension. Planningtfor Regional
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Spring 1968.

Wells, E. Stuart. "The Professional Approach to Planning,"
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West Berkeley Neighborhood Council. Local Citizens Prepare
a West Berkeley Neighborhood Plan.' City of Berkeley,
California, 1968.

 

 

Articles and Periodicals

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. Journal of the American Institute of Planners,
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193

American Society of Planning Officials. "Pamphlets About
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Planning Advisornyervice. Information Report No.

l52. Chicago: AmeriCan Society of Planning Offi-

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Armstrong, Alan H. "Planning in Canada," Planning 1949.
Chicago: American Society of Planning Officials,
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Aschman, Frederick T. "The 'Policy Plan' in the Planning
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Beckman, Norman. "The Planner as-a Bureaucrat," Journal of
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Borton, Thomas E., et et. "Abstract: Public Participation
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Chapin, F. Stuart, Jr. "Taking Stock of Techniques for
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Clavel, Pierre. "Planners and Citizen Boards: Some Appli-
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Daland, Robert. "Organization for Urban Planning: Some
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194

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195

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Model Cities Policy Board of Lansing, Michigan. A regular
meeting, August 6, 1969.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

Geographic Distribution of Sample

and Survey Returns

Alabama
Alaska
Arizona
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware

District of
Columbia

Florida
Georgia
Hawaii
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa

Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri

Montana

Survey Questionnaires
Sent Ret'd

NwOU'l

86

10

WNI-‘UJWU'ICDOWNHQOH

10
23

Oanb

Nebraska
Nevada

New Hampshire

NNOO

New Jersey

54 New Mexico

New York

North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio

Oklahoma
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas

Utah

Vermont
Virginia
Washington

West Virginia

mwmt—awwwqmoonqr-

Wisconsin
2

0

Wyoming

Total Q'rs:

Total States
Plus Dist.

of Col.:

Cit-OLA)

197

Sent Ret'd

Nmo-bl—‘N

12

H
Ol—‘KDQOQNQWQW

F4 H
<5 0

326

45

OO\\lNl\Jo-I>ON

1

[—4

omwmmor—ammoewmww

225

40

APPENDIX B

National Survey Forms

Letter of Transmittal

 

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY East Lansing, Michigan 48823

 

 

College of Social Science
School of Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture
3 June 1969

Dear Mr. Planning Director:

As head of a planning agency, one of the legislated func-
tions you probably have been charged with is that of public
education and information. This function for you as well
as for most directors likely has seemed more of a burden
than an aid or potential. Yet it is common knowledge that
many plans and programs containing weeks or even years of
expertise have been discredited because of nonconcomitant
attention to communicating their ideas to the public.

Some restrictions to this attention have been the technical
heritage of planning, the lack of understanding of the
apparent success of plans which were given advance public
presentation, the problems of involving "too many publics,“
and the dearth of any composite treatment of this concept
in the professional literature of planning. Some basic
research into the existing nature and extent of Planning-
Public Relations which includes a study of the complete
range of planning information, education and service rela-
tionships for all types of local planning agencies would
appear to be in order..

To gain a representational view of the profession on this
subject, a national survey of a few key agencies at local
planning levels is under way. Your agency has been selected
and is requested to take part. There is no delusion that
even a broad survey of this kind can answer all the ques-
tions. Other studies to supplement this survey will be
necessary if the professional is to receive truly bene-
ficial aids for working with his "publics." The survey
breadth, however, will provide knowledgeable beginnings.

Recognizing how busy planning directors are, the questions
in the survey have been formulated so that an assistant
familiar with the operations of the agency can make the
response. All information will be kept in confidence.

For your convenience, a stamped, self-addressed envelope
is enclosed so that you can return the completed form
while it is at hand.

198

199

I hope that the treatment of this subject interests you
and that you enjoy the exercise. If you would like a copy
of the survey results, check "yes" under Question 40.
Because the sample is limited, a high percentage of re-
sponse is essential if we are to shed light on a rather
under-studied planning problem. Thank you for your
contribution.

Sincerely yours, Sincerely yours,

Genevieve A. Brune Keith M. Honey, AIP
HUD Fellow Professor

A NATIONAL SURVEY TO DETERMINE THE EXTENT OF
AND SUPPORT FOR PUBLIC RELATIONS IN
LOCAL PLANNING AGENCIES

DIRECTIONS: Mark (X) next to, or circle the response most
applicable, or write in the correct informa-
tion where requested.

 

CONTEXT OF THE PLANNING AGENCY

 

|-'
»

REA of planning concern: (Check 1)

incorporated city

incorporated city plus extra territory
metropolitan area

city-township

city-county

 

2. LIFE-SPAN of the local planning agency: (Check 1)
under one year 1-5 years over 5 years

3. Position of planning agency to local government:
(Check 1)

Responsible to a policy body (plan commission,
city council, etc.)

Directly responsible to mayor

Directly responsible to city manager

Other (Please specify)

 

4. MAJOR emphasis of planning Operation: (Check 1)

Public administration (day-to-day zoning, sub-
division decisions)

Land use and transportation

Urban design

Special programs (urban renewal, model cities,
etc.)

Economic planning

Master or comprehensive plan preparation or
revision

Social planning

Other (Please specify)

 

 

Please WRITE IN answers to Questions 5 through 13:

5. Number of professionals on planning staff

 

200

10.

ll.

12.

13.

14.

15.

201

Number of administrative personnel (secre-
taries, draftsmen, etc.)

 

Population in Planning Area

 

$ Operating budget of agency for PAST
fiscal year.

 

$ Operating budget of agency for COMING
fiscal year.

 

$ Appropriations for planning public
relations (public information, educa-
tion, services, citizen participation,
etc.) for PAST fiscal year.

 

 

$ Appropriations for planning public
relations for COMING fiscal year.

 

 

% Rough estimate of percentage of TOTAL STAFF
TIME spent in Planning Public Relations (PPR)
this PAST fiscal year.

% Rough estimate of percentage of TOTAL AGENCY
BUDGET spent on PPR activities this PAST
fiscal year.

 

 

CONTEXT OF PUBLIC RELATIONS

 

COSTS for Planning Public Relations (PPR) activities
are charged as: (Check 1)

A separate planning agency budget which covers
all manpower, supplies, services, etc. related
to PPR activities.

% of a specific planning program budget (e.g.
master plan, transportation study, etc.)

% of local government budget as a departmental
expense

No distinction as any budget item

Other (Please specify)

 

 

FORMULATION of Planning Public Relations (PPR) per-
formed by: (Check 1)

Separate, specialized public relations "Section“
in the agency.

Any planning staff member, depending on the
project, time, etc.

16.

17.

18.

19.

202

Outside consultant.-
Central government staff function, as part of
administrative program.

MAJOR TRAINING of person or staff formulating PPR:
(Check 1)

sociologist engineer

economist historian

draftsman lawyer

architect political scientist
planner secretarial
administrator communications expert

 

Person or body exercising POLICY CONTROL over PPR:
(Check 1)

Mayor City Council

City manager City PR Department
Political leaders Private PR Agency
Planning director Other:
Plan Commission

 

 

RANK the polieyepriorities of the person or body exer-
cising policy control over PPR: (5-4-3-2-1 rank where
5 is most important, 1 is least important in priority)

To create good will for planning in the community.
To serve the public--with information, education,
requests.

To persuade the public to support plans produced
by the planning agency.

To achieve public dialogue for a policy type of
planning.

To advance the image of the encumbent political
administration.

Do the PPR SERVICES of the planning agency include:
(Circle the number that best expresses the service)

EstablishegpDevelopinngo Plans

3 2 1 A speaker’s bureau -
staffed, available,
accessible.

3 2 1 Audio-visual~equipment
loans.

3 2 1 Display loans (models,

charts, maps, etc.)

20.

21.

203

Established Developing No Plans

Do PPR activities offer the Public:
best expressing the activity)

Regularly Occasionally Never

3

2

1

 

3

3

2

2

1

l

Consultant-dialogues
with other profession-
als, disciplines.
Assistance in develop-
ing or encouraging the
formation of neighbor-
hood block clubs or
similar organizations.

(Circle the number

"Open house" of planning
agency headquarters.
Publicized invitations to
visit all new planning
projects.

Special city-wide events,
e.g. "city planning week"
Cooperative programs with
elementary schools, e.g.
providing "text" materials
on urban planning.
COOperative programs with
local colleges, e.g. pro-
viding planning students
with internships, speak-
ers, etc.

Use of the vernacular in
publications or dialogues
for specific groups, e.g.
foreign or ghetto language,
"comic-book" technique for
youth, statistics for
businessmen groups, etc.

How often do the agency's PPR activities provide NEW

plan commission members with:
applicable to each activity)

Always Sometimes Never

3

3
3

 

2

2
2

1

1
1

(Circle the number most

Introductions to all agency
personnel.

Guided tour of agency's quarters.
Guided tour of city and current
projects.

"Primer" of planning principles,
functions, etc.

204

Always Sometimes Never

 

3 2 1 Personal copy of Comprehensive
or Master Plan

3 2 1 Copies of recent planning
studies.

3 2 1 Copies of all local ordinances

and codes.
22. What importance have the following METHODS had in
representing the nature and extent of your local
PLANNING PROBLEMS? (Circle the number most applicable)

Extreme High Some Limited No

 

Importance

5 4 3 2 1 Empirical Observation

5 4 3 2 1 Cost accounting measurement of
physical need

5 4 3 2 1 Technical devices (e.g. to
measure traffic, pollution,
etc.)

5 4 3 2 1 Directives from Chief Executive

5 4 3 2 l Directives from policy body

5 4 3 2 l Statements from politicians or
other "influentials"

5 4 3 2 1 Economic studies (employment,
tax base, etc.)

5 4 3 2 1 Social statistics (crime,
drop-out, welfare rates, etc.)

5 4 3 2 1 Public opinion surveys

23. Are you using any of these RESEARCH techniques to
improve citizen-planner understanding and cooperation?
(Circle the number most applicable)

Established Develeping No Plans

3 2 1 Symbol system for "instant
communication" (e.g. traffic,
leisure, social services
uses,.etc.)

3 2 1 Test of publications--prior
to release--for measuring
rates of understanding,
comprehension, retention.

3 2 1 Separate "Information and
Communication" PLAN as part
of comprehensive or master
plan.

 

24.

25.

26.

27.

205

Is there a Planning Public Relations TRAINING PROGRAM
for the planning staff? (Check 1)

Formal for professionals only (e.g. learning PPR
policies, techniques, etc.)

Formal for both professionals and nonprofessionals.
Formal for professionals and informal program for
nonprofessionals.

Informal for both professionals and nonprofes-
sionals (e.g. telephone manners, etc.)

No programmatic emphasis at all.

 

How many TIMES in the past fiscal year have members of
the planning staff: (WRITE IN the amount for each
category)

 

Taken part in radio broadcasts concerning planning
issues.

Appeared on local television news broadcasts.
Appeared in special television programs, e.g. a
series on local planning.

Prepared special news stories for the press.
Published surveys of public opinions on planning
issues.

Circulated reports concerning local planning to
the ENTIRE population.

What has been the AVERAGE NUMBER of annual reports and
special studies produced and CIRCULATED by the planning
agency? (WRITE IN the amount for each category)

Annual reports. Special studies.

 

EVALUATION OF PLANNING PUBLIC RELATIONS

MAJOR RESTRAINTS on communication--public relations
efforts of planning agency: (Circle the number best
expressing the extent of the restraint)

Great Some No
Restraint Restraint Restraint

 

3

3

2 1 Not enough trained personnel
to handle PPR.

2 1 Not enough money to conduct
adequate PPR program.

2 1 Not enough interest by public
officials in PPR.

2 l Attitude of planning staff
towards PPR.

206

 

Great Some No
Restraint Restraint Restraint
3 2 l Overcoming a poor planning
image in the community.
3 2 1 Other:

 

28. How much actual INFLUENCE are the following interest
groups allowed to have on planning operations? (Circle
the number best expressing the amount of influence)

Great Some Insignificant

 

Amount Amount Amount
3 2 1 Board of Education
3 2 1 League of Women Voters
3 2 1 Chamber of Commerce
3 2 1 Land DevelOpers
3 2 1 Religious councils
3 2 1 Fine arts commission
3 2 1 Militant groups (students or

neighborhood groups)

29. METHODS relied upon to EVALUATE EFFECTIVENESS Of
planning in the community: (Circle the number best
expressing the degree of reliance)

 

Great Some No
Reliance Reliance Reliance
3 2 1 Sample survey response (tele-
phone, post card) of citizens
3 2 1 Public meeting attendance
3 2 1 Active support of plans and
programs
3 2 1 Social cost accounting of dollars

saved or values gained

3 2 1 Reactions in the local press
3 2 1 Intuitive feel of the community
3 2 1 Other:

 

30. Estimate of OVERALL EFFECTIVENESS resulting from
agency's PPR as indicated by public acceptance and
implementation of plans and programs: (Check 1)

Excellent Good Fair Poor

 

31. MAJOR EMPHASIS in improving PPR next year: (Check 1)

Larger budget allowance for PPR
Specialized communication staff or officer
Changing line of control over PPR policy

32.

33.

3

207

More diversified media to serve various planning
"publics"

No change intended

Haven't decided

 

Best SOURCE OF MANPOWER improvement in PPR coming from
outside the agency? (Check 1)

Communication--PPR training required as part of
professional planning schools' curriculum.

Direct political involvement of planning director
in the community.

Communication specialists hired as part of the
planning staff.

Regular use of public relations consultants.
Other:

 

 

THOUGHTS ON THE SUBJECT

 

What SHOULD BE the MAJOR PUBLIC OBJECTIVES of profes-
sional planners in their PPR activities: (Circle the
number that best expresses your evaluation of each

 

objective)
Situa-
Always tionally Never
2 1 To aid in fund-raising for plan
effectuation.
2 To secure legislative support for

34.

 

1
plan recommendations.
2 1 To interpret planning for the public.
1 To persuade the public to support
-plans--based on planning expertise.

 

 

 

2 1 To determine the attitudes of the
public toward plans.

2 1 To open channels permitting citizen
involvement in policy-making and plan
selection.

In a Planning Area where any citizen lives, works or
has social or economic interests, should he be given
the GENERAL RIGHT TO: (Check 1)

Expect planners to operate within the "public
interest" and not have to consult him.

Be consulted for his opinion.

Influence decision-making.

Decide with veto power over public authority of
necessity.

35.

36.

208

Should the AIP as a professional organization undertake
PPR RESEARCH to establish guidelines for its profes-
sional use? (Check 1)

Appropriate to AIP role.

Up to individual agency to determine.
Inappropriate to profession as a whole (e.g.
should be left to local government)

PLEASE DESCRIBE IN DETAIL:

a. Any unique or especially effective PPR technique
you have used:

 

 

b. How you derived this technique and how you effected
it:

 

 

 

c. Why you think it was so effective:

 

 

37-38. Reactions to or comments on.the appropriateness of

39.

40.

PPR as part of the planning process and/or to this
Questionnaire:

 

 

Will you send, under separate cover, a copy of an
"Information and Communication" plan or similar docu—
ment developed by your agency? Yes No

 

Would you like a copy of the results of this survey?
Yes No

THANK YOU FOR YOUR INTEREST, YOUR ATTENTION,
AND YOUR ASSISTANCE IN THIS
RESEARCH EFFORT

Follow-up Letter

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY East Lansing, Michigan 48823

 

 

College of Social Science
School of Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture
23 June 1969

Dear Mr. Planning Director:

In an effort to provide local planning agencies with a,

better understanding of the various problems and techniques
associated with public relations and communications in the
planning process, I am conducting a national survey on this
topic. Your agency was selected to share in this learning
experience and a questionnaire was sent to you several days
ago. To date, no response has been received from you.

On the chance that the survey has been mislaid on someone's
desk, and with the expectation that you wish to be included
in the results of this national survey, I am sending a
second form along with another stamped, self-addressed
envelope for its swift return by July 1..

You may find that you can pass along the form to an assist-
ant for your response although you, yourself, may find the
exercise challenging and enlightening.

If you have returned the first form just recently, please
accept_my sincere appreciation and disregard this letter.
Your COOperation makes this research effort possible.

Sincerely yours,

Genevieve A. Brune
HUD Fellow

209

NEW 2 0 7099

MICHIGAN STAT

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3 1293

NIVERSI

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