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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

Socio-Economic Differentials Associated with
Leadership in Turrialba, Costa Rica

 

presented by
Antonio Murillo Area

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

_M.A._degree inimiolggy and Anthropology

/
/

. " Ii
, / “I // _/

/ ify‘:'-‘
'l

 

Major professor

; Date_.AngnaLlh,_1952__

 

 

 

SOCIO-ECONOMIC DIFFERENTIALS
ASSOCIATED WITH LEADERSHIP
IN TURRIALBA, COSTA RICA

By
Antonio Manuel Arce

A THESIS

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State College of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the decree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of SociolOgy and Anthropology
1952

W555
/a'1¥'5’}. ;

 

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!

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author wishes to acknowledge
his indebtedness to Dr. Julio O. Morales,
Head of the Department of Economics and
Rural Life of the Inter-American Institute
of Agricultural Sciences, under Whose
direction the study began. To Dr. Charles
P. Loomis, Head of the Department of
Sociology and Anthropology of Michigan State
College, for his encouragement and advice
in important phases of the study. The
author is indebted also to Thomas L. Norris,
for his help in the original wording of the
English manuscript. The investigations
carried out in the rural zone of Turrialba
by Marta Coll Camalez, Home Economist, and
Reed M. Powell, Graduate Student of Michigan
State College, helped to a great extent in
the realization of this study. Last, I would
like to express my appreciation to Dr. Olen E.
Leonard, my major professor, for constructive
criticism.and valuable help in the organiza-
tion of the material and the analysis.

("(1 "‘l") (V 1"
.‘hfi; i; a.)
.aJ Jk)1)'1~

Chapter
I.

II.

III.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

IMRODUCTIONOO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOO

The PrOblemeeeeeeeeeoeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
Importance Of the StUdyeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

WTHODOWYO0.0...0.0.0.000000000000....00...
Project 1. (Informal Leadership)..........

3. SCheduleeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
be Sampleeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeoe000000000000
Oe IUtSPViO'ingoeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
d. Analysis of Sociometrio Questions.....

Health StUdyeoeeeeeeeeoeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeecee

a. SOthUleeoeoeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

be Samples.eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

Ce IfltOPVie'ingeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee
DistribUtion Of Fanilieaeeeeeeeeeeeeeecooe
TEE SETTING...eeeeeeeeeeeeeoeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

A General Description of the Area.........
Patterns of Settlement and Predominant
occupational Pursuits....................
Hacienda-Type Farming Communities........o
Family-Sized Farming Communities...o......

SOCIO'ECONOMIC DEFERENTIAIS 0 O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O

APPPOXiMflte Income........................
Housing.............o.....................
Family Structure.............o............

HealthOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIO.

Medical F30111t193000000000eoeeeeeeeeeeeee
Health and Sanitary Conditions...........o

SUMMARY AM) CONCHISIONSOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOO
SELECTED BELIOGRAPHYOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO00......

APPENDHOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

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98
101

1.
2.

3.

4.

6.

7.

8.

10.

11.
12.

15.

LIST OF TABLES

Sample of the Informal Leadership...............

Sample of the Health Study in Relation to the
Number of Families Interviewed in the
Sociology and Anthropology Sub-project.........

Distribution of 140 Families of the Turrialba
Rural Zone in Terms of Leaders and non-
Leaders, Occupation, and Type of Community.....

Distribution of 140 Families of the Turrialba
Rural Zone in Terms of Leaders and Non-
Leaders, Occupation, and Type of Community.....

Distribution of 93 Families of the Turrialba
Rural Zone in Terms of Leaders and an-
leaders, Occupation, and Type of Comunity.....

Average Annual Income by Family According to
00 cupational Type and. Leadership. 0 e e e e e e e e e e e o 0

Per Capita Annual Income According to
Occupation and Leadership......................

Housing of Jornaleros and Small Farmers by

Radarship...”................................

Number of Rooms, Bedrooms, Beds, and Number
of Persons Sleeping in the House, in Relation
to Leader'Ship and Occupation...................

Relation Between Pregnancies and Infant

Mortality......................................

Maternity SOI'Vices at L381; B1rth................

Proportions of Families Insured and Non-
insured in Relation to the Social Security

System,........................................

Average Number of Visits to the Social Security
Hospital and the Health Center by the Families.

19

22

24

26

58

61

65

67

71

74

79

81

 

14. Percent of Rural Families in Turrialba
Having Different Bathing Facilities..........

15. Percent of Rural Families in Turrialba
With No Toilet or Which.Use Outhouse.........

l6. Denture Conditions of the Mothers in the
Rural Zone or Turrialba......................

85

87

90

1.

2.

LIST OF FIGURES

Cartago Province and the Turrialba Canton
With its D13tr10t8.............................

Rural Houses - Central District, Turrialba
Canton - Costa Rica 19480eeoeeeeoeeeeeeeeeeeeee

Average Annual Income per Family, According
to Occupational Type and Leadership............

Average Age of Heads of Families, According
to occupational Type and Leadership............

Average Age of Mothers in Jornaleros and
Small Farm Families, According to Leadership...

Use of Running Water by Rural.Families of
Turrialba, According to Occupational Type
and LeaderShipeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeoeeeeeeeeeeeee

30

35

59

69

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

The Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences
was established.by the Eighth American Scientific Congress held
at‘Washington in 1942. However it did not begin to function as
a permanent institution until December of 1944. The necessary
requirements for an institution of this type were found near .the
city of Turrialba, Costa Rica. The purpose of the Institute is
to stimulate and promote the development of agricultural
sciences in the American republics by bringing together the
resources of research and teaching and by writing theory and
practice in agriculture as well as in other related sciences

and arts.

The activities of the Institute are carried on in
four departments: Plant Industry, Animal Industry, Agricultural
Engineering and Economics and Rural Life. This study is a
product of research in the Department of Economics and Rural
Life, which.is generally concerned with.the human factor in
agricultural problems. This department began a survey of the
economic and social development of the Turrialba community in
1948. Its purpose was to discover the needs and problems of
the area and develop methods which would contribute towards

elevating local levels of living in the least possible time.

 

 

This study is based on some results obtained in the
survey. An assumption is that a knowledge of relations
obtaining between socio-economic factors and leadership is
necessary for the formulation of action programs designed to

achieve the purpose of the Institute.
The Problem

Certain aspects of community life which seem to be
most relevant to immediate action were selected. One of these
was the phenomenon of leadership, which is a product of social

interaction in a community.

For the purposes of this analysis, two types of
leaders were isolated. One particular type was the "informal"
leader whose role is conditioned largely by his personal
qualities and for whom there are no formal rules of behavior.
The other type was the "formal" leader, including both
professional and titular leaders.1 Emphasis, however, was
given to the informal leader in relation to certain socio-

economic factors.

A sample of leaders and non-leaders from the rural
population of the Central District of Turrialba was selected
for interview. The specific objectives guiding the interviews

were 2

 

1'Group Action in Soil Conservation: Upper Mississippi Valley,
Region III, Milwaukee: U.S.D.A., Soil Conservation Service,
March, 1947 .

1. To determine the extent to which.leaders
and non-leaders differ with respect to

certain socio-economic factors.

2. To compare health and living conditions
among leaders and nonpleaders with respect
to land tenure; i.e., more specifically to
determine the extent to which leaders and
non-leaders differ in hacienda type
communities and communities composed of

small farms.

5. To compare socio-economic factors of
leaders and non-leaders in respect to most
characteristic type of occupation in each
of the two community types: the lornalero
(day laborer) in the hacienda type community
and the small farmer in the family-sized

farming community.
Importance 2£_the Study

The phenomenon of leadership is important in any
action program.seeking to raise levels of living in

undeveloped countries.y Informal leadership, once elicited

from the patterns of community interaction can be used as a

means of introducing favorable changes in a minimum of time,
insofar as the leader has influence over the behavior of his

followersz. Loomis and Beegle emphasize that:

"Those who wish to change practices and ideas
as we indicated in the discussion of
principles should utilize local leadership
appropriate to the given situation, realizing
that usually diffusion from upper classes to
lower classes is more rapid than diffusion
in the opposite direction. In some cases,
communication from upper classes to lower
classes is so poor ghat diffusion downward
is extremely slow.“

Leadership may become even more important when the
differences in the way of life between leaders and non-leaders
are analyzed since communication of new ideas is from.the top
downward in any social structure. This principle seems to hold
as between classes as well as between individuals. The action
program.in a community in which.there are great differences in
socio-economic conditions, logically would have to be very

distinct from.a program.in a community in which those

differences either do not exist or are insignificant.

 

2 La Piere and.Farnsworth in their Social Ps chclo , mcGraw
Hill, 1949, p. 257, define leadersfiIp In the foIEowing terms:
"leadership is behavior that affects the behavior of other
people more than.their behavior affects that of the leader”.

3 c. P. Loomis and J. A. Beegle, Rural Social 3 stems, New York,
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950, pp. 331335.

CHAPTER II
METHODOLOGY’

A number of sub-projects grew out of the larger one
sponsored by the Institute under the general theme of
Comnity Study. Of these, two were particularly relevmt in
providing a basis for this study. The former, one of whose
purposes was'to discover the association pattern of the
informal prestige and congeniality groupings" was concerned
with.the discovery of the informal leaders in the rural zone.
The latter, was designed to reveal some of the different
levels of health among rural families.

For reasons of econom in both time and money a
schedule was used as the principal source of data for both
sub-projects. The participant observer technique, while
considered desirable for many purposes, was not used extensively
in these sub-projects because it was impossible to apply such
a technique to gain adequate coverage of some twenty-five
localities. Nevertheless, it was possible to supplement
information gathered through the questionnaire with direct
observations on the basis of repeated informal conversations

1

before and after the interviews. These observations provided

valuable insight in the analysis and interpretation of the data.

 

1 The author of this study had been in direct contact with
these localities over a period of three years.

In order to make more explicit the vital role which
the two sub-projects played in providing the basis for the
study a brief summary of the salient aspects of these projects

is summarized in the following paragraphs:
Project 1. (Informal leadership)

a. Schedule: A schedule was designed and administered
in this study. It was developed at Michigan State College by
Reed M. Powell, a graduate research assistant, under the
guidance of Charles P. Loomis, head of the Department of
Sociology and Anthropology at that institution. The schedule
was then translated and adapted for the Turrialba community
in terms of existing knowledge of the local situation. It
asked for information on community.delineation, social class,
land tenure and the family. In addition several sociometric
questions were developed in order to elicit the association
patterns of informal prestige and congeniality groupings
considered to be of prime importance in achieving the goals
of the project.

b. Sample: A stratified random sample was taken
and included twenty-five rural localities and the urban zone
of the Turrialba Central District. The sample was stratified
geographically, that is, a random.sample was obtained for each

separate locality. The sample was also proportional to the

number of families in each locaility. Thus, the sample varied
from.one-eigth to one-half, with a greater proportion in those
places at a greater distance from the geographic center of the
universe and a lesser proportion for those nearer the center.

This distribution is seen in Table I.

TABLE I 8
SAMPLE OF THE INFORMAL IEADERSHIP

 

 

 

 

 

W0 A
v lace average Sayle FamiligL
. rialba-Aragon 1/3 146 1175
I; Margot 1/4 17 51
l Coyol 1/4 5 20
I : Doris 1/4 7 28
. : Dominica 1/4 4 16
I : Roncha 1/4 10 44
uiares 1/4 48 206
anta Rosa 1/4 26 102
1 Repasto 1/4 10 as
I: Isabel 1/4 22 79
; 1 1/4 a 32
lorencia 1/4 19 72
Istituto 2. 1/4 4 13
. slabon 1/2 22 44
arretera a La Suiza 1/2 34 4e
2:1 Bancc . 1/2 ll 12
Paves 1/2 18 29
olorado 1/2 21 31
an Juan Norte 1/2 29 44
. an Juan Sur 1/2 40 so
. .- Verbenas 1/2 1 9
tirro: 1/2 41 15:5
(1 1/2 28
(2 1/2 1:5

arretera a Santa Cruz 1/2 37 63
arretera a Juan V inas 1/2 16 32
entral Azucarera 1/2 5 10
otal Questionnaires Adminis-

ered in Rural Zone: 455

In Urban Zone: 146
-ota1 Administered: = 601

otal families in Rural Zone: 1404
otal families in Urban Zone: 1175
otal families: 2579

 

 

* In La Verbena there were five families in the sample, but
it was possible to interview only one of them.

c. Interviewing: The Schedules were administered
during a six month period from July through.December of 1948.
As Table I. indicates, six.hundred and one familes were
interviewed by four persons.2 The formal interviews opened
up the opportunity for later informal conversations which
afforded a more ample perspective into the problems and

conditions present in each community.

d. Analysis of sociometric questions: The schedule
contained various sociometric questions designed to elicit
congeniality and informal visiting patter/9‘43}, mutual aid
arrangements and the prestige hierarchy. However only those
questions referring to visiting patterns and the prestige
hierarchy were analyzed, since these seemed to be the more

significant elements in the pattern of social interaction.

Studies of other cultures have demonstrated that

visiting patterns constitute one of the factors which reveal

the basic pattern of social interaction:

 

2 Marta Coll Camalez, Nancy Hatch, Reed M. Powell and the
author. The interviewing strategy is discussed in R. M.
Powell, op. cit., p. 20, fn. 27. It is well to mention
that San Juan Sur and Atirro were given full coverage.

The reason for this is that Mr. Powell was making an
intensive and comparative analysis of these two communities.

Preliminary analysis of visiting and prestige data were made
on the basis of the sample and there are no significant
differences between this and the analysis made by mr. Powell
on the basis of full coverage. For title Of Mr. Powell's
thesis, see footnote 1, Chapter IV, p. 55 of this paper.

   

 

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10

'. . .the interaction patterns that follow
were constructed from observation or from.
interviews with the people, who were asked
with whom they visited, exchanged work and
borrowed or loaned farm.implements. Of
course, the activity which.cne would choose
to reveal the clique groupings, would depend
upon the culture. In the cultures in which
the authors have worked, informal visiting,
exchange work, or borrowing have revealed
what various tests proved to be significant
relationships. Since intensive studies have
proved that any one of these three indices
resembles the others very closely, but that
visiting is the most ségnificant indicator
of social status. . ."

The visiting question used with the interviewed
families was: With.what families do you visit most
frequently?4 A comparative analysis between this question
and another: Who are the persons in whom you have
"confidence" and with whom.you discuss your personal

problems?5 revealed a great similarity in responses.

From the data obtained on the visiting question it
was possible to construct sociograms for each of the henty-
five localities. This analysis and its graphic representation
was done by mr. Powell with the collaboration of the author
of this study. The sociograms revealed the different cliques

 

3 C. P. Loomis and J. A. Beegle, op. cit., p. 158.
4 A que families visita Ud. mas a menudo?
5 Quianes son 1as personas a quienes Ud. trata con toda

confianza y con quienes Ud. discute sus prdblemas
personales?

 

 

 

11

in each place and the term frienship leaders or, clique leaders
as used in this study was applied to the "stars” or centers of

those cliques.

". . .As Warner and his workers use the term,

.a clique is a non-kin group, membership in
which may vary in numbers from two to thirty
or more people. . .When it approaches the
latter figure in size, it ordinarily breaks

up into several smaller cliques. It is an
informal association because it has no explicit
rules of entrance, of membership, or of exit,
and membership behavior. . .The clique does
have very exacting rules of custom which
govern the relation of its members. . .members
speak of others in the community as outsiders. .
Feelings of unity may even reach such a pitch
of intensity that a clique member can and does
act in ways contrary to the best interests of
his own family. . .The clique may or may not

be age-graded. . .unisexual or bisexual. . .
Its activities vary according to the social
position and relative wealth of its members"6

For the purposes of this study a clique leader refers to a
person named by a high proportion of the members of the
commnity or a sample of this comanity in response to the
question: "With.what families do you visit most frequently?"
A careful check of the original list of clique and prestige "
leaders was made two years later, making use of a percentage

scale which took into consideration the total number of visits
in the place and the size of the sample. This check revealed

 

5‘W. In Warner and P. S. Lunt, The Social Life of a modern
Conmnnity, New Haven: Yale UnIversI‘Ey Press,-I941, pp. 110-11.

12

some relatively unimportant differences in the total number of
leaders, but did not affect those which appear in this study.

In addition to the clique question each.family in the
sample was asked which persons in his community he considered
most capable, honest, and suited to represent his community as
a member of a commission selected to present community problems
before some department of the local or national government.

The two questions asked were: "Among the persons whom you know
whom would you consider the most capable, honest, and active,
and who concernshimself most with your problems and with.those
of your neighbors?'7 and ”What persons would you choose to

represent you and your neighbors in a commission?"8

A comparative analysis of both questions in one of
the communities revealed a great similarity in.the responses.
The latter of these questions was analyzed for all of the
localities, because it seemed to be more appropriate for the
type of leader sought. Prestige leaders were determined'by
taking into consideration the total number of votes for the
locality and the percentage received by different persons. On
the basis of the analysis of this question a prestige leader may

 

7 Entre las personas que Ud. conoce, quienes considers Ud. que
son las mas capaces, honradas, activas y que se preocupan mas
por las dificultades de ustedes y de la gente de estos lugares?

8 Que personas escogeria Ud. para que lo representaran a Ud. y a
las personas de estos lugares en una comision?

15

be defined simply as a person in the community who takes action,
resolves community problems and who secures community support
for this action. His opinion is respected by many of his
neighbors and, his counsel is esteemed with respect to public

affairs.

0n the basis of general knowledge of Costa Rican
culture, and most specifically the culture of Turrialba, it
appears as though the clique question is more suitable for
discovering clique leaders. Informal visits seem to be one
of the most important forms of intercommunication in the rural
areas where there are few places where the whole community
gathers. These are primary groups9 in which the majority of
persons are personally acquainted with the other members of
the locality, and in which the problems and interests of each
family constitute common community knowledge. In such primary
groups the informal visit forms an integral part of the very

life of the community.

The prestige question which sought to isolate persons
capable of forming a commission is based upon prior knowledge
of one of the characteristic traits in the culture of the rural
zone. It seems to be the natural form in which local problems

have been traditionally resolved.

 

9 C. H. Coolly, Social Organization, C. Scribner's Sons, 1929,
pp. 25—51.

14

In either case informants were not asked directly
about leaders. The reason is that the word leader has a great
variety of meanings in Costa Rican culture. In some cases the
word carries the connotation of political leader, or what is
known in Costa Rica by political boss (cacique del pueblo).
Another common meaning of the word leader refers to persons
who by virtue of their financial positions are able to manipu-
late others in the community in accordance with their own aims
(gamonales). The term leader was therefore suppressed because
its use would have defeated the criteria for informal leadership

discussed in the preceding pages.

The analysis of the sociometric questions administered
to five hundred twenty-one rural families in twenty-five
localities revealed a total of ninetybthree leaders. Sixty-one
percent of these leaders were from.hacienda type communities,
and thirty-nine percent from small communities. Three distinct
types of leaders can be distinguished among these ninety-three

persons:

a) Prestige leaders only, constituting fifty

percent of the total.

b) Clique leaders only, constituting twenty-five
percent of the total.

0) Mixed Prestige and Clique leaders, constituting
twenty-five percent of the total.

15

In both types of community there was a larger

percentage of clique leaders.

On the hacienda type community the majority of the
leaders representing all three of the above types were chosen
from.among the Jornaleros (day laborers). Interestingly enough
not one hacienda owner was chosen as a leader by the informants
even though sixty-four percent of the communities visited were
large haciendas. 0n the other hand, in the small farm
communities, farm.operators constitute the majority among all

of the above three types of leaders.

The rural teacher has always been considered as one
of the most important agents for the introduction of action
programs. Nevertheless, in spite of the fact that sixty percent
of the localities which were visited had schools, it is
significant to note that only one teacher was chosen as a leader

by the informants.

2 . Health Stuallo

 

10 Miss Marta Coll Camalez, Heme Economist of the Department
of Economics and Rural Life, undertook major responsibility
in the early phases of the sub-project: research design,
development of the questionnaire, interviewing, and some
preliminary analysis. This author collaborated in all of
these phases, and, under the direction of Dr. Julio O. Morales
has been in charge of all phases of the formal analysis,
including results presented in this study. This analysis
together with the analysis of the various other aspects at
the sub-project of Sociology and Anthropology, which.form.
the basis of this study required more than one year of
continuous‘work.

16

a. Schedule: After several weeks of preparation
and conferences with other technicians of the Inter-American
Institute of Agricultural Sciences, a basic schedule was
developed to secure certain health data. This schedule was
tested a number of times in various communities, for the
purpose of observing the reaction of informants to each one of
the sections and towards specific questions. 0n the basis of
these observations the final schedule was devised. This

schedule was designed to Obtain the following information:

(a) Sanitary conditions of the house and its
surroundings.

(b) Hygiene and health habits.

(0) Medical needs and available medical facilities.

(d) Dental care including condition of teeth and
gums.

(e) Care of the mother during pregnancy, and
during and after labor.

(f) Feeding and care of children during the first
year of life.

Information was also obtained regarding the attitudes
of the people in relation to:

(a) Sanitary conditions of the house and its

surroundings.

17

(b) Medical facilities available.
(c) Dental care.

(d) Problems in relation to mother and to children.

much of this information was obtained by direct
observation in the neighborhoods, in addition to the basic

knowledge obtained by means of the schedule.

b. Sample: The schedule was administered to one
hundred forty families in the twenty-five neighborhoods included
in the Sociology and Anthropology sub-project. The sample
represents one-tenth of the rural fanilies in this area (1404).
It was stratified geographically. In each neighborhood the
number of families interviewed was proportional to the number
of families in that locality. 'Furthermere, part of the sample
in each neighborhood was not random since a decision was made
to guarantee the inclusion of some leaders to be interviewed.

The rest of the sample, however, was chosen randomly.

Leaders were included because, on the one hand,
leaders were to be compared with non-leaders, and on the other
hand, because the cooperation of the informants was desired, a

goal whidh was achieved.

18

Table 2. indicates the sample in each of the neighbor-

hoods in relation to the number of families interviewed in the
Sociology sub-project.11

 

11 Some months after obtaining this sample the Sociology and
.Anthropology sub-project added 34 schedules for San Juan Sur

and 32 for Atirro, bringing the total number of rural families
interviewed from.455 to 521.

Sample of the Health Study in relation to the number of

TABLE 2.

19

families interviewed in the Sociology and Anthropology sub-project.

 

0. families inter. Sample
n Sociolo stud aders

 

 

  
  
  
  
  
 
 

 

 

Localigy_

Aguiares 48
an Juan Sur 40
arre tera Santa Cruz 37
an.Juan.NOrte 29
tirro 1. 28
anta Rosa 26
slabon 22
Isabel 22
olorado 21
lorencia 19
arretera La Suiza 2-3 20
Pavas 18
La Hargot 17
Carretera Juan‘Vinas 16
tirro 2. 13
1 Banco ll
Roncha 10
spasto 10
ul 8
Doris 7
arretera La Suisa 1f 7
1 Coyol 5
entral Azucarera 5
ominica 4
natituto 2. 4
arretera La Suiza 4. 7

Verbena l 1

 

 

la n4 l4 +4 +4 no r4 a: P4 re no to r4 so to t4 to t0 t0 #4 no #- N>'m I0

 

Others

0|

mmuwaaaeeappppmmmmmmmmmm

a
|3
IIOIOIQNOFOIQOIOIQGQOIO)QGQQQO’QCO'QmQ!’

 

TOTAL I 455

 

41

100

 

 

141

 

 

20

c. Interviewing: Interviewing began.on.February 5,

1949 and ended March 17, of the same year.12

All the families included in the sample gave their
full cooperation. This success was due, it is believed, to
three factors: the "rapport" gained by interviewers during the
Sociology Study which preceded the Health Study; the inclusion
of leaders in the sample; and the strategy of inviting all the
leaders to the Institute in order to acquaint them.with the work
which.has been done there, and more especially to explain to
them the purposes of the Health Study.13

Distribution'g£,Families

The distribution of the one hundred and forty families
in terms of the three basic aspects of this study, Leadership,
Occupation,and Type of Community, is presented in Table 3.
Table 2., which presents the sanple of the Health Study shows
that there were forty-one leaders. As indicated previously
these leaders were selected arbitrarily. Table 3., shows a

total of fifty-three leaders. The difference is due to the

 

12 There were two interviewers, Marta Coll Camalez and the author
of this study. Each did approximately 50 percent of the
interviews.

15 The meeting to which leaders were invited was held January 25,
1949.

21

fact that twelve additional leaders were isolated in the

random.sample.

A description of Jornaleros and small farm.owners,
representing different types of occupations, occurs in
subsequmt paragraphs. The former represents sixty-four percent
of the population of the rural zone, and the latter twenty-four
percent. The group consisting of mandadores, administrators
and businessmen constitute six percent of the one hundred forty
families. These three occupational types are placed in a
single group due to their similarity with regard to certain
factors, and specially because of the small number in each
group. The residual group designated I'others" consists of
artisans, employees of businesses and persons who are dependent
upon relatives or friends. This group represents the remaining

six percent of the families visited.

Among the hacienda type communities a.greater
percentage of the leaders were Jornaleros, but it must be
remembered that they also constitute a larger proportion of
the families in these communities occurring in the sample.
Among the small farms the independent owners constitute a
greater percentage of the families, and consequently are
represented by’a greater percentage of leaders. However,

leaders among Jornaleros represent thirty-six percent of the

22

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23

families in hacienda type communities, while leaders among small
farmers constitute forty—one percent of the families in non-

hacienda type communities.

Another interesting fact is that mandadores,
administrators and business owners were chosen as leaders by
their peers. It is important to note that as far as occupations
are concerned the sample was drawn randomly and that the
classifications presented in Table 5. is a result of the
analyses following the interviews. Considering the total
number of leaders in each type of community it can be noted
that there is a larger proportion of combined prestige-clique

leaders.

The analysis of the socio-economic and health factors
were based on the distribution presented in Table 3. Neverthe-
less, they were useful only for one phase of the study, since
results are not entirely reliable because of the small number
of families in certain categories. Theoretically, the one
hundred forty families fall into thirty-two groups, but of
these, seventeen contain less than two families. The number
of families in some classes of leadership is relatively small,
and lessen the validity of generalizations which can be made.

For this reason the three types of leaders were grouped together.

24

At the same time the distribution of occupations were re-
classified. Table 4. shows the distribution of families in

terms of these changes.

TABLE 4.

Distribution of 140 families of the Turrialba Rural
Zone in terms of leaders and non-leaders, occupation,
and type of community.

 

HACIENDA COMMUNITY' SMALL FARM COMMUNITY'

EbHNAy‘ou-JDRH ORNA- smart;
LERO ALERO TOTA LERO FARM. OTHERS OTAL TOTAL

 

 

 

aders 18 ll 29 4 l7 3 24 55
on-Leederqee s 52 21 12 2 55 87
OTAL 64 17 81 25 ‘ 29 5 59 140

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In general, the number of families in each category
increases in this new classification. Nevertheless, this

distribution presents a difficulty in that groupings by

occupations are not equal for the two types of community. In

25

the small farm communities it was not possible to divide
families into Jornalero and non-Jornalero categories, because
of the numerical importance of the small independent owners.
On the other hand, the number of small independent owners on
large haciendas is relatively unimportant. Without comparable
occupational categories one of the principal aims of the study
is defeated. For this reason a new and final classification
was devised. This classification takes into consideration

the fact that the greater proportion of families in the
hacienda communities is in the Jornalero group, since in

the family-sized farming communities this greater proportion
falls in the small farmers group. This new distribution
permits comparison of different groups and at the same time
contains a sufficient number of families to allow certain
generalizations. Table 5. shows the final distribution of the
families. This distribution does not take into account
eighteen leaders and twenty-nine non-leaders in the rural zone.
Nevertheless, this number does not affect the results. On the
other hand, various factors of the study have been analyzed

in terms of the total sample by leadership, occupation, and
type of community, permitting some interesting comparisons,

even though they are used in this study only occasionally.

 

Table 5. is the basis for the comparisons and

interpretations presented in this study.

sample has been reduced to ninety-three families.

TABLE 5.

Distribution of 95 families of the Turrialba Rural

Zone in terms of leaders and non-leaders, occupation,

and type of community.

26

As can be seen, the

 

Leaders

Non-leaders

TOTAL

 

 

 

HACIENDA COMMUNITY SMALL FARM COMMUNITY TOTAL
JORNALERO SMALL FARMER
18 17 55
46 12 58
64 29 93

 

 

 

Since the jornaleros in this last classification belong to the

hacienda communities and the small farmers to the small farm

communities, the terms "hacienda" and "small farm? are hence-

forth omitted.

 

27

As used.here, Jornaleros refer to those living in
hacienda, and small farmers to those leaving in.family-sized
farming communities. In this way, occupation and type of

community are reconciled.

CHAPTER III
THE SETTIH}

Turrialba, the site of this study, is located in the

republic of Costa Rica, which is the southernmost of the five
countries which constitute Central America. Costa Rica lies
between Nicaragua and Panama, extending from 8th and 11th degrees
north latitude. Parallel 10 North intersects at 84 degrees

Nest longitude of the Greenwich meridian approximately in the

center of the Costa Rican republic.1

The total land surface of Costa Rica is 51,011 square

2 This territory is divided into seven political

kilometers.
divisions called provinces. Cartago province in which the
Canton of Turrialba is located in the sixth largest province of

the nation.

According to the preliminary estimate of October 11,
1950, based on the census of the sane year, there are 794,081
inhabitants with a density of 15.57 persons per square kilometer.

 

1 J. Trejos, Geografia Ilustrada de Costa Rica, Editorial CreJos
humanos, 1941, p. 5.

2 Office of the Census "Boletin informativo Censos de 1950",
November-December, 1950, San Jose Costa Rica, p.1.
One square kilometer is equal to .586 square mile.

29
Cartago province, which has the third largest population,3
consists of eight cantones,4 with a total population of
100,686 inhabitants. Turrialba Canton has a population of
24,568 inhabitants, and is the largest canton in Cartago Province.
It has the second largest population of the cantones in this

province.5

There are four districts in Turrialba Canton. The
Community Study Project on which this study is based was
carried out in the Central District in which the Inter-American
Institute of Agricultural Sciences is located. Figure number
one shows Cartago Province, and the Turrialba Canton with its
districts.

 

3 Ibid’ p. 1.
‘ Ibid, madl'o NO. 3e, 13.5.

Canton corresponds to a county in the United States.

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eeec verse
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Turrialba city, the county seat, is the trade center
of the Central District. It has an elevation of 659 meters
above sea level.6 It is located 105.1 kilometers from Limon,
the principal port of Cos ta Rica on the Atlantic side, and
64.2 kilometers from San Jose, the capitol of the republic.7
Its location has been one of the factors making Turrialba city
one of the most important centers of comerce and of distribution
of agricultural products of the nation. It is for this reason
that Turrialba city seems to combine certain urban and rural
characteristics. Most of the principal needs of the population
in this area, whether religious, social, recreational, educa-
tional, etc. are filled from this trade center, making it indubit-
ably the center of the canton, and more especially of the
Central District. Each week-end peasants from nearby places
come to Turrialba to sell and buy, taking advantage of this
opportunity to attend religious services, patronize places of
entertainment and to visit friends and relatives. The principal
recreational activities of these campesinos (peasants) while
visiting Turrialba consists principally in attending one or the

other of the two theatres, "futbol' (soccer) games or

 

6 One meter equals 5.281 feet.

7 Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda y Direccion General de

Eat‘diflioa y Censos, Geografia Climtologia de Costa Rica
Series estadisticas numero 8, Dc 0 er- ovember,'I'9".i'~'1',-_1'5.‘Z'I‘J

52

'las retretas"8 in the Central park, or in milling about

"La pavimentada", the principal thoroughfare of the city.

Through the median of this intercomunication the
customs, beliefs, and values of the peasants are brought to
the city, and some of the traits of urban life are carried back
to the rural areas. For these and other reasons stated before,
Turrialba, the county seat, is a mixture of urban and rural

characteristics.

 

3 A retreta is a common phenomenon in Latin American cities
and towns. While a band of musicians plays from a rotunda
in file center of the park, young people walk around the
outside of the park, the girls on the inside of the sidewalk
and the boys on be outside. Usually the parents of the
girls are seated on benches in the park. Commonly the
procedure consists of single couples who are attracted to
each other pairing off after indicating their attraction to
each other by standard cues (catching each other's eye,
smiling and exchanging greetings while passing). When a
couple has decided, by means of these cues, to pair off,
the girl presents the boy to her parents in the center of
the park, where they are seated, and the remainder of tie
evening is spent in conversation under the supervision of
the parents. See N. L. Whetten, Rural Mexico, The University
of Chicago Press, 1948, p. 595.

.m acumen

 

 

               
       

  

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54

A General Description 22 the Area

Figure 2. shows the various comnunities which make
up the Central District of Turrialba. Not all of these were
included in the Community and Health studies. Those localities
which participated in these studies are set apart by heavy

lines.

The terrains of the area is very broken and the
lines of communication are varied. Some places are connected
with "El Centro" (Turrialba City) by paved roads, improved

dirt roads, and others less fortunate, by trails.

These differences in lines of communication constitute
one of thedetermining factors accounting for the diversity
in means of travel. The people of San Juan Sur and San Juan
Norte for instance, travel to the trade center over trails,
usually on foot but occasionally by horse. When it is
necessary to transport bulky agricultural products, the on:
cart is sometimes used. In other places, as Atirro am Aquiares,
both of which are connected with “El Centro" by paved and dirt
roads, the inhabitants may use a local bus service in traveling

to and from Turrialba.

Marketing conditions for the majority of the population

are made more difficult because of the poor roads and the

 

——

36

generally inclement weather. For example, during 1949 there
were 290 days of rain and in 1950, 286 days of rain. Of all

of the comunities in the country discussed in a geographical
and climatological study of Costa Rica the Turrialba comunities
were characterized by the highest rainfall.9 During these
years the annual precipation in milimeters for Turrialba was
3,268.37 mm. and 3943.9, respectively.10

This heavy annual rainfall leaves many roads in
impassable condition and each year the neighbors in many of

these places form cooperative groups in order to mintain them.

"The climate of the Turrialba valley strongly
influenced by the humidity of the Carribean
which is carried into the interior by pre-
vailing northeast winds. At the Institute the
average daily relative humidity is 83 percent,
with the 3 percent variation. The mean tempera-
ture is 22 degrees Centigrade, with few important
variations during the year such as are comon
to tropical areas (Turr ialba is at 10 degrees
North latitude). As might be expected, this
condition favors a maximum plant growth, as well
as the development of plant diseases. It is
possible for example, to produce annually
several crops of different products which, in
the temperate zones or in the high lands above
the tropics, require a whole year for their
develOpment. Nevertheless, these climatic
conditions are restricted to a relatively small

 

9 Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda y Direccion General de
Estadisticia y Censos, op, cit., Cuadro 15, and Guadro 16,
pp. 26-27.

10 £231., Cuadro 20, p. 32 and Cuadro 21, p. 34.

area. From the Institute it is easy to reach
either the highlands of the cold, rainy, humid
and cloudy mountain ranges, or the low lands
with their high, irregular precipifation am
constant, typical equatorial sun." 1

Patterns 93 Settlement and Predominant Occupational Pursuits

There are two principal forms of land holdings in
the Central District of the Turrialba Canton: Hacienda (large
estate) and small fincas (peasant holdings). About two-
thirds of tin agricultural land is dominated by haciendas,
and the rest by peasant holdings. It is not known whether
the size of holdings or the natural conditions of the soil
has determined the type of crop. However the haciendas produce
principally cash crops, such as coffee and sugar cane, 11111.
the peasant holdings produce mixed crops, including the cash

crops Just mentioned as well as vegetables and fruits.

Associated with the size of land holdings and type
of crop are two distinct forms of community organization:
the hac ienda-type farming comunity and the family-sized
farming community. V

 

1'1 Institute Interamericano de Ciencias Agricolas, Boletin
No. 2, Turrialba, Costa Rica, 1949, pp. 3-4. Translated
from the Spanish by the author.

57

It is true that there are other types of communities,
such as Repgstc, which has characteristics of the two types
of comnunities, md Jesus Maria, a community consisting
largely of squatters and perhaps some sharecroppers. There
are also sharecroppers in Aquiares and in La Roncha, but
this study is concerned only with the hacienda and small

farm comunities since they occur more widely in the area.

or the twenty-five comunities selected for the
Health Study, sixteen, or sixty-four percent, are haciendas,
and nine, or thirty-six percent, are small farm conmunities.
Of course, this classification is to a large extent, arbitrary.
Actually, as stated before, there are communities in which
there is part of a hacienda in addition to some small forms.
In these cases the comunity was classified accordirg to the
predominating type. Fortunately there were few such cases,
but this fact may help to explain some of the variations

which may appear in the findings.
Hac ienda-Tym Farming Communities

Among the hacienda-type farming communities, there
seem to be some important differences, especially of a

quantitative nature. For example, the average size of fie

 

 

38

hacienda in the study is 552 manzanas,12 with a total range of
from 13 to 2,454 manzanas. Generally size of hacienda was closely
related to the number of families living within it. The range
was from ten to two hundred and six families. These extremes
correspond to the largest and smallest hacienda. The average
number of families on the sixteen haciendas was 62.1. This
variation in territory and population reflects the importame
of the agricultural enterprise with respect to production.
Nevertheless the similarity of products (coffee, sugar cane,
and pasture) produced in these comunities seems to be one of
the most influential factors associated with the similar style
of life which characterizes them. There is a comparable
division of labor, and consequently, similar problems, aspira-
tions, and beliefs. On all the haciendas the majority of the
population consist of Enaleros who have a similar style of
life, and who live in houses constructed under an almost

identical pattern.

In general, the hacienda resembles, at least in its
physical aspects, the feudal orgm ization of medieval Europe.
Situated on top of a hill, and almost always in the center of
the comunity, is the house of the patron (owner), and

 

12 A manzana is equivalent of 1.72 acres or 0.70 hectares.

39

frequently known as "la casa grande" (the big house). The big
house looks out over the houses of the laborers, grouped around
the plaza, or lined along both sides of the principal road.
These white-washed houses are almost always alike, both in size
and appearance. They are of wood construction with a meet
iron roof and floor of rough planks. A narrow porch runs along
the front of the houses and most families place a variety of
plants on them. The houses consist of two or three rooms;
living room‘and/or bedroom and a kitchen. Lacking a bedroom,
the members of the family generally sleep in the living room,
but large families frequently find it necessary to use the
kitchen also. When the living room serves also as a bedroom
the crude wooden bed in it is used also as a couch on mich
visitors may sit since most living rooms are equipped with
only one or two stools or benches. A small table, on which a
large number of photographs and images of saints are placed,
constitute the remaining furniture of the living room. In these
houses in which there is no table the photographs and pictures
of saints are placed on the walls along with pages from news-
papers and magazines representing a great thematic variation.
Most of the haciendas provide a majority of their workers with
electricity and water, the source of the latter my be of
doubtful purity.

40

Workers obtain firewood for cooking from the hacienda:
large trunks and branches of dead coffee wood are carried from
the coffee groves after work hours, and these are split into
kindling wood for the "£2532" (stove). The fogon is very
common throughout the rural zone of Turrialba, and consists
of a number of bricks placed on top of a moden platform in
such position that kettles, pots and other kitchen utensils
rest on them over the fire. The wooden platform itself is
covered with a sheet of metal to protect the platform from the
fire. There is no chimney, and the kitchen and other rooms
are constantly filled with smoke. The larger and more
prosperous haciendas, such as Aquiares, Irovide their
administrators, overseers, and some skilled workers with larger
and more comfortable houses. As shown in the preceding
discussion, and as the tables which are to follow indicate, the
Jornaleros constitute the larger proportion of the various
employees of the hacienda. The hacienda provides them with
housing as long as they are employed. Actually, almost every-
thing within the limits of the property belongs to the owner
of an hacienda: the school building, even though he does not
figure directly in appointing teachers; the office of the police
agent, in whose appointment he does not directly figure; the
church; the soccer field where children and adults spend much
of their free time playing the favored Costa Rican sport; the

 

41

commissary, etc. On those haciendas in which these services
are found, the families of the workers and of other employees

use them frequently.

The school and the church are without doubt two of
the most important institutions of the locality. The children
of the workers attend schools for an average of two or three
years, partly because the school may not offer more advanced
work, or because parents send the children to work in the
fields in order to increase the family income. The school is
also used for celebrating some civic holidays, such as me
fifteenth of September (Independence Day), the fifteenth of
August (Mother's Day), or graduation. Attendance at these
affairs is one of the most important for- of divers ion which
the adult inhabitants of the community have. In some of these
communities at the present time, the Department of Economics
and Rural life of the Institute is carrying on a project in
Rural Education, and the school has become the center of these

activities in each locality.

Religious activities play an important part in the
lives of the people. However, in some cases these activities
are carried on internally since only one of the haciendas,

Aquiares, has a church. In some, religious activities, such
as mass, baptisms, and confirmation,- are conducted in the school.

Ere.wini'.uw.v ., lit“. 3‘
4 .

42

But this is possible in the sixty-two percent of the hacienda
communities which have schools. Thus, the mjority of the
communities depend upon "El Centro" for regular religious
services. For this reason, it is a common sight to see peasants
traveling from all directions toward the city of Turrialba,

in order to attend mass. Almost all the inhabitants of this

zone are Catholics.

The jornalero on the hacienda begins Il'k at six A.M.
and finishes at two P.M., with one hour, generally from ten to
eleven A.M., for lunch. His work varies according to the
season of the year and type of crop. At one time he is
planting coffee, and at another time is trimming shade trees,
weeding coffee groves, or shoveling plant refuse from the
center of coffee rows towards the trees, an activity which
provides a natural fertilizer for the coffee. During tie
coffee harvest the jornalero and his family are all coopera-
tively engaged picking coffee. During the harvest income is
greatest, and the family takes advantage of this to purchase
clothing for the entire year. Ordinarily only the head of the
family works, and the current minimum wage is 4.15 colones per
day.13 It is not unusual, however, for his wife to work in

the fields in less strenuous activities such as weeding or

 

13 In U. S. currency, one colon equals nineteen cents.

43

carrying sugar cane, but on a smaller wage scale than her
husband. Meanwhile small children remain at home alone, a-
under the care of an older sister or neighbor. When tha'e
are older children in the home, whether boys or girls, they
also work on the haciendas, constributing their share to the

family income .

The raising of chickens is another means of supple-
menting income. Most jornaleros keep a few chickens in the
yard of hair house. Occasionally a jornalero will keep a
pig or two, and very rarely a cow. The Jornalero finds it
difficult to maintain large farm animals, partly because of
his limited economic resources, and partly because the

haciendas do not ordinarily provide adequate pasture.

It would be difficult to determine whether or not
this type of community is "typical” of my other regions of
Costa Rica. There are a large number of haciendas on the
Central Plateau, but these differ in many ways from those of
Turrialba. One of the principal differences is that the
haciendas of Turrialba provide housing for the workers. This
is a law of custom in Turrialba that the Jornalero who offers
his services must be given housing. This results in far greater

social interaction on these haciendas than those of the Central

Plateau. For this reason has iendas in Turrialba are actual

31..

 

44

communities, because the jcrnaleros not only work on the
hacienda, but also, and this is a crucial distinction, live

in the place where they work.

Hacienda and community come to mean the same thing
to them. Furthermore, most of these moiendas supply a greater
number of services than do the haciendas on the Central Plateau.
There are exceptions to this pattern on the Central Plateau,
but, as a general rule, workers live outside of the hacienda.

This fact obviously separates them from the hacienda. Their

work and their "private lives" occur in two different worlds.

The Guanacaste Province has many large haciendas,
but these are quite different from those of Turr ialba and the
Central Plateau. The coffee theme which patterns much of the
life of the latter two areas, provides a basis for a certain
similarity of interests, aspirations, and social organization.
Guanacaste is an area of great plains covered largely with
grasses. As might be expected the cattle industry is dominant
in Guancaste. The whole system of life reflected in the
activities of the inhabitants, their songs, proverbs and their
legends is associated with the cattle industry. The "sabanero'
(cowboy) is a real and legendary character in this province.
Obviously, there are other agricultural industries in Guancaste,
but they do not have the overwhelming influence which the cattle

45

industry has on the style of life. The distinction which this
author makes between hacienda organization in Guanacaste and

other types in Costa Rica is based upon three years of residence
in that area.

Family-Sized Farming Communities

 

Among the different communities of this type there
is a wide range of differences with respect to size of holdings,
level of production, and settlement patterns. The size of the
farm varies from less than one manzana to thirty-five manzanas.
Almost all of these small farms produce coffee and cane, with
the exception of the smallest. Most farmers usually set aside
a portion of their land for vegetables gardens, and, in some
cases orchards, either for domestic or commercial use. Further-
more, chicken raising ccnstitutes an important source of
income. The care of chickens is generally left to the wife.
Frequently one finds a pig roaming around the yard, or even
in the kitchen of the house. Again, the care of these animals
is left to the wife and small children. If a pig is to be
consumed by the family, it is not killed until shortly before
an important holiday. The most important of these is the
twenty—fourth of December, when the pork is eaten at a family
reunion following the midnight mass. Relatives, neighbors,
friends, and god-parents are invited to the meal, and some of

46

the meat is sent to others as a gift to be used in their own
observance of Christmas Eve. The most important ceremonial

food on these occasions is the "Tamale”.

Settlement patterns also vary throughout Turrialba
in small farm communities. The two most common patterns are
the line type and the isolated or scattered settlement pattern.
The most common example of the first type is Carretera a Juan
Vinas. About thirty-two families have settled on both sides
of the paved highway which connects Turrialba city withJuan
Vinas, the county seat of the neighboring canton. Most of
these familes own small and medium size farms. The most
common cash crops on these farms are cd‘fee and sugar cane.

The fact that transportation facilities are immediately at
hand maximizes the interaction between this place and
Turrialba and Juan Vinas, and is reflected in house type.
Without doubt the houses of this section are larger and better
appearing in general than those in other small farming
communities. It is possible that there are other factors
which influence this fact, but it would be difficult 11; deny
that greater interaction with urban or semi-urban centers is
associated with the appearance of certain urban traits in

this locality.

 

47-

Other line-type communities are Carretera a Santa
Crus, Carretera a La Suiza and San Juan Sur. The latter
community has been described by Loomis and Powell in comparison
with an hacienda-type community.14 El Blanco is a community
which well illustrates the isolated or scattered settlement
pattern. It is one of the most isolated communities of small
farmers. Situated near Aquiares, San Antonio, and Santa Crus,
it is accessible to these latter two communities by means of
a dirt road which connects with the highway leading to these
two places. A trail leads from El Blanco to Aquiares, but
travel over this trail is hindered by the necessity of fording

a river.

The community is situated on a steep incline, and it
is impossible to see any of the houses from the point at which
the dirt road connects with the highway toSanta Crus . On
descending from the highway it hardly appears possible that
some fifteen families, each working their own small farm,
could live in this place. Because of the physical conditions
of the land, the thick vegetation, and the great distance
between houses it is impossible to get a view of the community

as a unit. The houses on these small farms are connected by

 

1'4 See C. P. Loomis and R. M. Powell "Sociometric Analysis of

- Class Status in Rural Costa Rica -.A Peasant Community
compared with an Hacienda Community", Sociometgy, Vol. 12,
Nos. 1-3, February to August, 1949, pp. 144- 57.

 

I. a...

48

paths, and the investigator needs a guide during his first
visits. The principal sources of income of the families are
coffee, garden products and some Mticated animals.

Although there is no school, church or store in
E1 Blanca, there seems to exist considerable solidarity among
the members of the community, a solidarity based in part on
their similar work interests and especially because of the
great difficulties facing all these families in the struggle
to cultivate the land.

In the communities of small farms, independent
owners constitute a majority. Nevertheless, there is a number
of jornaleros who work in the small farms or on large haciendas.
In general the small independent owner engages in work as
difficult and tiring as the jornaleros and, in general, puts
in a longer work day. It is commonplace to see the small
farm operator of El Blanco, Colorado, San Juan Sur, or San
Juan Norte returning to his home at five P.M. after working
on his holding since six A.M.

The small farm operator frequently lacks many of
the comforts which the jornalero enjoys. For example, most
of them do not have electricity in their houses, and further-
more have to carry water great distances from rivers or springs
over difficult paths. Fifty percent of these communities have
no school, and the children have to walk great distances to

the meme t school.

49

One is prone to wonder to what degree the small
farm operator can remain satisfied with his lot under such
conditions, and the question arises as to the factors which
contribute to his persistance in this mode of life. A large
number of informal interviews with them have revealed that
they are more or less content with their situation. For
instance, the farmers of El Blanco made the following comments
regarding their long work hours: "At least we are sure of
'frijoles' (beans) every day"; "There is nothing like being
one's own boss"; and "I want to leave something to my sons
so they will not be dependent upon anyone". Actually, the
small farm operator feels proud of being m owner of land.
The land is not only a means of assuring him subsistence but
its possession also has a value in itself. This value in
land ownership is common to all of the communities of this
type in Turrialba. Children are taught to love the earth,

and assume responsibilities appropriate for tbir ages.

With rare exceptions the mole family cooperates in
the work of the small farm. The father and his older sons
undertake the more difficult tasks while the women and smaller
children take care of the animals and do the light work in
the fields. The work of a small farm is a cooperative enter-
prise in that each member of the family has a specified task
to do.

50

During the coffee harvest the whole family engages
in this activity. Father, mother, and older children pick
the coffee from the higher branches. The smaller children,
with a small basket tied to the belt, pick the coffee from
the low branches. Even children of six or seven years of age
are busy picking up beans which have fallen to the ground.
If the family has a carrots, the father or his oldest son takes

the coffee to the nearest receiving station.

It is rare that children we paid for their nrk.
The father provides food, home and clothing, and may give them
a small sum to spend for entertainment when they visit e1
Centro or a neighboring village. Upon marriage male sons
generally receive a portion of the small farm or build their
own house on it and continue working with their father.

Primitive methods are used in working the small
farms. The most common agricultural implements are the
shovel, the pick and the machete, and, more rarely, one or
two carretas. Farm mechanization has not been introduced in
these communities, and the development of an advanced agricul-
tural technology would be a difficult task. There are various
reasons for this: the farms are relatively small and the labor
supply sufficient; most of the lands are too irregular and

broken; and lines of communication are extremely poor.

51

As in the large haciendas, the great majority of the
families are Catholic. In San Juan Sur however, there is a
small nucleus of Protestant families. There are chapels in
Colorado and San Juan Norte, and a priest from Turrialba
conducts religious services about once a month, and on special
religious occasions. However, for most of these communities,
the city of Turrialba is the center for the regular religious
activities.

Certain religious rites are observed in the communities
and help to maintain the faith, and possibly serve as a means
of increasing social interaction among the families. The image
of a saint, whether a picture or status, is passed from house
to house, and remains in each house several days. The family
recites prescribed prayers and then passes the saint to the
next family. In some places such as Carretera a Santa Cruz
the arrival of the saint in the houses of certain wealthier
families constitutes an occasion for a celebration. The family
receiving the saint kills a pig, prepares a dinner and invites
the neighbors. During the evening prayers are recited, and
afterwards dinner is served and there is some drinking. The
expenses are borne by the "mantenedor" (host), who considers
it a great honor. The homage rendered to the saint is believed
to result in good harvests and in immunity from plagues and
misfortune.

52

In summary, the small farm operator constitutes a
great proportion among the occupations in family-sized farming
communities. He is religious, hard working and highly
conservative both with regard to his style of life and
agricultural technology. He is satisfied with his lot, and
hopes that his sons will follow in his footsteps.

CHAPTER IV
SOCIO-ECONOMIC DIFFERENTIALS

In this chapter certain salient economic and social
factors are analyzed in relation to the phenomenon of leader-
ship. An effort is made to present characteristics which are
common to leaders as well as those which are common to non-
leaders and to discover any important differences in the
characteristics that exist between the two groups. Most of

these characteristics are associated with socio-economic factors

and.health.

The importance of occupation as one of the determin-
ing factors of socio-economic status of families is generally
recognized. For this reason it is considered as a constant
factor in this analysis. Other relevant socio-eccnomic factors

are arbitrarily grouped into the six following categories:

. Approximate income.

Housing.

Family Structure.
Health.
Medical facilities.

0} 0" #3 (A N l-‘
O

. Sanitary and.hea1th conditions.

54

The different factors constituting each category
are analyzed in relation to the four groups in which the
families of the sample have been divided: jornalero leader,
jornalero non-leader, small farm leader and small farm non-
leader. Using this classification the socio-economic elements
were analyzed in terms of an age breakdown in order to
determine the influence of this factor upon the socio-economic
differentials since it is but logical to assume that income,
and the goods which it can buy, increases, within certain
limits, with age. The analysis revealed that differences
between the four groups followed, in general, the same pattern
as when the age factor was not taken into consideration.
Tables showing parts of this analysis are presented in the
Appendix of this study.

 

 

55

Approximate Income

Size of income is one of the more important factors
influencing the activities of the family. A student of Costa
Rican life has pointed out that:

"The importance of income is illustrated

by its relationship to the level of
living, generally, in a money economy, the
higher the income of a people, the higher
their level of living.

Income directly influences the family's
satisfaction of its basic economic needs--
the extent to which the family members

are adequately clothed, housed, fed, and
their health needs cared for. Socially

it is a factor in determining the family's

status position in the social structure of
the community."

The term “Income”, as used in this study, refers to
family income, that is, it takes into account the earnings of
all members of the family who contribute financially to family
support. Absent members were included in the family when,

according to the informants, they were contributing to the
budget .

It was not difficult to calculate the annual income
of each Jornalero family, because Jornaleros generally work

the same number of hours each day at a fixed.wage. For this

 

1 R.. M. Powell, A Comparative Sociolo ical Analysis of San.Juan
Sur, a Peasant Community, and tirro an Hacienda? munity
located in Costa Rica, Central America, —Ph. D. Thesis, 1951,
pp. 205-206. Michigan State College.

 

 

‘0!- !v... 51:7: .03ij Ll i

FF,.L y l

56

reason their weekly and yearly earnings varied almost
imperceptibly (24.90 colones weekly). It was merely a matter
of multiplying the weekly wage by fifty-two, and subtracting
from this sum losses sustained from unemployment or illness

by any members of the family contributing to the family

budget. Jornaleros were also asked to report any other source
of income, but usually their reply was negative. Whenever it
was noted that the family raised chickens or other farm animals,
they were asked about possible income from this source. The
sum of these sources, therefore, represent total family money

incomes

Small independent farm operators were asked to
enumerate the various agricultural products harvested during
the year preceding the interview and the amounts that were
marketed. The expenses of production, transport, etc, were
then subtracted from the total amount received from sales.

An effort was made also to determine other sources of income
such as outside work, and the sale of chickens or eggs. Here

again, approximate income refers to family money income.

A comparison of the average annual incomes of
Jornaleros and.small farm operators reveals that the latter
was considerably higher than the former. It is particularly
relevant to this study to note that in both occupational

categories leaders had a higher income than non-leaders.

I" nu...

 

57

The average annual income of leaders among Jornaleros was
2,690 colones, while that of non-leaders was 2,100 colones.
Among the small farm operators the average annual income of
leaders is 4,350 colones, in contrast to 5,010 colones for
non-leaders. It may be noted that, in general, the income of
leaders in the Jornalero group was less than that of non-
leaders among small farm operators. 0n the other hand, it was
also true that the income of the small farm operators as a
group, was considerably greater than that of the Jornaleroe as
a group without taking into consideration the phenomenon of
leadership. The difference between leaders and.non-leaders
with respect to income, was more pronounced among small farm
operators than among Jornaleros. Among the former, there is
a difference of 1,520 colones, whereas among the Jornaleros
the difference between leaders and non-leaders was hardly

590 colones. This circumstance suggests the hypothesis that
income as an economic factor more strongly influences the
determination of leadership among small farm Operators than
among Jornaleros. Table 6. and.Figure 5. show clearly the

importance of these differences.

dul’ufilllv earl-l.» t... v .F..1LN in

IINLP! . Ph.)?!

'—

 

TABLE 6.

58

Average Annual Income by Family According to Occupational

Type and Leadership.

 

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalero non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

Average

 

 

2,690
2,100
4,550
5, 010

2,759

 

 

 

.m enema...”

3:200

OOn.v 000‘ OOn.n OOO.n Don. N 000. N 00.3 000..

3990.732 I
3.3.4 I

000

 

22:8“. :35

 

8.22:2.

.SE 230 652:5 .0 23 .osmuefizuofl 23 2:»
3:223:30 2 9.5.32 £263. .3 2:3... .353 3224

\\

 

 

 

60

In order to discover the extent to which these
differences in income were due to the number of persons who
contribute to family support an analysis was made of these
factors. The average number of persons contributing to family
support among Jornalero leaders was 2.4; among non-leader
Jornaleroe 2.2 and among leader and non-leader small farm

operators 1.5 and 2.0 respectively.

There seemed to be little relation between income
and number of persons supporting the family, and such as did
exist seemed to be negative. Small farm operators, who had
higher average incomes, showed fewer persons contributing to
the family. These results, however, may be somewhat misleading
since money income was the principal criterion on which they
were based. On the small farms many sons work without wages
althohgh the important contribution they make in increasing
income of the family cannot be denied. 0n the other hand,
many eons of Jornaleros received periodic wages from the

hacienda which were added to the family budget.

High or low incomes of and by themselves have little
significance as an index of level of living. In comparing
family incomes it is important to consider family size, since

all individuals of the family help consume this income.

 

 

jufld

«(1361‘

 

61

In general, families of small farm operators studied
had.more members per family, but there was no consistent pattern
discernable for all the community. Among the Jornalero group,
leaders had larger families, while non-leaders among the small

farm operators had larger families. Actual figures are shown

 

 

in Table 7.
TABLE 7.
Per Capita Annual Income According to
Occupation and Leadership.
AVERAGE PER.FAMILI PER CAPITA
MEEBEES INCOEE . INCOME
(Lnihnjji ((0 ”~ch
Jornalero leader 6.6 2,690 408
Jornalero non-leader 5.4 2,100 389
Small farm leader 7.0 4,330 619
Small farm non-leader 8.2 3,010 367
TOTAL. 6.3 2,739 435

 

 

 

 

 

 

all iii'»vw.flnrdr\yhn. i‘

.F'EII” . .:

 

I1 [Jill] ,I.

62

As is evident from Table 7, income for leader families
is consistently higher than for non-leader families. Even
'when size of family is taken into consideration this general-
ization is true. In the case of small farm operator families
per capita income for leader families was almost double than

for non-leader families.

A comparison of the criteria in figures 3. and 4.
reveals a great similarity between age and income. The
average age of family heads in the Jornalero group is less
than that of small farm.operators. In both groups the
average age of leaders is higher than non-leaders. The only
important variation between both presentations is that in
figure 4. the difference in the average age of leaders and non-

leaders is greater among jornaleros than small farmers.

.v mad—mam

Amoco: eo<
0.. on o~ o.

3.33.3: s g\.

 

.090... I

 

Santa... :oEm

 

 

33.6an

052:3... no ocoN Beamufinoeououn
use 2.3. 355380 2 2.5.33 3:25.“. .0 «use: ac one. 3234

 

 

64

These data suggest that there is some relation between
age and income, and that there is an agricultural ladder

associated with age. In San Juan Sur it was found that:

"By correlating age with tenure there

was found a general tendency within the
community for its members to go through
'stages' in their tenure relationships

to land. The following table demonstrates
how the young adult starts out by working
as a day laborer for his father or for

the owner of the large farm.

Later, he may receive 'finquita cedida'
which he works during his spare time until

in a position to rent a finquita or finca.

Still later he may inheritzhis father's
farm or purchase his own".

It is probable that age is a factor which is
positively associated with the phenomenon of leadership, i.e.,
that increasing age brings increasing prestige and esteem.in
the community. There are, of course, many other factors which
are related to the economic condition of the families here and
with the phenomenon of leadership, but unfortunately such
information was not available from the data of the study.

 

2
C. P. Loomis et a1 Anatomy of a Costa Rican Communi?
Chapter VIII titled conomiE‘Systems" By T. . orr s:
Michigan State College Press, East Lansing, Michigan,

publication pending. The table referred to in the above
citation has been omitted here for convenience.

 

 

65

Housing

A very high percentage of jornaleros live in housing
provided by the hacienda, while the majority of the small farm
operators live in their own houses. This phenomenon was des-
cribed for conditions prevailing in the two types of communi-

ties in chapter III.

TABLE 8.
Housing of Jornaleros and Small.Farmers by Leadership.

 

 

 

 

 

PERCENT OF FAMILIES
Own House House Provided
Jcrnalero leader - 100.0
Jornalero non-leader 4.3 95.7
Small farm.leader 94.1 5.9*
Small farm.non-leader 83.3 16.7%
TOTAL 30.1 69.9

 

 

* NOTE: In some cases they live in houses provided by their
fathers.

 

65

Data presented in Table 8. are not pertinent to
comparison between leaders and non-leaders in the jornalero
group with.regard to home ownership since most housing on
the large haciendas is provided. On the other hand, in the
small peasant farm communities, the work and land tenure
systems oblige the majority to construct their own houses.
Nevertheless, there was a great difference between leaders
and non-leaders here in respect to the incidence of home
ownership. ‘Whereas 94.1 percent of the small farm leaders
owned their own houses, only 83.3 percent of the non-leader

small farmer owned their own homes.

Housing is a factor associated with the level of
living of a determined group of families. A large and
commodious house, in which the inhabitants can live
comfortably is usually occupied by a family with a higher
level of living, than a family which lives in less pretentious
one. In this study, the housing of jornaleros, with reference
to size, are usually inferior to those of small farm.operators.
The average number of persons per room, bedroom and bed among
Jornalero families is higher than that of small farm.operators.
However, these differences are not sufficiently great to
warrant the assumption that living conditions are less crowded
for the small farm operators, and especially when one considers
that actually more people sleep in small farm operator homes.

399 Tabl. 9e.

67

TABIE 9.

Number of Rooms, Bedrooms, Beds, and Number of Persons
Sleeping in the House, in Relation to leadership and

 

 

 

Occupat ione
AVERAGE PERSONS
PER PER PER SLEEPIH}
R00! BEDROOM BE IN THE
P". '~ . ‘ HOUSE

Jornalero leader 2 .2 4 .6 2 .3 7 .2
Jornalero non-1e ader 2 .0 4 .2 2 .6 6 .0
Small farm leader 1 .6 3 .3 2 .2 6.5
Small farm non-leader 2. l 4 .2 2 .4 6.7
TOTAL 2.0 4.0 2.4 7.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In the matter of housing, leaders among small farm
operators seem to be in somewhat better circumstances than
non—leaders, in respect to average number of persons per room,
bedroom, and bed. On the other hand, the Jornalero group does
not seem to be divided in this respect with regard to leadership.

68

Family Structure

Additional insight into the data already presented and
for those to follow will be gained by considering certain
comparative information regarding family structure. Although
this information is incomplete, still it helps to explain
certain important facts. Figure 5. for instance, graphically
presents an analysis of the age of mothers in the families
studied in terms of our breakdown: Jornalero leaders, jornalero

non-leaders, small farm leaders and small farm non-leaders.

It shows that the average age of mothers was greater
among the small farm operators than among Jornaleros; that
the mothers of families in which leaders are found were on the
average, older than the mothers of families of non-leaders.
These generalizations are similar to those made in the discussion

regarding the age of fathers based on the data in Figure 4.

With.respect to the age of the mother upon marriage,
differences conformed to the same pattern as the preceding,
although they were not as great. In the Jornalero group, the
average age of the mother at marriage was less than that of
mothers in small farm.operater families. In both.groups, the
mothers of families containing leaders were older upon

marriage than families containing only non-leaders.

Amaoo>v mo<
00 Ct On Om
» f t p »

.ooooncoz .\\\\\\\\
2.000.. I

 

 

 

 

\\ \\\§\\ 3 _:
e. _ r a

macro... :oEm

3.22:2,

 

 

 

 

 

3.2:: *0 SEN .oSmaEmBnooq 2 9.6.83.

mflzeeu BEE... zeEm use 322:2. E mimic—2 ac and. mooio><

 

70

The average age of mothers at marriage was as follows:

Jornalero leader 19.8
Jornalero non-leader 19.7
Small farm leader 20.8
Small farm.non-1eader 19.7

The length of time during which the father and the
mother had lived together indicate, in general, the same
fundamental differences as the preceding cases.:5 The average

duration of marital union was as follows:

Jornalero leader 20.4
Jornalero non-leader 15.2
Small farm leader 24.9
Small farm non-leader 18.8

 

3 Because not all of the marital unions in this study have formal,
legal, or religious sanction, i.e., they are common-law
marriages, the criteria "length of time living together" is
used rather than "length of time married".

Health

Mortality and prenatal and postnatal care of the

mother were analyzed in relation to association with leadership

in the two type situations.

Table 10. shows some of the more

important relationships with regard to these phenomena. There

was a higher number of pregnancies per family for small farm

operators than for families of jornaleros.

to the age of fathers and mothers.

TABIE 10 .

It is also related

Relation Between Pregnancies and Infant Mortality.

 

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalero non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

AVME PER FAMILY

 

 

 

PREG- STILL M13013. suns IN
NANCIES BIRTHS RIAEES .353 FIRST
.1 .. - YEAR

9.7 .5 .4 1.1

7.9 .2 .9 1.5
10.2 .1 1.3 1.6
10.3 .7 .e 1.4

3.9 .3 .s 1.5

 

 

 

 

 

72

There did not appear to be any demonstrable
differences between the families of small farm operators and
Jornaleros with regard to the number of miscarriages, still
births, and infant deaths during the first year of life.
Similarly the differences between leaders and non-leaders were
neither marked, nor consistent. In some cases there were
greater losses among the families of leaders, and in other
cases greater losses among families of non-leaders, aThis is
another possible reason why families of small farm operators

are, on the whole, larger than those of Jornaleros.

The average number of successful births per family
among small farm operators was greater than among Jornaleros.
Among the latter, non-leaders had the lowest average (6.9)
when compared with leaders (7.8). On the other hand the
lowest average number of successful births among small farm
operators was in families of leaders 8.8, as compared with
9.4 for non-leaders. The difference between the families of
jornaleros and small farm.operators with regard to dead children

was very slight, as can be seen in the following averages per

family:
Jornalero leader 2.2
JOrnalero non-leader 2.2
Small farm leader 2.6

Small farm non-leader 2.2

75

Thus, it may be noted that, with regard to living
children in the families that the differences between Jornaleros
and small farm operators and leaders and non-leaders, follows
the same trend as differences in the number of pregnancies.

The following figures, showing the average number of living
children per family, reinforce the thesis that pregnancy losses

are substantially the same for all categories:

Jornalero leader 5.6
Jornalero non-leader 4.3
Small farm operator 6.2
Small farm.non-operator 7.2

Another facet of this problem.is maternity care at
the time of the last birth. The total picture in the Rural
Zone of Turrialba as indicated by the families in the sample

was extremely serious.

Table 11. shows that only 23.7 percent of all mothers
benefitted from.the services of a doctor or an obstetric nurse
while giving birth to their last child. The remaining 76.3
percent relied upon the services of a midwife or had no
assistance whatsoever. The midwife generally is a woman from
the same town who has received no formal obstetrical instruction

and who Justifies her role on the basis of empirical experience.

TABLE 11.

71

Maternity Services at the Last Birth.

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalero non-leader
Small farm.leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

PERCENT OF MOTHERS ASSISTED BY:

 

 

 

 

DOCTOR 0R MIDWIFE OR
OBSTETR IC NURSE UNATTENDED
22.2 77.8
26.1 73.9
17.6 82.4
25.0 75.0
23.7 76.3

 

It seems paradoxical that a.greater proportion of

mothers from the Jornalero group should receive professional

medical attention during birth.when the same group was on the

lowest economic level.

This phenomenon can, however, be

partially explained by the fact the jornaleros have greater

access to the services of the Social Security Hospital. Social

Securitu'insurance is compulsory for all wage and salaried

workers in Costa Rica.

This arrangement eliminates many small

farm operators from.medical benefits from Social Security since

they do not "receive a fixed wage or salary".

It is also

 

 

I;

75

relevant to mention.that in general small farm.communities
are more isolated and are connected with Turrialba by poor
roads. However, the differences between the groups are not
particularly large. In general none of the rural families
made extensive use of the hospital services. For instance,
only 13.3 percent of the mothers in the sample went to the
hospital for the birth of their last child, and the remaining
86.7 percent gave birth in the home.

The tradition of giving birth in the home may
influence the restricted use of hospital maternity facilities.
This seems to be a tradition much exploited by midwives among
the inhabitants of the rural zone of Turrialba.

Table 11. indicates that fewer leaders were treated
by a doctor or obstetric nurse than non-leaders. This holds
for both groups. The reason for this is not immediately
apparent and seems complicated by the fact that leaders live

on a higher economic level.

Inadequate maternity care is probably one of the
causes of the high infant mortality indicated in Table 10.
IFurthermore, few mothers receive medical care after giving
birth. Only 4.4 percent received a medical examination follow-
ing the birth of their last child.

76

An unexplained contradiction is that a larger
percentage of mothers from.the small farm group received a
medical examination after having their most recent child.

Among Jornaleros, a greater percentage of mothers from.families
containing leaders (5.6 percent) were examined than mothers
from non-leader families (2.3 percent). There is no substantial
difference between leaders and non-leaders among smallearm

operators in this respect.

Another factor which possibly contributed to the
high infant mortality is reflected in the scant medical
attention given to the youngest living child. Among all the
families in the study, 51.1 percent of the families had never
submitted the youngest living child to a medical examination.
0f the remaining families 48.9 percent had provided the youngest
living child with a medical examination, but only because he was
111. A greater percentage of jornalero families had submitted
their youngest child to a medical examination than the small

farm operators.

77

Medical Facilities

Health practices in Turrialba are a mixture of
"primitive“ and "modern". There is wide use of the midwife
and witch doctor, as well as such modern institutions as the
Social Security Hospital and the Health Center. These latter
institutions do not as yet fulfill the health needs of the

 

region. r

For every one hundred deaths in Turrialba canton
during 1940 only 39 persons received medical attention. During
the period in which the data for this study was collected, there
were only four practicing physicians in the canton. Using the
population data of the Census of 1950 as a base there was only
one doctor for every 6,092 persons. A comparison of the
situation in the United States indicates the seriousness of

the situation in Turrialba. Loomis and Beegle report:

"In the United States in 1940 there were
164,649 physicians for the 132,000,000
people, or about one physician for every
800 persons. In cities, however, there
were only 580 people per doctor as comp
spared with 1,336 in rural areas. Nearly
11 million people are living in more than
1,000 of the nation's most rural counties
in which there is onl one physician for
every 1,700 persons.”

 

4 c. P. Loomis and J. A. Beegle, 92. cit., p. 716.

78

As indicated in the preceding paragraphs the hospital
in Turrialba is part of the Social Security System.of Costa.Rica.
The Health Center, on the other hand, is administered by the

Ministery of Health of the Costa Rican Government.

During the time in which the data for this study
were collected, the Health Center was unable to provide either
adequate technical personnel or rudimentary medical services.
In spite of these deficiencies the Health Center is almost the
only modern medical institution to which small farm operators
have access. Table 12. and the following discussion indicates
something of the nature of this situation.

TABLE 12.

79

Proportions of Families Insured and Non-insured in Relation
to the Social Security System, in the Rural Zone of Turrialba.

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalero non-leader
Small farm.leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

PERCENT OF CASES IN WHICH INSURANCE
WAS HELD BY}

 

THE HEAD OF THE

NEITHER THE HEAD

 

 

 

FAMILY NOR OTHER MEMBERS
OF THE FAMILY
100 so "'
93.5 6.5
23.5 76.5
41.7 58.3
75.3 24.7

 

 

It is imnediately apparent that the greater proportion

of the heads of families belonging to the Social Security System

were Jornaleros. Only a small proportion of the small farm.

operators were insured.

The small farm operators who were

insured were employed part time as jornaleros on other farms

or haciendas and consequently were obligated to participate

in the Social Security systems.

The differences between leaders and non-leaders with
respect to social security participation were not consistent.
Among Jornaleros leaders were most often insured while the

situation was the reverse among the small farm operators.

.2115"

ii-

The extent to which the four groups made use of the
principal health centers is indicated in the number of visits ‘
made by the members of these four groups to the hospital and (W
Health Center during the year prior to the day of the interview.

Table 13. gives this information.

Table 13. shows the scant use which.the families in
the study make of the Health Center in comparison to the
hospital. The fact that the Health Center was operating on
a very limited scale during the time of the study is a fact
of some importance although other factors contributed to the

situation.

Since 69 percent of the families in the sample were
insured jornaleros, it is to be expected that they would make
more use of the hospital than of the health center. Concomit-
antly, it is to be expected, as Table 13. indicates, that the
small farm operators would have a greater average number of
‘visits to the Health Center since they are eligible to receive
its services. The size of the family seems to have had little

influence in these differences.

TABLE 13.

81

Average number of Visits to the Social Security Hospital
and the Health Center by the Families of the Rural Zone

of Turrialba.

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalero non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

AVERAGE VISITS PER

 

AVERAGE MEMBERS

 

 

FAMILY PER FAMILY

TO THE TO THE
HOS PITAL HEALTH CENTER

7.6 0.1 6.6

6.6 0.4 5.4

2.0 2.4 7.0

1.7 0.9 8.2

5.3 0.8 6.3

 

 

 

Leaders in both groups visited the hospital more than

non-leaders. 0n the other hand, only leaders among small farm

operators showed a greater number of visits to the Health Center.

nevertheless, these averages are so low that it is impossible

to make valid distinctions and conclusions about them.

 

82

Health and Sanitary Conditions

The physical environment and the social organization
in the two types of communities described in a preceding
chapter, influence to a great extent the sanitary conditions
of the homes and their surroundings. The facilities for
potable water which are available to the rural families
illustrates this point. or all of the families in the sample,
only 41.1 percent had running water for domestic use, while
the remaining 55.9 percent procured water directly from rivers,
creeks, springs, wells or ditches. Running water refers to
water which is brought to the house or near it by pipes. These
data reveal that a majority of families lack the improved
facilities. Nevertheless an occupational breakdown reveals
that the Jornaleros have an advantage over the small farm
operators in this respect. Of the Jornalero families 58.0
percent had.running water, while only 21.0 percent of the
families of the small farm operators had this facility.

The differences between occupational groups and
leadership categories are presented in Figure 6. The advantage
of the Jornaleros in this respect are not accidental, but
rather a result of the differences between the two types of

communities discussed previously.

 

PE R C! NT
FAIILES

90‘

70*

60‘

50‘

oo-

30‘

20‘

 

Use of Running Waler by Rural Families of Turrialbo,occording

- WITH RUNNING WATER

- no nuumwe wnn

 

 

to Occupational Type and Leadership

\

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

JORNAL E R0
LEADER

JORNAL! 9' SMALL FARMER SMALL FARM! D
NUR-ltADt" LEADER NON'LEADER

Fiéfilre 69

PER GEN?
FAMILIES

h7°

’60

P50

’00

’30

'20

 

84

On the majority of the haciendas the owner provides
a plumbing system to increase the comfort of his own house,
as well as to make his agricultural enterprise more efficient,
sueh plumbing is indispensable in the operation of the
beneficio (coffee mill). Water is also the source of
electricity. The Jornaleros, who live in houses provided by
the haciendas, usually benefit from these facilities. The
small farm operator, on the other hand, operates his farm in
more isolated localities, and their attendant difficulties.
It is difficult for him to build a plumbing system for his own
farm. Even in communities of small farm operators in which
there is a strong cooperative spirit, the realization of such

a project is hindered.by relatively poor economic conditions.

0n the average, leaders of both occupational groups
had the advantage over non-leaders with respect to these
facilities. The difference was considerably greater between ~
leaders and non-leaders among small farm operators. In this
group, in which such facilities are more dependent upon
individual initiative, the higher economic level and the greater
age of both the parents among the leaders, may be factors

related to more adequate water facilities.

Since bathing facilities are related to the problem
of water supply, the differences between Jornaleros and small

farm operators with respect to bathing facilities were in

ill. iii!,1lfi.. .3

general the same as in the case of piped drinking water.

Among the Jornaleros, 23.4 percent of the families had showers

in their houses, and the remaining 76.6 percent bathed in

rivers, creeks or ditches.

On the other hand, among the small

farm operators, 17.2 percent of the families had a shower in

their homes, and 82.8 percent used rivers, creeks or ditches

for bathing purposes.

facilities used by the different groups.

TABLE 14.

Table 14. shows the different bathing

Percent of Rural Families in Turrialba Having Different

Bathing Facilities.

 

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalero non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

 

 

SHOWER IN RIVER, CREEK
THE HOUSE on DITGH
68.9 61.1
17.4 82.6
29.4 70.6
0.0 100.0
21.5 78.5

 

 

a... I

86

As in the case of source of water, leaders in both
occupational groups had.a marked advantage over non-leaders.
To have a bath in the house may or may not be a necessity,

but it certainly is a comfort.

The differences in toilet facilities follow the
same pattern as in the case of source of water and.bathing
facilities. Again, the Jornaleros had more adequate facilities
than the small farm operators. The reason for this again is
that the latter usually have to build their own toilets, while
the haciendas often provide the Jornaleros with such facilities.
Of all of the families in the sample, regardless of occupation
or leadership, one out of every four families (24.7 percent)
had no toilet whatsoever. Of those families who do have toilets,
92.8 percent have the so-called.privy or outhouse. The outhouse
consists of a hole in the ground over which is placed a platform
with an open seat. A small wooden enclosure is built around
the platform, providing a measure of privacy. Almost without
exception, these toilets are located outside of the house.
The following discussion is concerned with the 95.0 percent of
the families who either have no toilet whatsoever or use an

outhouse.

For reasons stated before, it is not difficult to
understand.why a relatively greater proportion of Jornalero

families have toilet facilities than do families of small farm

. ill ‘5r.‘.lhll|l‘uql\

 

r. . 5r... . a

 

87

operators. Conversely, a smaller proportion of Jornaleros

have no toilet facilities.

Here again, leaders of both groups have more adequate

facilities.

TABLE 15.

Percent of Rural Families in Turrialba With No Toilet
Or Which Use Outhouse.

 

 

N0 TOILET OUTHOUSE
Jornalero leader 20.0 80.0
Jornalero non-leader 27.3 72.7
Small farm leader 17.6 82.4
Small farm non-leader 41.7 58.3
TOTAL 24.7 75.3

 

 

 

 

 

88

If in terms of these various criteria, i.e., running
water, shower in the house, and toilet, it is permissible to
impute a higher level of living to these families possessing
those facilities, it follows that Jornaleros have a higher
level of living than small farm operators, and.that leaders
of both groups also have a higher level of living than non-
leaders. The relation of the physical conditions which
characterize the two types of communities has already been
discussed with.regard to the two occupational groups. Further-
more, the criteria of approximate income age of the father and
mother and the time during which they have lived together all
seem to be directly related to differences between leaders and
non-leaders and to the three aspects previously discussed.
Some difference is also apparent between the various groups in
the use of shoes every day. The average number of family

members wearing shoes every day is as follows:

Jornalero leader 1.2
Jornalero non-leader 0.6
Small farm leader 2.1
Small farm non-leader l. 5

Another criterion used was the condition of the teeth.
Information which follows refers only to the mother of each
family, due to the difficulty in obtaining reliable data for
the whole family.

88

Table 16. indicates that only 5.4 percent of the
mothers of rural families had complete dentures. Forty-three
percent had lost all their teeth, but three-fourths of this
group possessed false teeth. Fifty-one and six-tenths percent
had incomplete denture, the majority of which lacked the front
teeth.

In general, mothers in the small farm operators
group hadfggmplete dentures than those of Jornaleros. Of the
latter, 34.4 percent of the mothers had lost all their teeth,
while 62.1 percent in the small farm operators group had none
of their original denture. On the other hand, all of those
having complete denture were from the Jornalero group, although
the number of mothers in this group is so small (5 mothers out

of a total of 93) that it is difficult to establish valid or
reliable generalizations.

90

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalero non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

 

 

TABLE 16.
Denture Conditions of the Mothers in the Rural Zone of
Turrialba.
PERCENT OF MOTHERS
HAVE LOST ALL INCOMPLETE COMPLETE
THE TEETH DENTURE DENTURE
27.8 66.7 5.5
37.0 54.3 8.7
70.6 29.4 0.0
50.0 50.0 0.0
43.0 51.6 5.4

TOTAL

 

 

 

 

 

There are no consistent differences as far as denture

is concerned with respect to leadership.

While a lesser

proportion of mothers in leader families among Jornaleros had

lost all their teeth, mothers among non-leader small farm

operators had a smaller proportion without any denture whatsoever.

It would seem from information gathered that mothers

neglect their teeth in the Turrialba community to a marked

degree. Out of the total sample mothers visited showed an

 

91

average of 0.3 visits to the dentist during the year preceding
the interview. It is obvious that differences according to
occupation and leadership are likely to have but small importance
in view of such a small average. Only 21.5 percent of the
mothers visited a dentist during the year preceding the day of
the interview. The most frequent motives for such visits were
toothaches and/or in order to have a tooth.pulled. In view of
these data the use of tooth brushes was more frequent than

might be expected. 0f the mothers reported.62.4 percent use

a tooth brush with some regularity. No effort was made, however,

to verify this information.

CHAPTER V
SUMMARY'AND CONCLUSIONS

There are two principal forms of land holdings in
the Central District of the Turrialba Canton: hacienda and
small farms. Associated with these forms of land holdings
and associated types of crops are two distinct forms of
community organizations, the hacienda-type farming community
and the family-sized farming community. In the first type
the majority of the population consists of Jornaleros and in
the second type of small farm.operators.

There are certain socio-economic and health
conditions associated with these occupational groups. There
are also differences in scale-economic and health conditions
between leaders and non-leaders. These differences as well

as certain similarities are summarised as follows:

1. (Approximate Income. Small farmers had higher
average annual income than Jornaleros. In both occupational
categories leaders had a higher income than non-leaders.
Actually the average annual income of leaders among Jornaleroe
was 2,690 colonel, and among nonpleaders 2,100 colones. Among
the small farm operators these averages were 4,330 colones for
leaders in contrast to 3,010 colones for non-leaders. These

differences are more revealing when family size is taken into

93

consideration. The per capita annual income for leaders and
non-leaders among the Jornalercs was 408 and 389 respectively.
In the small farm operators group these averages were 619 and

367 colones. Thus, in the case of the small farm operator

‘ . _. ,.. 1“???

families, per capita income for leader families was almost

double that for non-leader families.

The data presented suggest that there is some ;”
relations between age and income. The average age of family
heads in the Jornalero group was less than that for small farm
operators, and in both groups the average age of leaders was
higher than non-leaders. In the jornalerc group they were
47.7 years for leaders and 35.8 years for non-leaders. In
the small farm operators group these averages were 52.0 years

and 45.4 years respectively.

2. Housing. A very high.percentage of jornaleros
lived in housing provided by the hacienda, while the majority
of the small farm operators lived in their own houses. There
was no great difference among leaders and non-leaders in both

groups with regard to ownership of the house.

The average number of persons per room, bedroom, and
bed among jornalero families was higher than for the small farm
operators. Leaders among small farm operators were in better

situations than non-leaders, not only because the average

94

number of persons per room, bedroom, and bed was less, but also
because the average number of persons using the house for
sleeping purposes was less. The jornalero group did not seem
to be divided in this respect with regard to leadership. But
it might be repeated, that leaders in the Jornalero group had

larger families.

3. Famill Structure. The average age of mothers,
the average of mothers upon marriage, and the length of time
during which the father and the mother had lived together was
greater among the small farm operators than among jornaleros.
The mothers of families in which leaders were found were on
the average, older than the mother of families of non-leaders.
These generalizations are similar to those made in regard to
the age of fathers. These facts explain in part why the average
members per family is higher among the small farm operaters than
among the Jornaleros, even though the differences with regard
to leadership were not consistent. These averages for the
jornalero group were 6.6 and 5.4 for leaders and non-leaders
respectively. For the small farm operator group the leaders
had an average of 7.0 members per family, whereas the average

for non-leaders was 8.2.

4. Health. There was a higher number of pregnancies
per family for small farm.owners than for families of Jornaleros.

The difference was pronounced and was related to the average

95

number of persons per family. There do not appear to be any
demonstrable differences between the families of small farm.
operators and Jornaleros with.regard to miscarriages, still-
births, and infant deaths during the first year of life.
Similarly the differences between leaders and non-leaders were

neither marked nor consistent.

Differences with regard to the number of living
children in the families of Jornaleros and small farm.operators,
for both leaders and non-leaders followed the same pattern, as

differences in the number of pregnancies.

Only 23.7 percent of all of the mothers in the sample
benefitted from the services of a doctor or an obstetric nurse
at their last delivery. The remaining 76.3 percent relied upon
the services of a midwife or had no assistance whatsoever.
Surprisingly enough, fewer leaders were treated by a doctor
or obstetric nurse than non-leaders. This held for both

occupational groups.

A larger percentage of mothers from the small farm
group received medical examination after the birth of their
last child. Among jornaleros, a.greater percentage of mothers
from.families containing leaders (5.6 percent) were examined
than mothers from.non-1eader families (2.3 percent). There was
no substantial difference between leaders and non-leaders among

small farm operators in this respect.

96

5. Medical Facilities. In the rural zone of
Turrialba wide use is made of the midwife and witch doctor,
as well as such modern institutions as the Social Security
Hospital and the Health Center. It is obvious, however, that
the greater proportion of the heads of families belonging to
the Social Security System were Jornaleros. Only a small
proportion of the small farm operators carried health insurance.
The differences betwaen leaders and non-leaders were not
consistent. Among Jornaleros, leaders most often were insured
while the situation was the reverse among the small farm

operators .

Leaders in both occupational groups visited the
hospital more than non-leaders. On the other hand, only leaders
among small farm operators showed a greater number of visits to

the Health 0 enter .

6. Health $9.9. Sanitary Conditions. With respect to
the facilities for potable water, for bathing and for toilet
use, which were available to the rural families, the jornaleros
had an advantage over the small farm operators. 0n the average,
leaders of both occupational groups had the advantage over non-
leaders with respect to these facilities. This was also true

with respect to the average number of family members wearing

shoes every day.

In relation to denture conditions, mothers in the
small farm.operator group had less complete dentures than those
of jornaleros. 0f the latter, 34.4 percent of the mothers had
lost all their teeth, while 62.1 percent in the small farm
operator group had none of their original denture. There was
no consistent differences in denture conditions as between

leaders and non-leaders.

98

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Benoit - Smullyan, Emile., "Status, Status Types, and Status
Interrelations", American Sociological Review, Vol. 9,
NO. 2, April 1944, ppe 151-1610

 

Bierstedt, Robert, "An Analysis of Social Power", American
Sociological Review, Vol. 15, No. 6, 1950, pp. 730~73 .

 

Biesanz, John and Mavis, Costa Rican Life, New Ybrk: Columbia
University Press, 1945.

 

Cook, Lloyd A., A Sociological Approach.§g Education, New York:
McGraw-Hill, I950.

 

Cooley, Charles H., Social Organization, New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, I929.

Davis, Kingsley, "A Conceptual Analysis of Stratification",
American Sociological Review, 1942, Vol. 7, pp. 309-321.

Goldhamer, Herbert, and Shils, Edward A., "Types of Power and
Status", The American JOurnal g; Sociology, 1939, Vol. 45,
NO. 2, pp. I7I-I8§e

Hoffer, Charles R., et a1, Health Needs and Health.Care ;E

Michigan, Special Bulletin 365, Michigan State College,
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, June 1950.

Instituto Interamericano de Ciencias Agricolas, Boletin‘Ng.‘§,
Turrialba, Costa Rica, 1949, pp. 3-4.

Jahoda, maria, et a1, Research methods ;3 Social Relations,
New York: The Dryden Press, [951.

 

Jennings, Helen H., Leadership and Isolation, Second Edition,
New York: LongmanTs Green and 50., I943.

 

LaPiere, Richard T., and Farnsworth, Paul R., Social Pszchology,
New York: McGrawAHill, 1949.

Loomis, Charles P., Studies gf'Rural Social Organization';g
the United States, Latin America and German , EastfiLansing,
HIEhigan: State College 5005 Store, I945.

99

Loomis, Charles P., and Beegle, J. Allan, "A Typological Analysis
of Social Systems - Demonstration of a means for Integrating
Sociometry, Sociology, and Cultural Anthropology",

Sociome ,lé Journal 3; Inter-Personal Relations, Vol. 11,
"Not—3 7mAugust,T9_4—T—8 pp. 117-191.

Loomis, Charles P., and Powell, Reed M., "Sociometric Analysis
of Class Status in Rural Costa Rica - A Peasant Community
Compared with.an Hacienda Community", Sociometry, Vol. 12,
Nos. 1-3, February-August 1949, pp. 144- 7.

Loomis, Charles P., et a1 Anatogy 23.5 Costa Rigan Community,
Chapter VIII titled ‘Econom 0 Systems" By T. L. Norris,
Michigan State College Press, East Lansing, Michigan,
Publication pending.

 

Loomis, Charles P.,and Beegle, J. Allan, Rural Social S stems,
New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950, pp. 664-665.

 

Lundberg, George A., Social Research, New Yerk: Longman's
Green and Co., 1942.

Lundberg, George A., and Steele, Mary, "Social Attraction
Patterns in a Village", Sociometgy'l, 1938, pp. 375-419.

Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda y Direccion General de
Estadstica y Censos, Geografia y Climatologia.gg_Costa Rica,
Series Estadisticas Numero 8, October-November, 195I.

 

Office of the Census, "Boletin Informative Censos de 1950",
San Jose Costa Rica, November-December, 1950.

Powell, Reed M.,‘g Comparative Sociological Analysis 92 §gg Juan
Sur, g Peasant Community, and Atirro, 3g Hacienda CommunIE
IEEated In Costa Rica, Central IEerIca, PE. D. Thesis,
Michigan-State CoIIege, East Lansing, Michigan, 1951.

Smith, T. Lynn The Sociolo of Rural Life, Revised Edition,
New‘YOrk:’ Harper and E¥etsers, I947.

 

Smucker, Orden C., "Prestige Status Stratification on a College
Campus", Journal 2;.Applied Anthropology Q, 1947, pp. 20-27.

Trejos, J., Geografia Ilustrada gg_Costa Rica, San Jose:
Editorial Trejos Hermanos, 1941.

 

United States Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation
Service, "Group Action in Soil Conservation: Upper Mississippi
Valley, Region III, Milwaukee", March, 1947.

100

Warner, W. Lloyd, and Lunt, Paul S., The Social Life of g.Modern
Community, New Haven: Yale University Press, I94I}

Warner, W. Lloyd, “Social Anthropology and the Modern Community",

American Journal of Sociology Vol. 46 No. 6 1941
er "" ’ ’ ’ ’

Warner, W. Lloyd, and Lunt, Paul S., "The Social Life of a
Modern Community", Vol. 1, American Sociological Review,
V01. 7, N00 2, 1942’ pp. 263‘271.

Whetten, Nathan L., Rural Mexico, Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, I948.

APPENDIX

TABLE 1.

Average Annual Income per Family, According to Age of

the Head of the Family.

Rural Zone of Turrialba.

102

 

 

Jernalero leader
Jornalcro non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm.non-1eader

TOTAL

 

 

25 to 54 55 to 44 45 years
years years or more
1,950.0 2,450.0 5,040.0
1,860.0 1,910.0 2,700.0
- 5,500.0 5,970.0
2,700.0 2,380.0 5,550.0
1,980.0 2,550.0 5,500.0

 

 

 

 

105

TABLE 2.

Average Persons per Room, According to Age of the
Head of the Family. Rural Zone of Turrialba.

 

 

 

25 to 34 35 to 44 45 years

years years or more
Jornalcro leader 1.9 3.1 2.2
Jornalcro non-leader 1.9 2.0 2.2
Small farm leader - 1.2 1.7
Small farm non—leader 1.7 2.4 2.1
TOTAL 1.7 2.4 2.1

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE 5.

104

Average Persons per Bedroom, According to Age of the

Head of the Family.

Rural Zone of Turrialba.

 

 

Jornalcro leader
Jornalcro non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

 

25 to 34 35 to 44 45 years
years years or more
5.3 6.3 4.2
3.8 4.1 4.0
_ 301 303
3.4 4.9 4.0
3.4 4.9 4.0

 

 

 

 

TABLE 4.

105

Average Persons per Bed According to Age of the

Head of the Family.

Rural Zone of Turrialba.

 

 

 

Jornalcro leader
Jornalcro non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

25 to 34 35 to 44 45 years
years years or more
2.1 2.5 2.3
2.3 2.6 2.8

"‘ 2.5 2.2

1.9 3.0 2.2
2.2 2.6 2.3

 

 

 

 

TABLE 5.

106

Average Persons Sleeping in the House, According to
Age of the Head of the Family.

Rural Zone of Turrialba.

 

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalcro non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

 

25 to 34 35 to 44 45 years
years years or more
5.3 8.3 7.6
4.6 6.1 7.0

- 6.3 9.0

8.5 9.8 8.0
5.3 6.9 7.9

 

 

 

 

Average Pregnancies per Family, According to Age
of the Head of the Family.

TABLE 6.

107

Rural Zone of Turrialba.

 

 

Jornalcro leader
Jornalcro non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

 

25 to 34 35 to 44 45 years
years years or more
3.5 9.3 10.4
5.1 6.3 11.4

_ 6,0 11.5

8.0 10.5 12.0
5.1 7.2 11.3

 

 

 

 

TABLE 7.

Average Still Births per Family, According to Age of

the Head of the Family.

Rural Zone of Turrialba.

108

 

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalcro non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

 

25 to 34 35 to 44 45 years
years years or more

- 0.7 0.6

"' 0.1 0.3

"’ " 002

- 0.8 0.8

- 0.2 0.4

 

 

 

 

TABLE 8.

109

Average Miscarriages per Family, According to Age of

the Head of the Family.

Rural Zone of Turrialba.

 

 

Jornalcro leader
Jornalcro non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

 

25 to 34 35 to 44 45 years
years years or more
0.5 1.0 0.3
0.8 0.3 1.4

" 005 105

1.0 0.8 0.7
0.7 0.5 1.0

 

 

 

 

TABLE 9.

110

Average Deaths in the First Year of Life, According to
Age of the Head of the Family.

Rural Zone of Turrialba.

 

 

Jornalero leader
Jornalcro non-leader
Small farm leader

Small farm non-leader

TOTAL

 

 

25 to 54 35 to 44 45 years
years years or more
0.5 - 1.7
1.1 1.2 2.5

- 1.5 1.8

0.5 1.5 1.8
0.8 1.1 1.9

 

 

 

 

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MICHIGAN STATE UNIVER

ITY LIBR

8 ARIES

3 1193 03082 3375