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ABSTRACT

TRADITIONAL AND MODERN CARVED DOORS AS A
MANIFESTATION OF YORUBA CULTURE

BY

Mary Jo Arnoldi

This study examines both traditional and modern Yoruba carved doors
in their indigenous cultural context. The study is based on a sample of
carved doors which extends from the late nineteenth century to the
present. The doors in traditional Yoruba society were once an exclusive
mark of architectural rank associated with the Afig, the sacred palace-
temple complex of the divine king. They were intricately carved in has-
relief, depicting genre scenes with social, political and religious import.
Although the modern doors maintain traditional form, they have been
commissioned by Westernized governmental and religious institutions.
Significantly, these institutions have displaced much of the traditional
framework once operative in traditional Yoruba society. Doors commissioned
by these new patrons depict genre scenes which often seem divorced from
the traditional fabric of Yoruba life. The iconography and function Of
the traditional doors are discussed in relationship to the religious and
social institutions that regulated Yoruba life. Changes wrought in the
function and conception of modern doors are discussed in light of accul-
turation which has resulted in significant modification of Yoruba

institutions.

Mary Jo Arnoldi

There is a large body of literature dealing with various aspects of
Yoruba art. Though none deals exclusively with the doors, they are often
mentioned in many works. The present study examines the doors as a
specific category within the plastic arts of the Yoruba and utilizes
methods previously applied to free standing figurative sculpture. The
full implications of YorUba doors' function and iconography are still

to be explored.

TRADITIONAL AND MODERN CARVED DOORS AS A

MANIFESTATION OF YORUBA CULTURE

BY

Mary Jo Arnoldi

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Art

1975

DEDICATION

To my parents,

Robert and Elizabeth Arnoldi

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor,

Dr. Alfred E. Opubor, Director of the African Studies Center, Michigan
State University, for his continued guidance and encouragement in the
preparation of this study. I would also like to thank committee members
in the Art History Department, Dr. Sadayoshi Omoto, Dr. Joan Smith and
Ms. Barbara Braathen for their helpful suggestions and criticisms. A
special thanks is due to my colleague, Gary M. Radke, to whom I am
sincerely grateful for his unfailing optimism and for the many hours he
has devoted to a discussion and critique of this study at every stage.

I am most grateful for the cooperation extended to me by the
British Museum, The Museum ffir VBlkerkunde, the UCLA Museum of Ethnic
Art, Wilson Popoola, photographer, Ministry of Information Ibadan and
the USIS office in Ibadan for reproductions and information concerning
the carved doors. I am indebted to Dr. Joanne Eicher, Department of
Human Ecology, Michigan State University, for her help in obtaining
information and reproductions of the doors, as well as to the many
Africanists at Michigan State University who have aided me in the under-
standing and interpretation of data. The preparation of photographs for

this study was greatly aided by the expertise of Matthew J. Spiro.

4-H

ILLUSTRATIONS.

INTRODUCTION

I. YORUBA RELIGION AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE

II.

III.

CONCLUSION .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

CARVED DOORS:

TABLE OF CONTENTS

URBANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE.

DISCUSSION OF FORM AND FUNCTION

iv

Page

21
40
73

79

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Illustrations

 

Olowere.

Anonymous.

Carved Wooden Doors.
British Museum, London.

Carved Wooden Door.

Collection of

Collection of

Museum ffir VBlkerkunde, Berlin.-. . . . . .

Areogun.

Carved Wooden Door.
British Museum, London.

Collection of

School of Areogun. Carved WOoden Doors.
Collection of Museum of Ethnic Arts, UCLA .

George Bandele.

Chapel, Ibadan University .

Lamidi Fakeye.

Carved Wooden Doors.

Carved Wooden Doors.

Catholic

USIS

Apartments, Cocoa House, Ibadan, Nigeria.

Felix Idubor.
Hall, Lagos, Nigeria.

Felix Idubor.
Hall, Lagos, Nigeria.

Felix Idubor.
Hall, Lagos, Nigeria.

Carved Wooden Doors.

Carved Wooden Doors.

Carved Wooden Doors.

National

National

National

88

89

9O

91

92

93

94

95

INTRODUCTION

The Yoruba of southwestern Nigeria have produced throughout the
centuries an enormous body of art works in a variety of media. This
study will concentrate on one particular art form, wooden doors carved
in has-relief.

Because of the fragile quality of wood subject to the ravages of
climate, fire and the white ant, the earliest extant doors date from the
nineteenth century. The sample chosen for this study will concentrate
on wooden doors carved in a period extending from the late nineteenth
century to the present.

Traditional Yoruba art, firmly rooted in the patronage system,
functioned within the context of defined religious, social and political
structures. These structures are interdependent in conception and function
and form the basis for Yoruba world view. The carved doors as art forms,
architectural members and iconographical statements will be examined
within their cultural context. Changes in the form and conception of
the carved door in the modern era will also be examined to determine if
these changes reflect the attitudes and values of modern Yoruba life.

There exists a large body of literature which examines in depth
various aspects of Yoruba culture with historical archaeological,
anthropological, religious, sociological and art historical bias. This
study will reexamine this divergent data in combination with the visual
evidence of the doors themselves, in order to present a clearer under-

standing of the form and function of the Yoruba carved doors.

1

The earliest body of literature concerning the Yoruba is found in
the reports and journals of European travelers in the nineteenth century.
Often highly charged with an ethnocentric viewpoint, the journals,
nevertheless, provide factual observations regarding the role of the king
and court, the morphology of the city and detailed descriptions of
architecture and its embellishments. Invaluable as an indicator of Yoruba
life prior to the absorption of European models and attitudes, the journals
and accounts consulted include those by Clapperton, Lander, Burton, Campbell,
Clarke, and Frobenius.1

S. Johnson's History g£_the Yoruba which was written at the turn of

 

the century and first published in 1921 includes factual observations of
town planning and architecture which further corroborates the European
observations.2

The comprehensive studies of African religious systems and the Yoruba
religious system have resulted in recent scholarship which has proved

invaluable to this study. E.B. Idowu's Olodumare; God in_Yoruba Belief

 

provided the basic data for the discussion of traditional religion in

Yorubaland.3

Trimingham's discussion of the role and function of Islam
and Christianity in Africa provided useful information concerning the
contemporary religious atmosphere.4

In a sociological and anthropological vein, the Yoruba culture has
been studied in depth and many scholars have collected and evaluated
significant data throughout the century. Major works consulted include
the early findings of Talbot and Fadipe which have been supplemented and
refined by the works of modern scholars such as Bascom, Ojo, Lloyd, Moore,

and Mabogunje.5 These studies discuss at length the basic social structure

of the Yoruba people and the underlying principles which govern kinship,

secret organizations, craft specialization and the division of labor, and
the morphology of Yoruba towns. Besides examining the traditional social
systems of the Yoruba, the authors discuss the changes wrought by
modernization.

Ajayi, Smith, and Armstrong have conducted historical research con-
cerning the political structure of the historical state and the effect of
the extensive nineteenth century wars on the Yoruba political models and
the resultant migrations of people from traditional centers to new urban
areas.6

Yoruba art forms, since Frobenius' collections of bronzes in the
early nineteen hundreds, have been the subject of continued scholarly
research. Unlike much African art, Yoruba art is naturalistic in con-
ception. Archaeological expeditions in the mid twentieth century conducted
by Fagg and Willett have made important contributions in the rediscovery,
dating, and interpretation of many ancient works.7 Paralleling this
interest in bronze art is the study of carved wooden statuary and masks
used in ceremony and ritual. 0f extreme importance to this study have
been the modern works by Thompson, Armstrong, Beier, Carroll and Fagg
which have concentrated on stylistic and interpretive approaches to
ceremonial art.8 Studies of Yoruba palaces by Ojo provided essential
data about construction and the sacred and symbolic nature of this
architectural form throughout Yorubaland.9 The field studies of Cordwell
and Thompson which concentrate on the Yoruba aesthetic system have provided
much useful information for the study concentrating on carved doors.10

The modern approach to Yoruba art no longer concentrates on the art

work in isolation but seeks to integrate it fully within its culture.

Cole, Westcott, and Fraser have sought to integrate the various fragmented

disciplines into a unified conception of Yoruba art.11 This study is
based on such an integration and I shall proceed from a discussion of
Yoruba religion and philosophy and examine its manifestations in the
social institutions, in the ordering of town planning and in the concep-
tion of architectural forms. The carved doors, as an integral part of
the architectural structure will be examined in cultural context. To

my knowledge, these methods have not been previously applied to a study

of Yoruba doors.

NOTES—-INTRODUCTION

lH. Clapperton, Journal gf_§ Second Expedition into the Interior of
Africa: from the Bight g£_Benin £g_Soccatoo (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea,
and Carey, 1829).

R. Hallet (ed.) The Niger Journal g£_Richard and John Lander (London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1965).

R.F. Burton, Abeokuta and the Cameroons Mts. Vol. 1 (London: Tinsley
Brothers, 1863).

R. Campbell, A Pilgrimage £2_My_Mother1and: An_Account g£_a_Journey
among the Egbas and Yorubas 9£_Central Africa in_1859-60 (Philadelphia:
Thomas Hamilton, 1861).

W. Clarke, Travels and Explorations in_Yorubaland - 1854-58.
Introduction and notes by J.A. Atanda (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press,
1972).

L. Frobenius, Thg_Voice 9f_Africa, translated by R. Blind (Rpt.,

New York: Benjamin Blom, Inc. 1968).

 

 

 

 

 

2S. Johnson, History of the Yorubas 6th ed. (London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1969).

3
1962).

E.B. Idowu, Olodumare: God in_Yoruba Belief (London: Longmans,

 

4J.S. Trimingham, The Christian Church and Islam in_West Africa
(Edinburgh: T. and A. Constable, Ltd., 1956).

SP.A. Talbot, The Peoples 9£_Southern Nigeria 4 Vols. (London:
Oxford University Press, 1926).

N.A. Fadipe, Sociology g£_the Yoruba Edited and Introduction by
F. Okediji, (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1970).

W. Bascom, The Yoruba 9£_Southwestern Nigeria (New York: Holt,
Rinehart, and Winston, 1969) and "Social Status, Wealth,and Individual
Differences Among the Yoruba," American Anthropologist, LIII No. 4 (1951),
490-505, and "Urbanization Among the Yoruba," Cultures and Societies 2j_
Africa, Edited by S. and P. Ottenberg (New York: Random House, 1960),
255-67.

G.J.A. Ojo, Yoruba Culture: A Geographical Analysis (London and
Ife: University of Ife Press, 1966).

P.C. Lloyd, "Craft Organization in Yoruba Towns," Africa, XXIII
No. l (1953), 30-44, and "Some Modern Changes in the Government of
Yoruba Towns," West African Institute gf_Social and Economic Research
Conference - Sociology Section, March, 1953, and "The Yoruba Lineage,"
Africa, XXV NO. 3 (1955, 235-251).

E.A. MOore, The Laws and Customs 9£_the Yoruba People (Abeokuta,
Nigeria: M.O. Ola Fola Bookshops, 1960).

A.L. Mabogunje, Urbanization in_Nigeria (London: University of
London Press, 1968) and Yoruba Towns (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press,

1962).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

6J.F.A. Ajayi and R. Smith, Yoruba warfare in_the Nineteenth Century
(London: Cambridge University Press, 1964).

R. Smith, Kingdoms 9§_the Yoruba (London: Methuen and Co., Ltd.,
1969).

R.G. Armstrong, "The Development of Kingdoms in Negro Africa,"
Journal g£_the Historical Society g£_Nigeria, LI No. 1 (1960), 27-39.

 

 

7W. Fagg, Nigerian Images (New York: Praeger, 1963)
F. Willett, Ife in the History of West Africal Sculpture (New York:
McGraw and Hill Book Co., 1967).

8R.F. Thompson, African Art ig_Motion (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1974), and Black Gods and Kings (Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1971).

R.P. Armstrong, Affecting Presence (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 1971).

H.U. Beier, Contemporagy Art in Africa (London: Pall Mall Press,
1968) and "Ibo and Yoruba Art: A Comparison," Black Orpheus, No. 8,
46-50.

K. Carroll, Yoruba Religious Carvings (New York: Praeger, 1966).

W. Fagg, op. cit.

 

 

 

9G.J.A. Ojo, Yoruba Palaces - A Study _o_f__ Afins g_f_ Yorubaland
(London: University of London Press, 1966), and "Royal Palaces: An
Index of Yoruba Traditional Culture," Nigeria Magazine, No. 94
(1967) 194-210, and "Traditional Yoruba Architecture," African Arts,
I No. 3 (Spring 1968), 14-17, 70-72.

 

10J. Cordwell, "Some Aesthetic Aspects of Yoruba and Benin Cultures,"
(Unpublished PhD dissertation, Northwestern University, 1952)

R.F. Thompson, "Yoruba Artistic Criticism," The Traditional Artist
_in African Societies, Edited by W. d'Azevedo (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1973) 18-61.

 

11H. Cole, "Yoruba Sculpture: An Interpretation of Style through
Form and Meaning," (Unpublished Master's Thesis, Columbia University of
Wisconsin Press, 1972), 295-328.
J. Westcott, "The Sculpture and Myths of Eshu-Elegba, the Yoruba
Trickster: Definition and Interpretation of Yoruba Iconography,"
Africa, XXXII No. 4 (1962), 336-354.

CHAPTER I

YORUBA RELIGION AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE

Religion as a pervasive element in Yoruba culture is widely
acknowledged. It permeates every level of human existence and plays a
major role in the structure and function of the socio-political insti-
tutions serving as the basis for Yoruba philosophy and world view.

In the traditional Yoruba religion, there is an indigenous concept
of the Supreme Being, Olodumare (Olorun). He is the ultimate authority,
first among all His creatures and the Orderer of the universe.

He is conceived of as "a Personage, venerable and majestic,

aged but not aging, with a greyness which commands awe and

reverence. He speaks; He commands; He acts; He rules; He

judges; He does all that a person of the highest authority

in whose control everything is, will do."1

Serving under Olodumare are a pantheon of lesSer divinities or
orisha. The hierarchy and function of the individual gods within this
pantheon are complex and sophisticated. The exact census is undeter-
minable; various sources within the oral literature indicate from several
hundred to several thousand individual orisha.2 The concern among the
Yoruba seems then to be mainly an expression of the plurality of the
divinities rather than the assignation of exact numbers to the pantheon.

In this theocratic superstructure, the orisha serve as ministers of
the high God. They ultimately derive their power from Him and remain
subordinate to His will. One verse of the ng_corpus relates a mytho-
logical incident in which the divinities once conspired against Olodumare,

questioning His position of absolute authority. The orisha wished an

equal share in governing of the universe. In order to show them the

utter folly of their request, Olodumare withdrew His Will. In essence

He withdrew the natural order and soon the very existence of the universe
was threatened. Realizing the inadequacy of their powers and the pomposity
of their demands, the orisha repented and acknowledged Olodumare's authority.
He forgave them.their transgression, and order and harmony were restored.3
Within this mythological incident certain essential concepts are presented;
the incident serves to define ideal order based on the proper relationship
of the orisha to Olodumare, as well as delineating the mode of conduct and
attitude for the Yoruba in relationships with their gods and all consecrated
authority. It suggests the basis for social order and implies the dire
consequences resulting from transgressions, as well as the hope of for-
giveness.

Major orisha predominate in all areas of Yorubaland, although the
majority of the divinities are minor figures and their acceptance and cults
are localized.4 Unlike Olodumare the divinities exhibit human fallibilities
and at one time in the distant past are believed to have lived upon earth,
not dying but "going away" to join Olodumare in the spiritual kingdom.5

Of the major national divinities Orishnala (Obatala) is generally
accepted as the arch divinity and eldest of all other divinities.6 One of
his major functions is the creation of mankind. Albinos and the deformed
are visible manifestations of his human frailties as they are believed to
have been created as a result of a fit of drunkenness on the god's part.

As a result they aresacred to him. He is called the "God of Whiteness"
as white is his sacred color and is worn by priests and devotees. His

cult is found in various forms throughout Yorubaland.

Oduduwa (Odua) is the younger brother of Orishnala and is believed
to have been the first king of Ife. He is the creator of the earth and
considered the progenitor of the Yoruba people. He is of major importance
in the functioning of kingship, since it is through the direct descent
from Oduduwa that the king receives the sanction for his power and authority.

Orunmila embodies the concept of wisdom. In the distant past he was
sent by Olodumare to guide and counsel Oduduwa. He continues to serve a
similar function through his association with the Ifa oracle, and he is
man's link with the gods. It is through the verses of the Ifa divination
that the order of the universe is defined for the Yoruba people and made
applicable to daily life.7

Eshu is the messenger of the gods. The duality of his character
exhibits both benevolent and malevolent traits. In his malevolent aspect
he is the counterpart of Orunmila. Orunmila brings order; Eshu brings
chaos. He is greatly feared in his malevolent role, and there is an ever
present concern among the Yoruba to appease his wrath. This "evil" aspect
of Eshu's character was often misinterpreted by outside observers who
correlated Eshu with the concept of the Christian devil, but in the total
conception of his personality, Eshu brings potency and fertility to both
nature and mankind.8

Ogun is the divinity associated with iron. According to tradition,
he introduced its usage to the Yoruba people. He is also the god of war.
His special devotees include hunters, warriors, blacksmiths and sculptors.

Sango is the god of thunder, symbolizing the wrath of the orisha.
Johnson identifies him with an actual historical personage, the fourth
Alafin of Oyo, who through time has been raised to the status of a

divinity.9

lO

Sopono is the god of smallpox. The brother of Sango, Sopono's
power, like Sango's, is associated with wrath and retribution. Within
the traditional context, smallpox is not seen as a disease but rather a
punishment for human transgressions against the authority of the gods.
The function of Sopono's priesthood embodies both rituals of atonement
as well as rituals of healing.

Lesser divinities include those associated with nature; personifications
of rivers, hills, mountains and streams whose cults are usually localized.

Ranked below the orisha are the ancestors. Their original role as
elders is extended into the spiritual kingdom. They help to ensure the
harmony and order of the community by serving as intercessors for their
descendants to the gods. They are seen as both protectors and disciplinarians,
ensuring the continuation of ethical and moral codes.10 The ancestors pro-
vide an identity and solidarity for the Yoruba nation as a whole and for
individual lineages within the society.

Worship of God and the divinities, and tokens of fellowship offered
to the ancestors ensure the maintenance of universal harmony, balance
and order. Sacrifice, whether offered as a gift, in propitiation, or as
a communal gesture is the essential ritual in religious practice necessary
to preserve universal order. The individual performs personal daily rites
to assure the gods of his faithfulness. As a collective exercise, the
sacrifices atone for group transgressions, give thanks for blessings
received by devotees and seek a continuation of these blessings. On the
days set aside as sacred to a particular orisha, his devotees participate
in communal worship. Annually a cycle of sacred festivals dedicated to
national dieties serve as occasions for rejoicing and thanksgiving by

the entire populace.ll

11

The sacred and the secular are inseparable in Yoruba metaphysics
and the socio-political institutions continue and reflect the cosmic
superstructure. The hierarchical ordering of the spiritual domain is
filtered down into human institutions and shapes the mode and manner of
their functions.

The prevailing system of government among the Yoruba is monarchical.
Yorubaland was traditionally divided into independent theocratic city-
kingdoms. Although sometimes differing in organizational details, each
held basic concepts in common.12 Even though they regarded themselves as
autonomous political entities, each kingdom acknowledges the common creation
myth of the Yoruba people and recognized Ife as the center of creation and
the spiritual home of the Yoruba.13

At the apex of this structure is the Oba or divine king. The Oba
served as the earthly reflection of the power invested in the spiritual
kingship of Olodumare. There are sixteen Obas of the highest rank, all
of whom trace their descent in the patrilineal line from one of the
sixteen sons of Oduduwa and ultimately from the god himself.14

The Oba is essential to the earthly kingdom both in the political
and religious arena. "This mingling of several types of authority in
one person is in fact one of the things that gives leadership much of its
effectiveness. Thus the power of leaders in Africa stems not only from
their socio—political influence, but also from their religious primacy,
economic power and moral authority as well."15 The Oba is the personifi-
cation of the kingdom, and through his divine nature he is the people's
closest living intermediary with the spiritual world. His role is one
of overseer and guide in the religious, political and economic affairs
of his kingdom. As the Yoruba people state, "without the Oba the town

would cease to exist."16

12

Within the kingdom the Oba serves as the focal point of the social
order. Ultimate status and prestige are invested in his office as divine
ruler, and the status of each institution and individual within the king-
dom is reckoned through their relationship to the Oba. "Status is the
focus of both political and social organization which is achieved through
prestige brought by wealth, title and the outward show."17 Surrounding
the office of the king and manifested in the elaborate ritual and protocol
of the court were restrictions which served to emphasize the divine nature
of the king and so delineate the code of behavior expected by both the
royal personage in his role as divinity, as well as toward subjects in
their relationships with him. The protocol observed in interrelationships
with consecrated authority echoes similar attitudes displayed by the
orisha to Olodumare as related in Yoruba mythology.

Clapperton observed an episode at the court of Old Oyo which serves
to point up the Yoruba concern with court ritual.

"It is the court etiquette here to appear in a loose cloth,

tied under one arm; part over the other shoulder, and hanging

down to the feet in a graceful manner: but no tobes, no

beads, no coral, or grandeur of any kind, must appear but

on the king alone. . . When one speaks to the king, he must

do it stretched at full length on the ground, and it must be

said to him through the eunuch, who is also prostrated by

his side."18

These attitudes and postures assumed by courtiers in the presence
of their king were not mere meaningless gestures. According to Bascom,
"Social position is more than a matter of the simple grading or ranking

of various segments of Yoruba society, it involves also the privileges

and obligations and patterns of social interaction among individuals."19

13

The right to the throne was limited to the royal lineages. Upon
selection by the council of chiefs, the initiation ritual endowed the
new ruler with the accumulated power of the past kings and of Oduduwa
himself. The transferance of mystical and divine powers was symbolized
through a number of rituals, the most important being the ritual meal.
At this meal, the newly appointed Oba partook of the excised heart of
the late Oba, and in essence "all the sacred powers of preceding Obas
thus passed to the new ruler."20

These solemn rites graphically set apart the Oba from his people.
Once consecrated, the Oba was under the restrictions of an ordered
ritual life. Because of his divine status he was secluded in his palace-
temple and could be approached only with the utmost deference and respect
by a designated few of his subjects: his palace servants, council of
chiefs and his wives.

According to Yoruba traditional law, as compiled by E.A. Ajisafe
Moore,"A king should not appear in public more than three times a year.
Each time in connection with an important festival of the country or
tribe."21 When he appeared in state, the regalia and protocol attached
to the court served to strengthen and reiterate his status to the people.
"The gods and the kings of the Yoruba exalt the world by suggesting these
ideals in a panoply of monarchic and sacred traditions. The arts of
kingship and religion deepen the understanding of the way things ought
to be."22 The Oba surrounded by his courtiers was physically removed
from'his subjects which serves to establish his status. He wore gowns
of the richest materials and his beaded and fringed crown covered his
face from view. He carried a beaded fly whisk and a staff, emblems of

his office. Each of his accourtrements symbolized aspects of his power

14

and in combination presented an image of majesty and command. The wealth
of his regalia symbolized the wealth of his kingdom among the neighboring
states. The fringed beaded crown concealed his individual personality and
presented the Oba as a symbol of the dynasty. The staff was the symbol

of his authority and the fly whisk, used to acknowledge the honor paid

him by his subjects, symbolized the dignity and grace of his office.23
"The power to maintain civilization was conferred by the signs and vest-
ments of the king."24

Ranked below the Oba in status within the kingdom was the council
of chiefs. As the orisha carry out the will of Olodumare, the council of
chiefs carries out the practical functions of the Oba's kingdom. This
council consisted of representatives from each of the lineages, excluding
the royal lineage. The function of the council was both legislative and
judicial. The chiefs sitting in council made state decisions and tried
transgressions of the highest order; the Oba ordained and sanctioned
their decisions. The council formed the link between the people and the
king, and they formed the chain of communication whereby the needs of the
populace reached the attention of the sacred ruler.

A delicate balance of power existed between the Oba and his senior
chiefs. Because of the complex ritual restrictions on his life and his
imposed isolation in the palace, the Oba countered the individual power
of his chiefs by diplomatically exercizing his perogative to bestow
favors. Frobenius observed the effects of such a system: "Each one
watches his neighbour and his fellows with the utmost sharpness and is
patently concerned that none should get a greater pull upon the ruler

himself."25

15

The hierarchical structuring of society is maintained at all levels,
extending from the court to the compound. "Character partially implied
willing submission and bowing down to traditional authority. . . This is
the discipline of traditional Yoruba life."26 Reflecting the conservatism
of traditional societies the Yoruba are largely ruled by custom, in which
individual judgements and initiative become Sublimated to group decisions.
The principle of seniority reinforces the power of authority in a well
defined system of behavior models. Kinship extends the boundaries of the
group which professes a common loyalty and bonding. The individual, in
practice, is responsible to the group in determining his behavior. The
power and authority invested in the principle of seniority extend through
compound elders, ward chiefs, and kingship into the spiritual domain
through the ancestors and the orisha--fina11y resting in Olodumare.

In the last century the incursion of Islam and Christianity as well
as the extension of Western influence in political and economic spheres
through colonization has had marked effects on traditional modes of life.

Politically, the British administration, while maintaining vestiges
of the traditional authority of the Oba, undermined the balance between
the Oba and his chiefs. Certain traditional chieftaincy roles were no
longer functional in the modern governmental system. The functions of war
chiefs and ward chiefs, which had been an essential and integral part of
traditional systems became obsolete. The Oba's right to ultimate economic
control as 'Lord of the Market' has been challenged and the acquisition
of wealth once limited to ranking members in society has lost its

traditional restrictions.27

16

The acceptance of Islam and Christianity is also an important factor
in creating observable changes within Yoruba society. Yet neither religion
has totally eroded the entire structure of Yoruba traditional beliefs.
"The understanding the practice of Christianity reveal the same kind of
facts as with Islam. Under the outward form of Christianity which may be
held ardently, the old springs of conduct prevail."28 Modern Yoruba society
can be seen as "old and new existing side by side, while in between are

"29 Adherents to Islam and Christianity

compromise (integrated) values.
retain a number of Yoruba metaphysical concepts. Each of the introduced
religions has incorporated certain indigenous beliefs into the religious
practice. Islamic doctrine outwardly supports more of the traditional
Yoruba lifestyle, allowing for polygamy and the extended family system.
Christianity has displaced the importance of the kinship system.which pro-
vides the defined system of authority through the Church's insistence on
monogamous relationships and the introduction of the nuclear family

concept.3O

As Nigeria continually moves out of its traditional isolation into
international political and economic spheres, acculturation and the
acceptance of foreign social models would seem to logically be accelerated
resulting in more of the traditional framework in which Yoruba society
has operated for centuries becoming inoperative or re-evaluated and

re—defined.

NOTES--CHAPTER I

1Idowu, E.B., Olodumare: God in_Yoruba Belief (London: Longmans,
1962) 39. In chapters four and five of his book, Idowu discusses at
length the Yoruba conception of the High God. His person and his attri-
butes are manifest in the rich oral literature of the Yoruba: proverbs,
adages, and in the Odu corpus. The Odu corpus consists of thousands of
memorized verses used in divination to interpret the 256 possible com-
binations obtainable in the Ifa system. Divination plays a major role
in the functioning of Yoruba life, and no major decision is made, either
state or individual before consultation. W. Bascom in Ifa Divination:
Communication Between Gods and Men in_West Africa (Bloomington, Indiana:
Indiana University Press, 1969), equates the Odu corpus with scriptures.
He gives a detailed description of the mechanics of the system and
presents many of the verses from which the diviner chooses for inter-
pretation. The verses contain attributes of the Deity and the orisha,
detail the ethical and moral standards of the community and give some
insight into the collective aspirations of the Yoruba people.

 

2Idowu, gpL_cit., 67-68. The author cites examples of the literature
in which the number of the orisha is indicated. In Ile-Ife oral tradition
states the number of orisha at 201 with Oni of Ife representing the 201$t.
Within the Odu corpus various verses speak of 1700, 401, 1060 and 600
orisha.

31bid. 54-55.
Be there one thousand and four hundred divinities of the home;

Be there one thousand and two hundred divinities of the market place
Yet there is not one divinity to compare with Olodumare.

Olodumare is the King unique

In our recent dispute

Edumare, it is who won

Yes, Edumare

4Major divinities include Orishnala (Obatala), Oduduwa (Odua),
Orunmila, Eshu, Ogun, Sango and Sopono.

5Idowu, op. cit., 61. In Yoruba myths concerning the divinities they
are anthropomorphic in conception and many myths allude to human frailties
among the orisha.

6The ensuing discussion of the roles and attributes of the major
divinities in the Yoruba pantheon is based on the works of Idowu, 22;_
cit., 77-106. W. Bascom, The Yoruba of Southwestern Nigeria 77-92
(New York: Holt Reinhart, Winston, 1969) and S. Johnson,History 9f_£hg_
Yoruba 27-28 (London: Routeledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1969).

17

18

7Idowu, op. cit., 72.

8For a detailed study of the dual character of Eshu, see Idowu,
pp; cit.z 80-85, and J. Wescott, "The Sculpture and Myths of Eshu Elegba,
the Yoruba Trickster: A Definition and Interpretation of Yoruba Icono-
graphy," Africa XXXII No. 4 (1962) pp. 336—64.

95. Johnson, pp_.__cit.z 149, and Idowu, pp;_cit., 93, Jakuta now a
less clearly defined divinity seems to be the prototype for Sango, and
over an extended period of time the former's position in the pantheon
was usurped by Sango.

10J. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophies (Garden City, New York:
Doubleday and Co., 1970), 107-110.

 

11Idowu, 9p;_cit., 118-128. The author discusses the role of sacri-
fice in the Yoruba religion, its purposes and its functions. He defines the
types of sacrifices offered and in connection with various needs. H.U.
Beier, A Year pf Sacred Festivals ip_0ne Yoruba Town (Lagos: Nigeria
Magazine, 1959). Beier examines the annual cycle of religious festivals
and discusses them in relationship to their importance in the life of
the community.

 

 

12For a detailed discussion of the particular organizational structures
of individual Yoruba kingdoms, see the following works: S.O. Biobaku,
The Egba's and Their Neighbors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957); S. Johnson,
pp;_cit.; P.C. Lloyd, The Political Developments p£_Yoruba Kingdoms ip_£hg_
Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century (London: Royal Anthropological Institute,
1971); G. Parrinder, Story p£_Ketu (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1956);
Akintoye, S.A. "The North Eastern Yoruba Districts and Benin Kingdom,"
Journal 9: the Historical Society pf_Nigeria IV No. 4 (1969) 539-53E;
A. Moore, Histopy pf_Abeokuta (Lagos: Kash and Klare Bookshop, 1948).

 

 

 

 

 

13The indigenous creation myth is related in various sources.
Bascom, pp;_cit., 10, Idowu pp;_cit., l9, H.U. Beier, The Origin p£_ .
Life and Death: African Creation Myths (London: Heinemann, 1966), 47.
Olodumare instructed Orishnala to create the earth, as below the heavens
there existed only primeval waters. He gave Orishnala some earth in a
snail's shell, a chain on which to make his descent, and a five-toed
chicken. On his way to the gates of heaven, Orishnala came upon the
other orisha feasting and drinking. He joined them and became intoxicated
from palm wine and fell into a deep sleep. Oduduwa, his younger brother,
who had overheard the instructions, took the accoutrements and descended
the chain. He placed the earth on the waters and the five-toed chicken
spread the earth in all directions. When it became firm, Oduduwa stepped
down at the present site of Ile-Ife and claimed ownership of the earth.
Upon awakening, Orishnala, realizing what had transpired, confronted
Oduduwa and demanded his birthrite. Oduduwa refused to relinquish his
claim and fighting insued with the orisha all chossing sides. Olodumare
intervened and in judgement he gave to Oduduwa the ownership of the
earth and the title of Oni (king) of Ife. To Orishnala he gave the power
to create mankind and people the earth.

 

 

19

Besides defining the collective ancestry of the Yoruba people and
citing Ile-Ife as the center of creation, the myth also gives credence
to the system of the monarchy and establishes the final authority of
Olodumare and reveals him in the role of both father and judge.

14According to oral tradition as cited by Bascom, The Yoruba pf
Southwestern Nigeria pp; cit., 11, Oduduwa left the earth to rejoin
Olodumare and he bequeathed his kingdom to his sixteen sons who divided
and expanded his earthly dominion thus creating the sixteen independent
kingdoms of the Yoruba. The sixteen Obas who trace their descent from
Oduduwa are: Oni of Ife, Alafin of Oyo, Onishabe of Shabe, Alaketu of
Ketu, Oshamowe of Ondo, Owo of Ilesha, Orangun of Ila. Alaye of Efon,
Alara of Ara, Olojudo of Ido, Elekole of Ikole, Oba of Ado (King of
Benin) Onipopo of Allada, Onidata of Dahomey (King of the Fon), Oninana
of Accra (King of the Can), and the Oni of Ijesha..

According to P.C. Lloyd, "Sacred Kingship and Government among the
Yoruba" Africa, XXX No. 3 (1960), 226, it was obligatory for the reigning
Oba to show his descent from one of the sixteen sons of Oduduwa as a
sanction for his rule.

15D. Fraser and H. Cole, "Art and Leadership: An Overview" African
Art and Leadership (Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press,
1972), 296.

 

16Lloyd, "Sacred Kingship. . . " op. cit.z 229.

17J. Cordwell, "Some Aesthetic Aspects of Yoruba and Benin Cultures"
(Unpublished PhD dissertation, Northwestern University, 1952), 43.

18H. Clapperton, Journal pf_a_8econd Expedition into the Interior p£_
Africa: from the Bight p£_Benin £p_Soccatoo (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea,
and Carey, 1829), 77.

 

19W. Bascom, "Social Status, Wealth and Individual Differences Among
the Yoruba" American Anthrgpologist LIII No. 4 (1951), 501.

20Lloyd, "Sacred Kingship. . . " pp;_cit., 227. This ritual is no
longer practiced, but the author feels that at one time it was univer-
sally practiced at the installation of each of the new Obas throughout
Yorubaland.

21E.A. Moore, The Laws and Customs_gf the Yoruba People (Abeokuta,
Nigeria: M.O. Ola Fola Bookshops, 1960), 25.

S. Johnson, pp;_cit., 47-49. In the Oyo kingdom as documented in
Johnson the three festivals at which the Oba appeared in state were the
Ifa, Drum and Bere festivals. The Oyo kingdom is one of the most dev-
eloped in regard to palace organizations throughout Yorubaland, but it
is generally accepted that other kingdoms followed similar customs
regarding kingship in varying degrees of ritual and ceremony.

 

20

22R.F. Thompson, Black Gods and Kings (Los Angeles: University of
California Press, 1971) P/l.

 

23Thompson op. cit., Chapter 8/1-3, discusses the symbolic nature of
kingly vestments. See also Thompson's article, "The Sign of the Divine
King," African Arts Vol. III No. 3 (Spring 1970), 8-17, 74-79.

2
41bid., P/3.

25L. Frobenius, The Voice pf_Africa, R. Blind (Rpt. New York:
Benjamin Blom, Inc., 1968), 280.

26Thompson, op. cit.z P/l.

27N.A. Fadipe, Sociology p£_the Yoruba, edited and introduced by
F. Olediji (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1970), 315-329. Chapter
11 of Fadipe's study examines in depth the effects of modernization on
Yoruba traditional institutions.

 

28J.S. Trimingham, The Christian Church and Islam.ip_West Africa
(Edinburgh, T. and A. Constable, Ltd., 1956), 26.

 

 

29Fadipe, op. cit.z 317.

39121911 315-329, and Trimingham, op. cit.z 30-33.

CHAPTER II

URBANIZATION AND ARCHITECTURE

Urbanization among the Yoruba is not a result of modernization, but
rather a traditional cultural pattern which predates European contact.1
The stability and strict definition of the socio-political organization
seems to have ensured the maintenance of these traditional urban centers.
"Yoruba urbanization has been based firmly on social cohesion as expressed
by the importance of the lineage system in the social, political and
economic life of the town."2 Yoruba urban areas function as religious,
administrative, defense and trade centers. The morphology of the tradi-
tional Yoruba city reflects in a physical sense the overall organization
of Yoruba life. At the center of the city is the residence of the Oba,
who is recognized as the ultimate religious and political authority.

The divine king sequestered in the palace complex in effect assured that
the administration of the kingdom remained continually based on the central
area of the city. Radiating out from this central complex were the
residences of lineages, in order of status and rank within the community.
In social structuring, the residents of individual family units are
responsible to elders, these elders are responsible to lineage chiefs,

who are responsible to ward chiefs and ultimately to the king. The
morphology of the city reflects these social dictates. The compounds

of the ward chiefs are located in the physical center of the ward and

look toward the Afip_(Palace). "These compounds were meant to look

towards the Afin as it was the converging point of activities and interests

of the chiefs, who in time of peace had to meet regularly in the Afin to

21

22

deliberate on the political, social, economic and religious affairs of

the community, and in time of war and general unrest had to shield the

Oba from attack, no matter from which side it came. Since all the buildings
in a quarter in turn had the compound of the chief as their rallying point,

they indirectly also had the Afin as their final focus."3

The layout of
the traditional city is a reflection of the social structuring within the
Yoruba society and was found all over Yorubaland consequently lending a
more or less identical morphology to all Yoruba towns regardless of their
rank in the kingdom. Frobenius observed, "Every one of these towns
resolves itself into a definite number of astonishingly large compounds
which are severally built on a clearly organized system and in themselves
again give expression to an extended powerful systematic and social ideal."4
The entire urban settlement was enclosed by a high mud wall. This
wall served as the main defense of the city. Deep trenches were dug around
the perimeter of the wall and often a thick forest was allowed to surround
the area which provided further defense against attack. A road was cut
into the forest which cleared the approach to the town gates.5
The size, construction and function of the walls of the Yoruba towns
made an impression on the European travelers of the nineteenth century and
valuable descriptions appear in their journals. Approaching Ilesha,Clarke
noted, "Four or five miles from town my attention was drawn to three separate
ditches ten feet wide, cut through the woods and running how far I could not
tell. These were expedients and very good ones in the thick woods, devised

to check the marauding parties of Ibadan robbers and slave catchers, from

whom the town had suffered so much."6

23

Clapperton, another nineteenth century traveler, speaks of the
defenses and walls of Katunga (Old Oyo). "A belt of thick woods runs
around the walls, which are built of clay and about twenty feet high and

"7 With the increased use of firearms in the

surrounded by a dry ditch.
latter half of the nineteenth century, town walls were modified in
thickness and holes were placed at intervals in the walls to allow for
the firing of weapons. Burton observed that:

"The celebrated defenses of Abeokuta which have played in

Yoruba history the part of the wall of China and the lines

of the Torres Vendras next appeared. They are seventeen

to eighteen miles in circumference. To the northwards in

the direction of the hostile Ibadan, they are three in

number and the extreme circumference may be twenty miles

somewhat larger than Thebes of the hundred gates. . . The

wall is hardened mud, good material, but only five to six

feet high without embrasure. . . It is approached by an 8

equally efficient moat, a ditch perhaps five feet broad."

The walls in their enclosing nature lent definition to the pattern
of the city by defining the perimeter and fostered the feeling of the
city's self-containment and inward looking philosophy which was based
on the location of power invested in the Oba at its center.

Unlike modern Western urban areas, traditional Yoruba urbanization
is based on non-industrial factors. Trade in agricultural surplus and
the products of craft specialization within the city assured the survival
of the urban centers. Often agriculturalists lived within the city and
traveled to outlying farms returning again to the city at night. Spe-
cialists were organized into guilds within the city. These included:
iron smelting, blacksmithing, weaving, dyeing, woodcarving, brass casting,
bead production, pottery making, divining, drumming and the compounding of
medicines and charms. These specialists provided for both the ritual and

secular needs of the community.9 Much of the trade seems to have been

localized within the community, although some inter-kingdom trading was

24

established.10 The Oba and his designated authorities within the city
regulated trading activities and the revenue for the kingdom was extracted
from the trade system. According to Yoruba traditional law, "At every
town's gate one or two toll collectors are placed. . . They have charge
of the gate, the doors of which they open early in the morning or close
immediately after sunset. . . The toll collectors are appointed and
located by the controlling chief, who is responsible to the king for the
proper management as well as the safety of the gate. . . Anyone who fails
or refuses to pay his toll-fee or attempts to smuggle shall, if caught,
pay a heavy fine with or without the forfeiture of the goods. . . Tolls
may be received in money, goods or cattle."11
The years of British colonial rule had a marked effect on urban
growth and the economic base of the traditional Yoruba city. The impor—
tation of cheap manufactured goods into the towns forced many of the craft
specialists to abandon their work and return to agricultural pursuits or
to adapt themselves to modern trades. Modern urban facilities in Nigerian
towns drew large numbers of rural people to the cities seeking employment
and educational opportunities. The introduction of export crops such as
kola and cocoa affected to a large degree the economic base of the city.
Towns whose location was favorable to trade grew quickly, and with the
introduction of modern transport systems they attracted European business
concerns to the area. The activity of the town shifted from the traditional
center to the newly developed perimeters.12 The traditional mode of town
planning was largely abandoned. As a result of lateral expansion, both
the Afip_the and central market ceased to be the focus of the town. The
traditional town, enclosed by a wall and psychologically inward-looking

and self-contained, now is outward-looking in character and economic function.

25

The implied order present in the traditional morphology of the
traditional city is also reflected in individual architectural forms.

The architecture of Yorubaland takes into full account environmental
conditions, since in form and construction it reflects a practical ecological
solution to the problem of shelter. As well as reacting to environmental
conditions, the architecture reflects the well-defined social order.
Variants in form or architectural embellishments have traditionally been
limited to specific strata within the society.

Reacting to environmental necessity, the houses were built on
available flat areas and utilized local materials in their construction.
S. Johnson in the nineteenth century described the Yoruba house type.
"Their homes all on the ground floor are built in compounds called égbp_
112 (Lit: a flock of houses) that is to say in the form of a hollow
square, horseshoe or circle, enclosing a large central area, with one
principal gateway, the house being divided into compartments to hold
several families, all more or less related or united by ties of kinship
or friendship." The clan in Yoruba life is more important than the
immediate family since it provides permanence.13 The traditional mode
of architecture, houses grouped in compounds, reflects this social
viewpoint.

The walls of the Yoruba house are constructed of sevel successive
layers of swish-mud, lateritic soil being preferred.14 Each layer is
allowed to bake hard in the heat of the sun. The ceilings are con-
structed of timbers and plastered with mud. The roofs are thatched,
materials varying according to their availability in the region.

Southern zones utilize woven palms, the forest zones utilize plants

indigenous to the area, and the savannah region utilizes grasses.

26

The general style of the housing unit has been labeled impluvium
architecture. The incline of the saddle back roofing structure allows
for drainage of water into the central courtyard where it is collected
in jars. The excess is drained out of the compound through ditches.16

In describing the architectural style of Yorubaland, Burton observed
that, "The form of the building is the gloomy hollow square. . . Rooms
which number from ten to twenty in a house are windowless and purposely
kept dark, to keep out the sun's glare, they vary from ten to fifteen
feet in length and seven to eight in breadth."17 Rooms are utilized
chiefly for storage and privacy. Doors in the ordinary house type are
small in dimensions, one and one—half feet wide and four feet high. They
were constructed of woven raffia palms or were a single plank of wood.18

The most functional aspect of the compound structure and a charac-
teristic feature of Yoruba architecture was the verandah supported by
wooden posts which runs around the interior of the courtyard. Most daily
activities take place under the verandah including craftmaking, dining,
receiving of guests and even tethering of animals at night. Talbot sug-
gests an indigenous origin to the Yoruba house type, since it appears
thoroughly adapted to climatic and environmental conditions. "These
square erections are well adapted to the climate; they provide good pro-
tection from rain and storms, and the rooms are small and close, yet those
thick clay walls are cool and the inmates are well guarded from the
great variation in temperature."19

The single compound was the simplest social unit in Yoruba society.
The houses within the compound were arranged to indicate the fixed social
order. Directly opposite the main gate was the residence of the 23;; or

elder of the compound. The prominent positioning of his residence

27

reflected his status and position within the social unit. According to
Yoruba law, "Every p§1g_(head of a compound house) is responsible to the
authorities for the conduct of the inmates of the compound. He must be
respected and obeyed by the inmates of the house. . . He has the power
to judge and decide cases affecting his own inmates. . . He may punish
any of the inmates who are guilty of misconduct. He is also bound to
protect and help his inmates against ill or unfairtreatment."20 The
bale's house served as a sign of permanence within the architectural
unit, and was inherited by each successor.21
The salient architectural features described above provide the
basic plan for titled compounds which are further embellishments of the
house of the commoner. The compound of the titled chief, who is the
head of a quarter and claims the allegiance of the surrounding compounds,
may possess additional architectural features; carves posts instead of
plain wooden posts, two courtyards, a street verandah and an elaborate
gateway, all indicating his status in the community. At the apex of the
architectural hierarchy is the AEEE; or palace of the Oba, the divine
king.22
Frobenius seemed overwhelmed by the palace complex of Ife. "The
palace of the Oni whose massive walls meet the eye from whatever quarter
one approaches it, is that which most impresses everone who visits Ilife
today. Its front, especially with the fine open square on which it stands,
makes an imposing effect in spite of all its ruin."23 The Afip_of the Oni
of Ife reflects the position of the city as the center and spiritual capital
of Yorubaland. Mbst of the Oba's of the first rank claim ascent from Ife

and their pre—eminence in Yoruba society is based on this tradition. The

palace type in effect became the permanent and visible symbol of their

28

prestige, status, and wealth. "The classes of Afin in Yorubaland reflected
this hierarchy of Obas and therefore the category of any one of them depended

more on the traditional status of the Oba than on the size or importance of

the town which he ruled, or in the intrinsic features of the Afin itself."24

The palace-temple concept of Roman antiquity and the Middle Ages as
discussed by E.B. Smith seems to parallel the symbolic function of the Afins
of Yorubaland. He states,

"It is axiomatic that from the remote time when man began to
visualize their dieties as like themselves in need of shelter
and then began to see in their fulers either priest-kings or
god-kings, the palace and temple developed as interrelated
forms of architecture. In every theocratic society, where the
royal dwelling was revered as a sacred edifice, temples were
customarily built like palaces, or palaces like temples.
Throughout Antiquity and the Middle Ages, there appears to have
been recurrent parallels between kingly and divine dwellings,
royal and religious ceremonies and the formal rituals pertaining
to the adoration of godlike kings and kinglike gods. Hence the
,importance of the palace temple concepts in the formation of
architectural symbolism. As long as the human imagination was
limited to thinking of the unknown in terms of the known, to
conceive of the invisible only by means of the visible, it
remained instinctive for the common man to see in the most
memorable aspects of the Sacred Palace, the Royal Stronghold,
and the King's Gate heavenly images, visions of paradise and
cosmic forms."25

Yoruba architecture served these ends and conveyed mystic ideas through
visible forms. The form and function of the architecture was directly
related to the divinity of the Oba, whose sacred person was protected within
the confines of the royal compound. Within the palace were located the
shrines and temples of the major national dieties, and courtyards were set
aside for the worship of the divine ancestors. As the high priest of the
nation, the Oba was the essential link between the spiritual and temporal
kingdoms. The continued existence of the nation was largely based on the
Oba's fulfillment of the complex ritual requirements of his office. The
sanctity associated with the compound and the sense of permanence of the

architecture was self-consciously preserved.

29

There existed until recent times a set of taboos which established the
unique and sacred character of the Afin in relationship to other archi-
tectural forms. Touching the palace walls was prohibited and carried the
penalty of enslavement. Pointing a finger towards the palace from the out-
side or pointing at any object within the palace was expressly forbidden.
Quarreling or fighting within the sacred precincts was a punishable offense
as was uttering any proverb that could be misconstrued as an admonishment
against the Oba. Cohabitation within the palace excepting for the Oba and
his wives was considered a desecration of the holy place and carried the
death penalty. There could be no births within the palace precinct and
only the Oba's remains could be interred on sacred ground.26 In the com-
pilation of laws and customs of the Yoruba,Moore cites the following
restrictions regarding respect for the palace:

"Under the old government a king was not allowed to see the corpse

of a human being and should any one carry a corpse past the king's

quarters, he was liable to a heavy fine. . . the use of an umbrella

otherwise than by an authorized chief, or the unfolding of same

when passing the king's quarter is repugnant to native law. The

offender was liable to punishment with a heavy fine, imprisonment

or death. To take hold or carry a new yam past the king's quarters

when the ceremony for eating the new yam has not been performed is

an offence punishable by a heavy fine."27

Though variations exist in particular Afin structures, there are certain
architectural features which are common to the palace throughout Yorubaland
and accord to the structure its symbolic aspect and its status within the
hierarchy of architectural forms. Size and location of the palace in rela-
tionship to the surrounding town proper are factors which establish the
uniqueness of the royal complex. The Afins are generally large edifices,
although actual acreage varies from one to the other. The Afin at Owo

encompasses 108.5 acres while the Afin at Oyo only 17 acres.28 Suffice

it to say, nevertheless, that the Afin within its own city remains the

30

largest compound. Accounts from nineteenth century travelers within
Yoruba country document the expanse of the palace grounds and their
overwhelming presence in the city. Robert Campbell noted in 1859 the
size of the Afip of the Alafin of Oyo. "His compound. . . his palace
is the largest in the country accomodating over 1500 people."

Centrality is a feature common to the Afip. Wherever topographically
feasible, the éfip_was located on elevated ground at the center of the
city. All roads converged on upon it and all compounds radiated from
it and faced toward it.30 Yoruba philosophical thought places an emphasis
on the importance of the central point. "The Yoruba speaking people
believed that the junction of routes was both a converging and a diverging
point of good and evil."31 The role of the Oba in his function as the
preservator of order within the universe seems best served by his residence
at the source of the power within the kingdom.

The main market abutted the facade of the Afip_and served as a
physical and psychological extension of the sacred compound. Serving as
the center of activity for the economic and social life of the city, its
location placed it under the scrutiny of the highest authority. As "Lord
of the market" the Oba controlled and regulated the market activities
through his designated chiefs and assured and ordered system of trade
and exchange.32

Multiple courtyards were a distinguishing architectural feature
limited to use in the gfip, Each of the courtyards was bounded by buildings
with verandahs running the circumference of the courtyard. They provided
for the ritual, residential and administrative needs of the Oba and his
courtiers and wives. Each of the courtyards had a designated function in

the ceremonial life of the Oba: some providing living accomodations for

31

the Oba and his wives, a courtyard for the convocation of the council of
chiefs, courtyard for the consultation of the Ifa oracle, a courtyard for
oath taking, specific courtyards for major national dieties, special
courtyards, and a courtyard for ancestral worship.33 The largest court-
yard and the one located closest to the market was used on the three
occasions annually when the Oba appeared in state. Frobenius described
the outer courtyard of Ife, "A narrow porch leads into a large open space,
where the kingly prelate held his court in ancient days, and in the last
of many brilliant periods now no more. Colonnaded verandahs and passages
surround this square and the entrance to it is exactly opposite the throne
of the Church's prince."34

Projecting from the verandah within this main courtyard were covered
porch-like constructions called kph}, The kppi_were placed at regular
intervals around the square. Symbolically they functioned to allow the
Oba enthroned in the £221 to become closer to the people while clearly
remaining aloof and physically separated from them. The kppi_was an
architectural mark of rank and was expressly limited to royalty and
designated chiefs.35

A unique feature of the Afip_complex was the forest background. The
forest was sacred ground and it served as a hunting preserve for the Oba;
it also functioned as the royal mausoleum. Rare medicinal plants were
cultivated and prepared in privacy by the priest doctors of the cult of
Ifa.36

Because of the Oba's sacred character, the entire palace complex was

walled, physically and symbolically separating and protecting the ruler

from any profane elements. The walls were built as high and as wide as

32

possible. Frobenius described the physical measurements of the Ife
palace wall. "The masonry of the facade is still in fair condition
although it is denuded and devoid of interest. The walls are mighty
over a yard broad at the base and some eighteen feet high."37 Periodically
along the wall surface holes were drilled to allow the Oba to observe the
activities of the market without himself being observed.38

There was only one main gate into the palace complex. Burton
observed, "The compound was approached, by a tall and imposing gate,
distinguishing the house of a prince from that of a pauper."39 The
actual style of the architectural feature was closer to a portico. At
Ile-Ife it measured 300 feet long, 60 feet wide and 24 feet high. The
wall spanned six feet and its appearance was more like a tunnel connecting
the outer world of the town with the inner world of the palace.40

The gateway as a symbolic architectural feature has persisted in
many ancient cultures. Speaking of its role in the Ancient Near East,
B. Goldman observed,

"Throughout ancient art the portal is stresses above that of

any other architectural feature, for it is through the portal

that divine, and by analogy, royal figures emerge, and it is

between the doorleaves that the epiphany is to be beheld.

When the doors of the palace shrine are thrown wide at the

appropriate moment, the theophany is made manifest."41

The elaboration of the Yoruba gateway seems to echo these ancient
concerns. As the entrance to the palace-temple, it was the focus of the
architecture and by its elaboration indicated the power and status of its
resident. Only a small number of chiefs and courtiers were intimate with
the workings of the palace. The ordinary man's association was restricted
to the facade and the main courtyard, but on a daily basis the grandeur

of the gateway provided him with an understanding of the might and power

of the ruler within.

33

The A£;p_was built and maintained by the people. Organized according
to age-sets or by ward, each group was responsible for the upkeep of a
designated area. There was no financial reward for these services, but
as a civic and moral duty there were strict penalties for failing to
meet the responsibility.42 As the divine-king, the Oba demanded the
best of the arts and crafts of his kingdom and much time and expertise
were lavished on the architectural embellishment of the Afip. This
ornamentation had both aesthetic and symbolic significance, heralding
the role and function of the king. A large number of master artists
worked directly under the patronage of the king, and special courtyards
within the palace complex were set aside for artistic production.
Elaborate architectural sculpture was traditionally restricted to usage
in the palace and in orisha shrines; it was status-bearing and didactic
in function. Carved verandah posts served a functional purpose in sup-
porting the roof structure but lent symbolic and aesthetic appeal to
the architecture. Posts were often carved in images of warrior kings
and devotees of orisha and announced the presence of the gods within
the royal complex.43

Polychromed mud murals traditionally decorated the palace complex.
Symbolic animals and objects associated with the attributes of the king
were often portrayed: elephants, ostriches and lions signified majesty;
snakes and monkeys alluded to wisdom.44

The carved doors on the palace complex were an integral part of the
main gateway structure. "As a general rule, the temples, the palaces and

to a lesser extent the compounds of chiefs were distinguished from others

by their elaborately carved doors which were quite massive and often made

34

from a solid piece of trunk or the buttress of a tree. The objects
cover a wide range of aspects of Yoruba life and experience."45

Crowther, writing in the nineteenth century, describes the palace
gate at Ketu.

"The palace. . . is closed by two large gates, one of which

is nearly eleven feet high and nine feet broad. Upon the

oldest gate are engravings representing the victory won over

the Dahomians by the third king from the present one. The

Dahomians slain were lying headless in the fields, and Ketu's

victorious warriors standing upon the piles of decapitated

heads and their wives carrying some of these heads strung

together in triumphal march about the streets."

With the introduction of Western models and materials, the structure
and type, as well as the architectural ornamentation of the Afins, have
sustained enormous changes. Gradually the Afin as the hallmark of the
town's architecture incorporated western features. The two-storey
structure replaced the single storey residential apartments, corrugated
iron roofing replaced the grass thatching, and in some cases wrought iron
gates replaced the elaborate architectural gateways of the traditional
era.47 For a time royal prohibitions forbade any other compound from
adopting these materials and styles, thus preserving the Afins' uniqueness
and status in regards to Yoruba architecture.48 But with accelerated
growth in the past decades and the social changes which have seriously
altered the power of the Oba these restrictions no longer remain viable.

The incursion of Western business complexes and religious and edu-
cational facilities brought with it the Western architectural forms.

The towns have expanded beyond the city wall and the traditional morphology

of the city and the architectural order have lost their once perceptable

unity which was based on connections with the Afin. New cultural values

35
and interests have diverted the focus of the city from the Afip.49 In
the modern era the sacred complex has diminished in size and secular
facilities have been built on the palace grounds violating the sanctity
of the complex. At Owo, the former palace compound now contains a
courthouse, council offices, dispensary, and library.50

Once the responsibility of the public, the traditional maintenance
system of the palace has been abandoned and the older structures of the
lAfip_are in disrepair. Since the Oba no longer controls the economic
activities of the city, his position of wealth and the resources from
which he could traditionally call upon have diminished, depriving him of
the funds and means to maintain the extensive compounds.

The quality of the execution of architectural embellishments has
declined. Cement sculpture which has replaced mud reliefs retains
similar motifs but often lacks technical expertise.51 In some cases
the traditional style of ornamentation has been retained, although new
motifs have combined with traditional ones to present a different image.
An example is the Idgp§_gateway at the entrance of the Afip_of Ife. The
gateway has retained carved posts, potsherd pavements and richly carfed
doors.

Exotic motifs on the doors have replaced many of the traditional ones.
Themes on the doors include the Creation, Fall g Adan and Eye, H911 Mag-1,

Sacrifice pf_Cain and Abel, and the Sacrifice pf_Abraham.52

 

Carved doors, an important architectural and sculptural feature of
the Afip, once exclusively limited to use on the palace-temple, have come
to be incorporated into the architecture of Christian Churches, modern
educational facilities, foreign complexes and modern governmental buildings.
The following chapter seeks to examine at length a select sample of these

carved doors.

NOTES--CHAPTER II

1When the Portuguese explorer, Joao Affonso d'Aveiro made contact
with Benin in 1485 A.D., he found a well-established monarchical system
and an ordered city planning. Benin at that time owed allegiance to a
kingdom to the north, which is now thought to have been Ife. G.R. Crone
(ed. and trans.) The ngages p£_Cadamosto and Other Documents on Western
Africa ip_the Second Half gf_the Fifteenth Century (London: Hakluyt
Society, 1937), 124-28.
W. Bascom, "Urbanization Among the Yoruba," Cultures and Societies
p£_Africa, Edited by S. and P. Ottenberg (New York: Random House, 1960),
258. In his article Bascom identifies the large Yoruba city mentioned
by the Portuguese explorer, Pereira in 1505-08 as being Ijebu-Ode.
Nineteenth century European penetration into the interior of
Yorubaland witnessed the effect of the extensive inter-kingdom wars of
that century on the Yoruba city. As a result of these wars, many
traditional cities were abandoned or considerably reduced in size and
new urban centers such as Ibadan and Abeokuta, whose populations were
comprised of refugees, grew rapidly. The layout and the functioning
of these new cities did not adhere to the ordered morphology of the
traditional cities. See J.F. Ade Ajayi and R. Smith. Yoruba Warfare
13 the Nineteenth Century (London: Cambridge University Press, 1964),
for a study of conditions prior to and following the century of warfare.
A. Mabogunje, Urbanization ip_Nigeria (London: University of
London Press, 1968), 75-76. Mabogunje discusses the relationships
between Yoruba urban development and that of the medieval Sudanic
kingdoms to the north. There is inconclusive evidence that Yoruba
towns were outgrowths of contact with the Sudanic empires although there
existed some trade relationships between the areas. In the nineteenth
century, European explorers noted northern trade items in the markets,
but the organization and functioning of the Yoruba city seem not to
have been based on large scale international trade.

 

 

 

 

 

2A. Mabogunje, Yoruba Towns (Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press,
1962), 4.

 

3G.J.A. Ojo, Yoruba Palaces: ALStudy p£_Afins p£_Yorubaland
(London: University of London Press, 1966), 32. Ojo defines the word,
"palace" as it relates to the Afins. Afin refers exclusively to the
residence of the Oba. It will be used in this context throughout this
study.

 

 

4L. Frobenius, The Voice pf_Africa, Trans. R. Blind, (Rpt., New
York: Benjamin Blom, Inc., 1968), I 153.

36

37

5C.J.A. Ojo, Yoruba Culture: A_Geographical Analysis (London and
Ife: University of Ife Press, 1966), 140-141.

 

 

6W. Clarke, Travels and Explorations ip_Yorubaland 1854-58. Edited
and introduction by J.A. Atanda (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1972),
129.

 

7H. Clapperton, Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of
Africa: From the Bight of Benin_ to Soccatoo (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea,
and Carey, 1829), 90.

 

8R.F. Burton, Abeokuta and the Cameroons Mountains (London: Tinsley
Brothers, 1863), I, 69-70.

9Mabogunje, Urbanization op: citg, 83-85, W. Bascom, Yoruba pf_
Southwestern Niggria (New York: Holt, Rinehard, and Winston, 1969),
24-26.

 

10Mabogunje, Urbanization op. cit., 85-89. Mabogunje discusses major
inter-kingdom trade routes throughout Yorubaland and the conditions and
mode of transport.

11E.A. Moore, The Laws and Customs pf_the Yoruba People (Abeokuta,
Nigeria: M.O. 01a Fola Bookshops, 1960), 26.

 

 

12Mabogunje, Urbanization op. cit., 107-135. The author discusses
in detail the effects of modernization on Yoruba towns.

 

13S. Johnson, History pf_the Yoruba (6th ed. London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1969), 98.

 

14G-J-A- 010, "Traditional Yoruba Architecture," African Arts:
(Spring 1968), 15.

15G.J.A. Ojo, Yoruba Culture: lA_Geographical Analysis (London and
Ife: University of Ife Press, 1966), 150. The extreme southern zone
which encompasses the rain forest utilized Raphia unifera and Raphia
sudarica palms. Ribbing structures are wood and palm. Thinner ribs of
the palm are woven into rectangular mats three feet by two feet which
are bound together to form the thatching material. The second major
zone encompasses part of the rain and the dry forest and utilized forest
materials. Hard insect resistant woods are preferred for beams and
girders. The thatching material is made up of leafs from the phrynium
plant. The third zone encompasses the savanna regions and the thatching

materials are grasses.

 

16Ibid., 147.
17Burton, op. cit.z 79.

18Ojo, "Traditional Yoruba Architecture," op. cit.z 81

38

19P.A. Talbot, The Peoples 9f_Southern Nigeria (London: Oxford
University Press, 1926 , III, 881.

 

 

20Moore, op. cit.z 7.
2libid., 7.

22Ojo, Afins, op. cit., 13.

 

23Frobenius, op. cit., I, 276.

24Ojo, Afins, pp. cit., 16.

 

25E.B. Smith, Architectural Symbolism pf Imperial Rome and the Middle
Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956), 180-81.

 

 

26Ojo, Afins, op. cittl 79.

 

27Moore, op. cit., 23.

280jo, Afins, op. cit., 24.

 

29R. Campbell, A Pilgramage_pp_My_Motherland: §§_Account pfug
Journgy among the Egbas and Yorubas pf Central Africa ip_l859-6O
(Philadelphia: Thomas Hamilton, 1861), 93.

 

 

 

 

3OOjo, Afins, gpL_cit., 30. In the eastern regions there is hardly
an exception to the central placement of the Afin in relationship to the
town layout. Exceptions do exist in towns where there are two reigning
Obas or in a few cases where the residence shifts according to the
reigning Oba. But even in these cases, buildings radiate in all directions
from the focus of the Afin.

31G.J.A. Ojo, "Royal Palaces: An Index of Traditional Yoruba Culture,"
Nigeria Magazine, No. 94 (1967), 200.

32Ojo, Afins, op. cit., 32.

 

33Ibid., 35-51 and Appendices 1-3. Ojo gives a detailed account of
the proper names and functions of each of the major courtyards in the
Afins of Olowo, Ewi, Oyo, Ake, Ijebu-Ode, Owo and Akure.

34Frobenius, op. cit.z I, 276.

35Ojo, Afins, op. cit., 58.

 

361bid., 36.

37Frobenius, op. cit.z I, 276.

39

380jo, Afins, op. cit., 56.
39Burton, op. cit., 78.
4OOjo, "Traditional. . . " op. cit., 70.

41B. Goldman, The Sacred Portal (Detroit: Wayne State University
Press, 1966), 73.

42Ojo, Afins, op. cit., 66.

 

43R.F. Thompson, Black Gods and Kings (Los Angeles: University of
California Press, 1971), 12/4 and 19/1.

 

44Ojo, "Traditional. . . " o . cit., 70.

45Ojo, Yoruba Culture op. cit., 242.

 

46S. Crowther, "Ketu in the Yoruba Country," Church Missionaqy
Intelligencer, (1853), 244 as cited in G. Parrinder, Story pf Ketu
(Ibadan University Press, 1956), 78.

 

 

47Ojo, Yoruba Culture, op. cit., 151-57. Ojo discusses at length the
changes in the materials and the adoption of western architectural models
in Yorubaland. See also Ojo, Afins, op; cit., Plate 14 which shows a
modern wrought iron gateway to the palace.

 

48Ojo, Afins, op. cit., 89.

 

49Ojo, Yoruba Culture, op. cit., 146.
50Ojo, Afins, op. cit., 83.
511bid., 90

52Ibid., 90 See also Plate 15.

CHAPTER III

THE CARVED DOOR: DISCUSSION OF FORM AND FUNCTION

The function of the carved door within pre-literate Yoruba society
was both aesthetic and didactic in nature. The sample of carved doors
included in this study were executed over a time period ranging from the
late nineteenth century to post-independence in Nigeria. The sample
includes representative doors from an early period--late nineteenth
century to 1920, a middle period--from 1930 to 1950, and the modern
period--from 1960 to the present.

Criteria for selection were based on several factors. The first
was the type and function of the doors. All traditional doors selected

1 Modern

for discussion were originally located on the palaces of kings.
examples are located on buildings which have replaced the traditional
position and function of the palace in city architecture. These include
churches, business complexes, and administration buildings of the modern
federal government.

A second variable affecting selection was the availability of
reproductions of the doors. The traditional doors from the first two
time periods are all presently preserved in various museums throughout
the United States and Europe.2 Their provenance is documented and the
doors were originally ip_§ipp_on palaces of Yorubaland. The late or
modern doors are presently located on buildings in Nigeria and documentation
concerning the circumstances and dates of commission has been published in

3

various sources.

40

41

It is recognized that the available sample of traditional doors is
representative of the regional carving style of Ekiti in northeast
Yorubaland, a forest area which enjoyed a high degree of productivity
in woodcarving throughout the century. There is also a recognized link
between master and apprentice in the works of three of the artists rep-
resented in the sample, Areogun, his son Bandele, and Bandele's pupil,
Lamidi Fakeye.

Certain generalizations concerning the Yoruba style and aesthetics
are applicable cross-regionally, although any discussion of particular
aspects of the Ekiti sub-style and those style variations of the individual

artist will be noted.

42

Early Period

Carved door with figurative motifs
Wood and polychroming

6' 10" H. x 4' 2" W.

Artist: Olowere of Ise

Date: Prior to 1924

Provenance: Commissioned for the Afin of the Ogoga of Ikere; acquired
by the British Museum in 1924.

Exhibitions: British Empire Exhibition in Wembley, 1924.

Olowere of Ise, a master woodcarver, died in 1938. Originally from
Efon, he traveled to Ise and Ikerre and worked under royal patronage.4
He developed a highly personal style within the traditional framework of

Yoruba art and his works are recognizable by the full-bodied conception

2. Am
_—- .

of figures, carved almost in the round, and by his introduction of move-
ment into many of the figures which are shown in three quarter view,
instead of the traditional frontal or profile pose. He also shows an
interest in the elongation of the skull, and the headdresses on the

figures seem to work as a natural extension of the head. He emphasizes

 

the facial features of the figures through their extended sculptural

 

presentation.

Description pf_the Door (Illustration 1 and 2)

 

There are five panel carvings on each separate door, and each panel
is enclosed with a rectangle that serves to separate and order the scene
and provide a base line to which the figures are orientated.

The panels on the left door represent the following scenes from top

to bottom: Three figures carved in Profile in a progression to the right,

 

each carrying what appears to be an orisha carving. The second panel

43

depicts the Oba enthroned and attended by his wife. The third panel
shows three women with children on their backs in a progression to the
right, each carrying an object tentatively identified as a fan. The
fourth panel depicts two elders, with beards and staffs, preceded by a
figure with folded hands in a submissive gesture of respect. The fifth
panel depicts three figures, the first badly damaged and unrecognizable
prededed by a man and woman who are bound.

0n the right door are the following scenes from top to bottom: A
man on horseback in profile and moving to the left, followed by two men
carrying boxes on their heads. A European in the second panel is trans-
ported in a litter. 0n the third panel three chiefs are preceded by an
attendant figure, and on the fourth panel load carriers are shown bound
together at the wrists. The fifth panel shows four profile figures turning
left, tentatively identified as soldiers because of their uniform clothing
and ammunition belts.

The figures are polychromed either black or red and the costumes
are blue, red and black. Incised geometric patterns decorate and enliven
the background of each panel. They are polychromed red, black, light
blue or yellow. The door frame is red which contrasts with the black
frames of individual rectangles separating the scenes.5

The total visual effect of the door is one of elaborate overall
design. Over the door is a lintel which depicts a row of five human

heads whose eyes are being peeked by vultures. This motif suggests the

victims of human sacrifice.

44

Carved door with figurative motifs
Wood

7' 10" H.

Artist: Unknown

Date: Prior to 1910

Provenance: Commissioned for the palace of the Crown Prince of Ado-Ekiti.
Collected by L. Frobenius in 1910-12. Now in the collection
of the Museum ffir V31kerkunde in Berlin.

The carving is in low relief and is consistent with the carving

style of the Ekiti region. Excepting two, all the figures are carved

in profile conforming to traditional styles.

Description p£_the Doors (Illustration 3)

 

The door consists of seven separate panels each framed in a rectangle.
The base line of each rectangle consists of a carved image of a snake
devouring a lizard or other animal. The first panel depicts two turtles,
a snake or mud fish in a circle biting its own tail, a figure in frontal
pose flanked by two diminutive figures, and an image which may be a
royal crown or an architectural form. The second panel shows four hunters
with rifles and spears who are preceded by two animals. The seven kneeling
women in the third panel are facing right. The first woman carries what
appears to be a sacrificial cock. The fourth panel, larger in scale,
depictsauentral figure in frontal pose, presumably the ruler who is
flanked by two carved staffs,possibly Ogboni staffs. A monkey and warrior
on the left and a mounted warrior on the right complete the scene. The
fifth panel includes five warriors flanked by two mounted soldiers. Six
bound load carriers on the next panel are followed by a guard with a
rifle. The last panel shows men and a woman in procession carrying

staffs and possibly orisha symbols.

45

Middle Period

Carved doors with figurative motif
Wood

9' 7" H.

Artist: Areogun

Date: Prior to 1954

Provenance: Presently in the British Museum.

Areogun was a master carver of considerable fame in the Osi area of
Ekiti. He was apprenticed to the master carver Bamgbose of Osi and served
a sixteen year apprenticeship under the master. Areogun subscribed to the
traditional Yoruba religion. Because of his chosen profession, he was
given the praise name of Areogun, "one who gets money with the tools of
Ogun and spends it liberally3"6although the name given him at birth was
Eggg, His style reflects the Ekiti sub-style in low relief and naturalistic

proportioning of the head to the body.

Description pf_the Door (Illustration 4)

 

Areogun's door carvings are complex in nature. Each individual
scene is contained within a rectangle. In the Yoruba artistic vocabulary
the design employed on the border of each enclosure is called "ibo," a
diamond patterned geometric interlace.7 There are twenty-four separate
panels on the doors. The scenes will be described from left to right
across the entire door.

In the first panel are four figures, a woman kneeling before a
drummer with a sacrificial offering, a devotee of the orisha Sango, and a
woman carrying a container. Two hunters flank a leopard attacking an

antelope in the second panel while in the third a snake attacks a turtle.

46

The first panel of the second row shows a European on a bicycle
facing a seated European who holds a tablet or book.

The second panel depicts two separate scenes. A prisoner is
flanked by warriors, an enthroned Oba is attended by a smaller figure
who crowns the Oba. A woman holding twins, and a court musician are to
the right of the throne. Two musicians and a priest of Orunmila8 flanked
by two kneeling women occupy the third panel.

In the first panel of the third row, a warrior from Ilorin on

9 and a standing warrior with a rifle begin

horseback with a prisoner,
the sequence. The second panel shows a woman carrying a container, a
kneeling woman, a mounted warrior, again from Ilorin, a captive, a military
standard, a standing Ilorin warrior brandishing a cutlass, and a court
musician.

A native doctor and attendant assisting a woman in childbirth are
carved on the first panel of the fourth row. In the central panel are a
kneeling woman, a standing figure with a fan, a European on a bicycle, a
musician and two load bearers who are bound by chains at the waist. On
the third panel the artist repeats the motifs of the mounted warrior with
captives and the kneeling woman.

The first panel of the next row shows the woman kneeling followed
by a chief with a staff and a woman carrying a container, and a couple
engaged in sexual intercourse. In the center panel there are repeated
motifs of the woman carrying the container, a musician, a mounted warrior
from Ilorin, a drummer, and a kneeling woman with an offering. Again a
European on a bicycle in this instance attended by two smaller figures

confronts a seated European holding a tablet or book.

47

The sixth row narration commences as a seated figure with a fan attends
a European with a bicycle. In the corner of this panel is a smaller
figure smoking a pipe. The center panel juxtaposes a woman being held
captive by three warriors and a kneeling woman with a child holding a
sacrificial offering. A mounted warrior and a man smoking are shown in
the third panel occupied by attendant figures.

The seventh row of carvings shows yet another mounted warrior with
a captive who face a kneeling woman. The central panel depicts a
European on a bicycle attended by two figures and two women pounding
yams and a priest of Orunmila. Another priest is flanked by a seated
European and a kneeling woman offering a sacrifice in the third panel.

The final row of carvings depicts a second couple engaged in sexual
intercourse looking towards two Europeans in a wrestling hold. The central
panel depicts a scene in which a man is being detained by two warriors
and a captive is being presented to a seated European. The last panel
shows a warrior with a rifle, a hunter with a crossbow, and a woman

carrying a container on her head.

48

Carved door with figurative motif
Wood

5' 10.5" H. x 1' 8.5" (each door)
Artist: School of Areogun

Date: Prior to 1954

Provenance: In the collection of the Museum of Ethnic Arts, UCLA.

The regional sub-style of the doors is Ekiti and they show a close
stylistic affinity to the work of Areogun and were probably carved by
apprentices of the master. They do not show the same mastery of form

and technique exhibited by the works of Areogun.10

Description pf_the Doors (Illustration 5)

 

The UCLA doors are less complex in conception than the works of
Areogun. Each door has only five framed panels, the border of each
panel decorated with the ornamental "ibo" design. The door on the left,
from top to bottom, shows a seated European with a tablet and two children,
possibly twin images being supported on a horse by two men.

A musician and a woman being detained by two soldiers from Ilorin
are carved in the second panel. The third panel shows a European on a
bicycle holding a fan flanked by attending musicians.

A mounted warrior from Ilorin flanked by a standing warrior and a
drummer are on the fourth panel while the final panel shows women
pounding yams and a woman offering a give to a seated European.

The door on the right depicts four warriors and a musician, who are
followed in the second panel by a European on a bicycle, a European

seated with book or tablet and an attendant figure. There are five

49

figures on the third panel: a woman kneeling with an offering, a

woman carrying a container on her head, and an Oba enthroned receiving

a kneeling woman and a male attendant. A standing warrior and a mounted
warrior with a captive are depicted on the fourth panel.

A man with an umbrella, and a warrior presenting a captive to a

seated European complete the panel sequences.

50

Modern Period

Carved door with figurative motifs

WOod

Artist: Bandele

Date: 1965

Provenance: Presently located on the Catholic University Chapel, Ibadan

University. Commissioned in 1965.

Bandele, the son of Areogun, was trained by Osomuko, a former apprentice

of his father's. In 1947 he joined the experimental carving workshop set

up by Father Kevin Carroll and Father Sean O'Mahoney at Dye-Ekiti. He

worked in producing images for his Catholic patrons as well as traditional

commissions.11
Bandele carves in the traditional Ekiti sub-style utilizing the

traditional postures and proportions for the figures. Unlike Areogun

he embellishes the surfaces of his figures with an inordinate amount of

detail.

Description pf_the Doors (Illustration 6)

 

There are two doors consisting of two separate panels, each divided
into five scenes. The narrative sequence of the doors involves stories
from the Old Testament which follow in a historical sequence from right
to left across both panels. The first scene is the Egll_p£ Adam and Eve

followed by the Sacrifice pf_Cain and Abel. In the second row the story

 

continues with the Sacrifice pf Isaac and the Story pf Jacob and Essau.
Moses and the Burning Bush and the Passover Meal ip_Egypt complete the
third row. The biblical account of the Israelites continues with the

Blood p£_the Covenant and the Worship pf the Golden Calf. The final row

 

 

depicts David Playing the Harp E2 Saul and David Before the Ark pf the

 

 

Covenant.12

51

Carved doors with figurative motif

Wood
Artist: Lamidi Fakeye
Date: 1967

Provenance: Commissioned by the United States Information Service
in Ibadan.

Fakeye was born in 1928 in Ila Orangun in the southeastern part of
Nigeria's western State. His grandfather and father were carvers before
him. He worked as an apprentice under Bandele at the Experimental work-
shop at Dye-Ekiti for three years between 1950-53. He studied in France
at the Cite Universite in Besancon and at the Ecole des Beaux Arts in
Paris. He was a visiting artist at western Michigan University in

Kalamazoo in 1963 and at Michigan State University, East Lansing, in 1972.13

Description p£_the Doors (Illustration 7)

 

Each of the two doors consist of five panels with scenes carved in
low relief. The description proceeds across the doors from top to bottom.
The first panel depicts a musician and dancers, while directly opposite
is a scene depicting a man showing a movhaof the United States Capitol
Building in Washington, D.C. Two men attending to a cow are juxtaposed
with a panel showing a family listening to a radio. A family--father,
mother and child--watch television followed by a panel depicting tradi-
tional drummers and musicians. A.woman kneeling before an Oba who is
attended by a courtier and a musician are carved on the first panel of
the fourth row. Directly opposite,two farmers, one cutting cocoa pods
and the second cutting plantains, flank a woman carrying farm produce in

a basket on her head. The last row depicts a teacher and three pupils.

Finally, the last panel shows a librarian and a patron.

52

Carved doors with figurative motifs (six panels)

Wood

Artist: Felix Idubor

Date: 1960

Provenance: Commissioned by the Federal government of Nigeria for the
National Hall in Lagos.

Felix Idubor was born in Benin City in 1928 and carved for the
tourist trade from the age of twelve. In 1951, encouraged by the
Nigerian painter, Ben Enwonwu, he abandoned carving for the tourist
market. In 1957 he studied in Germany.14 Unlike the previous doors
from Yoruba carvers in the sample, his doors are not divided into
rectangular panels, although he does indicate divisions between the
scenes by the use of architectural and natural motifs. The proportions

and conception of his figures show his exposure to European sculptural

models.

Description p£_the Doors (Illustrations 8, 9 and 10)

 

Of the eighteen doors that Felix Idubor carved for the National Hall,
I have selected three sets for discussion in this sample. The overall
theme of the doors alludes to the life styles and occupations of the
people within present day Nigeria. Exceptional to this theme are two
doors on which are carved tree spirits. These fantastic creatures are
elongated and stylized and occupy the entire carved surface of the door
panels.

The second set of doors seems to relate to varying stages in the
production and consumption of palm products. The left door of the set

shows a man tapping a palm tree for its product. A single scene it

53

occupies the full length of the door. Hung opposite this door, the
narrative continues with a door which shows three separate scenes:

women carrying gourds on their heads seem to be transporting the palm
products perhaps to the market area, a man in national dress rides a

' bicycle and on which he carries the same type of gourds shown in previous
scenes, and two men relaxing on what appears to be the verandah of a
house enjoying a glass of what is perhaps palm wine.

The third set of doors is a historical narrative. The first scene
depicts the British arrival in Nigeria and their military domination of
the colony. The second scene depicts a European being transported in a
litter, while the third scene shows a parley between a Britisha and
Nigerian seated at a table. The door is juxtaposed with a door which
celebrates Nigerian independence. The date of October 1, 1960, appears
on the door and it is further decorated with lively crowds celebrating

the event.

54

The fascination with the form of Yoruba art by both Western scholars
and connoisseurs is largely based on its qualities of naturalism.which
differentiate it from much of African art. "The Yoruba concern is for
man and Yoruba sculpture presents the being-related scenery of his
existence which is to say other men, men's works and the plants and
animals important to him."15

The Yoruba carver's close association with and awareness of his
environment are given visible expression in his choice of man-relating
imagery. The carved door, which utilizes the repertoire of subjects
similar to free-standing sculpture, provides fertile ground for an
examination of Yoruba artistic style and of the aesthetic criteria which
determine this style, as well as the role and function of the carved
door within the Yoruba cultural framework.

Yoruba carving is not homogeneous in style. Regional variations
within Yorubaland are recognizable, but do not obscure the recognition
of common elements which define the Yoruba style. Addressing himself
to this point, Paul Wingert stated, "The degree of variation between
a more stubby, naturalistis figure style, and an elongated somewhat more
stylized representation of human form makes so little difference that the
shared elements of Yoruba style are immediately evident."16

An examination of the sample of Yoruba doors will demonstrate common
stylistic features.

Each of the doors exhibits an obvious concern with order in the

manner of their execution. The motifs are all clearly organized and

defined within the geometric boundaries which serve as punctuation allowing

55

the viewer to escape the complexity of the overall scene and concentrate
on individual panels. After a close examination of the traditional doors,
however, there seems to be no specific narrative intended, but rather

the relationships between the motifs seem more tied to ideological
concerns.

All the doors show a selection of images which provide the viewer
with genre type scenes based on man engaged in activity, although the
carvings provide, only incidentally, representations of architecture and
scenery. The physiognomy of the figures is one of a generalized nature,
and no attempt at photographic realism or portraiture seems intended.

"The carver traditionally working in genre subject matter

approaches his design with a naturalistic conception in

mind, but during his training period he has learned sets

of symbols to which he adds in varying degrees by reason

of his own creativity. It is through these symbols, which

we see as stylized forms, that he represents his subject

matter. The symbols are manipulated into a composition

that for the Yoruba artist shows the relationship between

various parts of the natural form that he is trying to

represent. It is not always necessary therefore, that

he have his subject before him, since he can draw on the

various symbols he has learned and invented. ."17

A close examination of the carvings illustrates this point. Each
artist has conceived of the human form as a generalized type which is
nonetheless based upon close observation of anatomy. This stylized type
is utilized throughout the door as the symbol for man. In Yoruba art
selected anatomical features are carefully defined. These include the
head and facial features as well as the sex defining characteristics of
the anatomy. Facial features occupy almost the entire surface of the
face, although they are set in proportion to one another. The exaggera-

tion of these features contributes to their increased visibility and

easy recognition by the viewer. The treatment of the trunk of the body

56

and its appendages is more abstract in character. Though the carvings
are in various states of relief, all exhibit sculptural concerns for
defining the interrelationships of masses and volumes. The regional
style of Oyo tends to give greater emphasis to the eyes which are pre-
sented as sculptured spheres extending from the sockets. The size of
the head in relationship to the body is given more emphasis and the arms
tend to blend into the side of the body. The Ekiti sub-style tends to
proportion the head in a more naturalistic relationship to the body, and
the features of the face are more life-like in proportion. The carving
is in low relief and shows a stylistic affinity with Benin, to whom the
Ekiti kingdoms historically owed allegiance.18 Olowere (Illus. 1 and 2)
deviates from the Ekiti style in the fullness of his figures and in his
conception of the facial features, while Areogun (Illus. 4), Bandele
(Illus. 6) and Fakeye (Illus. 7) work closely within the sub-style. In
the case of Felix Idubor (Illus. 8-10), his personal style shows a marked
exposure to Western sculptural models, as seen in the proportions of the
body and in the full treatment given to the trunk and appendages of the
figures.

The doors exhibit an overall patterned effect, the entire surface
being filled with carving. The complexity of the conception is consistent
with Yoruba style. Justine Cordwell has observed,

"Yoruba carvings as a whole, show a greater relation of form

to chosen subject matter and to function then they do to the

material from which they are made. For example, there are

great doors decorated with bas reliefs. . . whose simple form

is almost hidden by groups of figures surrounding and sup-
porting them."19

57

Hieratic scale is employed to indicate royal personages or other
important figures in a panel. The king or priests and important warriors
will be frequently shown with diminutive figures in attendance.

Polychroming on the doors was a traditional feature in the early

0 However, the color was never applied in such a manner as to

periods.2
obscure the details of the carving and was never employed to achieve pattern
in lieu of incised details. The color was impermanent as a result of its
exposure to the elements. For this reason, the process of polychroming
seems to have been periodically renewed prior to major festivals. Per-
haps the discontinuation of this practice in the modern period relates
to the desires of the new patron. The foreign churches and business
complexes and the federal government would seem more inclined to be
influenced by the present Western aesthetic which places a high value on
the integrity of the material itself. Polychromed doors would be incon-
sistent with the expression of architecture in modern terms.

Through intensive field investigation, R.F. Thompson has isolated

a system of qualitative criteria expresses by indigenous artists and

critics which serve to amplify the Yoruba style and define the Yoruba

aesthetic.21

"Yoruba qualitative criteria are consensual. This means they
are matters of opinion widely shared, but perhaps only fully
comprehended by the guardians of philosophic thought. The

best example of the latter are the priests of the divination
cult. Yoruba aesthetic criteria are perhaps best nuanced by
sculptor-critics who lend to their works their special insights
of process and form. But the roots of the criteria lie with the
common people without whose supporting testimony the fabric of
aesthetic thought loses conviction and certainty."

The sculptor's main concern predominating Thompson's findings is
moderation--striking the mid-point and the artistic balance in every

respect. This emphasis on harmony and balance is expressed throughout

58

the bas-relief carvings on the doors and is consistent with similar
concerns expressed in the religious, political and social structures of
the culture, as enumerated in previous chapters. The Yoruba style seems
an extension of these concerns and addresses itself to the moral and
ethical codes of behavior. "Sculpture, therefore, ideally represents
a person of moral quality, a person of character. The conclusion is not
surprising; most Yoruba aesthetic criteria embody moral associations."23

Relative mimesis is stated as a desirable quality of sculpture. The
ideal is the achievement of a recognizable likeness of humanity, not a
concern for portraiture.

Relative visibility was also cited as an aesthetic consideration.
For the Yoruba, a work of quality achieves both a clarity of mass and
line. The artist is concerned with achieving a balance between smooth
sculptural forms and linear patterning. The doors within the sample
show individual solutions to this problem. Olowere (Illus. 1 and 2)
balances sculptural figures in high relief against the rich abstract
patterning of the background and to a lesser extend repeats this pat-
terning on selective details that identify the figures. An immediate
recognition of the subject and a clear understanding of the sculptural
forms are implicit in this criteria. Areogun (Illus. 4) exhibits a
conscious concern for this quality of clarity. His sculptural forms are
never overpowered by concerns with detail and he maintains a tension
between sculptural forms and linear patterning. In the modern period
Bandale, Fakeye and Idubor (Illus.8-10) lavish an inordinate amount of
detail on their figures which is balanced by the overall starkness of the

borders and base linesof the doors.

59

Relative straightness include concerns for order and definition
within the overall effect and arrangement of scenes. This quality is
also applicable to the figures themselves. Slight deviations from mathe-
matical rigidity in the doors by Olowere, the door collected by Frobenius,
and Areogun's carving as exhibited in the incline of the base lines and
the variations within the figures themselves, serve to enliven the scenes.
The modern examples, especially Bandele's (Illus. 6) and Fakeye's (Illus. 7)
doors, are more rigid and static in quality with little relief from manu-
factured rigidity. Ulli Beier, in speaking of this point in Fakeye's
style, said, "In the doors, competent slickness replaces the intensity
and vivid composition of his father's work and the warm playfulness of
some of the other works has given way to empty and fossiled traditional
forms."24
Within the figural execution these qualities of straightness are
expressed by body positioning. The figures are conceived on a vertical
axis, and there is a concern for symmetry within the execution of the
figures. Again this is a relative quality, and slight deviations are the
individual artist's solutions within the traditional framework. A dis-
cussion of Olowere's style (Illus. 1 and 2) and that of Areogun (Illus. 4)
will serve to elaborate this point. Olowere's carving of figures in
deep relief and his projection of the figures out from the surface and
conceived in a three-quarter view inject the carving with implied motion.
Figures of a lower status are shown in the experimental manner. It is
interesting to note, though, that his depiction of the Oba follows a

strict profile view and the motion is Sublimated to concerns for the

calm dignity of the pose.

6O

Areogun, by depicting his figures in profile or frontally and in
lower relief, presents a more static composition. The kneeling woman
offering the calabash exhibits a straight upright posture, her arms
folding symmetrically around the container. The warrior with the cross-
bow faces the viewer and clutches his weapon at mirrored points on
either side. The weight of the figures is evenly distributed, adding
to the effect of immobility. But this static quality is relieved by
small details which enliven the carving and prevent it from appearing
as a repetitive formula.

Skill and delicacy in carving are important aesthetic considerations.
Carvings are judged within the Yoruba society by the demonstration of the
artist's ability to manipulate his materials and tools to produce works
which show his sensibility to both mass and line.

Ephebism, the depiction of people in idealized youth, is perhaps
the most important quality of Yoruba sculpture. "It is in a sence, the
resolution of all the canons in combination. . . Yoruba sculpture is a
mirror in which human appearances never age."25 Age in the figures is
only depicted in details such as the addition of a beard, but the con-
ception of the body type is always that of people in the prime of life.
This is a consistent quality throughout the sample of doors.

Besides aesthetic concerns, the didactic function of the traditional
doors is also apparent in the choice of motifs. "Art has a unique power
to intensify, mobilize, and indeed create public opinion. . . The ability
of art to endure through time and space permits the formation of an
alliance with the personality of the leader through which art and

leadership project an image of power."26

61

The doors stood like sentinels on the gateway of the sacred
complex and announced to the people the character and dominion of
the leader who was sequestered within the walls.

". . . although nothing was conceivably more awe-inspiring

than the king's citadel, the ordinary man's knowledge of

it was limited to its towered portal. It was the most

memorable feature and the place where the king's business

was transacted. . . Every culture in Antiquity was influenced

by the gateway concept which had originated in a remote past

when men began to live in walled cities. . . everywhere the

people who lived under the protection of walled cities and 7

who still considered it the ordained condition of men to be

ruled by superior and godlike beings retained very similar

ideas to those of the Mesopotamians and Egyptians in regard

to the gateway as the place where all powerful gods and kings

entered and came forth."

As representations of the traditional values of Yoruba life, the
doors announced to the people the ideal social order. Iconic in character,
the motifs employed on the doors strike a balance between attitudes of
command and attitudes of submission and servitude, graphically relating
these values to activities identifiable in everyday life. The king
enthroned is consistently depicted with attendant figures, often diminua-
tive in stature. An investigation of the attitudes inherent in the motifs
and their relationship to the socio-political order of Yoruba society
will serve to clarify these points.

The door carved by Olowere (Illus.1 and 2) seems to represent a two—
fold theme. The overall character of the door speaks to the timeless
power and authority traditionally invested in the patron, the Oba of

Ikerre, while a minor theme suggests a particular historical time period--

the arrival of the Europeans to the area.

62

The status and prestige accorded the divine ruler are expressed
in the size and prominence of the panel in relationship to others on
the door, and in the manner and attitude chosen for his image. "The
enthroned gesture also communicates permanence, as well as calm and
sense of character. . . the person who rests upon a chair can concentrate
upon important social matters. He takes his chair as a fundamental
right or privilege."28 As mentioned above, Olowere injects a lively
movement into subordinate figures by portraying them in three-quarter
view, but verticality and uprightness of the image of the Oba suggest
a majestic calm and repose. "The frozen face is the seal of order
and the patient mind and implies the means to think through the negative
situation to arrive at something better."29
The extension of the authority of the Oba over every aspect of
Yoruba life is suggested by the remaining motifs on the door. The top
left panel relates the Oba to the religious concerns of the nation. The
figures in this panel appear to represent religious devotees to various
orisha, since the figures carry various carvings and symbols associated
with cult worship. The first figure appears to carry an axe, the symbol
of Sango or Ogun, which would relate him to their worship, while the
third figure carries what appears to be a dance wand of Eshu over his
shoulder.30 The panel depicting elders or chiefs, identified by beards
and staffs of office seems to relate to the political authority of the
Oba. The importance of the chiefs is indicated by the figure in a
submissive gesture which precedes them. Yet in the whole complex of the

carving, as in Yoruba society itself, the chiefs are subject to the

authority of the Oba. The load bearers and presence of the European

63

suggest the economic trade base of the kingdom which functioned under
the control of the Oba.

The arrival of the European to Ikerre, as a secondary theme, is
given prominence by its placement directly across from the Oba, but
the superiority of the Oba remains foremost. The portrayal of the
somewhat comic and dissipated European is in marked contrast to the
composure and regal bearing of the Oba.

Similar concerns are expressed in the door collected by Frobenius
at Ado-Ekiti (Illus. 3). The central figure of the leader dominates the
carving by its size and its unique presentation as the only frontal
figure associated with the central panel. The symbols relate to attri-
butes of leadership: the monkey generally symbolizes wisdom, the mudfish
or snake biting its own tail is associated with eternity, and the tortoise
represents cunning.31 Attitudes of servitude and submission in the
kneeling figures are counter-balanced by the image of authority and
command in the ruler and in the standing figures. Allusions to the multi-
facted authority of the leader are represented by the subordinate figures.
Religious authority is alluded to by the figures in procession carrying
symbols of the orisha and in the panel of the kneeling woman. The
warrior figures may be seen as expressing the political supremacy of
the ruler and his obligation to protect his subjects. Load bearers
point to the trade and economic activities under the auspices of the
leader.

From the middle period, the complex carving by Areogun manifests
a balance between figures representing power and command and those

representing submission. Power is expressed in the motif of the Oba

64

enthroned, while his attendants indicate the proper attitudes of sub-
mission to authority. Another motif of power is represented by the
Ilorin warrior on horseback, an historical reference to the invasions
of Ekiti in the nineteenth century.32 "To ride upon the back of a
horse represents an arrogant form of sitting, for in it speed and ele-
vation combine with ruling power."33 Juxtaposed against the sumbol of
power inherent in the horseman, Areogun consistently includes captives
and figures on their knees. He utilizes a similar combination of
attitudes of command and submission in the panels showing the colonial
administrator on his bicycle and the seated European.

The European on the bicycle and the seated European correspond
to similar images of warriors on horseback and the Oba enthroned.
Within the carvings, the images of Europeans are also juxtaposed with
kneeling figures and figures carrying containers on their heads.

"Tradition selects those bodily positions which come to define

lordliness and command in human interaction; standing, sitting,

riding on a horse. Tradition also emphasizes postures set at
symbolically descended levels of submission and respect. These

are kneeling, supporting and balancing objects upon the head. . .

Service confirms command."

In addition to the general character of the door, which relates
to the balance between leaders and subjects, the motifs appear to allude
to specific roles and functions within the strata of Yoruba society.
Religious cults are represented in the Sango devotee who carries the
p§p3_and ghgpg, symbols of the cult.35 The priest of the Ifa cult, a

major cult in the functioning of Yoruba society, is shown with the opa

osanyin, the staff of office which symbolizes the power of the orisha.36

65

Throughout the panels, Areogun repeats the image of the woman
offering sacrifice. women in Yoruba philosophical thought have been
associated with the concept of "cool," that is, the passive element,
which serves as a counterbalance to "hot" and disruptive forces.
"Coolness is essential and it is consequently possible to designate an
'aesthetic of cool' for traditional Yoruba, provided that we recognize
the term confirms and absorbs the qualities of dynamic strength and
character. Most important the image of the woman who kneels or presents
a bowl of kola, relates to the Other; the call of the human act implies
divine response."37

The ordered division of labor within Yoruba society is rendered in
several motifs. Women are shown in their traditional roles as food
preparers in the motif of the women pounding yams. They are shown in
their maternal role giving birth and transporting their children.
Concerns for fertility seemed to be implied in the motif of the couples
engaged in sexual intercourse.

Men are depicted in accepted roles as hunters, and warriors, with
both traditional weapons and rifles. They are shown as traders in both
goods and slaves, as musicians, as oral historians of the kingdom, and
as diviners and doctors who serve both the spiritual and temporal needs
of the community. The reality of foreigners within the society is
acknowledged by the depictions of Europeans in various colonial roles.

The doors from the early and middle periods seem intimately tied to
the traditional religious and philosophical beliefs of the Yoruba people.
The significance of the iconography exists at various levels of con-

sciousness. The guardian of these truths was the divine king, the

66

patron of the doors. The carvings themselves speak to the ethical and
moral codes that serve as the basis of Yoruba society. "The world and
its vicissitudes are woven into an affirmative fabric that speaks, from
the standpoint of secular power and prestige, to the essential truths
of the traditional religion."38

The effects of modernization and acculturation on all aspects of
Yoruba life have been discussed in previous chapters. The power of the
Oba in both the religious and temporal spheres was seriously weakened,
and certain of the traditional social models that lent sanction to his
position have been modified or abandoned. The once exclusive patron
of carved doors, the Oba, has been replaced by patrons representing
new power institutions within the present society and the traditional
restrictions regarding the production of art have been abandoned.

The modern doors, although carved in a traditional style, logically
reflect the desires and needs of the new patron, and the motifs no
longer seem to speak to traditional values.

The doors have retained their association with status and wealth,
but this status is based on new concerns and criteria which are not
necessarily tied to the traditional fabric of Yoruba existence.

Bandele's doors for the University Chapel at Ibadan self-consciously
employ the traditional style of Yoruba carving, but the iconography of the
panels reflects the needs and concerns of the patron. Unlike the earlier
doors where there seems to be no discernible narrative thread based on a
space-time sequence, Bandele's doors have a definite narrative orientation

in the depiction of Old Testament scenes. The narrative quality of the

67

doors relates to a long tradition of western prototypes, an obvious
example being Ghiberti's doors on the Baptistry of Florence. The
chapel doors stand as a symbol of the function, teachings and values
of the patron.

Lamidi Fakeye's doors on the USIS building also serve the needs of
the patron. Besides being ornamental in character, the scenes of movies,
television, radio, schools and libraries speak to the function of the
USIS in Nigeria which is the dispersal of information and education.
There is a curious combination of traditional and modern motifs. The
motifs of the family viewing television and the Oba receiving the homage
of his subjects present an interesting contrast. The modern family
presented seems a nuclear family--father, mother and child-—a Western
social concept that has gained some acceptance in modern Nigeria.39
The king in state recalls the traditional social order and by implication
the structures of kinship and the extended family. The appearance of
two such contrasting motifs together is indicative of the fact that
these two life styles exist side by side in present day Nigeria.

The final set of doors sample by Felix Idubor also reflect moderni-
zation. They were commissioned by the federal government of Nigeria and
are concerned with portraying the life and activities of the various
cultural groups within the Nigerian Republic. The doors with the tree
spirit motifs allude to traditional religious beliefs, but one feels
that they function more as a reminder of the rich cultural heritage of
the Yoruba nations rather than theological propaganda. The motifs of

Nigerians engaged in activities and the overthrow of British rule

68

correlate with the system of self-government which is the function of
Parliament in Nigeria. The concerns of the Parliament in advancing the
interests of the people are presented on the doors through representations
of the major cultural groups in Nigeria engaged in a wide range of

activities.

NOTES--CHAPTER III

1The traditional doors were fashioned with pegs on top and bottom
which fit into sockets in the door frame and allowed for the manipulation
of the door. If carved in separate panels as the door by Areogun in the
sample, the individual panels were attached by rods running across the
back uncarved surface. Carved doors are also located on major shrines
outside the palaces. The motifs employed on these doors seem to be less
humanistic in conception and tend to incorporate symbols which can be
identified with the orisha to whom the shrine is dedicated. Frobenius,
Ihg_Voice pf_Africa, translated by R. Blind (Rpt., New York: Benjamin
Blom, Inc., 1968), I, 46-47, describes a shrine dedicated to Sango in
Ibadan. See also R.F. Thompson, Black Gods and King§,(Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1971), Illustrations 29 and 30. These
show carved doors for a shrine dedicated to Sango.

 

2Besides the doors made available to me from Western museums, there
is a large collection of carved doors preserved in Nigerian museums. I
was unable to obtain photographs of these doors because of the limited
time factor involved in this study.

3Bandele's door the for the University Chapel at Ibadan is illus-
strated and documented in K. Carroll, Yoruba Religious Carving§_(New
York: Praeger, 1966) Plate 12 and Notes to Plate 12, 157. Personal
communication, March 1975, from the USIS office in Ibadan confirmed
Fakeye's authorship of the doors which were commissioned in 1967. Felix
Idubor's doors for the National Hall in Lagos are documented in M. Mount,
African Art: The Years since 1920 (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1973), 179-181. Photographs were obtained with the help of Dr.
Joanne Eicher, Michigan State University, through the Ministry of Infor-
mation, Lagos, Nigeria.

 

 

4Personal communication with the British Museum, December 1974. See
also W. Fagg, Nigerian Images (New York: Praeger, 1963), 120, and P.
Allison, "A Yoruba Carver," Nigeria Maggzine, No. 22 (1944), 50. Another
set of doors by Olowere is presently in the Nigerian National Museum in
Lagos. They are reputed to represent the arrival of the First Traveling
Commissioners to Ekiti region and Allison has tentatively suggested that
the European represented on the doors is Captain Ambrose, locally remembered
as Akerele.

 

 

5M. Sadler, (ed.) Art pf_West Africa (Excluding Music) (London:
Oxford University Press, 1935), 44-45.

69

70

6Carroll, op. cit., 79-90. Carroll gives a biographical sketch of
Areogun and an analysis of his carving style.

71bid., 161. The Yoruba names given to the abstract border designs
are merely descriptive and change from region to region.

8Ibid., 55. Illustration XIV.

91bid., 56. The Ekiti area was victim of frequent raids by Ilorin
warriors during the nineteenth century.

10Personal communication with Museum of Ethnic Arts, UCLA, December,
1974. See also an article by J.M. Borgatti, "UCLA's Yoruba Doors,"
African Arts, III No. 1 (Autumn 1969), 14-19. The doors are also illus-
trated in R.F. Thompson, Black Gods. . ., pp. citplelates 31 and 32.

 

 

11Carroll, op. cit., 91-99.
12Ibid.z 157. See notes to Plate 12.

13Auto-biographical information was obtained from a sketch written
by Fakeye for the African Studies Center, Michigan State University, in
1972 while the artist was in residence at the University. A copy of the
sketch is located in the Africana files in the Michigan State University
Library. See also Carroll, ppgcit.z 101-115; and U.H. Beier, "Complicated
Carver," West African Review, XXXI No. 391 (1960), 30-31; T.A. Ogunwale,
"Lamidi Fakeye: Nigerian Traditional Sculptor," African Arts, IV No. 2
(Winter 1971), 66-67; Mount, pp; cit., 33-38.

 

 

14Mount, op. cit.z 179-181. Y.A. CriIIo and J. Highet, "Felix Idubor -
A Sculptor from Benin," African Arts, 11 No. 1 (Autumn 1968), 30-35.

Bi Mgcrow, "A New Carver - Felix Idubor," Nigeria Magazine, No. 41 (1953),
-2 O

 

15R.P. Armstrong, "Aesthetic Continuity in Two Yoruba Works," African
Arts, IV No. 3 (Spring 1971), 42.

16P. Wingert, Primitive Art Its Traditions and Spyles (Cleveland:
World Publishing Co., 1965), 114.

J. Cordwell, "Some Aesthetic Aspects of Yoruba and Benin Cultures,"
(unpublished dissertation, Northwestern University, 1952), 129-130.
Cordwell questioned sculptors as to why they consistently oriented their
figures to the base line and she observed that they found the question
puzzling as to conceive of it any other way seemed irrational to them.

 

17J. Cordwell, ”Naturalism and Stylization in Yoruba Art," Magazine
p£_Art, XLVI No. 5 (1953), 223.

71

18S.A. Akintoye, "The North Eastern Yoruba Districts and Benin
Kingdom," Journal pf_the Historical Society p£_Nigeria, IV No. 4 (1969),
539-553. Akintoye's study suggests a strong cultural influence from
Benin in the Ekiti region. There is a close relationship between both
cultures' rituals, dialect, music and dance. Certain chieftaincies in
the Ekiti region claim descent from Benin. The tide of Benin expansionism
was in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and it is known through
oral traditions from each culture that the Benin army invaded the Ekiti
area. As well as Benin aggression against the Ekiti area, Akintoye sug-
gests that there was a strong trade relationship between the two areas
which would have stimulated cultural exchange.

 

19Cordwell, "Some Aesthetic. . .," op. cit., 123.

20G.A.J. Ojo, Yoruba Culture - 5 Geographical Analysis (London and
Ife: University of Ife Press, 1966), 244. See also Cordwell, ”Some
Aesthetic. . .," op. cit., 252-265. In this section the author discusses
the Yoruba's use and preference for color as it reflects cultural patterns.

 

21R.F. Thompson, "Yoruba Artistic Criticism," Traditional Artist 13
African Societies (ed.) W. d'Azevedo (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1973), 18-61. Thompson gives the nature of his sample and
systematically groups his responses based on their frequency. Criteria
applicable to sculpture are established from the responses of Yoruba
critics and artists to indigenous art works.

 

22Ibid.z 22.

23Thompson, Black Gods. . ., op. cit., 3/1.

 

24H.U. Beier, Contemporary Art ip_Africa (London: Pall Mall Press,
1968), 27.

 

25Thompson, "Yoruba Artistic Criticism," op. cit., 56.

26D. Fraser and H. Cole, "Art and Leadership, an Overview," African
Art and Leadership (ed.) D. Fraser and H. Cole, Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1972), 325-26.

 

27E.B. Smith, Architectural Symbolism pf_lmperial Rome and the Middle
Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956), 12-14.

 

28R.F. Thompson, African Art lp_Motion (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1974), 68.

 

29Thompson, Black Gods. . ., op. cit., 20/1.

3olpgg;,_4/1 and Carrol, op. cit., 55. It is not clear what type of
object the second figure carries.

72

31G.A.J. Ojo, "Traditional Yoruba Architecture," African Arts, I No.
3 (Spring 1968), 70, and H.U. Beier, "Three Igbin Drums from Igbomina,"
Nigeria Magazine, No. 78 (1963), 163.

A. Babalola, "The Snail and the Tortoise in Yoruba Folklore," Nigeria
Magazine, No. 96 (1968), 38.

 

32Carroll, op. cit., 56.

33Thompson, African Art 12 Motion, op. cit., 74.

 

 

34Ibid., 47.
35Carroll, op. cit., 33.

36Thompson, Black Gods. . ., op. cit., 1/13-17 and Carroll, op. cit.z

 

55.

37Thompson, Ibid.z 20/2.

38Ibid.z 19/2.

39The nuclear family--father, mother, child-~perhaps reflects the
western patrons idea of family rather than the carvers, or may be merely

a practicality in carving the panel, what seems a nuclear family merely
an artistic shorthand for the idea of family.

CONCLUSION

The conception and function of traditional carved doors seem
thoroughly woven into the religious and socio-political fabric of
Yoruba culture which was organized and crystallized in the office of
kingship.

"WOrks clearly do not lose their presentation when they are

deprived of their native audience, but do lose something of

their originally intended presentation, and thus their native

import."l

The function of the doors as symbolic architectural members needs
to be considered within the cultural milieu which created the need for
their conception.

In the temporal superstructure, the office of kingship embodied
both the authority of the sacred and the secular worlds. The theocratic
organization with Olodumare at its apex was reflected and extended in
the ordering of Yoruba society. The Oba was entrusted with the obliga-
tions and duties of protecting the religious and social traditions which
were the formula for achieving harmony and balance and order in the uni-
verse. Maintenance of harmony and order was seen as essential factors
for the continued existence of man. The practical precepts for achieving
these ends were contained in the oral scriptures, the de_corpus, and
further reiterated in songs, proverbs and adages. The influence of
these precepts was reflected in the religious realm, extended from the

simplest family unit through the complex workings of the centralized

state.

73

74

The Yoruba system of social order was all-encompassing. Concerns
for order were physically manifested in the morphology of the city and
in the architectural forms. The Afin, the sacred-temple which was centrally
located within the walls of the city, stood at the apex of this hierarchical
structure and occupied a unique position in both its function and in its
architectural style and ornamentation throughout the kingdom.

Because of the imposed ritual seclusion of the Oba within the confines
of this Afin complex, the buildings themselves became a visible symbol of
divine kingship. The consciousness of the symbolism associated with the
palace is reflected in the traditional taboos and restrictions marking it
as a holy place. Because it was a sacred edifice, every care and expense
was lavished on the construction and ornamentation of the complex and the
best of the arts and crafts of the kingdom.were embodied in its decoration.

As has been suggested, the facade of the palace received added attention,
since for the mass of people it was the only area of the palace with which
they would become intimately vauainted. Of critical importance to the
structure, clearly demonstrated in its size and elaboration, was the gate-
way which opened onto the market place. The carved doors of the gateway
facing the assembly on the square stood as both guardians and heralds of
the sacred compound. In their intricacy of carving and complexity of the
ruler, the door announced power, wealth and status of the ruler, the patron
of the carving. In its didactic function the meaning implied in the motifs
spoke to the essential truths underlying Yoruba life. A description of
the doors has shown that motifs of command were juxtaposed with motifs of
submission,and these attitudes and concepts were made more immediate by

their direct relationship to identifiable roles and activities of daily life.

75

In their permanence they seem to herald the time honored values of the
Yoruba people; balance, harmony, character and composure. In this way

the traditional doors from the early and middle period stood as a constant
reminder of the ideal social order.

The twentieth century has brought about the opening up of the Yoruba
country, once in isolation to influences in attitudes and institutions
from European cultures. As a result of a near century of colonial domina-
tion much of the traditional social framework has been eroded. The
incursion of Christian and Islamic sects has weakened the power of the
traditional religion. The introduction of cash crops, kola and cocoa
and the move toward industrialization and modernization of the economic
interests have altered the economic base of Yorubaland. Once under the
domination of the Oba, the economy of Yorubaland was self-contained and
inward looking. Now it has become an expansive and outward looking
economy. The political power once invested in divine kingship is now
sublimated to the needs and functions of a united federal republic.

The traditional city, which once reflected the inward self containment
of Yoruba life, with the walls defining its perimeter and the Afin as its
central focus has expanded laterally and looks outward to increased
interaction between areas.

The architectural models of the new modern institutions which are
based on western prototypes of churches, high rise complexes, and multi-
storeyed residences, have usurped the uniqueness and the dominance of the
Afin in city architecture. Practicalities of modern life have caused a
change in architectural materials and styles utilized in palace construction,
and the traditional patronage given to artists for the decoration of the

Afin is no longer economically feasible or even aesthetically desirable.

76

The fracturing of power into the sacred and secular in the modern
era appears to have rendered obsolete the traditional iconographical
function of carved doors. The doors remain a symbol of status and
wealth because of their aesthetic appeal and craftsmanship.

A renewed interest in the traditional arts of Yorubaland generated
by feelings of nationalism among Nigerians and the interest shown in
traditional Yoruba art by western institutions have resulted in the
continued commissioning of doors to embellish Christian churches, foreign
complexes, educational facilities and federal government buildings.
Artistic forms remain tied to traditional solutions while the motifs
portrayed on these doors reflect the interests and concerns of the new
patron.

Biblical stories on the University Chapel at Ibadan and the motifs
describing the functions of the USIS in Nigeria carved on their office
doors in Ibadan serve to illustrate these new concerns and interests.

The multiple level of associations both conscious and unconscious
implied in the traditional iconography of the doors seems to have been
replaced by mere narrative of didactic implications in the themes chosen
for the modern works. Traditional motifs occasionally reoccur on modern
doors such as the Oba enthroned on Fakeye's door the the USIS, but these
motifs read more as factual evidence, in this case, verifying the syncretic
nature of Yoruba culture in which old and new institutions exist together.

These conclusions must understandably remain tentative until a larger
sample of doors from the traditional and modern periods can be catalogued
and examined. Tentative identification of motifs utilized on the doors
needs to be corroborated through intensive field work. Interviews with
both sculptors, patrons and critics within Yoruba society will be critical

in determining the function of the doors as architectural symbols.

77

An intense and systematic examination of the oral traditions
accompanied by interviews with the guardians of traditional belief, the
various priesthoods will, it is to be hoped, reveal a more comprehensive
body of Yoruba philosophy and allow for the correct interpretation of
data which will verify or deny the conclusions reached in this study.

Interviews with modern patrons as to their conception of the role
of the door and their reasons for commissioning these works, as well as
interviews with modern sculptors may reveal the source and reasoning
behind the choice of motifs employed.

After an examination of data presently available, I have concluded
that a traditional system of order, well-defined and clearly established
throughout Yoruba institutions, also shapes the manner in which the
traditional doors as art objects are conceived and perceived by the
indigenous peoples. This study has further suggested that the changes
in conception and interpretation of the doors occurred because of
acculturation and the acceptance of new values and concerns within
Yoruba society today. The problems and tentative interpretations pre-
sented heretofore will, I hope, provide a framework for additional

investigation of Yoruba carved doors within the Yoruba culture.

NOTES--CONCLUSION

lR.P. Armstrong, Affecting Presence (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 1971) 29.

 

78

 

III III!

 

iiilli. I. (I '4‘ .II'

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ILLUSTRATIONS

87

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Olowere. Carved wooden door. Photograph courtesy of

Illustration 1:
the British Museum, London.

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Illustration 2: Olowere. Carved wooden lintel. Photograph courtesy of
the British Museum, London.

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Illustration 3: Anonymous. Carved wooden door. Photograph courtesy of

Museum ffir Vblkerkunde, Berlin.

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Photograph courtesy of

Carved wooden door.
British Museum, London.

Areogun.

Illustration 4:

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Carved wooden door.

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courtesy of UCLA Museum of Ethnic Art, Los Angeles.

School of Areogun.

Illustration 5

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Illustration 6: Bandele. Carved wooden door. University Chapel Ibadan.
Photograph, K. Carroll, Yoruba Religious Carving, Plate 12.

 

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Illustration 7: Lamidi Fakeye. Carved wooden door. USIS offices,
Ibadan, Nigeria. Photograph courtesy of Wilson
Popoola, Ministry of Information, Ibadan.

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Illustration 8: Felix Idubor. Carved wooden door. National Assembly
Chambers, Lagos, Nigeria. Photograph courtesy of
Ministry of Information, Lagos.

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Illustration 9: Felix Idubor. Carved wooden door. National Assembly
Chambers, Lagos, Nigeria. Photograph courtesy of
Ministry of Information, Lagos.

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Illustration 10: Felix Idubor. Carved wooden door. National Assembly
Chambers, Lagos, Nigeria. Photograph courtesy of
Ministry of Information, Lagos.

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