A RHETORICAL ANALYSI$ OF THE RESTORATION FROLOGUE AND EPILOGUE Thesis fat tho Dogma of Ph .D. MlCHtGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Harry Au’spric‘h T963 mass This is to certifg that the thesis entitled A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE RESTORATION PROLOGUE AND EPILOGUE presented by Harry Ausprich has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for _Bh&__ degree in ML ‘ QM May/4 David C. Ralph Major professor Date June 7L1963 LIBRARY Michigan State University COpyright by HARRY AUSPRICH L 1961; ABSTRACT A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE RESTORATION PROLOGUE AND EPILOGUE by Harry Ausprich The purpose of this study was to examine the prologues and epilogues of the Restoration period as speeches, to ascertain to what extent the verses reflected principles of rhetoric as we today under- stand these principles. Furthermore, the study investigated the con- tention that the speeches reflected certain aspects of the rhetoric of the Restoration period. The investigation was accomplished by the examination of 194 prologues and epilogues. The writer selected these because: '(1) they accompanied plays which were written by significant playwrights of the period, and (2) the plays for which the verses were written.were con- sidered to be successful when first produced. In the examination of the prologues and epilogues as speeches, the following rhetorical elements were specifically analyzed: audience, ideas, supporting materials, organization, style, and delivery. The investigator concluded that the audience member who came to hear Restoration prologues and epilogues were, for the most part, little interested in the drama proper; in fact, they were not only inattentive but were often noisy, rude, and tumultuous. Frequently, the prologues and epilogues were included by the playwrights into the evening's entertainment to quiet down the audience and claim its attention. The range of topics discussed in the verses was almost limitless: many of the day's interests were written upon, including such specific areas as politics, poets and belle letters, playhouses, rebellion, loyalty, criticism, foreigners, manners, and women. The ideas in the selected prologues and epilogues were supported by the dramatists in one of three ways - by the use of the analogy, the example, or the definition. The organization of the verses reflected a three-part structure: a brief introduction; a statement of the main theme of the verses in the body; and finally, a very brief ending, which either summarized the major ideas in the verses or suggested to the audience a Specific course of action. The style of the verses exemplified three major rhetorical techniques: directness, clarity, and prolixity. In describing the presentation of the prologues and epilogues, it was noted that at no time during the Restoration period was theatrical speech, including the delivery of the verses, wholly natural. Rant, vocal claptrap, and cadence were demanded by the critic and audience alike. It was also discovered that gestures were exaggerated and that there was a definite application of formula to physical movement on the stage. The most interesting and significant aspects of the study were the results of an examination to determine if the selected prologues and epilogues reflected the rhetorical theories and practices of the Restoration period. With respect to supporting materials, organization, style, and presentation, it was found by the writer that the verses were, for the most part, unlike the rhetorical theories of the period of the Restoration. Moreover, the rhetorical practice of the period in speeches did not reflect directly the rhetorical theories found in the contemporary treatises. The reasons for the unadorned rhetorical practice found in so much of the speaking of the period, and also observed in the pro- logues and epilogues, were varied: the appearance of the Royal Society, with its insistence upon experimentation and objectivity, influenced the directness and generally simple structure of the prologues and epilogues; likewise, the Puritanical influence, which also insisted upon simplicity and unadornment, also influenced the structure of the verses; and, finally, more important than the above-mentioned ideas, is the notion that the rhetorical practices of the Restoration (in- cluding the prologues and epilogues) reflected the principles outlined in the classical treatises; the rhetorics of style occupied a place of small importance after 1660. Two main conclusions may be posited, therefore, as a result of this study. First of all, the selected prologues and epilogues of the Restoration period, as indicated in the basic purpose of the thesis, were assumed to be speeches and were therefore studied as speeches. Secondly, the prologues and epilogues selected for study were unlike, for the most part, the rhetorical theories of the period of the Restoration. A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE RESTORATION PROLOGUE AND EPILOGUE BY Harry Ausprich A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Speech 1963 ?_I________________I_________*—_____________———————————————T---------. 6954:2323 ‘ai’390+ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank sincerely Dr. David C. Ralph, Dr. Kenneth G. Hance, Dr. Donald C. Ecroyd, Dr. William R. Underhill, my wife Lorraine, and friends. Chapter I II III IV V TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o a Purpose of Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Justifications o o a o c o o o c o o o a o o o o 0 Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . SOUTCO Materials 0 o o o o o o o o o o o c o e o c 0 organization 0 o o I o o o a c o o a o o o a c o o RHETORICAL THEORIES AND PRACTICES OF THE RESTORATION HERIOD o o o o o o o o o I o c a c o c a o c c o o o o o o 'Rhetorical Theories of the Period . . . . . . . . . . Ciceronian Rhetorics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . StYliStiC Rhetoric o o c o o c c o c c c c o o 0 Reactions against Rhetorics of Style and Exornation . Supporting Material 0 o e o c e c o c o c a c 0 Organization a c o o o o o o o o o o a o o o o 0 style . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rhetorical Practice of the Period . . . . . . . . . . Summary and COUClUSiOHS o o o c o o o c o c c o c o 0 THE AUDIENCE o o o o o o o o o o o o o o c o o c o o o o c . General Description of the Audience . . . . . . . . . The Specific Behavior of the Audience 0 . . . . . . . Summary and COUClUSion g c c e a o c o o c o o o a o SUBJECTS OF THE PROLOGUES AND EPILUGUES . . . . . . . . .. Method Of Analysis 0 o e o o c o o o o c o o o o o o A Discussion of the Ideas Found in the Prologues and Epilogues SelGCted for Study 0 o o o o o o o c o Theatrical COHditiOnS o c c o o o o o c o o o o Dramatic CritiCiSm o o o o o c o a o o a o o o o SOCial critiCism c c c o c o o c c o o o c o o o The Tepical Prologue and Epilogue . . . . . . . Summary and Conclusions a o c o o o c o c o o o o o o SUPPORTIIJG LUTTERIALS O O O O O O C I O O O O C O O Q C I O MBthOd 0f AHEIYSIS o c o o a c o o o c o o c o o o o A Summarizing statement Concerning Supporting Materials as Discussed in Restoration Rhetoric . . . A Description of Supporting Materials Found in the iii P‘F‘ O>U1~30301 18 18 21 30 34 4O 43 44 47 51 56 56 60 7O 74 74 75 75 78 104 117 120 123 123 VI VII VIII IX iv Prologues and Epilogues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Analogy o c c o c a o c o c o c o o o o o o The Illustration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Definition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary and Conclusions . . o . . . . . . . . . . . . ORGANIZATION o o c o c o o o o o a c o o o o e 0 statement of Intent for Plan of Analysis . . . . . .. A Description of the Pattern of Arrangement . . . . . The Introduction 0 o o o o o o c o o o o o c o o The BOdy o o c o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o The Conclusion 0 o o c o o c c o o o c o o c c 0 Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Summarizing statement Concerning style as Discussed in Restoration Rhetoric . . . . . . . . . . . . . . o Directness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Clarity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prolixity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PRESENTATION or Tan PROLOGUES mm EPILUGWS . . . . - - - - Introduction 0 o a o o o o a c o o c o o c o o o o 0 Reading and Speaking -- The Audible Code . . . . . . Reading and Speaking - - The Visual Code . . . . o a summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . o . . SUIij'miY AI‘ID COIIICLUSIOL‘TS O I O O O O O O O O O O O C O O 0 Audience 0 o o o c o o o c o o o o o o o o o o c o 0 Ideas 0 o o o o o o c o o o c o o o o o o o o o o o o supporting Materials 0 o o o c o o o o o o o o o o 0 organization a a o c c c c o c o c o o o o o o o o 0 Style 0 o o c c o o c c o o o o c o o o o o o o o o 0 Presentation 0 o o o o o o c o o o o c c o c o o o o How do the Prologues and Epilogues Measure Up to the Rhetorical Theories and Practices of the Restoration PGPIOd. o o c o o c o o c c o o o o o o o c o o o c 0 Suggestions for Further study . . . . . . . . . . . . BIBLIOGPJTPHY O O O O O I O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O 142 142 144 144 152 161 164 167 167 169 175 180 184 187 189 194 201 203 203 204 204 205 205 205 206 210 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Restoration Prologue and Epilogue During the period of the Restoration, the prologues and epi- logues used in the English theatre were often composed by competent poets and tended to be finished essays on literary and special themes. _Evidence also suggests that these verses were quite pepular during the Restoration period. For example, Montague Summers tells us that: Every play in the Restoration theatre, and for many a long year after, was introduced by a prologue and concluded with an epi- logue . . . Intensely topical and intensely vital, they are indeed a mine of information, not merely with regard to things theatrical but also as indicative of pepular feelings and the political currents of the day. In fact it is no exaggeration to say that we have here a body of historical documents, so fresh and fadeless in their wit that, as has been proven to be the case, when spoken at performances today, even a modern audience has been convulsed by their liveli- ness and humour.1 Autrey Nell Wiley also refers to the pepularity of the pro- logues and epilogues when she writes: "From 1660-1800 they (playwrights) spent their wit in stage-orations accompanying nine out of every ten plays."2 It may also be noted that during the Restoration period the lMontague Summers, The Restoration Theatre (London: Kegan Paul, Trench Trubner Co., 1934) p. 106. 2Autrey Nell Wiley, Rare Prologues and Epilogues (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1940) p. 23. l 2 prologues and epilogues appeared to be an expected part of the theatri- cal performance. Allardyce Nicoll speaks to this point. It is thoroughly characteristic that no play of the time was regarded as complete without the provision of both prologue and epilogue, and that almost as much effort was devoted to securing novel variety in these pieces as was given to the devising of new scenes.‘ George Spencer Bower also suggests that these verses rapidly came to be considered such an important and interest- ing part of the evening's or rather the afternoon's entertainment, and on many occasions especially in the hands of Dryden, so stood out by themselves as things to be remembered for their wit, their audacity, or their allusions, and for the person by whom, or the manner in which they were delivered; that in the various plays rid- iculing contemporary dramas and dramatists, we often find indepen- dent references to them, in the way of parody or caricature.4 Further remarks made by various Restoration scholars suggest that the purposes of the prologues and epilogues were many and varied. For example, William Bradford Gardner writes that: The purpose of most of these prologues and epilogues was to entertain the small and sOphisticated courtly audience which fre- quented the playhouses, and in reflecting its ideas and follies they are for us a veritable source book of the life and thought of an intellectually brilliant, although dissolute group of ladies and gentlemen and their hangers-on. The verses also seemed to be chronicles of the times, com- menting often upon parties and audiences. For example, frequently the prologues and epilogues criticized political practices and policies. 3Allardyce Nicoll, A History of Restoration Drama (Cambridge: University Press, 1923) p. 77. 4George Spencer Bower, Prologue and Epilogue in English Lit- erature (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, and Company, 1884) pp. 174-175. 5William Bradford Gardner, The Prologues and Epilogues of John Dryden (Columbia: University Press, 1952) p. xvii. Although this quotation refers specifically to the verses written by Dryden, the re- mark is relevant to most of the verses written by other Restoration dramatists. 3 Bower records that "Dryden violently assailed the Whigs and defended the Tories in his prologues and epilogues."6 Beljame also suggests that the tone of many of the verses was political in nature. . . . prologues and epilogues carried on a guerrilla warfare in detail. The most trifling incidents were brought down on the wing. In 1681 Shaftesbury was accused of treason before the Grand Jury; but this Jury, appointed by the city Magistrates, was com- posed of Whigs. They refused to find him guilty and brought in a verdict of Ignoramus. Prologues and epilogues were forthwith filled with thrusts at the Ignoramus verdicts of juries. Additional purposes of the prologues and epilogues are again suggested by Wiley when she states that the "prologue was a petition, an organ of censure, a grace before a feast, a bill of fare, and a dedi- cation; the epilogue a plea for pardon, an excuse, an enquiry into a censure or an entreaty for grace."8 It might then be possible to suggest that the prologue was not so much to introduce the author or the play, as to advise the audience in advance if the play was serious. In pro- portion as the play was serious, the prologue had to be witty, lively, and highly spiced. As Summers observes: "It was, of course, the aim of the dramatist to give some novel touch to a prologue, some salt, some pretty fancy or garnish, such as might arrest and hold the attention of an audience."9 The epilogue was also written to amuse the public; in fact, some broad joke was often made which attempted to illustrate an idea which could be found in the play itself. The prologue was often eonsid- GBOWQF’ OE. Cite, p. 250 7Alexandre Beljame, Men of Letters and the English Public in the 18th Centugy (London: Kegan Paul, Trench and 00., 1948) pp. 148-149. 8Wiley, op. cit., p. 26. 9summers, Op. cit., p. 113 4 ered the appetizer before the meal, the epilogue a liquor to aid diges- tion. The prologue and epilogue also helped to explain the plot of the play, and they also assumed an apologetic function; that is, they sometimes apologized for the poor acting about to be unveiled. As Robert Hannah says: ”The ancient form of the epilogue is found in the customary words, 'Goodby citisens, and we hOpe you are pleased."10 Not only did the prologues and epilogues perform specific func- tions as indicated in the preceding paragraphs, but they tended to be in- dependent essays in verse capable of being spoken before or after any play. Wiley states that: "The prologues and epilogues are semi-ora- torical appendages in which the dramatist in the person of the actor stepped out of the ideal world of the stage and spoke directly to an aud- ience."11 Through such means the stage was probably kept in close contact with the audience. Wiley further suggests that a study of the rhetoric of the seven- teenth century would reveal that the prologue and epilogue have accom- modated themselves to many of the formalities of oratory. She writes that: The two chief ornaments of eloquence; amplification and illus- tration, are here, amplifying through comparison being a highly favoured device in the prologue and epilogue of every age. Here, too, is a repetition in its numerous kinds the variety in type and name being indicated by the.following from the Academic of Eloquence (1654): EAndiplosis, Anaphora, Epistrophe, Simplace, Epanados, Anti- metabole,-Agnomination, spanalepsis, and Tradicto. The poets who 10Robert Hannah, "The Prologue and Epilogue," Quarterly Jourc nal of Speech, Volume 13 (1927), p. 124. 11Wiley, op. cit., p. 23. 5 wrote the prologues and epilogues were proficient in the art taught by the treatises on rhetoric in the seventeeth century.12 Purpose of the Study It is possible to say many things about the prologues and epi- logues of the Restoration period. One can talk about the ideas in the verses, the purposes and functions of the writings, or their relation- ship to the plays for which they were written. The main emphasis of this study, however, will be to examine the prologues and epilogues from a rhetorical point of view--to study them as speeches. It is, therefore, the assumption of this study that the pro- logues and epilogues of the Restoration period are speeches. It is the purpose of this study to analyze these prologues and epilogues as speeches, to attempt to discover how well they seem to reflect the principles of rhetoric as we understand these principles; and, in particular, it is the purpose of this study to investigate Wiley's contention that these speeches reflect the rhetoric of the Restoration period and to evaluate this con- tention. The following questions will be posed in succeeding chapters of this dissertation in an attempt to carry out the previously stated purpose. 1. ‘What are the significant rhetorical theories and practices of the Restoration period? 2. How can the audience that came to hear the prologues and epilogues be best characterized? 3. What ideas or topics were discussed in the prologues and epilogues? 4. How did the authors support the ideas presented in the lzIbid., p. 24. 6 prologues and epilogues? 5. How did the authors organize the ideas presented in the prologues and epilogues? 7. What can be said about the presentation of the verses? 8. How did the prologues and epilogues measure up to the. rhetorical theories and practices of the Restoration period? Justification It is profitable to examine the Restoration prologues and epi- logues because of what might be revealed in terms of added information concerning the speaking of the Restoration period. Little material seems to be available at the present time which deals with the nature of Restor- ation speaking. There is also merit in studying the Restoration prologue and epilogue because they appear to be chronicles of the times; they seem to reflect Opinions and ideas of the people. As Wiley remarks, the verses "actually anticipated journalism, having undertaken the functions that were performed by newspapers in the 18th century.”13 Generally speaking all the day's interests seem to have been written upon: loyalty, rebellion, church, religion, recantation, playhouses, players, universities, parties, politics, audiences, tastes, manners, plays, foreigners, novelties, lit- erature, vacations, poets, women, etc. Another reason for undertaking the present study is that such an investigation should add another facet to the history of the period; that indeed, the prologue and epilogues may reflect the ideas and opin- ions of the people. "The prologues and epilogues were as hospitable to 131bid.. p. 15 7 new materials and novelties as a pagen to a new God."14 The writer also notes that there have been no graduate studies, either on the Master's or Doctor's level, that deal with a rhetorical analysis of the Restoration prologue and epilogue. This writer has also been unable to locate any book or study that deals specifically with the present topic. Limitations A basic limitation which will apply to this study concerns the question of time and may be an arbitrary consideration. Prologues and epilogues written from the time the theatres reapened in England in 1660 through the reign of William and Mary will be selected for analysie.15 A second limiting factor concerns the number of prologues and epilogues selected for study. During the period of the Restoration, some 10,000 plays were written by various playwrights, the great majori- ty of these containing prologues and epilogues. This is far too large a number to consider for analysis. Therefore, from this large list of plays available, two basic criteria will determine those to be selected for study. The first criterion concerns the significance of the individual playwright of the period. The Restoration playwrights that are discussed most frequently and considered most significant by authorities on Restor- ation drama are: John Banks, Aphra Behn, Roger Boyle, William Congreve, 14Ibidl , p. 17. 15This period in English history covers the reign of Charles II, who assumed control in 1660, through the reign of William and Mary, who ruled from 1689-1702. Allardyce Nicoll refers to this period in English history (1660-1700) as the period of Restoration drama. See Nicoll, Restoration Drama, 0p. cit., 8 John Crowns, George Etherege, George Farquhar, Nathaniel Les, Thomas Otway, Edward Ravenscroft, Charles Sedley, Elkanah Settle, Thomas Shad- Well: Thomas Southerne, John Vanbrugh, and William WycherIY.16 A second criterion for selection concerns those plays which were considered to be successful when first produced. A successful play presented during the period of the Restoration refers to a drama pro- duced two or more times. Plays produced during this time did not have the so-callsd "long runs" that many of our plays produced on Broadway often entertain. Allardyce Nicoll discusses the pOpularity of the Restor- ation play. No play, however brilliant, however splendidly produced, how- ever pOpular by means of poetic beauty or of immoral suggestion, could count on a run of over a few days. We know that the gallants did not object to coming once or twice to see the same performance, especially when, as in the case of Shadwell's The Sullen Lovers, there was personal satire that everyone was talking about, but, even if each member of the audience did visit the same play twice, 16The reader is referred to the following volumes on Restoration drama. These books discuss in detail the significance of the above- msntioned playwrights. Allardyce Nicoll. A History of English Drama, 1660- 1999, Volume I, Restoration Drama, 1660-1700 (Cambridge: University Press, 1955), pp. 100-171 and pp. 193-280; Montague Summers, The Playhouse of Espys (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1935) pp. 277-455; George Henry Nettleton, English Drama of the Restoration and Eighteenth Century, (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1914) pp. 71-141; Also see: Louis Kronenberger, The Thread of Lagghter (New York: Alfred A. Knapf, 1952); Richard Gar— nett, The Age of Dryden (London: George Bell and Sons, 1895); Dudlet Howe Miles, Influence of Molisre on the Restoration Stage (New York: Columbia University Press, 1910); John Palmer, Comedygof Manners (C. Bell and Sons, Ltd., 1913); Henry Ten Eyck Perry, The Comic Spirit in Restoration Drama (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1925); Bonamy Dobree, Restora- tion Comedy (also, Restoration Tragedy) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924; Emmsrt Avery, "Tentative Calendar of Daily Theatrical Performances (1660- 1700) (Research Studies of the State College of Washington, xiii, 1945, 225-283; Useful too is Sybil Rosenfeld's "Dramatic Advertisements in the Burney Papers," 1660-1700, EEMA, LI, 1936, 123-52) 9 a run of a week was about all that was possible. Many plays died on the first night; the majority of the others saw no more than three consecutive performances. 7 Following is a list of plays considered to be written by sig- nificant playwrights of the period. The plays also may be called success- ful; that is, they were presented two, three, or more times. Date of first production is given for each play, as well as other pertinent in- formation--such as, playhouse performed and times produced.18 John Banks Anna Bullen - c. April, 1682 - Dorset Garden Theatre - again performed in 1692. Aphra Behn Like Father, Like Son - March, 1692 - Dorset Garden The Town Pep - c. September, 1676 - Dorset Garden - also, 1677. The Rover - March, 1676-77 - Dorset Garden The Roundheads - December, 1681 - Dorset Garden - also, April 30-May 3 (Post Boy) The Lucky Chance - April, 1686 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - February 1686-7 Forc'd Marriage - December, 1670 - Lincoln's Inn Fields — February, 1671 Romulus - February, 1695-6 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane Roger Boyle Herod the Great - 1694 - London Gasette, June 18-21, 1694. (Theatre Unknown) Tragedy of King Saul - 1700(Theatre Unknown) 17Allardyce Nicell, op. cit., p. 26. See in Nicoll, op. cit., pp. 386-477. Here the author pre- sents, in his Appendix C, a Hand-List of the Restoration Plays. ”The Hand-List aims at registering all known plays of the Restoration period.” (Pa 3860) 10 Tryphon - Tuesday, December 8, 1668 (Pepys) - Lincoln's Inn Field - 1669. The Black Prince - Sat., October 19, 1667 - Theatre Royal in Bridges Street - October 20-21 (Pepys) Mr. Anthony - c. March, 1672 (April, 1672) - Dorset Garden. William Congreve Mourning Bride - February, 1696/7 - Lincoln's Inn Field - (March 11-15, 1696/7) Way of the Werld - March 1699 (Lincoln's Inn Field) (March 5-12) London Gazette Double Dealer - March, 1693 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (December 4-7, 1693) - London Gazette Old Bachelor - March, 1692/3 - Theare Royal in Drury Lane - (March 23-27, 1693) London Gazette gove for Love - Tuesday, April 30, 1695 (Downes) Lincoln's Inn Field - (May 9;13) London Gazette John Crowns The Country Wit - January 1675-6 - Dorset Garden (larch 19, 1673-4) The Ambitious Statesman - 0. March 1678/9 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - (June, 1679) History of Charles VIII of France - January 4, 1671 - Dorset Garden - (December, 1671). The Married Beau - c. April, 1694 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (June 14~18, 1694) London Gazette The English Friar - c. March, 1689/90 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (April 28-May 1) London Gazette Regulus - June, 1692 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - (Novem- ber 9-13, 1693) London Gazette Calisto - Monday, February 15, 1674/5 - Court (played at Court) Tuesday, February 16, 1674/5 Juliana - c. August, 1671 - Lincoln's Inn Fields - (produced again during the summer of 1671) 11 Sir Courtly Nice - May, 1685 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - (Monday May 4 and Monday May 14, 1685) 223222 1 George Etherege Comical Revenge - March, 1664 - Lincoln's Inn Fields - (Novem- ber 3, 1664) Newes she Wou'd If She Cou'd - February 1667/8 - Lincoln's Inn Fields - June 24, 1668. The Man of Mode - March 1675-6 - Dorset Garden - (July 3-6, 1676) London Gazette George Farquhar Love and a Bottle - 6. December, 1698 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - (December 27-29) Post Man The Constant Couple - November, 1699 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (December 7-9, 1699) Post Man Nathaniel Lee Sophonisba - April, 1675 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (June, 1675) Gloriana - January, 1675/6 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (May 2-4, 1699) Flying Post The Rival Queens - March, 1676/7 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (June 1-3, 1699) Flying Post Mithridates - February, 1677/8 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane 1685 Caesar Borgia - a. September, 1679 - Dorset Garden (Novem- ber, 1679) Theodosius - c. September, 1680 - Dorset Garden - (Novem- ber, 1680) Constantine the Great - c. November, 1683 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (1684) Thomas Otway Alcibiades - September, 1675 - Dorset Garden - (1687) 12 Don Carlos - June 8, 1676 - Dorset Garden (June 15, 1676) Titus and Berenice - c. December, 1676 - Dorset Garden - (February 19, 1676/7) The Cheats of Scapin - (same as Titus and Berenice; both plays performed together) Friendship in Fashion - April, 1687 - Dorset Garden - (Fri- day, April 5, 1678) The History and Fall of Caius Marius - September, 1679 - Dor- set Garden - November, 1679 The Orphan - March, 1679/80 - Dorset Garden (February, 1684/5) The Souldiers Fortune - March 1679/80 - Dorset Garden - (March 1-3, 1679/80 Venice Preserv‘d - February, 1681/2 - Dorset Garden (April 27, 1682) Observator The Atheist - c. July, 1683 - Dorset Garden (August 8, 1683) Observator Edward Ravenscroft The Careless Lovers . March, 1672 - Dorset Garden (Novem- ber, 1673) Titus Andronicus - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - Perfor- med either in 1678 or 1679 (March 2, 1686 /7) Observator The London Cuckolds - November, 1681 - Dorset Garden - (May, 1683) game Dobson - c. June, 1683 - Dorset Garden - (June 1-3, 1683) Charles Sedley The Mulberry-Garden - May, 1668 - Theatre Royal in Bridges street (January 11, 1667/8) Pepys Antony and C1e0patra — February, 1676/7 - Dorset Garden - (January 14-17, 1677/8) London Gazette Bellamira - May, 1687 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - (June 17, 1687) >13 Elkanah Settle The Empress of Morocco - July, 1673 - Dorset Garden - 0.- tober 1-4, 1698) Post Man Pastor Fido - c. December, 1676 - Dorset Garden (July 5, 1677) Cambyses King_of Persia - c. January, 1670 - Lincoln's Inn Fields - (July 12, 1671) Thomas Shadwell The Royal Shepherdesse - February, 1668/9 - Lincoln's Inn Fields (February 9, 1669) The Humorists - c. December, 1670 - Lincoln's Inn Fields (February 9, 1671) Epson-Wells - December, 1672 - Dorset Garden (May 29-June 2, 1673) London Gazette The Tempest - April, 1674 - Dorset Garden - (November, 1691) Psyche - February, 1674/5 - Dorset Garden - (November, 1692) The Libertine - June, 1675 - Dorset Garden (February, 17-21, 1675/6) London Gazette The Virtuoso - May, 1676 - Dorset Garden (July 3-6, 1676) London Gazette The Lancashire Witches - c. September, 1681 - Dorset Garden (November 10-14, 1681) Domestiek Intelligence The sguire of Alsatia - May 4, 1688 - Royal Theatre in Drury Lane (May 23-27, 1689) London 923.9112 Bury-Fair - April, 1689 - Royal Theatre in Drury Lane (May 23-27, 1689) London Gazette Thomas Southerne The Loyal Brother - February, 1681/2 - Royal Theatre in Drury Lane (May 20-24, 1682) Protestant Mercury The Disappointment - April, 1684 - Royal Theatre in Drury Lane (June, 1684) 14 I The Rambling Lady - December, 1690 - Royal Theatre in Drury Lane (December 18-22, 1690) Eondon Gazette The Wives Excuse - December, 1691 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (January 1691/2) Gentleman's Journal The Maid'gpéast Prayer - February, 1692/3 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (March 9-13, 1692/3) London Gazette The Fatal Marriagp - c. February, 1693/4 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (March 19-22, 1693/4) London Gazette Oroonoko - December 1695 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (De- cember 12-14, 1695) Post Boy John Vanbrugh The Relapse - November 1696 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - (December 26-29, 1696) Post Boy AeSOp - c. December, 1696 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - January 18-21, 1696/7 London Gazette The Provok'd Wife - c. May, 1697 - Lincoln's Inn Fields - May 11-13, 1697) Post Boy William wycherly Love in a Wood - c. March 1670/1 - Theatre Royal in Bridges Street (October 6, 1671) The Gentleman Dancing Master - c. August, 1672 - Dorset Gar- den - (November, 1672) The Country Wife - January, 1674/5 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane - January 12, 15, 1674 The Plain Dealer - December, 1676 - Theatre Royal in Drury Lane (1678) The prologues and epilogues to the preceding plays have been selected for analysis by the writer of this dissertation as well as the following verseswritten by John Dryden. Inclusion of prologues and epi- logues written by Dryden is necessary because of the writer's outstanding 15 importance as Restoration playwright, poet, and literary essayist.19 Prologue to Secret Love (1667) “ " Conquest of Granada (1670) Royal Brother (1670) All for Loyg (1677) 9221222 (1678) Silent Woman (1680) Spanish Friar (1680) Wit Without Money (1680) Don Sebastian‘(1689) His Royal Brother (1690) The Dutchess (1990) 333333333 333333333 Epilogue to Wild Gallant (1663) no N Sir Martin Mar-A11 (1667) Eyening's Love (1668) Royal Brother (1670) Troilus and Cressida (1679) Aureng-gebe (1675) Pilgrim (1700) §ource Materials The sources most widely used in this study are anthologies of plays which include the prologues and epilogues selected for study. An- other major source consists of collections of critical works and histories of the Restoration period. An important source material also used in the dissertation is the periodical essay of the period, which includes works by Addison, steels, and DeFoe. The diaries of John Evelyn and Samuel Pepys were al. so consulted. Magazines of the Restoration period, such as Mercury_Muses and Chamber's Journal, were also used. Various rhetorical treatises of the period were also employed, —w— 19 The Dryden verses were selected at random because they were particularly significant in shedding more light on the subject--that is, of testing the previously stated assumption that the prologues and epi- logues an speeches. The verses quoted above then, were more significant than other Dryden verses in furthering the stated purpose of the thesis, and that is why they were selected. 16 such as Thomas Vicar‘s Manuductio ad Artem Rhetoricam, Thomas Hobbes' Art of Rhetoric Concisely Handled, Thomas Blount's Academy of Eloguenee, and John Smith's Mysterie of Rhetorigue Unveiled. The complete listing of all sources consulted is given in the classified bibliography at the end of the study. Organization Chapter II will consider the rhetorical theories and practices of the Restoration period. An attempt will be made to determine to what extent the practice reflects the rhetorical theories of the period. Chapter III will then describe and analyze the audience that came to the theatre during the period of the Restoration. chapter IV will deal essentially with the ideas contained in the prologues and epilogues. This chapter will consider the social, political, and economic concepts in these writings, and an attempt will then be made to present the significance of these ideas. Chapter V will consist of an analysis of the supporting materials used in the prologues and epilogues. Chapter VI will consider the patterns of arrangement in the verses. An attempt will be made to determine the organizational struc- ture of these verses to discuss the techniques of organization which the authors employed in presenting their ideas and concepts. The language of the prologue and epilogue will be the subject of Chapter VII. Stylistic characteristics of the writings will be ana- 1yzed. Chapter VIII will deal with an analysis of the delivery of the prologues and epilogues. Some consideration will be given to the acting theories of the times to see if these theories were reflected in the de- 17 livery of the verses. Chapter IX will offer a statement of the major findings in the study. ClnxPIhfli II RHETORICAL TKEORIJS AND PRACTICES OF THE RESTORATION PERIOD Since the primary purpose of this dissertation is to study the prologues and epilogues of the Restoration period as speeches, it is necessary to present a discussion of the principal rhetorical theories and practices of this Specific period in the history of rhetoric. The immediate objective, then, of the present chapter is to examine the sig- nificant rhetorical theories and practices of the Restoration period. In addition to describing in somewhat general terms the char- actistics of Restoration rhetorical theory and practice, this chapter will also consider specifically what the theorists had to say about three rhetorical elements - supporting materials, organization, and style. By discussing these tOpics, the writer will set up criteria for evaluating the supporting materials, organization, and style of the prologues and epilogues selected for study. The actual analysis of these three tOpics may be found in Chapters V, VI, and VII. The remaining rhetorical elements - audience, ideas, and de- livery will be analyzed in Chapters III, IV, and VIII. Rhetorical Theories of the Period Wilbur Samuel Howell presents a clear picture of English rhe- torical theory between the eight and the seventeenth century. He states that the rhetoric may be described "in round terms as a mosaic with five 18 l9 dominant patterns."1 Howell continues: One of these patterns may be called the Ciceronian. This pattern became a part of the English record in the generation that followed Bede, and it was still flourishing in England in 1642. Another of these patterns may be called the stylistic. . . The third pattern of English rhetoric, which may be called the formularly pattern, dates from the middle years of the sixteenth century, so far as the printed English record is concerned. . . The fourth pattern. . . may be called the Ramistic. This origi- nated in the efforts of the French philosOpher, Pierre de la Ramee, usually called by his Latin name Remus, to reform the liberal arts during the sixteenth century. . . The fifth and final pattern of English rhetoric to receive attention. . . is the Baconian. The Baconian pattern begins officially with the publication in 1605 of Francis Bacon's Advancement of Learning; In reality, these five groups of rhetorical theory fall under two large headings - Ciceronian and Stylistic.3 Likewise, we find that any discussion of the rhetorics of the Restoration period also reflect the Ciceronian and Stylistic schools.4 It would be apprOpriate at this point to define these two principal phi1050phic approaches to rhetorical theory. The rhetoricians of the Restoration period who were Ciceronian in approach interpreted the Greek and Roman tradition, for the most part, as the art of correct or effective speech, having five divisions: inven- tio, dispositio, elocutio, memoria, and pronuntiatio. Although this essen- 1Wilbur Samuel Howell, fiEnglish Backgrounds of Rhetoric," in Karl R. Wallace (ed) Historygof Speech Education in America (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1954) pp. 4-5 21bid. 3Regardless of their approach these two types tend to deal with style in the same way. Stylistic rhetorics, by and large, do not deal with supporting materials or structure in any detail. 4Formulary rhetoric may make up a third group, but is not di- rectly comparable because it emphasizes method of instruction and some- times reflected the Ciceronian point of view and sometimes the stylistic. 20 tially Ciceronian point of view was widely used, it was also generally interpreted in the light of the ad Hereunium and the Institutes of Cr- 31351. The definitions of rhetoric found in these treatises served as a "springboard” for the content of many of the Restoration theories of public address that reflected the Ciceronian tradition. (is. The task of the public Speaker is to discuss capably those matters which law and custom have fixed for the uses of citizenship, and to secure as far as possible the agreement of the hearers - ad Hereunium, attributed to Cicero Rhetoric, then. . . will be best divided, in my Opinion, in such a manner, that we may speak first of the art, next of the artist, and then of the work - Quintilian.) Some of the Restoration rhetoricians attempted to incorporate most of the classical backgrounds of rhetoric into their treatises. Others em- phasised, for varying philosOphical reasons, the canon of style above all others. Virtually all of the rhetoricians of Restoration England, how- ever, regardless of their approach, used the concept of style extensively to refer to trepes and figures. In the cases of what Howell calls the ”stylistic rhetorics”, the detailed study of style constituted the bulk of what was taught. The word ”exornation" was often used in place of style to signify the metaphors, allegories, hypberboles, synecdoches, etc. so frequently discussed. The principal difference between these two groups of theorists, then, lay in the completeness of their treatment rather than in any ma- terial difference in point of view. The Ciceronian rhetorics discussed all five of the classic Roman canons of oratory; the stylistic and for- mularly rhetorics emphasized only one. 21 Ciceronian Rhetorics One of the first major works of the seventeeth century that is Ciceronian in approach is Thomas Vicar's Manuduction ad Artem Rhe- toricam, published in 1621. This small handbook, consisting of 128 pages, and arranged in the form of questions and answers, is said by Clark to have "all the air of a novelty."5 Clark also points out that Vicars returns to the classical tradition by defining rhetoric as the art of correct or effective speech having five parts: "inventio, dis- positio, elocutio, memoria, and pronuntiatio."6 Although there are certain "Ramistic" influences in this book, as Howell observes, it is basically Ciceronian in its approach. He writes that: It has to be emphasized, however, that Vicars defines 'analysis' at the beginning of Book II by a direct and Open quotation from Ramus's Scholae Dialecticae. Thus he reconstructs Ciceronian rhe- toric upon a plan borrowed from Remus. He could, of course, have been more Ramistic than Ciceronian in his work, had he omitted the discussion of memory, as the Ramists did, and had he treated inven- tion and arrangement in terms of Ramus's logical doctrine, while giving style and delivery an exposition from Talaeus. But in fact he discusses these terms in the manner of Cicero, and he yields to Remus only as he feels tpe need to adapt a new organizing principle for rhetorical doctrine. sandford gives a clear picture of the book when he states that: Of eight chapters, one is given to a definition of rhetoric and of its parts; one each to demonstrative, deliberative, and judicial orations; one to disposition, one to style, and one to memory and pronunciation. The first sixty pages of the book are occupied by the four chapters relating to invention: six pages are given to 5Donald Lemen Clark, Rhetoric and Poetry in the Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1922) p. 62. 6Ibid. 7William Samuel Howell, Logic and Rhetoric in England, 1600- 1700 (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1956) p. 320. 22 disposition, seventeen to style, and seven to memory and delivery.8 sandford again points out that the treatment which Vicars gives rhetoric is classical in approach when he writes that: Although his definition of rhetoric (ars rectet et ornate di— cendi) smacks of the stylistic tradition, his treatment of the five parts, and the relative emphasis which he gives to them, are quite in accordance with the classical practice. Thomas Farnaby's Index Rhetoricus also reflects the ”classical" tradition. Farnaby, best known as an English grammarian, was the son of a London carpenter. In the twenty-sixth year of his life, he Opened a school in Goldsmith‘s Rents, Cripplegate. From this school, which had as many as 300 pupils, ther issued, "more churchmen and statesmen than from any other school taught by one man in England."10 In the course of his London career, ”he was made master of arts at Cambridge, and soon after incorporated at Oxon."11 His Index Rhetoricus appeared in six editions between 1633 and l 1654. 2 The work, as Sandford suggests, is ”significant because of its classical content, inclusive treatment of rhetoric, more nearly approach- ing the thoroughness of Aristotle and Cicero than any of its English predecessors."13 Farnaby'e rhetoric also reflects Baconian influences as eviden- ced by the list of commonplaces, or heads of arguments. Also significant __. 8William Sandford, English Theories of Public Address (Columbus: H. L. Hedrick 00., 1931) p. 99 9 Ibid. ’ p. 100 lOjEncyclOQedia Britannica, Eleventh Edition (Cambridge: Univer. sity Press, 1900) Volume X, p. 182. llIbid. 12Clark, op. cit., p. 62. l3Sandford, op. cit., p. 101. _ 23 of his influence is the attention given to pathetic proof. Farnaby's treatment of invention demonstrates his grasp of classical theory. For example, artificial arguments are divided into four general classes. (1) those directed to conviction of a logical type of which those of certain demonstrations are referred to the places of logic and dialectic, and those of probability are referred to rhetoric. (2) those 'ex locis patheticis' which deal in affections, such as love, hate, etc. (3) those intended for the purpose of conciliation which deal with the crater and the nation. (4) those framed with a view to the auditors, as they differ in emotions, habits of virtue and vice, age and condition. The inartifical proofs include divinelzestimony, proverbs, etc. just as in the dis- cussion of Aristotle. Evidence that the work, although compact, has a philosophical trend is found in Farnaby's discussion of the media of oratory. These he classifies according to their sources, as follows: From nature: physical (sonorous voice, bodily, health), mental: inghuity, acuteness, sagacity, memory which 'e Nature & Exercititations potius est quam ab Arte,’ judgement, discretion. From Art: invention, (Quae excogitat arguments ad persuadendem idones,‘ disposition, 'quae res inventu, discernit, apteeque per partes distribuit.‘ elocution: 'Quae res inventes dispositasque exornat flore verborum & lumine sententiarunt,‘ and pronunication, 'quae cum vocis apta, modulations & corporis gestu orantionem pro- fert.’ From practice: 'Quae assiduitate legendi Commentandi, Scri- bendi, Vaiiandi, Imitandi, & Dicendi Naturam Artemque perfecit.15 We agree with Wallace's comment when he states that ”Farnaby views his subject as a full-blooded, independent art."16 The book is, essentially, a convenient and inclusive summary of classical rhetoric. As previously indicated, it carries over the suggestions for formulae made by Bacon. The book was extremely popular, appearing in six editions 14Ib1d., p. 102 151bid.. p. 101 16Karl R. Wallace, Francis Bacon on Communication and Rhetoric (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1943) p. 122 . 24 between 1633 and 1654. As Sandford points out: "The book must be accoun- ted the most significant work on rhetoric from the time of Wilson until the eighteenth century, when George Campbell wrote his PhilosOphy of Rhetoric."17 That the seventeenth century was returning to classicism is again evidenced in the Oratoriae Libri Duo, written by Charles Butler. Lee Hultzen observes that "Butler is scholarly and comparatively thorough, with citation of source and abundant quotation. . . his originality lies tin his ample compilation of material and occasional shrewd comment."18 Not only does Butler admit the three canons of rhetoric which he had formerly shunned in his Rhetoricae, but his whole treatment of invention is shot through with the Aristotelian concept of the audience. In the words of Sandford: This may have been because of the influence of Bacon; or it may have been the result of a scholarly acquaintance with the lead- ing works of antiquity, for Butler cites time and time again as his principle sources, the 'as Theedecten, i.e. the Rhetoric of Aristotle, the Institutes of Quintilian, and the De Oratore, Oratore, De Parti- tions Oratorum, and De Inventions of Cicero. These, and occasionally the ad Hereunium, are his principal authorities, and his references, specific as to chapter and section, seems to indicate that he has gone directly to a classical sources.19 Book I deals with a censideration of the means of persuasion. These Butler briefly outlines as follows: ”concilio, concitando, docendo, exaggeratio, extenuatio, doctrine, explicatio, probatio, amplificatio, 20 dilatatio, and digressio." Book II deals with logical proof "in a l75andf0rd, OE. Cite, p. 104. 18Lee S. Hultzen, "Charles Butler on the Art of Memory," §peech Monographs, VI (1939), p. 46. 19Sandford, Op cit., p. 105 201bid. 25 way so complete and detailed as to leave no doubt in the reader's mind that Butler considered it a vital part of oratory."21 After referring his readers to the Rhetoricae Libri Duo for further material on style and delivery, he devotes a chapter in his 952- 335122 to memory. Hultsen describes Butler's notion of memory thus: "The term here does not mean an internal sense itself, or a faculty of memorizing; but it signifies the act of memory, and it means the same as recollection, or recalling to mind."22 Finally, in his epilogue, he philosophises about nature, art and practice. Nature, he says, gives ingenuity, memory, voice, and other physical and mental characteristics to the orator; art corrects and perfects the things given by nature; and exercise, or practice, brings the speaker to perfection. He closes with the counsel to imitate that which is good, and names certain of Cicero's speeches.23 Butler, as has been indicated, seems to have had direct con- tact with classical works. His treatment seems to be more thorough and scholarly than that of Farnaby. Butler's work was used in the grammar schools during the century, and as Sandford points out, "It deserves to rank with the Index Rhetoricus, if not for vogue, at least for thorough- ness; and to rank above it for its details and for its direct contact with ancient sources."24 William Pemble's Enchiridion Oratorium, another work reflecting the classical tradition, treats the matters of invention and disposition. 211b1d. 22 . Hultzen, Op. cit., p. 46. 23Sandrord, op. cit., p. 106. 24Ibid. 26 It recognizes the traditional aims, kinds, and divisions of rhetoric. His main interest is that of invention, and to this canon he devotes nine chapters. Sandford states: He eXplores the possibilities of logical proof and amplifica- tion, treats the special types of proof needed for each of the three kinds of orations, discusses the 'states' of the case rather fully, and glances at adaptation to the audience.25 According to sandford's description, the work as a whole seems to be schematic and over-analytical, and tends to resemble the sixteenth century Arts or Craft of Rhethoryke of Leonard Cox in sc0pe and to some extent in treatment. Thomas Hobbes' The Whole Art of Rhetorick is another work that contributes directly to the classical trend. In order to understand Hobbes' conception of speech, it is necessary to understand his notion of the speaker, the human being. Hobbes' approach to the psychological analysis of man is fundamentally empirical: ”All conceptions of the things from without are due to sense."26 The following excerpt describes Hobbes' phi1030phy which was utilized directly in his concept of Speech making. In Hobbes' thought world imagination plays a significant role. He Speaks of the two kinds of motion peculiar to all animals: the one called vital motion, and the other voluntary motion. Speaking is a voluntary action or motion. Furthermore, imagination is fun- damental to it. Speech becomes an active principal: it is a vol- untary motion which has its roots deep in imagination. . . Imagina- tion is an active phenomenon. It is the beginning of internal mo- tion and before it assumes a definite form in speaking or other types of overt action it is called behavior. . .,Discourse has its beginnings in the imagination. And in man the imagination, by words, or by other voluntary signs, and this is what is known as under- 251bid., p. 108. 26Lester Thonssen, ”Thomas Hobbes' Philosophy of Speech,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, XVIII (1932) p. 201 27 standing. Out of the train of the imagination comes from what Hobbes calls mental discourse - which may eventually lead to verbal discourse.2 It is apparent, then, that Hobbes' statement describing the general use of speech develops out of his overall notion of the concept of the imagi- nation. The general use of speech, is to transfer our mental discourse into verbal; or the train of our thoughts, into a train of words; and that for two commodities, whereof one is the registering of the consequences of our thoughts; which being apt to slip out of our memory, and put us to a new labour, may again be recalled, by such words as they were marked.2 Thonssen states that Hobbes' uses of speech, ”. . . point to speech as a social phenomenon which develOped from the desire for individual ex- pression and need for group solidarity."29 The first part of Hobbes' rhetoric consists of a brief trans- lation of Aristotle's Rhetoric. The following is his rendering Of Aris- totle's definition of the art of oral discourse: ”Rhetoric is that Facul- ty, by which we understand what will serve our turn, concerning any Sub- ject to win belief from the hearer."30 Hobbes translates Aristotle's discussion of the kinds Of rhe- toric thus: In all Oration, the Hearer does either hear only; or judge also. If he hears only, that's one kind of Oration, and is called De- monstrative. If he judge, he must judge either of that which is to come, or of that which is past. If of that which is to come there's another kind of oration, and is called Deliberative.“ If of that which is past; then 'tis a third kind of Oration, 27Ibid., p. 202 28Sir William Molesworth (ed), The English.Works of Thomas Hobbes (London: John Behn, 1839) p. 19 29Thonssen, Op. cit., p. 205. 30sandford, Op. cit., p. 109 28 called judicial. SO there are three kinds of Orations: Demonstrative, Judicial, Deliberative. TO Aristotle's treatment, Hobbes makes only one addition, and that in respect to delivery, when he interpolates the following paragraph. In the meantime this may be one general rule. If the WOrds, Greatness of the Voice, Gesture of the Body and Countenance, seem to proceed all from one Passion, then 'tis well pronounced. Other- wise not. For when there appear more passions than one at once, the mind of the Speaker appears unnatural and distracted. Otherwise, as the mind of the Speaker, so the mind Of the Hearer, always.32 Another interesting aspect of Hobbes' philosOphy of rhetoric is his concern over the persuasion-conviction dualism. As Thonssen and Baird indicate: "He brings forth a clear distinction between persuasion and conviction. . . Hobbes differentiates between speech that expresses emotional content and speech that expresses thought content."33 In the words of Hobbes, "The forms of speech by which the passions are expressed, are partly the same, and partly different from those, by which we express our thoughts."34 Thonssen and Baird then remind us that: ”This division of speech forms for passion and for thought is, indeed, suggestive of the dichotomous treatment so prevalent in current speech theory."35 sandford points out that after Hobbes finished his translation of Aristotle, he added a section called the Art of.Rhetorick in which, inconsistently enough, he defines ”rhetoric as the art of speaking 'finely' which has two parts, garnishing of the speech, called elocution, BlIbid. 321bid. 33Lester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, Speech Criticism (New York: The Ronald Press 00., 1948) p. 374. 34M01°3w0rth’ OEe Cite, p. 490 35Thonssen and Baird, Op. cit., p. 206. 29 and garnishing of the manner of utterance, called pronunciation."35 Even though Hobbes does define rhetoric as an elocutionist, he never- theless was classical in tone, particularly in his notable translation of Aristotle's Rhetoric. Thonssen suggests Hobbes' position in the his- tory of rhetorical theory. He was primarily a political philosOpher, then a psychologist, and last of all perhaps, a rhetorician. However, his interest in rhetoric, his philOSOphical inquiry into the nature of speaking and language, and his excellent brief of Aristotle's Rhetoric suggests the advisability of acknowledging him as a contributor of no mean distinction to a long and significant line of speech theory. Thomas Hobbes was another great thinker who sustained and deve10ped an abiding tradition - a tradition which gives beauty, dignity, and permanence to the rhetorical continuum.37 The principal works which support the Ciceronian tradition have now been reviewed. These writers see rhetoric as a complete, independent art of speaking and writing prose. Following in the classical tradition of rhetorical theory, they hold that the composition and delivery of dis- course embraces five main Operations: Inventing 0r discovering ideas into an articulate whole, managing language and diction with a view to clarity, impressiveness, and distinction of style; retaining or memor- izing what must be uttered, and finally, pronouncing or delivering the speech. In discussing the five processes of rhetorical address, these works also aim to furnish principles and procedures that will promote judgment and skill in speaking. The authors are practical-minded teachers who do not discuss the academic philos0phy Of rhetoric. As teachers Of rhetoric, then, these men intend to give practical advice BGSandford’ OE. Cit., p. 109. 37Thonssen, Op. cit., p. 206. 30 for the composing and delivering a speech. stylistic Rhetoric Even though many of the rhetorical treatises reflected Ciceronian influences, the rhetoric of style or exornation was still prominent. "It was in the grammar schools that the stylistic tradition persisted with the most vitality.”38 One of the first and most influential works that spread the concept of exornation is John Barton's Art of Rhetoric Concisely Handled. Clark summarizes the contents Of this bOok by quoting directly from the work. Rhetoric is the skill of using daintie words and comely de- liverie, whereby to work upon men's affections. It hath two parts, adornation and action. Adornation consisteth in the sweetness of the phrase, and is seen in tropes and figures. . . There are four kinds of trOpes - substitution, comprehension, comparation, stim- ulation. The affection of a trOpe is the quality whereby it re- quires a second translation. These affections are four: abuse, duplication, superlocution, sublocution. A figure is an affecting kind of speech without consideration had of ang borrowed sense. A figure is two-fold: relative and independent. 9 Another work that stresses the concept of exornation is Thomas Blount's Academy of Eloquence. Crane remarks that: "It may serve to illustrate the directions in which rhetoric was proceeding at the close of Elisabeth's reign."4O Blount wrote what he claimed to be a "Compleat English Rhetorique, Exemplified with common-places, and Formes digested into an oasis and Methodical way to speak and write fluently, aasandford, Op. cit., p. 111. 39Donald Lemen Clark, Rhetoric and Poetry in the Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1922) p. 60. 4‘ORonald G. Crane, Wit and Rhetoric in the Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1937) p. 112. 31 according to the mode of present time.”41 He admits that thought has a place in oratory, but believes that thought depends on a smooth-flow- ing style. In the words of Blount: He, then, that could apprehend the consequence of things in their truth, and deliver his apprehensions as truly, were a perfect Orator. . . Eloquence is equally fortunate in taming Passions and in charming senses: she imitates Musick, and makes use of the voice of Oratory to enchant the Eares, with the cadence of Periods and the harmony of Accents; whilst the gestures, apt motions, Natural Airs, and all those graces, with accompany exact Recitation, steal away the heart by the eyes, and work wonders upon the will, but Eloquence is chiefly grounded upon Wisdom, and Wisdom arises prin- cipally from a due pro-consideration of all our actions - Now, as 'tis certain, that no harmony can appear in his thoughts, nor sound- ness in his reason, whose speech is faltering and preposterous: So likewise no clearness nor perfection in that Fancy, which delivers itself by a confus'd abortion. Great is the disparagement which flows from the defailance of the Tongue; it not only dishonours the person of the Speaker, but even sullys the Opinions of his reason and judgment with a disrepute, and oft-times renders the very truth suspected. Blount divides his book into four sections: "The first part,” he states, ”contains a more exact English Rhetorique than has been hither- to extant, comprehending all the most useful figures, exemplified out of the Arcadia and other of our choicest authors."43 Regarding the contents of the second part of the book, we find the following: You have formulae majores of Commonplaces, upon the most usual subjects for stile and speech; The use of advantage whereof is asserted by my Lord Bacon, who (in his Advancement Of Learnipg) says thus: I had the diligence and pain in collecting Common-places to be of great use and certainly in studying; as, that which aids the memory, sub-ministers cOpy to invention and contracts the sight of judgment to a strength.4 41sandford, Op. cit., p. 114 421bid. *3Crane, 0p. cit., p. 111 441mm, p. 112. 32 The figures of subjects upon which commonplaces are offered is interesting and worthy of mention. Absence, acknowledgment, affection, anger, beauty, blush company, constancy, comparisons, descriptions, death, desire, desert, despair, diapleasure, entertainment, friendship, guilt, hypocrisie, inconstancy, hope, jealousie, ingratitude, joy, letters, loquacity, love, (nine pages), man, the King: and his letters inter- cepted, nature, silence, and secrecie, sorrow, Speech thoughts, commended, world, youth.45 Sandford offers the following appraisal of Blount's work. ”As a whole the work is poorly written and poorly organized. . . The book, in spirit and form, is a survival from.Elicabethan times; it is not at all in harmony with the conservatism and cynicism of its age."46 And Crane notes that: The Academic Of Eloquence is in entirety an exceptionally feeble performance. It is evidence, however, of the emphasis placed on the devices of amplification in the first half of the seventeenth century and also an indication of the prevalent tendency to rely upon books of common places and selected phrases as aids to composition. Another work that significantly furthers the concept of exor- nation is John Smith's The Mysteries of Rhyetorique Unveiled. As Clark observes, "This work continued the fallacious tradition by dividing rhetoric into elocution and pronunciation."48 Clark again points out that: As shown by its full title the work, consists, of a treat- ment of trOpes and figures: The Mysteries of Rhetoriqge Unvailed; 45Sandford, Op. cit., p. 115 46Ibid. 47Crane 't 11 ’ 02. C1 e, Pe 2 48Clark, Op. cit., p. 60. 33 therein above 130 of the TrOpes and Figures are severally divided from the Greek into English; together with lively diginitions and variety 0f Latins, English, and Scriptual examples. Finally, Sandford Observes that "Smith had little that was new to reveal and his volume was practically the last of its kind. Not until 1702 was another English rhetoric Of schemes and tropes to make its appsarance."50 Certainly John Bulwer's Chirologia and Chironomia cannot be overlooked in a consideration of the rhetorics of exornation. In the words of Lester Thonssen: "It is a highly systematized classification of the many gestures which a speaker may use to convey various shades of meaning."51 Sandford also mentions that: "It is the first English work limited to the 23112 phase of delivery."52 Thonssen and Baird also point out that Bulwer's works are not merely or solely a classification of gestures, but that they represent "a sort of rationale of the whole subject of gesture, containing notes on the historical antecedents Of action in literature and on the use to which action can be put generally."53 Thonssen describes the general structure of the work. Chirologia contains 64 descriptive analysis of the gestures Of the hand, and, under the sub-division of Dactylogia, 25 additional analysis of the gestures of the fingers. Chironomig, which is sub- joined to Chirologia, contains 49 canons of the gestures of the hands; under the sub-head of Indigitatio, appear thirty additional 491pm. 50 - Sandford, op. c1t., p. 115. 51Lester Thonssen, Selected Readings in Rhetoric and Public Address (New York: H. W. Wilson 00., 1942) p. 189. standford, op. cit., p. 115 53Thonssen and Baird, op. cit., p. 127. 34 canons of gestures of the fingers.54 The fact that Bulwer's works were held in esteem is indicated by sandford's comment that "for over a century, no one had the temerity to attempt to improve upon Bulwer's treatise on gesture. Burgh's Apt of Speaking (1762) and Austin's Chironomia (1806) were the next works of this kind."55 Bulwer's work represents the last significant treatise of the rhetoric that reflects the principles of exornation. Reactions against Rhetorics of style and Exornation-— In order to understand more fully the possible relationship between the rhetorical works just reviewed and the prologues and epilogues under study, it is necessary to indicate that by 1660 there had been signs of a reaction, which had largely taken the form of a reversion to the classi- cal doctrines. Whether this was because of the political changes of the period, or increasing interest on the part of scholars in matters of etymology and usage, or of disgust at the excesses which had been com- mitted in the name of rhetoric is a moot point. The very nature of the Restoration period was one of cynicism and reaction from the exuberance of the earlier period, and under the leadership of Dryden, men were in- terested in developing a colloquial style. There is at this point, therefore, definite merit in a dis- cussion of the reaction against rhetorics of style and exornation. Joel Spingarn has collected much of the material bearing on the reaction 54Thonssen, 0—2" (Lib, Pe 127e SSSandfOI‘d, 929 11.3., pe 120. 35 from rhetorical excesses; he traces the movement for simplcity, choos- ing preaching as typical of the reaction in general. This long campaign of good sense against the figures of rhetoric is an important episode in the history of criticism. . . I have selected the sermon as exhibiting in a marked degree all the conditions of the struggle for reform. . . Dryden says that a kind of fanciful wit, which in Johnson's age seemed to have first ascen- ded the pulpit, 'yet finds the benefit of the clergy, for they are commonly the first corruptors of eolquence and the last reformed from vicious oratory. . . Collections of conceits were printed. Corbet and King were English preachers who represented this tenden- cy, and obscurer men in obscurer places sank to lower levels. . . Reaction came in all countries. . . Rapin, whose. . . Reflections Upon the Eloquence of These Times, particularly of the Bar and Pulpit, 1672, was among those who stood for simplicity in style.‘ 'There's nothing that a Christian preacher ought more industriously to avoid, than what is Sparkling in Expression or even in Thought. His great Study shall be to speak always clearly and unaffectedly. The Oratory of the Temple Loves Purity, without hunting after elo- quence; is more desirous of Strength than Beauty; equally declines all gross Negligence and all studied Fineness, and ever takes more care what it thinks than how it speaks. It looks upon everything as false that is too glittering, and will not submit to make use of it. That vain Affectation of Language which corrupts the Purity and Sanctity of the Word of God is in its Account no better than Profaneness. It seeks no other ornament of discourse but what is just, and plain, and natural. It much disdains the Humour of studying the Spanish and Italian sermons, to cull out the wit. Hen lose their time upon these moderns, only because they are Strangers to the Ancients; and hence they form a wrong Notion of this sacred Eloquence, the Character of which is quite Opposite to all labour'd Politeness and all Gaiety of Imagination.‘ (Kennet, Critical Works of Rapin, 3rd ed., ii, 96) 'Metaphysical' perver- sions of style affected the clergy most seriously about the third or fourth decade of the seventeeth century. In 1646 Howell (E2. miliar Letters, p. 427) speaks of this as a 'disease of our time, affecting every one, but most of all the preachers, who had gone mad with a strange vertigo of style' (Fuller, Holy State, 1640, II, 4, 10) Fuller protested urging the good divine 'to aim at clearness and plainness in all his writings.‘ and to make 'his similes and illustrations always familiar, never contemptible.‘ John Wilkins, later bishOp Of Chester in his Ecclesiastes, or a Discourse Concerning the Gift of Preaching_as it Falls Under the Rules of Art, of which there were nine editions between 1646 and 1695, gives critical expression to the new standards of critical taste. Style should be 'plain, full, wholesome, affectionate: (1) it must be plain and natural. . . (2) it must be sound and wholesome, i.e. without affectation of novelty. . . (3) it must be full, without empty and needless Tautologies. . . (4) it must be affectionate and cordial. (Ecclesiastes, pp. 72-74) Eachard, (Grounds and Occasions of the Contempt of the Clergy, 1670) de- 36 rides the 'conceited' preachers, and illustrates their method of absurd examples. Barrow Sermon against Foolish Jesting and Speak- ipg (South - Sermon on WOrds) Anderne (Directions Concerning the Matter and Style of Sermons, 1671) and Burnet, contributed to the reform . . . Eachard is the 'Jeremy Collier of the corrupt rhetoric of the pulpit.‘ Glanvills renewed the argument in his Essay Con- cerning Preaching, 1678. He proposed simplicity of style. The conceit 'was banished from English preaching forever, but in the process of something fancy and charm was sacrificed to the consum- ing rage of reason and common sense.‘ By the end of the century, some Of the French were discussing whether eloquence should not be avoided, good and bad alike.56 Another reason, perhaps, for the reaction against exornation and stylistic trends in rhetoric was the new interest in science that was developing during the period of the Restoration. This ”new science,” which demanded simplicity, scientific thinking, and a skeptical mind, was felt in all matters of writing, oral and written. R. F. Jones character- izes the scientific movement in England at this time as comprising a few main principles. First was the demand for a skeptical mind, freed from all pre- conceptions and maintaining a critical attitude toward all ideas presented to it. Second, observation and experimentation were in- sisted upon as the only trustworthy means of securing sufficient data, And third, the inductive method of reasoning was to be em- ployed on these data.57 In another writing, Jones clarifies further the concept of the "new science," as well as noting its application to prose style. By far the clearest and most consistent explanation of the attacks of science upon rhetorical prose is discovered in the na- ture of the scientific movement. Above everything else the new science insisted upon the necessity of abandoning the empty no- tions of traditional philosophy, which seemed far removed from material Objects, and of observing carefully and recording accu- rately all physical phenomena . . . The obsession with the actual nature and appearance Of things caused them to resent the inter- 56Joel E. Spingarn, Critical Essays of the Seventeenth Century (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1957) xxxvi. ff. Paraphrased and abbreviated. 57R. P. Jones, The Seventeenth Century (Stanford: University Press, 1951) p. 42. 37 posing of any possible obstruction between observation and descrip- tion and gave rise to a styllistic taste which decreed that a rhetorical style, with its figurative language and musical ca- dence, was the product Of folly, vanity, and immaturity, and was 223 apprOpriate to serious discourse.58 Jones again points out that language itself was also becoming affected by the ”new science." The result was a linguistic ideal which reduced language to its simplest terms, a single word being exactly equivalent to a single thing, and which influenced by the unusual develOpments in mathematics, sought to degrade words to the symbols of the same colorless nature as characterized those of mathematics. The effort to relice these ideals resulted in various schemes for a universal language and real character; in which words finally became marks, but marks which indicated the exact nature Of the thing. It is hard to over-emphasize the fact that science in its youth consi- dered the linguistic problems as important as the problem of true scientific method. The major factor which helped to promote this "new science" was the Royal Society. This society, which was chartered in 1662: represented to its members and friends the spirit of true physical science, i.e. the inductive experimental method of study- ing nature as Opposed to what they thought to be the barren Specu- lative methods of ancient and medieval natural philosophy.b0 By the terms Of the charter granted the society by Charles II, its members and their successors, "Whose studies are to be applied to further promoting by the authority of experiments the science of natural things and of useful arts, to the glory of God the creator, and the ad- 58R. F. Jones, "Science and English Prose Style," Modern Language Notes, XLV, (1930) p. 10708. 59R. F. Jones, ”Science and Language in England of the Middle Seventeenth Century," Journal of English and Germanic Philology, XXI (1932) p. 328 60Ronald S. Crane, A Collection of English Poems (New York: Henry Schuman, 1948) p. 6. 38 vantage of the human race,"61 were to be known as the Royal Society of London for promoting natural knowledge. Thomas Sprat, historian of the Royal Society, takes a vig- orous position against the over-use of rhetorical ornaments. He advo- cates an English Academy, one of the duties of which would be to regulate eloquence. Moreover, he praises the practice of the Royal Society in for- ~ bidding "luxury and redundancs" of Speech in its meetings. He continues as follows: The ill effects of this superfluity of talking have already overwhelm'd most of her Arts and Professions, insomuch that when I consider the means of happy living and the causes Of their corrup— tion, I can hardly forbear recanting what I said before, and con- cluding that eloquence ought to be banished out of all civil So- cieties, as a thing fatal to Peace and Good Manners. To this Opinion I should wholly incline, if I did not find that it is a Weapon which may as easily procur'd by bad men as good and that if these should only cast it away, and those retain it, the naked Innocence of vertue would be upon all occasions expos'd to the arm'd malice of the wicked. This is the chief reason that should not keep up the ornaments of Speaking in any request, since they are so much degenerated from their original usefulness. These were at first no doubt, an admirable Instrument in the hands of wise Men, when they were onely employ'd to describe Goodness, Honesty, Obedience, Truth, clothed with Bodies; and to bring knowledge back again to our very senses, from whence it was at first derived to our understandings. But now they are generally chang'd to worse uses: They make the fancy disgust the best things, if they come sound and unadorn'd, they are in open defi- ance against reason, professing not to hold more correSpondence with that, but with its slaves, the Passions; they give a mind a motiopztoo changeable and bewitching to consist with right prac- tice. I Later, Sprat praises the Royal Society for its "resolution to reject all amplifications, digressions, and swellings of style; to re- turn back to the primitive purity and Shortness, when men delivere'd so 61Dorothy Stimson, Scientists and Amateurs: A History of the Royal Society (New York: Henry Schuman, 1948) p. 6. 62Spingarn, op. cit., pp. 116-117. 39 many things almost in an equal number of words."63 Spingarn then notes that Sprat's statement was intended to go beyond the walls of Gresham College and to be an attack on rhetorical ornateness in general. Though Sprat is primarily concerned with the debates of a scientific society, whose members sought to bring its proceedings 'as near the Mathematical plainness as they can,‘ it is clearly his purpose that his condemnation of rhetorical figures, and of all efforts at 'fine speaking,‘ and his preference for the 'lan- guage of Aritzans, Countrymen, and Merchants before that of Wits or scholars,‘ should influence literary taste beyond the walls of Gresham College.64 Finally, William Wotton asserts that the suspicion of rhetoric and rhetorical treatises then prevalent accounted in part for the decay of eloquence. Besides all this (political conditions) the Humour of the Age in which we live is exceedingly altered. Men apprehend or suSpeet a Trick in every Thing that is said to move the Passions of the Auditory in Courts of Judicature or in the Parliament-House. They think themselves affronted when such Methods are used in Speaking, as if the Orator could suppose within himself that they were to be catched by such Baits, and, therefore, when Men have spoken to the point, in as few words as the Matter will bear, it is expected that they should hold their tongues. Even in the Pul- pit, the Pomp of Rhetorick is not always commended; and very few meet with applause who do not confine themselves to speak with the severity of a PhilOSOpher as well as with the Splendour of an Orator - two things not always consistent.65 It appears, then, that the attack upon rhetoric was centered mainly on the abuse of figurative language. Wotton and Sprat state that they approved of the classical notions of oratory; they also stated that the Speaking of their day had fallen below the ancient level. It also appears that the rhetoric of style, which had reached such heights in the works of Barton, Smith, and Blount, was the type 63Ibid., p. xlvii. 54Ibid., II, pp. 208-211. 551bid., II, p. 112. 4O complained of, not the complete, phiIOSOphical systems of the classical writers. All rhetoric, however, suffered to some extent, as is evi- denced by Wotton' and Sprat's statements. The preceding pages have attempted to describe the basic prin- ciples found in the major rhetorical treatises of the Restoration period. An attempt has also been made to discuss reasons for the re- actions against rhetorics of style and exornation. As indicated earlier in this chapter, discussion of three Specific rhetorical elements - supporting materials, organization, and style - will be presented in order to set up criteria for judging these elements in the prologues and epilogues selected for study. Let us initially investigate what the rhetorical theorists of the Restoration period had to say about supporting materials. Supporting Materials The most common method of supporting a point, or using supporting material during the Restoration period was by means of ampli- fication.66 Thomas Farnaby, in his Index Rhetoricus, discusses the con- 66Amplification as a method of support is discussed early in the history of rhetorical theory. Cicero in Book III of De Oratore writes: "But the greatest glory of eloquence is to exaggerate a sub- ject by embellishment; which has the effect not only in amplifying and extolling anything in a speech to an extraordinary degree, but also in extenuating it, and making it appear contemptible. This is required on those points which Antonius said must be observed in order to gain credit to our statements, when we explain anything, or when we conciliate the feelings, or when we excite the passions of our audience; but in the par- ticular which I mentioned last, amplification is of the greatest effect; and excellence in it the peculiar and apprOpriate praise of the orator." (Cicero, De Oratore, as quoted in Lester Thonssen, Selected Readings in Rhetoric and Public Address (New York: H. W. Wilson 00., 19427 p. 85. Quintilian also discourses on the subject of amplification in some de- tail mentioning ways of effecting amplification. "I see that amplifi- 41 cept of amplification. Various tOpics are given to assist the speaker in the task of amplification. Amplification by words is by means of illustration, superlative, asyndeton, iteration, relation, climax, synonym; by things, by means of increment, comparison, ratiocination, cause effect, subject, adjunct, parts, etc. Farnaby emphasizes, in dis- cussing the confirmation as a whole, the need of various kinds of proof. Here he repeats his discussion of the four kinds mentioned above, and adds a discussion of syllogisms and enthymemes.67 Charles Butler also considers the question of amplification in his Oratoriae Libri Duo. In Book II, as he deals with legical proof, Butler mentions eighteen specific types of proof which may be used for the purposes of amplification. The proofs he explains are: causa, effectum, integrum, membrum, genus, Species, subjectum, adjunctum, diversa, disparata, contraria, paria, majora, minors, definitio, distributio, testimonium, exemplus. These are discussed in several chapters.68 Thomas Blount, who is sometimes labeled as a rhetorician of the stylistic school, not only discusses amplification as a form of cation, however, is effected chiefly in four ways: by augmentation, by comparison, by reasoning, and by accumulation.” (Ibid., p. 140) Thomas Wilson also discusses amplification: "Amplification is a figure in Rhetorique, which consiseth meets in augmentyng, and diminishyng of any matter, and that miuers waies . . . Amplification and dimishying, either is taken out of the substances in thynges, or els of wordes. (1213., p. 182.) Amplification then might be described as a technique to expand or enlarge a statement or narrative; it is "the basic principle of impres- sing," It is "the enlargement or extension of an idea." (Gilman, Aly, and Reid, The Fundamentals of Speaking (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1951), p. 277) And, finally, as McBurney and wrage state: "The method of amplification are means of projecting facts, Opinions, and interpre- tations to achieve greater clarity and cogency. They also serve, where the situation calls for it, to give these basic data greater warmth, color, human interest, and emotional impact.” (James H. McBurney and Ernest J. Wrage, The Art of Goongpeech (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1954) p. 155. Some of the methods that McBurney and Wrage present to amplify ideas are: definition, repetition, example, statistics, com- parison and contrast, illustration, etc. (See pages 155-172 in Art of Good Speech. 675%ndi‘ord, op. cit., p. 103 581b1d.. pp. 106-107. 42 support, but also talks about diminution. Sandford quotes from Blount's Academy of Eloquence. The means by which this "quaint and fluent stile" is to be attained are some 53 figures and tropes, including amplification and diminution (pp. 9-48); 43 commonplaces (pp. 44-118) and nu- merous formulae minores, or "little forms for style and speech" (pp. 119-141), to be used for transitions, summaries, etc.69 Other methods of supporting materials are discussed by William Pemble, in his Enchiridion Oratorium. He refers to the tepic by treat- ing the ”special types of proof needed for each of the three kinds of orations.”70 And Robert Brunus' Rudimentorium Rhetoricorum, libri guinque also explores the concept of supporting materials, particularly in Book II when he first treats argument in general, then as he applies argument to the various types of Speech. It appears then that some of the rhetoricians of the Restora- tion period believe that a point may be supported in at least two major ways. The commonest method used seems to be amplification, which in- cludes various specific techniques: illustration, comparison, itera- tion, climax, definition, testimony, synonym, superlative, parts, etc. Diminution is another form of support discussed by Restoration rhetori- cians, particularly by Thomas Blount in his Academy of Eloquence. Thus, most of the rhetorical theorists of the Restoration period appear to discuss supporting materials in a Ciceronian rather than in an Aristotelian manner. It may be recalled that Ciceronian amplification proceeds to develop proof by the process of "adding" materials until the point is carried by a preponderance or weight of 591bid., p. 114. 701bid., p. 110. 43 the evidence and reasoning. Greek proof, on the other hand, was inclined to be selective. Thus Aristotle writes on tggig in Book III suggesting a clear pattern of statement and proof, implying that one tells only the "most persuasive" things in relation to the specific audience. Cicero, on the other hand, does not urge selectivity but "copiousness from knowledge." Farnaby, Blount, Pemble, et al also consider this ”cepiousness" in what might be called an Asianist light, as being a separate form of develOpment, different from the usual proof using enthymemes and examples. They relate it to magnifying (amplification) and minifying (diminution). This appears to be the basic interpretation of supporting materials as discussed in Restoration rhetoric. Organization The Restoration point of view regarding “organization" suggests that audience adaptation is a part of arrangement. For example, Thomas Farnaby in his Index Rhetoricus devotes a section of his study to this topic. In the words of Sandford: Disposition is treated by Farnaby as primarily the exercise of judgment, in selecting the best order and method of presenting the speaker's ideas. He thinks that the orator should follow either the principles of art prescribed by Nature, in arranging his Speech, which would mean to have a preface, narration, preposition, proof, refutation, and conclusion; or his own judgment, which would, ac- cording to the circumstances, omit or transpose the several parts. Book II of De Oratore is cited as his source for these ideas: he might likewise have cited Quintilian's discussion of diSposition. The six parts of the speech mentioned as those "prescribed by Nature," are given extended treatment.71 Another rhetoric of the seventeenth century, Charles Butler's Oratoriae Libri Duo, also suggests that audience adaptation is a part of arrangement. Again, as Sandford states: 711b1d., p. 102 44 The parts of the Speech, which Butler lists as the exordium, narration, preposition, confirmation, confutation, and preoration, are dealt with at great length. For example, the exordium is treated as follows: (1) its functions, to render the hearers benevolent and attentive, are explained, with citations from all of the sources mentioned above; (2) ten rules are given to be ob- served in connection with it. . . that it must not be common, not trite, not separate, but a part of the case itself, not vulgar, not inane, not long; that it must be accurate, sharp and well con- sidered; that it must not be insolent in words nor audacious, that it must ordinarily be modesh,that the audience, client, opponent, time, péace, subject, and judges ought all to be considered, and so on. The rhetorical treatise entitled Enchiridion Oratorium, written by William Pamble, also discusses arrangement. In the five chapters given to disposition, the exordium, nar- ration, and partition, confirmation, refutation, and conclusion occupy one chapter each, and a chapter is given to a consideration of the special problems of disposition in the three types of Speeches.73 A section of Robert Brunus' Rudimentorum Rhetoricorum, libri guingue also mentions organization. "Book III deals with disposition, giving one chapter to the exordium, and one to the other parts of the speech.”74 The rhetoricians of the Restoration period appear to believe, that organization often takes into account the interests and attitudes of the audience. The theorists also appear to believe that a speech should attempt to reflect an ordered and logical plan of develOpment. This plan usually includes the following parts: an exordium, narration, preposition, confirmation, confutation, and preoration. Style The Restoration interpretation of style may well be summarized 721bid., p. 106. 73Ibid., p. 108. 74Ibid., p. 110. In. I .7 l“ 14. ‘gl un- 45 by the statements which appear in Thomas Blount's Academy of Eloquence. He, then, that could apprehend the consequence of things in their truths, and deliver his apprehensions as truly, were a perfect Orater . . . Eloquence is equally fortunate in taming Passions and in charming senses; she imitates Musick and makes use of the voice of Oratory to enchant the Eares, with the cadence of Periods, and the harmony of Accents; whilst the gestures, apt motions, Natural Airs, and all these graces, which accompany exact Recitation, steal away the heart by the eyes, and work wonders upon the will, but Eloquence is chiefly grounded upon wisdom, & Wisdom arises principally from a due pro-consideration of all our actions. . . Now, as ‘tis certain, that no harmony can appear in his thoughts, nor soundness in his reason, whose speech is falter- ing and preposterous: So likewise no clearness nor perfection in that fancy, which delivers itself by a confus'd abortion. Great is the disparagement which flows from the defailance of the Tongue: it not only dishonours the person of the Speaker, but even sullys the Opinion of his reason and judgment with a disrepute, and 0ft- times renders the very truth suSpected.75 This quotation seems to suggest that thought has a place in oratory, but that thought really depends on a smooth-flowing style. A more specific statement concerning the meaning of style is made by John Barton in his Art of Rhetoric Concisely Handled. Barton describes style as he attempts to define rhetoric. Rhetoric is the skill of using daintie words and comely de- liverie, whereby to work upon men's affections. It hath two parts, adornation and action. Adornation consisteth in the sweetness of the phrase, and is seen in tropes and figures. . . There are four kinds of trepes - substitution, comprehension, comparation, stimu- lation. The affection of a trepe is the quality whereby it requires a second translation. These affections are four: abuse, duplica- tion, superlocution, sublecution. A figure is an affecting kind of speech without consideration had of any borrowed sense. A figure is two-fold: relative and independent.75 Barton's discussion of trepes and figures suggests the approach other rhetorical theorists of the Restoration period used to interpret 751bid., p. 114 751bid., p. 114 46 77 . . . style. It is found for example, that William Dugard mentions trepes and figures in his Elements Hhetorices. The definitions of trepes and figures were still to be memor- ized: "Out of it (Elements Rhetorices) to learn the trepes and and figures, according to the definitions given by Talaeus, and afterwards more illustrated by Mr. Butler . . . to explain the definitions, so as they may know any Trope or Figure that they may meet with in their own authors. 8 And John smith also discusses figures and trepes in his Mysterie of Rhetorique Unvailed. Sandford describes the contents of this book. In spite of its provocative title, we find that this work has in reality no mystery to unveil. It merely continues the 'fallacious tradition by dividing rhetoric into elocution and pronunciation,‘ and as shown by its full title, consists of a treatment of trepes and figures: 'The Mysterie of Rhetorique; wherein above 130 of the TrOpes and Figures are severally di- vided from the Greek into English; together with lively definitions and variety of Latin, English and Scriptural examples.‘79 The concept of style, then, as it appears in selected rhetor- ical treatises of the Restoration period, is divided into two basic parts - trepes and figures. This impression of style, including these two units, also found its way into rhetorical treatises which appeared 77Thonssen and Baird offer a clear statement which describes the distinction between trepes and figures. "While this distinction is not discussed frequently in the contemporary literature of speech- craft, it seems to be a valid differentiation. A trepe, says Thomas Gibbons, "is the changing a word or sentence with advantage, from its preper signification to another meaning. Thus, for example, God is a Rock." A figure, on the other hand, ”is the fashioning or Dress of a Composition, or an emphatical manner of Speaking different from what is plain and common." (Lester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, §peech Criticism (New York; Ronald Press Co., 1948) p. 420) 78Sandford, Op. cit., pp. lll~112. 79Ibid., p. 115. 47 in the eighteenth century.80 This chapter has thus far outlined the significant rhetorical theories of the Restoration period, presented reasons for the reaction against rhetorics of style and exornation, and discussed what the Restoration rhetoricians had to say about supporting materials, organ- ization, and style. The final section of the chapter will now present comments which describe the rhetorical practice of the period. Rhetorical Practice of the Period The social and political events of the Restoration period seem to have influenced the nature and kind of oratory practiced during this time in English history. In trying to present, therefore, a de- scription of the rhetorical practice, it will be necessary to make references to certain important social and political events. The Restoration was not merely a blind re-establishment of the older monarchs of divine rights. The struggle of the craters for freedom of the peeple resulted in a new deference to Parliament by the throne. Larson suggests that the year 1660 is an important land- mark in the history of English progress: "for it marks the beginning of a new England, a nation inspired by new purposes and seeking to realize new ideals."81 He characterizes the "Restoration Outlook” as follows: There were among the educated classes of the kingdom a new 80560 Nicholas Burton, Figurae Grammaticae et Rhetoricae (1702); Thomas Gibbons, Rhetoric; or a View of the Principal TrOpes and Figues in their Origin and Powers, etc. (1768); and William Scott, Lessons on Elocution (1779). 81Laurence Larson, History of England and the British Common- wealth (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1924) p. 436. 48 interest in secular affairs and a new outlook upon the world. A corresponding change could be observed in the spirit of the common peeple. A new generation was beginning to look upon the world as a place that contained, after all, much that was desirable and even enjoyable; and they proceeded to enjoy as much as the circum- stances would allow. The sports and amusements which the Puritan clergyman had condemned so vigorously were resumed. The theatres which the Long Parliament had closed in 1624 were reopened soon after the return of the Stuarts. The worldly-minded came out of their hiding places and resumed their old ways and their old manner of living. It was inevitable that in the reaction from the strait- laced existence which some of the more fanatical Puritans had sought to impose on their unwilling neighbors, there should be a loosening of morals and a common disregard for some of the earlier conventions; but it is not necessary to regard the social condi- tions of the Restoration period as a triumph of the evil powers. England remained sound at heart, and in many respects ordinary living was of a healthier character after 1660 than in the twenty years that went before.82 It is within this fertile ground of newly found freedom and vigor that individuals began to express themselves about subjects that were either shunned or avoided during the period immediately preceding the Restoration. sandford, in his description of the condition of rhetorical theories in the seventeenth century, suggests that the speaking of the Restoration period was relatively unornate. . . . classical rhetoric reasserted itself early in the seventeenth century, because of the continued interest of the universities in it, because of continental, and particularly Jesuit influence, and finally because of the endorsement given to it by Frances Bacon. These influences produced a number of notable works on public speaking. 0n the other hand, the rhetoric of 'exornation", which had flourished during the last two decades of the sixteenth century, produced several books during the first sixty years of the seventeenth. The reaction which came during the last forty or fifty years of the century was on the whole a healthful one, for it definitely ended the vogue of ornamental Speech and writing. The way was cleared for the reinterpretations and expansions of the classical doctrine which were to assume an important place during the eighteenth century.83 821bid., pp. 437-438. 83Guy Carleton Lee, Orators of England (Part I) (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1902) p. 11. 49 Guy Carleton Lee in his Orators of England (Part I) echoes sandford's words as he writes: In the period from the Restoration to the fall of the Stuarts we find a gradual change in oratorical style. The Cavaliers eschews ed the theological and heavy, they abandoned the passionate and hortatory, they spoke not as sectaries, not as men impressed with their mission, but as men of the world.84 One of the areas in which the orators of the Restoration period Spoke as "men of the world" was in Parliamentary speaking. Lee dis- cusses certain phases ef Parliamentary oratory as follows: As the events leading to the revolution of 1688 became more important, oratory took another phase. The element of earnestness again impressed itself upon the speeches. Conviction was again accomplished by force of expression and sympathetic mutuality of interest. All preceding oratorical style blended, and the processes, working through long centuries, at last produced the modern type of parliamentary oratory. This term may convey different meanings to readers, but it has a definite and single one for Englishmen. Lord Macaulay said, 'Parliamentary Government is Government by speaking,‘ but it is more properly, as a writer in the Westminster Review . . . has pertinently remarked, government by parliamentary speaking is 'a species wholly distinct from the equuence of the bar, the pulpit, or the public meeting.‘ Sir James Macintosh observed that parliamentary oratory is 'animated conversation on Public Business, and it was rare for any speech to succeed in the House of Commons which was raised on any other basis.‘ With this Canning agreed, and said: 'The House is a business-doing body, and speaking must conform to its character. There must be method and ornament, but unconscious, unpremeditated, and reasoning first and foremost-be eloquent at any time but not at the appointed time.‘ It has been deduced, therefore, that 'parliamentary eloquence is conversation on public business based on reasoning.’ This is in the main true, but the term conversa- tion is here used in a broader sense than usually give it. In fact, it in this sense conveys to the mind anything but its cor- rect connotation. For conversation substitute the word debate - with its connotation of louder tons, more forceful style, and Opportunities for the exercise of every phase of the orator's art as exemplified in these master speakers, Chatham, Pitt, Burke, and their contemporaries and successors. 84sandford, op. cit., p. 126 50 This is a true conception of parliamentary oratory as established in the days of the Stuarts and as perfected through succeeding Par- liaments until the present day.85 Not every statement concerning Restoration practice describes the speaking as conversational, forceful, and artful. For example, Mabel Plat: observes that "The oratory of the seventeenth century was ungraceful Speech interlarded with strange, uncouth expressions from censorious phi1050phy and ill-digested Scripture."86 Perhaps Miss Plat: is talking about pulpit oratory; as has been observed by Spingaern's comments, pulpit speech appeared to be unnatural and often quite un- graceful.87 The comments made by Sandford and Lee concerning the rhetori- cal practice of the Restoration period appear to be in accord with the statements which Howell makes about the develOpment of a new theory of communication in the seventeenth century. It (the new theory of communication) can be seen taking place in the decision of the Royal Society to keep out of their scienti- fic writing 'these specious Tropes and Figures,‘ to keep out also 'all the amplifications, digressions, and swellings of style,‘ and to exact 'from all their members, a close, naked, natural way of speaking.‘ It can be seen taking place in the renewed interest in Aristotle Rhetoric among.Englishmen during the seventeenth century, as evidenced by Thomas Hobbes' English abridgement of that work, published about 1637 under the title, A Briefs of the Art of Rhetorique. It can be seen taking place in Joseph Glanvill's An Essay ConcerninggPreaching, published in London in 1678. And it can be seen taking place in the interest shown in the first English translation of the Port Royal Logic in 1685. 88 Thus, it would seem that the new theory of communication was 851bid.. pp. 11-13 86Mabel Plats, The History of Public Speakigg (New York: Noble and Noble, Inc, 1935) p. 176. 8VSee pages 20-22 in this chapter. 88Wilbur Samuel Howell, 92: cit., pp. 40-41 lg!!!“ 51 responsible, in part, for the end of ornamental oratory and the avoidance of passionate and hortatory Speech. A further explanation for this attempt to avoid ornamental speech in Restoration practice may very well be found in the idea that at the end of the century it was felt that "learning" or ”teaching" as well as exhortation were within the scope of rhetorical training. Howell speaks to this point: First of all, this new attitude consisted in the recognition that rhetoric must make herself the theory of learned as of pepu- lar communication, and that therefore rhetoric must become a fuller, a more inclusive discipline than it had been with the Ciceronians. In Ciceronian terms, of course, rhetoric was limited to pepular, and logic to learned, discourse. Thus both sciences undertook to survey invention and arrangement, while rhetoric was forced also to survey style and delivery, her followers being required to face the public, and the public being in need of such aids to ready understanding as spectacular patterns of language and dramatic de- livery. Zeno's comparison of logic to the closed fist and rhetoric to the epen hand was in itself a way of saying that logic under the impetus of Descartes . . . began to renounce its obligation to the theory of inquiry. At that point it became inevitable that rhetoric would take on the obligation renounced by logic; for so- ciety always needs a complete theory of communication; and rhetoric always possesses some special equipment for the meeting of that need. Thus the rhetoric of the seventeenth century is a develOp- ment towards the ideas that learned exposition as well as pepular argument is within its proper scepe. Summary and Conclusions It becomes apparent when considering the rhetorics of the seventeenth century, that there are two schools of thought represented - the school of classical rhetoric and that of style or exornation. 89wilbur s. Howell, Logic and Rhetoric in England, 1500-1700 (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1956) pp. 364-365. 52 It should be pointed out that there never was a time in the Restoration period when one, and only one, of the two types of rhetoric was used; there was probably a significant overlapping of the classical and stylistic schools. For example, at the time that Barton's work was published, Farnaby's treatise was being used in the schools; when Smith had "unveiled his mysteries," Butler's work was also being taught. It is possible, then, to suggest that a conflict might develOp concerning which of these rhetorics to incorporate into an individual'e style of Speaking. The writer thus suggests that a teaching of both ”schools" might have led to some confusion and could have possibly provided another reason for the general decline of rhetorics of all kinds during the latter years of the seventeenth century. It may also be concluded from the evidence presented that classical rhetoric reasserted itself early in the seventeenth century, because of various influences. Certainly the writings of Thomas Wilson and Francis Bacon influenced the content and form of the rhetorical theories of the times. Jesuit influences and continental influences were also significant in fostering this classical tendency. 0f the works reviewed that bear a classical stamp, Thomas Farnaby's Index Rhetoricus appears outstanding because the work seems to offer the best summary of what classical rhetoric had to say about the subject of public speaking. Furthermore, by carrying out Bacon's suggestions for formulae and by writing extensive sections dealing with the education and qualifications of a young orator, Farnaby seems to have rendered valuable contributions to rhetorical theory. It was also pointed out that the rhetorics of exornation, 53 which had flourished during the last two decades of the Sixteenth century, produced several books during the seventeenth century. If nothing else, these works pointed up the need for a reform of rhetorical theory. The works also outlined clearly the principles of exornation which were to be utilized once again in the rhetorics of the eighteenth century.90 It is possible to suggest, then, that the reaction which came during the last forty or fifty years of the century, was, on the whole, a salubrious one, for it seemed to end temporarily the vogue of ornamental speech and writing. One basic reason offered to explain this reaction was the appearance of the "New Science" as exemplified in the teachings of the Royal Society. This "New Science" was interested in the inductive and experimental concepts of scientific inquiry. This interest in objectiv- ity and skepticism perhaps influenced the forms and types of literature then prevalent during the period. The develOpment of the ”New Science" was not the only reason Ior a reaction against rhetoric in general. The increased interest in word usage and etymology, and the re-establishment of the monarchy were other legitimate influences. The rhetorical practices of the Restoration period, as dis- cussed in this chapter, appear to have been influenced by the demand for a simpler and less ornate style. As indicated in the preceding paragraphs, the appearance of the Royal Society, with its insistance upon experimentation and objectivity, influenced to some extent, the rhetorical practices of the period. Likewise, we find that the tem- 90The rhetorics of Thomas Sheridan and Gilbert Austin, which appeared in the eighteenth century, are indicative of the stylistic trend in rhetorical theory. 54 porary end of the vogue of ornamental Speech during the last forty years of the century was also influenced by the resurgence of interest in classical (Cicero and Quintilian) doctrines of rhetoric. This interest was motivated in part by Continental and Jesuit influences; also, Francis Bacon's endorsement of classical rhetoric helped to promote classical doctrines. Thus, the statements that rhetorical practices during this period reflected a simpler, less ornate and "heavy" style, abandoning the passionate and hortatory, appear to be valid. The reasons, then, for this reversion to a more colloquial style, buttressed by terseness and plainness, may be found by studying the influence of Puritanism, the teachings of the ”New Science,” and in the specific doctrines of the Royal Society. A final question needs to be answered in this chapter: How does the rhetorical practice of the Restoration period reflect the theory of the period? There are three possible answers to this question. First, it may be said that the simpler, less ornate practice, as outlined in the preceding paragraphs, was directly influenced by the works of Cicero and Quintilian, for throughout the Restoration period their rhetorics were studied in the universities and their principles were interpreted and restated in the writings of Butler, Vicars, Farnaby, Pemble, Brunus, and others. Thus, it would seem that the rhetorical practice clearly reflected those ideas and concepts written in the rhe- torical theories just mentioned and reviewed in earlier sections of this chapter. 55 It also becomes apparent, however, after considering the rhe- torical treatises of exornatio, particularly those written by Barton, Blount, and Smith that Mabel Platz's comment concerning rhetorical practice also has some validity. These rhetorics, which stressed trOpes, figures, "a quaint and fluent stile," adornation, simulation, etc. cer- tainly could have influenced the rhetorical excesses found in the examples of pulpit preaching outlined and discussed in some detail by J. E. Spin- garn. Finally, classical rhetorics and rhetorics of style or exorna- tion were the teachers of oratory in the Restoration period. However, the rhetorical practice seems to reflect primarily the principles out- lined in the classical treatises; the rhetorics of style appeared to occupy a place of small importance after 1660. Whether this was caused by the political changes of the period, the influence of Puritanism, re- establishment of the monarchy, the new scholarly interest in matters of etymology and usage, or the disgust at the excesses which had been com- mitted in the name of rhetoric, or by all four is difficult to determine. It does become somewhat apparent, particularly in the light of the evi- dence submitted in this chapter, that the rhetorical practices and theories of the period have many elements in common - in fact, more similarities than differences. IiiJCu‘ III II! III-l, Illillllll III lull-Ill..." ll ‘ll‘l‘l CHAPTER III THE AUDIENCE In studies of a rhetorical nature, the audiences (the peOple to whom the speeches are directed) play an important role in the total process of analysis. Quite often the size of the audience, its comp- osition, behavior, prejudices, educational level, degree of saphistica- tion, interests, Opinions, etc. determine to a marked extent how the ideas, organization, style and presentation of the speeches are develop- ed. It is necessary, therefore, to discuss the Restoration aud- ience in some detail to see if the writing of the prologues and epi- logues was influenced in any way by this specific kind of audience. This is essentially the primary reason for including a discussion of the Restoration audience in this study. This chapter will therefore discuss the question of audience make-up and behavior and offer some conclusions, but the application of this information in relation to the purpose of the dissertation will appear in the last chapter. General Description of the Audience Before the specific make-up and behavior of the Restoration audience is described, it would be appropriate to mention briefly some of the general characteristics of this group of theatre-goers. During the period of the Restoration, few peeple attended theatrical performances. The city of London was Puritan, which meant 56 57 that most of the peeple would have been horrified at the manners of the day and the audacity of the plays. The citizens, therefore, did not seem to attend the performances very frequently. The following passage, taken from the epilogue to Wycherly's comedy, The Gentleman— Dancing Master illustrates this idea. You good men 0' th' Exchange, on whom alone We must depend, when sparks to sea are gone; Into the pit already you are come, 'Tis but a step more to our tiring room; Where none of us but will be wondrous sweet Upon an able love of Lombard Street. You we had rather see between our scenes, Than spendthrift f0ps with better clothes and miens; Instead of laced coats, belts, and pantaloons, Your velvet jumps, gold chains, and grace fur gowns; Instead of perriwigs, and broad cocked hats, Your Satin cape, small cuffs, and vast cravats . . .1 Allardyce Nicoll describes specifically the attitude of the Puritans to play-going when he writes that: "The Courtiers made of the theatre a meeting place of their own . . . bringing there their dubious loves, so that those citizens who still retained some of their Puritan convictions shunned the place like a plague."2 And Malcolm Ewin states that: The personality of the theatrical audience was necessarily confined. Only the upper classes, the educated and the members of elegant society, frequented the playhouses, and in consequence, the audience was occupied by the same individual every few days.3 Johnson also writes that it was the courtier and nobleman, not the Puritan citizen, who attended the plays. The playhouse was abhorred by the Puritans, and avoided 1 W. C. ward, William wycherly (London; T. Fisher Unwin, Pater- noster Square, 1893) p. 242. 2Allardyce Nicoll, A History of Restoration Drama (Cambridge: University Press, 1923) p. 7. 3Malcolm Ewin, Playgoers Handbook to Restoration Drama (London: Jonathan Cope, 1928) p. 13. 58 by those who desired the character of seriousness or decency. A grave lawyer would have debased his dignity, and a young trader would have impaired his credit, by appearing in those mansions of dissolute licentiousness.4 Even works composed to flatter the political views of the citizenry could not break down this aloofness. As Shadwell writes in his epilogue to The Lancashire figtches: Our Popes and Fryars on one Side offend, And yet alass the City's not our Friend The City neither likes us nor our Wit, They say their Wives learn ogling in the Pit; They're from the Boxes taught to make Advances, To Answer stolen Sighs and Naughty Glances.5 This excerpt from Shadwell's epilogue suggests that a large part of the theatre audience was excluded. Pepys suggests that people were well aware of this exclusion when he notes in his diary that: ”And he (T. Killigrew) tells me plainly that the City Audience was as good as the Court; but now they are most gone."6 The spectators, then, for whom the posts wrote and the actors played, were the courtiers and their satellites. The noblemen in the pit and boxes, the fOps and beaux wits or would-be wits who hung on to their society, the women of the court, depraved and licentious as the men, the courtesans with whom these women of quality moved and conversed as on equal terms, made up at least four-fifths of the entire audience. Add a sprink- ling of foot-men in the upper gallery, a stray country cousin or two scattered throughout the theatre, and the picture of the audi- 4Samuel Johnson, Lives of the English Posts (London: John Murray, 1854) p. 24. 5Thomas Shadwell, Epilogue to The Lancashire’Witches, as quoted in The Dramatic werks of Thomas Shadwell (London: Sothern Co., 1873) p. 4. 6Samuel Pepys, Diary (London: Bell and Daldy, 1869) Febru- ary 12’ 1666‘67, p. 62. 59 ence is complete.7 Theatre-goers were thus reduced to the Court and the tribe of officials and idlers who revolved round the King, The fact that the audience was limited made it rather impossible to repeat the same plays with any frequency. A play which had a run of ten consecutive perfor- mances was generally counted a huge success. Downes, speaking of the Oedi us, by Dryden and Lee, says; "It took prodigiously, being Acted 10 Days together."8 Dryden, in his epilogue to An Evening's Love also mentions the poet's need to write without ceasing. He still must write; and Banquier like, each day eAccept new Bill; and he must break or pay.9 Beljame also states that: Authors were . . . compelled to write without ceasing, the repertoire had to be constantly renewed, and the paucity of specta- tors compensated by the abundance of plays. . . The audiences of 7Nicoll, op. cit., p. 8. See also; Anon, Misson's Memoirs and Observations in his Travels Over England (London: 1719) pp. 219-220. From this source, the following comment, concerning the size and physical structure of the Restoration playhouse is drawn: ”The Pit is an Amphi- theatre, fill'd with Benches without Backboards, and adorn'd and cover'd with green Cloth. Men of Quality, particularly the younger sort, some Ladies of Reputation and Vertue, and abundance of Damsels that haunt for Prey, sit all together in this Place, Higgledy-piggledy, chatter, toy, play, hear, hear not. Farther up, against the wall, under the first Gallery, and just Opposite to the stage, rises another Amphitheatre, which is taken up by the Persons of the best Quality, among whom are generally very few men. The Galleries, whereof, there are only two Rows, are fill'd with none but ordinary peOple, particularly the Upper one.“ 8John Downes, Roscius Anglicanus, or an Historical Review of the ta 6, ed. by M. Summers (London, 1928) p. 37. 9Epilogue to An Evening's Love by Dryden, as quoted in‘William Gardner, The Prologues and Epilogues of John Dryden, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1951) p. 26. 60 those days had an unholy appetite for plays and gave little respite to their suppliers, But this was not perhaps their only annoying characteristic. The author's sorrows were not over when the play was ready. The primary purpose for peeple going to the theatre during this period was to have a good time, in whatever way and by whatever means they could endure.lo Beljame's statement that "the primary purpose for peeple going to the theatre during this period was to have a good time” seems to be an accurate analysis of the situation, even though the purposes of the prologues and epilogues themselves were varied and quite diverse. There are numerous comments made by critics of the period, references in the prologues and epilogues, and notations in the plays themselves, that suggest that "fun and a good time" was the primary motivation for going to the theatre; because a "good time" seemed to be one of the chief motives, the audiences were usually rowdy, noisy, and ill-tempered. It is important that enough evidence be presented to describe accurately the characteristic behavior of the Restoration audience, since the pre- sentation of the prologues and epilogues might have been influenced to some degree by the conduct of the audiences. The objective, then, of the next section of this chapter is to describe some of the specific behaviors of the audience of the Restoration. The Specific Behavior of the Audience Restoration spectators did not seem to sit quietly in the audi— torium, as we do today. Rowdyism appeared to be a common occurrence, and many plays were not remembered because the spectators were so noisy that they were unable to hear a word Spoken by the actors. Dane Ferns- 10Alexandre Beljame, Men of Letters and the English Public in the 18th Century (London; Kegan Paul, Trenchem, and Co., 1948) pp. l49~150. 61 worth Smith informs us that riots and disturbances often plagued the theatres of the period. There were to be sure, riots and disturbances at plays before the sixteen-sixties, and long after the seventeen-seventies there were outbreaks and demonstrations against playwrights at certain performances and against managers for failure to grant or continue freedoms and privileges.11 Perhaps some of the most pregnant examples of the noise and confusion in the auditoriums come from the literature of the period, particularly in Pepys's diary, and in the prologues and epilogues. Pepys often refers to the noise and chatter of the pit; a vivid passage in his entry under Monday, February 18, 1666-67 follows. To the King's house, to the Mayd's Tragedy; but vexed all the while with two talking ladies and Sir Charles Sedley; yet pleased to hear their discourse, he being a stranger. And one of the ladies would, and did sit with her mask on, all the play, and, being ex- ceeding witty as ever I heard woman, did talk most pleasantly with him; but was, I believe, a virtuous woman, and of quality. He would fain know who she was, by pulling off her mask. He was mighty, witty, and she also making sport with him veri inoffensively, that a more pleasant recontre I never heard. But by that means lost the pleasure of the play wholly, to which now and then Sir Charles Sed- ley's exceptions, against both words and pronouncing were very pretty.12 Pepys, on another occasion, when watching Etherege's She WOuld if She Could, states that: "The house was quite full. . . the king was there; but I sat mightily behind him, and could see but little, and hear not at all."13 On still another occasion, this time during a performance of Macbeth in the Duke's House, Pepys again refers to the noise and confu- 11Dane Farnsworth“Smith, The Critics in the Audience of the London Theatres from Buckingham to Sheridan (Alburquerque; University of New Mexico Press, 1953) p. 11. 1zl’epys, o . cit., Vol. III, Feb. 18, 1666, pp. 68-69. 131616., Vol. III, Feb. 6, 1667, p. 366. 62 sion reflected by the action of certain ladies and gentlemen. The King and Court there; and we sat under them and my Lady Castlemayne, and close to the woman that comes into the pit a kind of loose gossip, that pretends to be like her, and is so, something . . . The King and Duke of York minded me, and smiled and talked upon one. . . but it vexed me to see Moll Davies, one of the King's mistresses - dancing in the box over the King's and my Lady Castle- mayne's head.14 And A. M. Nagler tells us that: Another scene, to which he was not an eyewitness, Pepys heard from an acquaintance, gossip being a seasoning element of the theatri- cal atmosphere. The Dramatise Personae: The King, Lady Castlemayne, and a supernumerary - The Duke of York. On this occasion the fea- tured players are not in the same box, and in the audience it is already rumored that Lady Castlemayne has fallen into disfavour.15 At that point Pepys makes another interesting notation in his diary. Leaning over other Ladies awhile to whisper with the King, she rose out of the box and went into the King's right hand, be- tween the King and the Duke of York; which . . . put the King himself, as well as everybody close out of countenance. . . She did it only to show the world that she is not out of favour yet, as was believed.15 A further remark, offered by a playwright of the period, suggests that the noise heard in the Restoration playhouse was often quite disruptive. In Henry Higden's preface to his play entitled, The wary widow; or,Asir Noisy Parrot, he writes the following concern- ing the reception of the play. The theatre was by Faction transformed into a Bear-Garden, hissing, mimicking, ridiculing, and Cat-calling; The Actours could not support themselves against so strong a current . . . Variety of noyses and continual uproars. The distracted Players were stunn'd with their clamours, and though they had often stood the Thunder and Lightning on the Stage, yet now they found them- selves confounded in this real Tempest. . . The Audiences were 14Ibid., Vol. Iv, Dec. 21, 1664, pp. 70-71. 15A. M. Nagler, A Source Book in Theatrical History (New York: Dover Publications, 1952) p. 209. 15pepys, op. cit., Vol II. Feb. 1, 1664, p. 90. 63 wholly strangers to the Plot and Conduct of the Play.17 As previously indicated, perhaps the most complete record of the noise and tumult in the Restoration theatres comes from the pro- logues and epilogues themselves. Following are a number of examples, which illustrate essentially the distracting element of noise then so prevalent in the theatre; these excerpts are taken from the prologues and epilogues which are to be examined in detail in the subsequent chapters of the study. The epilogue, Spoken by Mrs. Mary Lee, to Thomas Otway's 222 Cheats of Scapin, reflects on days gone by when it was peaceful and quiet at the theatres, and when audiences came to see a play humbly and honestly. How happy were we, when in humble guise You came with honest hearts and harmless eyes: Late without Noise and Tumult in the Pit; Ah what a pitious Jewel then was Wit . . . Time was ye were as meek as now y'are proud, Did not curst cabals of Criticks croudé Nor thought it witty to be very loud.1 In the prologue to The Debauchee; or, the Credulous Cuckold, written by a "person of quality", and spoken by a woman, it is recorded that: You'd be so welcome here, and would you but sit Like Cyphers, as you are, and grace the Pit, Well drest, well bred, we's never look for Wit. But you come hauling in with broken French, Roaring out Oaths aloud, from Bench to Bench, And bellowing Bawdy to the Orange-Wench; Quarrel with Masques, and to be brisk and free, l7Henry Higden, Preface to the Wary Widow; or, Sir Noisy Parrot (London: Abel R0per, 1693) p. 30. 18Epilogue to Otway's Cheats of Scapin, as quoted in Thomas otway, Complete werks, (London, 1927) Vol. III, p. 134. 64 You see 'em Bargains for a Repartee, And then cry, Damn 'em Whores, who ere they be, For shame from those Barbarities remove.19 Complaint is made in the epilogue to Sir Courtly Nice of the turmOil a Our Gallerys too were finely us'd of late, Where roosting Masques sat cackling for a Mate; They came not to see Plays, but act their own, And had throng'd Audiences when we had none. Our Plays it was impossible to hear, The honest Country-men were forc't to swear; Confound you, give your bawdy prating o're, Or sounds, I'll fling you i' the Pitt, you bawling whore.2O In his epilogue, Spoken at the Opening of the New House, 26th March, 1674, Dryden says: But you loud sirs, who the your curls look big Criticks in plume and while Vallency Whig, Who lolling in our foremost Benches sit, And still charge first (the true forlorn of Wit) 50 may f0p corner full of Noise remain, And drive off the dull attentive train.21 Sir Car ScrOOp, in the prologue to Nathaniel Lee's Rival Queens; or, The Death of Alexander, also makes references to the noise and con- fusion by noting that the members of the audience appear to talk of every- thing that might come into their minds, including fashion, former affairs, and debauches. As for you, sparks, that hither come each day, To act your own and not to mind our Play; 19Prologue to Shadwell's The Debauchee;gor, The Credulous Cuckold, as quoted in Thomas Shadwell's, Complete Works (London: Fortune Press, 1927) V01. II. p. 32 ZQEpilogue to Crowne's Sir Courtly Nice; or, It Cannot Be, as quoted in Dramatic Works of John Crowne, (Edinburgh: William Paterson, 1873), Vol. III, p. 3550 ZlEpilogue by John Dryden, spoken at the Opening of the New Hpuse, 26th March, 1674, as quoted in Gardner, op. cit., p. 62. 65 Rehearse your usual Follies to the Pit, And with loud Noises drown the Stage‘s Wit: Talk of your clothes, your last Debauches tell, And witty Bargains to each other sell; Glout on the silly She, who for your sake Can Vanity and Noise for Love Mistake.22 Dryden once again refers to the "pratters in the pit" in his epilogue To the King and Queen,flat the Opening of Their Theatre Upon the Union of the Two Companies in 1682. The epilogue notes that the "play" that the customers in the pit rehearse is often louder than the real play on the stage. New Ministers, when first they get in place, Must have a care to please; and that our Case: Some Laws for Public Welfare we design, If you, the Power Supream, will please to join. There are a sort of Pratters in the Pit, Who either have, or who pretend to Wit; These noisy Sirs so loud their Parts rehearse, That oft the Play is silenc'd by the Farce.23 Sedley, in the prologue to Antony and CleOpatra, 1677, Speaks of the bawling fOps in the audience whom he might imitate. Make love to Vizards in a Wit-like Noise, Dull in his Sense yet airy in his Voice, Catch at each Line that grates, and keep the good With his damn'd Noise from being understood.24 Due to the noise and confusion that so often characterized the playhouses, the theatre-goers sat closer to the stage, indeed sometimes even in the pit. Pepys records the preference of the 22Nathaniel Lee, Prologue to the Rival Queens, as quoted in Dramatic Works of Nathaniel Lee (London; W. Feales, 1734) 23John Dryden, Epilogpe to The King and Queen at the Opening of Their New Theatre, Gardner, gp. cit., p. 131. 24Prologue to Sedley's Antony and CleOpatra, as quoted in V. De Sola Pinta (ed) The Poetical and Dramatic Works of Charles Sedley (London: Constable and Co., 1928) Vol I, p. 191. 66 audience to sit in the stage-pit when he writes on February 6, 1668 while attending a performance of She Would if She Could, the following: "Among the rest, here was the Duke of Buckingham today's Opening sat in the pit; and there I found him with my Lord Buckhurst, and Sedley, and Etherege, the poet." Dryden also suggests that the accommodations in the pit were often more satisfactory than other areas in the auditorium. Here's good accommodation in the Pit. The Grave demurely in the midst may sit, And so the hot Gurgundian on the Side, Play Vixard Masque, and o'er the Benches stride.25 The foregoing examples tend to support the assertion that the Restoration playhouse was turbulent and often tumultuous. In addition to the many interesting and often revealing comments concerning the noise encountered during performances of plays, there are also comments which describe other aspects of audience behavior. One of these aspects might be called the "character" or ”manners" of the theatre-goers. Perhaps-the following comment, recorded by Curll, describes the character of the gallants quite faithfully, if not very commendably. Laughers, Buffons, with an unthinking Crowd 0f gaudy Fools, impertinent and Loud, Insult in ev'ry Corner Want of Sense, Conform'd with an outlandish Impudence, Among the rude Disturbers of the pit, Have introduc'd ill Breeding and false Wit. To boast their Lewdness here your Scowrers meet, And all the vile Companions of the Street, Keep a perpetual Brawling at the Door, Who beat the Bawd last night? Who beat the Whore? They snarl, but neither fight, nor pay a Farthing; A Playhouse is become a meer Bear-Garden, ‘Where ev'ry one with insolence enjoys His Liberty and Preperty of Noise . . e 25John Dryden, Prologue for The Women, When they Acted at the Old Theatre in Lincoln's Inn Field, as quoted in Gardner, Op. cit., p. 410 67 While ev'ry little thing perks up and down, With the best cheats, and the worst Whores in Town; Swears at a Play, who should be whipt at School, The FOplings must in Time grow up to Rule.25 An account, even more extreme than the preceding, was uttered by Snarl, a character in Thomas Shadwell's, The Virtuoso. I desire no acquaintance with any young Man of this Age. . . They are vitious, illiterate, foolish fellows, good for nothing but to rear and make a noise in a Playhouse . . . The t0p of their Education is to smatter French . . . With an insipid gaity, which is to be light and bright, very pert and very dull.27 Some of the callow youth that infested the pit of the Restora- tion theatre were more than any adult could endure; and in the Opening lines of The Virtuoso, in the words of two gentlemen "of wit and sense", Shadwell exposes these nauseating young men. They are: sparks that early break lose from Discipline, and at sixteen forsooth, set up for Men of the Town . e . These are sure the only animals that live without thinking: a Sensible Plan has more imagination than most of 'em . . . The Highest pitch our Youth do generally arrive at, is, to have a form, a fashion of Wit, a Rotine of speaking, which they get by imitation; and generally they imitate the extravagances of witty men drunk, which they very discretely practice sober; but in a clumsie and awkard way . . . They come drunk and Screaming into a Playhouse, and stand upon the Benches, and toss their full Perriwigs and empty Heads, and with their shrill unbroken Pipes, cry, Damn-me, This is a Damn'd Play; Prithee let's go to a Whore . . . These youth, like unclmley fruit, are like to be retcon before they are ripe.28 Dryden also makes reference to the character of the play-goer when he writes the follow1ng in his prologue LO Thomas Southerne's The DisappOintment; or, Mether in Fashion. ZbT, Curl, The Works of the Right Honourable the Earls of Rochester and Roscommon (London, 1709) Part I, p. 123. 27M. Summers, (ed) The Werks of Thomas Shadwell (London: Fortune Press, 1927) Vol. III, p. 138. 281bid., p. 139. 68 Last, some there are, who take their first Degrees 0f Lewdness, in our Middle Galleries; The Doughty BULLIES enter Bloody Druhk, Invade and grabble one another's Punk: They Caterwoul, and make a dismal rout, Call SONS and WHORES, and strike, but ne'er lugg-out: Thus while for Paultry Punk they rear and stickle, They made it Bawdier than a Conventicle.29 The many references, in the prologues and epilogues, to whores, bawds, pimps, punks, etc., that would lead one to suspect that the gallants who flocked to the theatre wished more to meet these sundry and assorted characters, than to watch the proceedings on the stage. It seems also that the women, for their part, were equally eager to engage in the doubtful intrigues that motivated the gallant's interest in attending plays. The meeting with the pimps and whores led to many quarrels in the theatre, quarrels that often affected the performance of the plays. Disputes, in point of fact, both among the actors and among the specta- tors, were of frequent occurrence. Dryden mentions this in his prologue to The;§panish Friar. Scowring the Watch grows out of fashion Wit; Now we set up for Tilting in the Pit, Where 'tis agreed by Bullies, chicken-hearted, To fright the Ladies first, and then be parted.30 Manners seemed indeed to leave something to be desired; comments concerning the audience who slept through performances are also avail- able. The following excerpt from the prologue to Lee's SOphonisba mentions this rude habit. Free from the partial censure of the Town, Where senseless Faction runs the Poet down; 29Prologue to The Disappointment;gor, The Mother in Fashion, by Dryden, as quoted in Gardner, 0p. cit., pp. 143-144. 3OIbid., p. 95. 69 Where fluttering Hectors in the Vizard Fall. One half 0' th' Play they spend in Noise and Brawl, Sleep out the rest then wake and damn it all.31 General disregard of other's feelings, therefore, appears to characterize the audience of the period. The gallants, so we are informed in Etherege's She WOuld if She Could, are in the habit of moving: From one Playhouse, to the other Playhouse, And if they like neither the Play nor the Women, They seldom stay any longer than the combing 0f their Perriwigs, or a whisper or two with a Friend; and they cock their Caps, and out They strut again.32 The patrons of the Restoration theatre appeared to be rude, interested in attracting the charms of the Opposite sex, often quite thoughtless, indulgents in before-dinner liquors, and to add injustice upon injustice, occasionally dishonest. These audiences were dishonest in the sense that they often attended performances without paying. These “deadneads"33 were usually more difficult to play to because they enter- ed the theatres without paying an admission charge, and they, therefore, often challenged the actors to entertain them. Farquhar, in his Essay on Comed , refers to these 'deadheads” when he writes: Before, gad, I'll be plagu'd with 'em no longer; I'll e'en write a Play my self; by which means, my Character of Wit shall be establish'd (and) I shall enjoy the Freedom of the House . . . This gives the Liberty of the House to him and his Friends for everafter.34 Even though the audiences are usually characterized as being 31Prologue to Nathaniel Lee's Sophonisba, op. cit., p. 352. 32E‘tharege, She WOUld If She COUId’ QB. Cite, I, ii, p. 54. 33Those who attended plays during the Restoration period with- out paying admission were called "deadheads". 34George Farquhar, Essay on Comedy, as quoted in Barrett H. Clark, European Theories of the Drama (New York: Crown Publishers, 1945) p. 223. 7O rude and ill-mannered, Nicoll suggests that they were anything but illiterate and witless. "The spectators might be thoughtless and depraved, but they were cultured, and the grace and wit and the elegance which they brought into life and the playhouse was something quite new."35 These comments perhaps suggest that the patrons of the theatres were more taken up with themselves and with the theatre itself than with what was happening on the stage. The previous quotations also described the noise and tumult in the playhouse, and the manners and character of gallants. These quotations also provide some evidence which suggests that the Restoration audience was a difficult and demanding audience for the prologue and epilogue reader, as well as the actor. The difficul- ty in playing to this audience was intensified further by the use of the vizard-mask, a mask worn by women to conceal their identity. These masked women, being a subject of much interest for the gallants, added further confusion and chaos to the evening's entertainment. Dryden, in his prologue to The Second Part of the Conquest of Granada, refers to the vixard-masks. . . . when vizard-masks appeared in the pit, Straight every man who thinks himself a wit Perks up, and, managing his comb with grace, With his white wig sets off his nut-brown face; That done, bears up to the prize, and views each Limb to know her by her rigging and her trim; Then, the whole noise of fOps to wagers go, -- ‘Pox on her't must be she;' and 'Damns noz' Summary and Conclusion The previous pages would suggest that the Restoration audiences 35NiC011, OE. Cite, pd 25¢ 35Prologue to The Second Part of the Conquest of Granada, by ZDryden, as quoted in Gardner, 0p. cit., p. 35. 71 were often rude, noisy, thoughtless, and usually more interested in what was occurring off-stage than on the stage. The quotations taken from critical works, plays, and the prologues and epilogues reveal an audience anything but attentive. Even though the examples offered are vivid, there are others that provide further evidence that the prologues, epilogues, and plays themselves had a most difficult time in being heard.37 An audience of this kind - irresponsible, temperamental, and riotious, was easy neither to attract nor to retain. Strive as they might to cater to its taste, authors were not always successful in com- batting its wayward caprices. Ladies of quality and good character often attended the theatre. However, some ladies, especially those who wore the vizard-masks, often added confusion to the play's proceedings. Such ladies often entered into struggles of wit with fine gentlemen, bantering them unmercifully, calling them by name, and refusing to tell their own. This battle of wits was frequently so much more amusing than what might be passing for the moment on the stage, that the audience listened to the disturbers rather than to the actors. 37Additional sources which support this view are: Tatler, No. I; Prologue to Otway's Titus and Berenice; Prologue to Lee's Rival Queens; Prologue to Crowne's The Country Wit; Prologue to Etherege's Comical Re- venge; or, Love in a Tub; Prologue to Banks Anna Bullen; Prologue to Rochester's essay entitled, Against the Disturbers of the Pit; Prologue to Dryden's Cleomenes. See also James Peller Malcolm, Anecdotes of the Manners and Customs of London from the Roman Invasion to the Year 1700 (London: Longman, Hurst, Lees, Orme, and Brown, 1811) and W. Thornbury, Haunted London (London: Hurst and Blackett, 1865) These books give many illustrations and anecdotes concerning audience behavior and com- position during the period of the Restoration. 72 0f the turbulence of the Restoration audience, there are many evidences on record. It was sometimes provoked, at other times altogether unjustified, and always more savage than amusing. Plays were often modified by the actors to insult or praise certain members of the audience at the request and desire of a specific lord or lady. Factions would form with the result that part of the audience would be applauding while another section hissed, booed, or threw fruit. Disturbances also arose from financial squabbles. It was the custom to return the price of admission to all persons who left the theatre before the close of the first act. Consequently, many shabby persons were wont to force their way in without paying on the plea that they did not intend to remain beyond the time limit. I Much liquor, sharp swords, and angry tempers combined to inter- rupt the enjoyment of many a peaceful audience. An angry word which passed one April evening in 1682 led to recriminations and sword drawing. Not having enough elbowroom in the pit, the two antagonists clambered on to the stage and fought there, to the greater comfort of the audience. The period, it would appear, was one in which the actors had difficulty in being heard, one in which many used the theatre as a means of Opportunistic advancement. These audiences seemed to be little interested in the drama preper. Therefore, as one authority states: The means by which the playwrights and theatre managers attempted to quiet down the audience was by the presentation of the prologue and epilogue. At all costs some means must be de- vised to satisfy tastes so little interested in drama proper, to fix the wandering attention . . . To meet the case, recourse was had to prologues and epilogues."38 3BBeljame, Op. cit., pp. 61-62. 73 The prologues and epilogues then were probably successful in quieting down the audiences; references are made in some of the verses that this objective was actually accomplished.39 Moreover, it is not inconceivable to assume that since the "function of the prologue and epilogue was to make the situation clear, to explain the plot and theme,"40 it would seem that the audience might quiet down in order to hear these comments. Finally, the comment offered by Allardyce Nicoll, would appear to be reason enough for the audience to listen attentively to the verses and to refrain from participating in boisterous or tumultuous behavior. Through the prologue and epilogue the dramatist poets displayed their wit; through such means the stage was kept in close touch with the auditorium; in most of these verses the tone is a familiar one, as of friend talking to friend; or wit to wit; intimacy is of their very being. . . . These verses Spoken before or after any play were esteemed for their own worth and often instrumental in damning or making successful the performance during which they were delivered.4 39366 the following prologues and epilogues: Prologue to Congreve'a Mourning Bride; Prologue to Crowne's The Country Wit; Pro- logue to Crowne's The Ambitious Statesman; Prologue to shadwell's The Humorists; Epilogue to Otway's The Orphan; Prologue to Etherege's 933i- cal Revenge; or, Love in a Tub; Epilogue to Sedley's Bellamira; or, The Mistress; and Prologue to Behn's The Rover. 4ORobert Hannah, ”The Prologue and the Epilogue," Quarterly Journal of Speech, Volume 13 (1927) p. 124. 41Nicol1, Op. cit., pp. 77-78. CHAPTER IV SUBJECTS OF THE PROLOGUES AND EPILOGUES The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the major ideas found in the prologues and epilOgues selected for study. It has been stated in the introduction to this study that the verses were usually delivered to entertain the small and sophisticated courtly audience which frequented the playhouses. Because the prologues and epilogues were presented to this specific kind of audience, they have become a veritable sourcebook of the life and thought of the Restoration theatre- goer. It has been said that "studied thoroughly, one of these pieces says more about tastes and audiences than any other single poem of about forty or fifty lines descending to the present."1 what are the ideas discussed in the prologues and epilogues? Do these ideas appear with any degree of frequency? This chapter will attempt to answer these questions, as a part of the overall purpose of this dissertation to examine the prologues and epilogues as speeches. Method of Analysis In order to discover the ideas presented in the prologues and epilogues, the writer undertook the following method of analysis. First, all the prologues and epilogues selected for study were 1Autrey Nell Wiley, Rare Prologmes and Epilogues (London: George Allen, and Unwin Ltd., 1940) p. xliv. 74 75 read and re-read several times. During this process, some "hunches" were felt regarding the ideas discussed by the playwrights. Then the verses were re-read once again, with the writer looking for support or exceptions to his "hunches." The next step was to make generaliza- tions which attempted to organize the ideas found in the verses. The organization of these ideas assumed four major headings; these headings were then defended with examples and illustrations taken from the verses themselves. A Discussion of the Ideas Found in the Prologues and Epilogues §elected for Study The major ideas discussed in the verses selected for study seem to be those that describe theatrical conditions of the times, offer comments concerning dramatic criticism, social criticism, and those that discuss certain “tapica1" themes of the period. .A discussion of the more specific tepics in these four major categories of verses now follows. Theatrical Conditions In the preceding chapter, an extensive analysis was made of the playhouse. Comments were offered that described the unusual dis- turbances in the Restoration theatre, and remarks were also made which described the character and manners of the theatre-goers. Perhaps it would be pertinent at this point to present a few more examples of the noise and tumult in the theatre which would indicate. this as a tOpic discussed in the prologues and epilogues. Noise in the pit, and noise upon the stage, Who would not think it were a witty age? 76 Never more noise and talk of wit was known, The triflingst wretch himself a judge will own.2 (1675) Our galleries too were finely us'd of late, Where roosting masques sat cackling for a mate.3 (1685) And gallants, as for you, talk loud i' the Pit, Divert YOUPSGIVOS, and Friends with your own Wit.4 (1664) Again bring your ill Nature, your false Wit, Your noisie Mirth, your fighting in the pit.5 (1681) In addition to the idea of noise and tumult treated so fre- quently in the verses, examples are found which suggest that theatre attendance was on the decline. Aphra Behn, in her prologue to Like Father,gLike Son, states: Lord what a House is here, how Thin 'tis grown: As Church 'ere Conventicling was put down: Since all the brave are to Newmarket gone: Declining a states-men are abandon'd too, Who scarce a Heartless Whig will Visit now: Who once had crowds of Mutineers in Fashion, Fine drawn in Cullys of th' Association.6 (1682) Roger Boyle also makes reference to the empty playhouses by comparing the theatre's sparseness to the emptiness of the church. How various are the Humours of this Age: 2Prologue to Crowne's Country Wit, as quoted in The Dramatic Works of John Crowns (Edinburgh: W. Patterson, 1873-74) Volume III, p. 12. 3Epilogue to Crowne's, Sir Courtly Nice; or, It Cannot Be, Ibideg p. 355. 4Prologue to Etherege's, The Comical Revenge; or Love in a 22p, as quoted in The Dramatic Works Of Sir George Etherege (Oxford University Press; Basil Blackwell, 1927) p. 4. 5Prologue to Bank's Anna Bullen, as quoted in Wiley, Op. cit., p. 890 6Prologue to Behn's Like Father1gLike Son, as quoted in Tpg Works of Aphra Behn, Montague Summers (ed) (London; William Heinemann, 1915) Volume III, p. 462. 77 Sermons at first were foll'd, then the Stage; But that they neither are frequented now.7 (1694) We also find in one Of John Crowne's epilogues the comment that the audience may damn the plays and the poets, "But pray support a playhouse for your ease."8 Crowns also Observes that: Our empty Playhouse has enough fresh air. And gallants pray support us not for plays, But to find ladies here in rainy days.9 (1678) Not only is attendance and support a theme offered by many of the prologues and epilogues, but reference is also made in the verses to the destruction of theatres. The Royal Theatre, for example, was destroyed by fire in 1698 and this event is referred to in an epilogue by Farquhar. I come not here, our Poet's Fate to see, He and his Play may both be damn'd for me. No; Royal Theatre, I come to Mourn thee. And must these structures then untimely fall Whilst the other House stands and gets the Devil and a11.10 (1698) Crowns also refers to the destruction of the Royal Theatre. In our poor playhouse, fallen to the ground, The time's neglect, and maladies have thrown The two great pillars of our playhouse down.11 (1678) 7Prologue to Roger Boyle's Herod the Great, as quoted in Th2 Dramatic Works of Roger Boyle, William Clerk II (ed) (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1937), Volume II, p. 588. SEpilogue to Crowne's Ambitious Statesman, OQ;_cit., Volume III, p. 2410 91bid. lQEpilogue to Farquhar's Love and a Bottle, as quoted in The Complete Works of George Farguhar (Bloomsbury: Nonesuch Press, 19307- VOlume I, p. 740 11Prologue to Crowne's Ambitious Statesman, Op. cit., Volume III, p. 148. 78 Another theatrical condition described in some of the verses mentions the use of elaborate scenic effects. Clouds descending from heaven, machines spurting water and steam, and monsters seeming to appear from nowhere were some of the effects produced by the techni- cians during the period. Shadwell, in his Second Prologue to The Tempest, informs us about some of these machines and appears to boast about their excellence. we have machines to some perfection brought, And above 30 warbling voyces gott. Many a Godd and Goddesse you will heare And we have singing, Dancing, Devills here; such Devills, and such Gods, are very Deare.12 (1674) And Roger Boyle not only mentions the machines that adorn the stage of the playhouse but also talks about streams of fireworks, rain, and snow. He also suggests ironically that the elaborate effects will interest and amaze the spectator, particularly if the play happens to be inferior. Damn'd Plays shall be adorn'd with mighty Scenes, And Fustian shall be Spoke in huge Machines; And we will purling streams and Fire-works show, And you may live to see it rain and snow.13 (1672) Dramatic Criticism The playwrights themselves, as revealed in the prologues and epilogues, were often an object of dramatic criticism. Some of the verses, for example, attempted to explain the objectives or reSponsibili- 12Second Epilogue to Shadwell's The Tempest, as quoted in Complete'wOrks of Thomas Shadwell, (London: Fortune Press, 1927) Volume II, p. 2690 13Prologue to Boyle's Mr. Anthony, 0p. cit., Volume II, p. 584. 79 ties of the playwright. For our dull author swears he but aspires To please the city wives and country squire; And all the sober audience of the town.14 (1671) Certainly the author of the preceding passage is not literally trying to please the audience; rather, he is laughing at the "city wives and country squires." Lee also suggests that the playwright's intention is not to please the audience, nor is it the poet's objective to cater to the tastes or whims of the theatre-goer. With angry contempt in mind, Lee asserts that he (and other poets as well) often have to "please" the audience. Th' unhappy Man, who once has tail'd a Pen, Lives not to please himself, but other Men; Is always drudging, wastes his life and Bloodi Yet only eats and drinks what you think good. 5 (1680) Shadwell also mentions contemptuously that the dramatist will do his best "to please" the audience. Then w'are reveng'd on you, who needs must come Hither, to shun you own dull selves at home: But you kind Burgers who had never yet, Either your Heads or Bellies full of Wit: Our Poet hepes to please;16 (1672) And note the irony in the following excerpt taken from Aphra 14Prologue to Crowne's History of Charles VIII of France, Op. cit., Volume II, p. 60. 15Prologue to Dryden's Caesar Borgia, as quoted in Prologges and Epilogues of John Dryden (New York; Columbia University Press, 1951) Pa 17¢ 16Prologue to Shadwell's Epsom-wells, 9p. cit., Volume II, p. 104. 80 Behn's prologue to The Town Fop. --What we present today is none of these, But we cou'd wish it were, for we wou'd please, And that you'll swear we hardly meant to do: Yet here's no Sense; Pox on't, but here's no Show; But a plain story, that will give a Taste Of what your Grandshires lov'd i' th' Age that's past.17 To condemn the audience was not the only objective of the Restoration playwright; some wished also to move the passions or intel- lect of the audience. Congreve, for example, expresses this thought, and also suggests that nature, not art, can affect the heart. To please and move has been our poet's theme, Art may direct, but nature is his aim; And nature missed, in vain he boasts his art, For only nature can affect the heart.18 (1696) 17Prologue to Behn's The Town Fop; or, Sir Timothy Tawdry, OE. Cit., Volume III, p. 50 18Prologue to Congreve‘s Mourning Bride, as quoted in Thg MourningyBride, Poems, and Miscellanies, Bonamy Dobree (ed) (London: Humphrey Milford, 1928) p. 81. Perhaps a statement concerning the meaning of "nature” would be apprOpriate. "Basically, the critical injunction which gained the widest, indeed almost universal, accep- tance was the call to 'follow Nature.' . . . 'Follow Nature' might mean 'portray the world as you see it' - in that sense Restoration comedy followed Nature and was true to life. It might mean 'show the permanent truths underlying the individual varieties of man' - in that sense Homer and Shakespeare, Chaucer and Moliere, were poets of Nature. It might mean 'obey reason; seek order and harmony in life and art' . . . Following Nature becomes following life, and following life means re- cording it as one‘s good sense and wide knowledge tell one that men in general experience it . . . According to Pope, ‘the best employment of human wit' is to present human nature interestingly. Boris Ford (ed) From Dryden to Johnson (London: Penguin Books, Ltd., 1957) pp. 51-52. In other words, to the poet of the Restoration period ”nature" meant trying to discover or find the various raw materials of art. "Wit," on the other hand, refers to taking these raw materials of art and putting them into an ordered and harmonic pattern; wit refers to various aspects of the poetic process; nature refers to various raw materials of art. See pages 101-1o3of this chapter where the concept of "wit" is discussed more completely. 81 Boyle echoes much the same idea in the following passage. As ev'ry Lines do's every Beauty trace, And Art illustrates Natures shining Grace; Not that our Author gives us Painted Scenes, Or leans upon the Help of Fine Machines, He scorns such base Assistances of Wit, To crowd a gallery, or to fill a pit, But moves your mind, neglectful of your sight And, stead of wronging, does Religion right.1(5 (1700) One final example of the verse that attempts to explain the purpose or intent of the author may be found in John Banks‘ prologue to Anna Bullen. To all Impartial Judges in the Pit, And to each beautious Patroness of Wit, I'm send to plead the Poet's Cause, and say, There's not one slander in his Modest Play; He brings before your eyes a modern Story, Yet meddles not with either Whig or Tory.20 (1681) As indicated in the preceding paragraphs, one of the primary objectives of the playwright was to criticize, laugh at, or condemn the spectator. Even though this criticism of the audience was often couched in gentle ironies, the playwright on other occasions complained to some length about his difficult task, and often quite bitterly. In the prologue to Congreve's Way of the world, for example, the playwright mentions the suffering and the many hazards he encounters as he attempts to write a play. Poets are bubbles, by the town drawn in, suffered at first some trifling stakes to win; sut what unequal hazards, do they run: 19Prologue to Boyle's Tragedy of King Saul, op. cit., Volume II, p. 706. zoprologue to Banks. Anna BUllen’ Oh Cite, P. 900 82 Each time they write they venture all they've won.2l (1699) Sedley, in his epilogue to The Mulberry-Garden, tells Of the poor poet's struggle for success. Poets of all men have the hardest Game, Their best Endeavours can no Favours claim. The lawyer, if o're thrown, though by the Laws, He quites himself, and lays it on your Cause. The Soldier is esteem'd a Man of War, And Honour gains, if he but bravely dare, The grace Physician, if his Patient dye, He shakes his head, and blames Mortality. Only poor poets their own faults must bear.22 (1668) Other passages suggest that the poet, who suffered from the critics and jests of the audience, wants to live in peace. For shame leave Off this higling way Of Wit, Railing abroad, and roaring in the pit. Let Poets live in Peace, in quiet write, Else they may all punish you unite; Join in one Force, to study to abuse ye, And teach your Wives and Misses how to use you.23 (1678) Shadwell also appeals to the audience tO let the poet alone and use him with civility and politeness. Our Poet who wrote this Icognito, Does boldly claim this priviledge as his due; He presses in, and will not be kept out, Though he deserves to stand amongst the rout, Those fifteen hundred poets who have writ, And never could have one Play acted yet, But now he's in, pray use him civilly, Let him, what e're he says, unquestion'd be, 21Prologue to Congreve's Way of the WOrld, as quoted in Come- dies by William Congreve (London; Humphrey Milford, 1929) p. 340. ZZEpilogue to Sedley's The Mulberry-Garden, as quoted in Pinta, Op. cit., Volume I, p. 186. 23Epilogue to Otway's Friendship in Fashion, as quoted in 922? plete Works Of Thomas Otway, Montague Summers (ed) (Bloomsbury: Nonesuch Press, 1926) Volume II, p. 78. 83 According to the Laws of Masquerade.‘24 (1671) The poet is also mocked and treated quite disrespectfully in various prologues and epilogues. For example, in the epilogue to Otway's History and Fall of Caius Marius, he is said to have: . . . naught but Drums and Trumpets in his Head, H' had banish'd Poetry and all her Charms, And needs the Fool would be a Man at Arms.25 (1679) The poet, in an excerpt from another verse, appears to be treat- ed with disdain. Plays are so common, they are little priz'd, And to be but a poet, is despis'd.26 (1675) There are also other comments which mention the problems, plights, and frustrations that confront the playwright. Otway points out that hazards and major difficulties face the playwright,37 and Southerne feels that the poet should "henceforth lay his rules aside."28 (1692) And per- haps the most bitter denunciation of the playwright is made by Crowns in his epilogue to The Ambitious Statesman. Here Crowns asserts that playwrights write plays with plots or stories missing, and that these crimes will eventually cause the post to be hanged and damned. His priests and posts have conspir'd our fall, 24Epilogue to Shadwell's, The Miser, Op. cit., Volume II, p. 18. 25Epilogue to Otway's History and Fall of Caius Marius, op. cit., Volume II, p. 153. 26Prologus to Crowne's The Country Wit, Op. cit., Volume III, p. 110 27Prologue to Otway's Alcibiades, Op. cit., Volume I, p. 7. 28Prologus to Southerne's, The Maid's Last Prayer; or, Any, Rather than Fail, as quoted in Plays Written by Thomas Southerne (T. Evans and T. Becket, 1774) Volume II, p. 96. 84 Priests by bad plots, posts by none at all; And poets like the Jesuits Of the times, Will hang and damn 'ere they will own their crimes.29 (1678) The comments concerning the difficult task confronting the post are numerous and usually quite consistent in their analysis Of the situation. Most tend to support the notion that the poet's job was far from pleasant, and that he has responsibilities that caused him many frustrations and disappointments. Not only does the playwright explain his objectives or pur- poses to the audience in the prologues and epilogues, but in other verses we find the poet apologizing for his own play. For example, in the prologue to Vanbrugh's Aeso , the author is not apologizing for his inferior drama, er se, but he is complaining against the restrictions that the Puritans placed on the drama. The play is compelled to be a sermon, more or less against the wishes of Vanbrugh. Gallants; We never yet produc'd a Play, With greater fears, than this we act today. Barren of all the Graces of the Stage, Barren Of all that entertains this Age. No Hero, no Romance, no Plot, no Show, NO Rape, no Bawdy, no Intrigue, no Beau; There's nothing in't with which we use to please yet; Hath down right full Instruction, w're to tease ye, The stage turns pulpit; and the World's so fickle, The Play-House in a whim, turns Conventicle.30 (1696) Otway also discusses the deficiences of his play, blaming the drama's deficiences on the Puritans. How hard a task hath that poor Drug of Stage, ZQEpilogue to Crowne's Ambitious statesman, op. cit., Volume III, p. 2410 30Prologue to Aeso , op. cit., Volume II (Vanbrugh) p. 23. 85 That strives to please in this Fantastick Age? It is a thing so difficult to hit, That he's a Fool that thinks to do't by Wit; Therefore our Author bid me plainly say, You must not look for any in his Play. 1' th' next Place, Ladies, there's no Bawdy in't.3l (1678) And Boyle also exponds upon the inadequacies Of his play, stating; Gallants: If Y'are offended at our Play, And think w'have coursly treated you today, Think what a famine there is now of wit, And that we bring the best that we can get; Wit's exhausted, and is almost spent, And you, with little wit, must be content.32 (1672) Another type of apologetic prologue and epilogue suggests that the audience forgive the playwright's poor showing because the drama is the poet's first production. Well, Gallants, 'Tis his first, Faith, let it go, Just as Old Gamestsrs by young Bubbles do: This first and smaller Stake let him win, And for a greater sum you'll draw him in.33 (1668) In a prologue to a different play, Shadwell again states: As a young wanton when she first begins, With a shame, and with regret of Conscience sins; SO fares our trembling Post the first time, He has committed the lewd sin Of Rhime. While Custom hardens others in the Crime. It might in him that boldness too beget, To lay about him without Fear or Wit; But humbly he your pardon does implore; Already he repents, and sayd he'll sin no more.34 (1672) 31 II, p. 70 Prologue to Otway{§, Friendship in Fashion, Op. cit., Volume 3BEpilogus to Boyle's, Mr. Anthopy, op. cit., Volume II, p. 584. See pp. for a discussion of the meaning of 113 in Restoration critiCi 3m. 33Prologue to Shadwell's, Sullen Lovers, op. cit., Volume II, p. 13. 34loid., p. 281. 86 One writer informs the audience that his play is inferior and craves their forgiveness. Howe'r he hopes you will excuse his haste, For he this gawdy trifle wrote so fast; Five weeks begun and finish'd this design, In those few hours he snatch'd from Friends and Wine, And since in better things h' has spent his time, with which he hopes e're long t' atone this Crime.35 (1668) And Otway also begs forgiveness: Yet well he knows this is a weak pretence, For idleness is the worst want Of sence. Let him not now of Carelessness be Taxt, He'll write in earnest when he writes the next.36 (1676) Sedley is embarrassed by his play because he feels that it is Of such inferior quality; he even goes so far as to call his dramatic effort a "lump." Like a young Wench that cou'd not well forbear, And yet is loath her Lewdness shou'd appear. Our modest Poet, wou'd have made away In private, this more lump you see today.37 (1687) There are other examples of playwrights asking the audience to forgive their meager attempts to produce a worthwhile dramatic pro- duct. One playwright asked the audience tO be good-natured and consid- erate; another suggests that if the poet sinned and turned in an inferior dramatic product, it was because he wanted to try his best to delight and amuse the audience; and a third excerpt asks that the playgoer be patient and pardon the deficiences in the play. 35Prologue to Shadwell's, Sullen Lovers, Op. cit., Volume I, p. 13. 36Prologue to Otway's, Don Carlos, Op. cit., Volume I, p. 77. 37Prologue to Sedley's Bellamira; Or, The Mistress, Op. cit., Volume II, p. 97. 87 But if you sink this Vessel, yet he will Keep on a little Trade a going still. He sayes you cannot break him if you do, But (whatsoe're he sayes) I beg that you TO us will be good natur'd but this day, And pardon all the Errors in our Play.38 (1668) Gallants you see how hard it is to write, Forgive all faults the Poet meant to night: Since if he sinn'd, 'Twas made for your delight.39 (1670) For, since 'tis at your choice, to clap or hiss, Expect the rest; if well, we do in This Your patience crave; pardon in what's amiss.4O (1676) As evidenced by the preceding paragraphs, the writers of the prologues and epilogues Often preach the theme Of apology in their ver- ses. Various writers of these verses, however, relying completely upon the chivalry and sense of fair play of the theatre-going public, think that they can gain most from the audience, not by apologizing to them, but by revealing their utter helplessness. The following passages illustrate this notion. Bright beauties, who in awful circle sit, And you, grave synod of the dreadful pit, And you the upper-tire of popgun wit, Pray ease me of my wonder, if you may; Is this crowd barely to see the play. Or is't the poet's execution day -4 (1689) Like Pris'ners, conscious of th' offended Law. When Juries after th' Evidence withdraw; So waits our Author between hOpe and fear, Until he does you doubtful Verdict hear.42 (1664) p. 173, Op. cit., p. 88. 38‘Epilogue to Shadwell's Royal Shepherdesse, Op. cit., Volume I, 39Epilogue to Shadwell's Humorists, Ibid., p. 173. 40Prologue to Settle's Pastor Fido, op. cit., p. 32. 41Prologue to Don Sebastian, Dryden, as quoted in Gardner, p. 1520 42Prologue to Etherege's Comical Revenge, Op. cit., Volume I, 88 The pit and boxes make the poet dine, And he scarce drinks but of the critics wine.43 (1680) The Post's under sequestration: He has no title to his small estate 0f Wit, unless you please to set the rats For 'tis your judgments give him wealth in this, He's just as rich as you believe he is.44 (1662) TO you, great judges in this writing age, The sons Of wit, the patrons of the stage, The author sends to beg you will be kind, And spare those many faults you needs must find.45 (1664) 32p; it.is below your aim to hit At thought nature with your practiced.46 (1680) On the preceding pages we have focused attention upon the ideas in the prologues and epilogues which discuss the playwrights attitudes towards various problems during the Restoration period. At this point we shall concentrate upon the audience and present some passages from the prologues and epilogues that describe the theatre-goer's attitude toward the playwright. In one group of verses we find the audience judging the efforts of the playwright. Congreve, in his prologue to The Double Dealer writes; In short, our play shall (With your leave to show it) 43Epilogue to Lee's, Theodosius, Op. cit., as quoted in Dramatik Works Of Mr. Nathaniel Lee, (London: W. Feales, 1734) Volume I, p. 10. 44Epilogus to Howard's The Committee, as quoted in Wiley, 020 Cite, p, 1320 45Epilogue to Dryden's Indian Queen, as quoted in Gardner, OE. Cite, p. 50 46Prologue to Otway's, The Orphan, Op. cit., Volume II, p. 163. 89 Give you one instance of a passive poet, Who to your judgments yields all resignation; So save or damn after your own discretion.47 (1693) Wycherly also suggests that the audience judge the play; in this Specific instance he requests the playgoers to "let the poet be." Yet in true spite to him and to his play Good faith, you should not rail at them today But to be more his foe, seem most his friend, And so maliciously the play commend; That he may be betrayed to writing oné And poet let him be, - to be undone.4 (1671) Wycherly again, this time in a different epilogue, turns to the men and women in the audience to give the play final judgment. Our gallants and our judges you must be: We, therefore, and our post, do submit, To all the camlet cloaks now i' the pit.49 (1672) And Aphra Behn, being a woman, asks the audience to judge her play as fairly as if it were written by a man. 0n equal grounds you'll scarce know one from tothsr; We are as like, as Brother is to Brother. To judge against me then wou'd be Ill-Nature, For Men are kind to those they're like in Feature, For judges therefore I accept you all; By you, Sir Timothy will stand or fall. He's too faint-hearted that his Sentence fears, who has the Honour to be try'd by's Peers.50 (1676) Shadwell also seeks audience judgment. Elsewhere you all can flatter, why not here; 47Prologue to Congreve's, The Double Dealer, Op. cit., p. 341. 48Epilogus to wycherly's, Love in a Wood, as quoted in William Wycherly, W. C. Ward (ed), (London: T. Fisher Unwin, Pater- noster square, 1893) p. 124. 49Epilogue to wycherly's, Gentleman Dancing-Master, Op. cit., p. 242. SOEpilogue to Behn's Town FOp, Op. cit., Volume III, p. 94. 90 You'll say you pay, and so may be severe: Judge for your selves then Gallants as you pay, And lead not each of you his Bench astray: Let easie Citts be pleas'd with all they hear, GO home and to their Neighbours praise our Wars.51 (1672) Not only do these passages from the prologues and epilogues Offer Opinions and judgments concerning the quality Of the plays, but they also suggest that the playwright was forced to defer to the crude tastes of the audience, Often rather reluctantly. The audience is not only asked to judge the merits of the plays, but in other passages from the prologues and epilogues we find that the audience is criticized or reprimanded for various reasons. Etherege writes: Then for your own sakes be not too severe, Not what you all admire at home, Damn here. Since each is fond Of his own ugly Face, Why shou'd you, when we hold it, break the Glass?52 (1676) In the preceding passage Etherege is attributing the audience's dis- approval to the fact that it cannot stand a realistic portrayal of its own vices and follies. Southerne also criticizes the audience by laughing at the English habit of chattering while good music is being played. Since each man here finds his diversion, Let not the damning of our play be one. But to the ladies, who must fit it out, TO hear us prate, and see the oglers shoot, Begging their favour, we have this to say, In hOpes of their protection for this play, Here is a music-meeting every day.53 (1691) 51Prologue to Shadwell's Epsom-Wells, Op. cit., Volume II, p. 104. 52Prologue to Etherege's Man of Mode, Op. cit., Volume II, p. 185. 53Prologue to Southerne’s The Wives Excuse, Op. cit., Volume II, p. 850 91 The rude habits are further discussed by Roger Boyle in his prologue to Mr. Anthony. He who comes hither with design to hiss, And with a Bum revsrst to whisper Miss, To comb a Perriwig, or to show gay Cloaths, Or to vent Antick nonscence with New Oaths; Swell'd with Pottage, or the Burgundian Grape, They hither come, to take a kindly Nap. And tho' scarce half awake some Playes they Damn, They'll doe't by whole-sale, not by Ounce and Dram.54 (1672) Otway also discusses the bad manners and reprimands the audience for coming to the theatre inebriated. He writes that, "At Church, in Pews, ye most devoutly snore, And here, got dully drunk, ye come to roar."55 (1682) And Wycherly, in his epilogue to Love in a Wood, attacks the stupidity Of the audience. Now my brisk brothers of the pit, you'll say I'm come to speak a good word for the play; But gallants, let me perish: if I do, For I have wit and judgment, just like you.56 (1670) Crowns also discusses the dullness of the audience. You judges, critics, wits, and poets too, And whatsoever titles are your due; As pretty features, each in prOper place, Put altogether make a pretty face, so you good wits, and you that would be so, You altogether make a pretty show.57 (1671) Crowns also refers to the stupidity of the audience in other passages. 'Tis a hard case an audience now to please, 54pro1ogue to Boyle's Mr. Anthopy, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 518. 55Prologue to Otway's The City Heiress, op. cit., p. 77. 55Epilogue to Wycherly's Love in a Wood, op. cit., p. 124. 57Prologue to Crowne's Juliana, op. cit., Volume II: Po 122- reasons. 92 For every palate's Spoil'd with some disease. Poor plays as fast as women now decay, They're seldom car'd for after the first day; How Often have I heard true wit call'd stuff, By men with nothing in their brains but snuff.58 (1685) Some swaggering gallants poetry deride, Because it brings not coin to feed vain pride, Though empty pockets are a heavy course, Yet, let me tell you, empty heads are worse, And many a gallant, who looks huffing big, Owes all his grandeur to his swinging wig; Small wit he covers with a broad-brimmed hat.59 (1694) The audience is further reprimanded or criticized for various For example, the prologue to Love for Love, written by Congreve, reprimands the audience because it appears to discourage wit. And should the ensuing scenes not chance to hit, He Offers but this one excuse, 'Twas writ Before your late discouragement of wit.'60 (1695) In another passage, Congreve complains about the audience be- cause it adjourns to coffee houses to pull the play apart. He concludes by stating that this is an inevitable result Of theatre-going, claim- ing that "How hard a thing 'Twould be to please you all."61 (1695) And wycherly criticizes the audience for not saying what it really thinks. I' only, act a part like none of you, And yet you'll say, it is a fool's part too: And honest men who, like you, never winks At faults; but, unlike you, Speaks what he thinks.62 (1676) Farquhar further reprimands the audience by claiming that it 581212.. Sir courtly Nice, Volume III, p. 354. 591213., The Married Beau, Volume IV, p. 240. 60 Prologue to Congreve's Love for Love, 9p. cit., p. 217. 6llbid., p. 442. 62Prologue to Wycherly's Plain Dealer, Op. cit., p. 373. 93 tries to reform existing standards and tastes. You dread Reformers of an Impious Age, You awful Catta-nine Tailes Of the Stage, This once be just, and in our Cause engage. To gain your favour, we your Roles Obey, And treat you with a Moral Piece to Day; so Moral, we're afraid 'Twill Damn the Play.63 (1700) Finally, Otway seems to summarize the general disapproval of the audience by comments he makes in his prologue to Titus and Berenice. You waggs that judge by Boat, and damn by Rule, Taking your measures from some Neighbour fool, Who has Impudence a Coxcombs useful Tool; That always are severe you know not why, And would be thought great Criticks by the by With very much ill-Nature, and no wit, (1676) On the preceding pages we have discussed the attitude of the playwright and audience concerning the drama Of the period. Let us now turn our attention to the general attitude of the prologue and epilogue to the quality of the plays written and produced for the Restoration audience. One comment concerning the talent Of the playwright may be found in Shadwell's prologue to Psyche (1674): You must not here expect exalted Thought. Nor lofty Verses, nor Scenes with labor wrought: His Subject's humble, and his Verse is so; This Theme no thund'ring Raptures would allow, Nor would be, if he could, that way purseu. Southerne does not go so far as Shadwell in castigating the drama, but he does compare the playwright to a fool and quack. Poets fine titles for themselves they find; 63Prologue to Farquhar's False Friend, OB- Cit-9 Volume I! p. 163. 64Prologue to Shadwell's Psyche. Op. Cit-: Volume II! p. 281' 94 I think 'em the fool mongers Of mankind. The charitable quacks indeed pretend, They trade in fools, only those fools to mend. Equal in this, all plays must be confest; F001 is the fav'rite dish Of the whole feast.65 (1700) Congreve also states that for ten bad plays that appear on the stage, there is only one good drama written. He goes on to say that; The dearth of wit they did so long presage, Is fallen on us, and almost starves the stage. Were you not grieved so often as you saw Poor actors thrash such empty sheafs of straw.66 (1696) Crowns agrees with Congreve and adds that he intends to damn all plays and be done with it. I am afraid I shall disgrace you all, But I'm resolved I will audamning fall; since you have ten ill plays for one good play, I think to damn 'em all the safest way.67 (1675) In another passage Crowns complains about the coarseness and Obscenity of some Restoration plays. Writing, like Roman gloves, should scent a room, Each thought shou'd have in it a strong perfume; But oh, few smell 0' wit, so very ranké Nature of late is turn'd a mountebank. 3 (1675) Shadwell, in his epilogue to The Humorists, notes that the poet "mangles plots and plays and continues to fumble for the Bayes 65Prologue to Fate Of Capua, written by Col. Codrington, as qu0ted in Southerne, 020 Cit.’ VOlume III, p. 730 66Prologue to Congreve's Mourning Bride, Op. cit., p. 81. 67Epilogue to Crowne‘s The Countrinit, op. cit., Volume III, p. 130. 68Prologue to Crowne's The Country Wit, Ibid., p. 11. 95 with Poems, Songs, Lampoons, and long dull p1ayes."59 (1670) Other prologues and epilogues charge that the Restoration poet is limited to imitating, rather than inventing plots and ideas for plays. They Ne're invent, but they can imitate: Had we not for your pleasure found new wayes You still had rusty Arras had, and thredbare playes.'7O (1674) In the first epilogue to The Tempest, Shadwell asserts that among the drama of the period, "there's a general rot,"71 (1674) and Aphra Behn also echoes this Opinion, and finally asserts that "the only wit that's new in fashion is but the Gleanings of good Conversation."72 (1676) Perhaps an explanation for the inferior quality of the drama may be found in the following eXpression: In this grave age . . . poetry is despis'd,’3 Which Home and Athens above riches priz'd, (1694) Whether Crowne's observation is accurate is indeed a moot issue; it is nevertheless true, as will be indicated in the succeeding pages of this chapter, that poetry, if not despised, was cheapened by whole- sale imitation and lifting of ideas, plots, and verses from the ancient authors. - 69Prologue to Shadwell's The Humorists, Op. cit., Volume I, p. 190. 70Second Prologue to Shadwell's The Tempest, Op. cit., Volume II, p. 1960 71Epilogue to Shadwell's The Tempest, Ibid., p. 268. 72Prologue to The Rover, written by a Person of Quality, as quoted in Behn, Op. cit., Volume I, p. 7. 73Prologue to Crowne's The Married Beau, op. cit., Volume IV, p. 240. 96 The state of the drama was not the only subject which received unkind remarks; very Often the critic himself was an Object Of attack. In fact, the prologues and epilogues of the Restoration period constitu- ted those structural parts of a play which most frequently served as a shield or defensive apparatus against criticism and critics. Dryden, one of the most prolific writers of prologues and epilogues, offers many Opinions dealing with the tOpic of criticism. In the epilogue to The Wild Gallant, Dryden has a chance to talk over his relationship to the critics.74 He seems to discover that he is serv- ring their purpose well, but he wishes that so many of them were not rowdies at heart. The critics swear they'll damn him, but they'll tame him. Yet tho' our poets threaten'd most by these, They are the only people he can please, For her, to humor them, has shown today That which they only like, a wretched play. There is not any person here so mean But he may freely judge each act and scene; But if you bid him choose his judges then He boldly names true English Gentlemen.75 (1663) Dryden perhaps more than any other writer insists upon examining the qualifications of the professed critics to judge a play. He finds one group Of critics who simply‘damn for sheer sport. 74The word "critic" did not only mean a fault-finder; it meant a "judge." Dryden's use of the word judges usually has nothing to do with courtroom judges. He means critics or readers qualified to judge (by taste and learning). Dryden also refers to the "would-be critic" or wit who is sometimes or contemptuously called a critic. 73Epilogue to The Wild Gallant, as quoted in Gardner, 02- git.’ p. 30 97 You needs will have your penn‘orths of this play And come resolved to damn, because you pay.76 (1678) Dryden seems to be most concerned with the inanity and folly of those who could read and, therefore, thought they could judge. Who would excell, when few can make a test Betwitxt indifferent writing and the best? Yet, scattered here and there, I some behold, Who can discern the tinsel from the gold. He more fears . . . Their votes who cannot judge, than theirs who can.77 (1675) Our attention is also called to the idea that at the end of the first performance of every play of this era, the critics were systematically active. But when the curtain's down, we peep and see A jury of wits, would-be critics who still stay late And in their club decree the poor play's fate; Their verdict back is to the boxes brought Then all the town pronounces it their thought.78 (1667) In his prologue to The Rival Ladies, Dryden suggests that the authors might just as well acquiesce to the whims Of the critics and do away completely with their preliminary verses. . . . You judges of the town, Would pass a vote to put all Prologues down; For who can show me, since they first were writ; They e're converted one hard-hearted wit.79 (1664) At this moment, however, the "Second Prologue" enters, proclaiming a reprieve, by reminding the speaker that the would-be critics in the pit 76Prologue to Oedipus, Ibid., p. 85. 77Epilogue to Aureng-Zebe, Ibid., p. 71. 78 Epilogue to Sir Martin Mar—All, Ibid., p. 17. 79 \ Prologue to The Rival Ladies, Ibid., p. 6. 98 are by no means all judicious and that their verdict on prologues and epilogues is to be disregarded. . . . Hold; would you admit For judges all you see within the pit? Whom would be then except, or on what score?80 (1664) And we also discover that Dryden seems to meet critics with stubborn defiance. He bows to every great and noble wit; But to the little Hectors of the Pit Our Poet's sturdy and will not submit He'll . . . not stay To see each peevish critic stab his play; Each puny censor, who, his skill to boast, Is cheaply witty on the poet's cost. The same law shall shield him from their fury, which has excluded butchers from a jury. You’d all be wits - But writing's tedious, and that way may fail, The most compendious method is to rail.81 (1667) Only in the epilogue to Troilus and Cressida, when he is con- sidering still more noxious types of critics, does Dryden reach the high- est note of savage indignation and fury. Those cruel critics put me into passion, For in their lowering looks I read damnation. .0. Posts have cause to dread a keeping pit, When women's cullies come to judge of wit. As we strew rat's bane when we vermin fear 'Twere worth our cost to scatter fool-bane here; And, after all our judging fops were served, Dull poet's, too, should have a dose reserved; such reprobates, as, past all sense of shaming, write on, and ne'er are satisfied with daming; 0.. These Ophs shou'd be restrained, during their lives, From Pen and Ink, as Madmen are from knives.82 (1679) BOIbid. Blsecond Prologue to The Secret Love, Ibid., p. 11. 8ZEpilogue to Troilus and Cressida, Ibid., p. 90. 99 Even though Dryden was quite vocal in his comments directed against critics and criticism, other Restoration playwrights also had something to say concerning this important tOpic. For example, Congreve wrote many interesting and highly informative prologues and epilogues that dealt with critical views and Opinions. In his prologue to The Double Dealer, Congreve compares the would-be critic to "fish of prey.” Feed, like sharks, upon an infant play. Be every monster of the deep away; Let‘s a fair trial have, and a clear sea.83 (1693) In another verse Congreve charges: 'Twould grieve your hearts to see him; I shall call him But then you cruel critics would so maul him: Yet, maybe you'll encourage a beginner; But who? - Just how the devil does a sinner.84 (1693) It appears that Congreve thinks little of the pretentious, ignorant critic, not of critics in general. In his epilogue to Th2 Double Dealer he asserts: critics a critics." For every one's both judge and jury here; Nay, and what's worse, an executioner. All have a right and title to some part, Each choosing that in which he has most art.85 (1693) We also find in some Of Congreve's remarks concerning humorous tone, particularly when he refers to the "lady The lady critics, who are better read, Inquire if characters are nicely bred; If the soft things are penned and spoke with grace; 83Prologue to Congreve's Double Dealer, 09! Cit-9 P' 120' 84Epilogue to Congreve's Old Bachelor, Ibid., p. 109. 8SEpilogue to Congreve's Double Dealer, Ibid., p. 212. 100 They judge of action, too, and time and place.86 (1693) Restoration dramatists like Dryden and Congreve treated the critic of the period quite seriously and often wrote penetrating liter- ary criticism. Other dramatists of the period did not seriously attack the critic but directed their attacks against the would-be ignorant amateurs. For example, Thomas Shadwell shows that the craze for criti- cism came not from conviction, but from fashion. Wit is a common Idol, and in vain FOps try a thousand wayes the name to gain.87 (1678) and The Sparks judge but as they hear others say, They cannot think enough to judge a play.88 (1678) The list of comments directed against the ignorance and pre- sumption of fashionable bores is perhaps inexhaustible. Some of the more defiant and belligerent remarks concerning the playwright's attitude toward this would-be critic may be found in the following passages taken from selected prologues and epilogues. Good-nature in a critic were a crime. Like mercy in a judge, and renders him Guilty of all those faults he does forgive, . . . He'll cut your throat . . . He‘ll murder your name.89 (1671) Criticks Are Polish bullies, fire, and lightning all, The Blunderbuss goes off, and where you hit you maul.90 (1680) 861212“ H 8'7Prologue to Shadwell's Timon, op. cit., Volume III, p. 195. 88Epilogue to Shadwell's Timon, Ibid., p. 274. 89Epilogue to wycherly's Love in a WoOd, op. cit., p. 124. 90Prologue to Settle's Emperor of Morocco, as quoted in Wiley, OE. Cit.’ p. 84'. 101 The Criticks may want wit, they have good Breeding. They won't I'm sure, forfeit the Ladies Graces, By showing their ill nature to their Faces. Our business with good Manners may be done, Flatter us here, and damn us when you're gone.91 (1699) We have now reviewed those prologues and epilogues which dis- cuss the playwright's purposes and objectives, the audience's attitude toward the quality of the Restoration play, and the critics and would- be critics attacks on the drama of the period. Now let us turn our attention to the concept of wit to see how it is discussed in various prologues and epilogues selected for study.92 91Epilogue to Farquhar's Constant Couple, op. cit., Volume I, p. 153. See also the following prologues and epilogues which discuss further the role of the would-be critic: Prologue to Love in a Wood, Wycherly; Prologue to The Plain Dealer, Wycherly; Prologue to Th2 Country Wit, Crowns; Prologue to The Comical Revenge, Etherege; Pro- logue to The History of Charles VII of France, Crowns; Prologue to Love and a Bottle, Farquhar; Epilogue to The Constant Couple, Farquhar; Prologue to Epsom-Wells, Shadwell; Epilogue to Friendship in Fashion, Otway; Epilogue to Herod the Great, Boyle; Prologue to The Royal Brother, Dryden; and Prologue to The Fatal Marriage, Southerne. 92The particular meaning of wit as used in the prologues and epilogues selected for study should be clarified. Abraham Cowley's discussion of wit in his poem Ode of Wit states the meaning of the concept as used in the latter years of the seventeenth century. In analyzing Cowley's use of wit, Ronald Crane writes; ”Cowley's pur- pose in this poem is not to give a definition of 'wit' as a guide to the general usage of the term, but rather to picture an ideal mode for the functioning of the poetical faculty. 'Wit' is virtually equated to 'height of genius' . . . ; it signifies the qualities that make good composition . . . Cowley's use of 'wit' as a key word is perhaps explainable by its commonness in the seventeenth century as a name for various aspects of the poetic process . . . Its usual meaning in pre- vious centuries had been the broad one of intellect of mind in general. During the seventeenth, sepecially after the middle of the century, it came to signify more particularly what was also called 'fancy,' the power of seeing resemblances, of discovering analogies between things apparently unlike, hence the power of making metaphors and similes. In this sense it was contrasted to 'judgment', the power of making distinc- tions. Near the end of the century John Locke (An Essay concerning human understanding (1690), II, xi, 2) defined the two faculties thus: ‘ . . . Wit lying most in the assemblage of Ideas, and putting those to- 102 John Crowne, in his epilogue to The Married-Beau proceeds to analyze the meaning and implication, finally concluding that wit, as well as wisdom, will again return to the English stage. gether with quickness and variety, wherein can be found any resemblance or congruity . . . Jud ement, on the contrary, lies quite on the other side, in separating carefully Ideas one from another, wherein can be found the least difference . . .' (quoted by Ustick and Hudson). COW- ley appears to have a similar distinction in mind; he shows that the faculty of conjuring up images and seeing similarities goes astray unless supported by the faculty of organizing, which of course in- volves the making of discriminations, and he makes true wit consist in the joining of the two faculties. (Ronald S. Crane, A Collection of English Poems, 1660-1800 (New York; Harper and Brothers, 1932) PP- 1174-75) Cowley thus refers to wit as the ordering of raw subject matter into a work of art; it refers to the realm of the creative artist. A. R. Humphreys further discusses the meaning of wit; ” . . . This is where 'wit,‘ in its most important Augustan meaning, came in. The basic, though not the only, Augustan concern was to understand things and express them plainly. 'Ws love plain truth,‘ said saint- Evremond, 'good sense has gained ground upon the illusions of fancy, and nothing satisfies us nowadays (about 1690) but solid Reason.' Away with the conceits of metaphysical poetry, the freaks of Caroline sermon-style, the 'fantastic fairy-land' of romance which Cowley rs- jects from English epic . . . These must yield before the true function of 'wit‘, which is to 'c0py out ideas in the mind' (Lansdowne) with an exact correSpondence. The ideas themselves are to be objectively 'true' to life . . .Dryden defines wit as 'dsep thoughts in common language,‘ and Robert Wolssley as 'a true and lively expression of Nature . . .' Wit has other meanings, certainly, some damagingly near to irresponsible fancy, some like the 'occult resemblance of things apparently remote' that Johnson disliked in metaphysical poetry, some resembling our own sense of piquant surprise. But that the Augustans should so often have linked it with perpicuity (' a pro- priety of words and thought adapted to the subject' - Dryden) indicates their desire to define life well and express enduringly the truth about it. Incidentally, POps's definition of wit as 'what oft was thought but ne'er so well eXpressed' is criticized by Johnson for re- ducing wit from strength of thoughts to happiness of language; John- son prefers to describe wit as - 'that which is at once natural and new, and that which though not obvious is upon its first production acknowledged to be just; . . .that which he that never found it wondered how he missed it.‘ Wit is the clear and fresh comprehension and ex- pression of representative truth." (A. R. Humphreys, The Literagy Scene, as found in Boris Ford (ed) From Dryden to Johnson, Volume IV (Baltimore; Penguin Books Inc., 1957) pp. 54-55). Dryden also de- fined the concept of wit in Restoration poetry; he claimed that the composition of all postry is or ought to be wit. He referred to wit as the creative process; a mental activity of the highest order. 103 Wit, past dispute, to make a man complete, Is one ingredient in his strange receipt. Sir, if much wit did not today appear, Forgive it; all things now are scarce and dear: None more than wit; Some foreign lands complain 0f Famine; we are so supplied with grain, store of most kinds, 'tis said, is sent from hence, I doubt we cannot spare one grain 0‘ sense. But on our heroes now such planets smile, Wisdom, and wit, will once more grace this isle.93 (1694) Etherege, like Crowne, refers to the idea that wit has de- serted the stage, and has in past ages reached remarkable heights in excellence. For such our Fortune is this barren Age, That Faction now, not wit, supports the Stage; Wit has, like Painting, had her happy flights, And in peculiar Ages reach'd her heights, Though now declined . . .94 (1664) Otway also notes that 'Wit has . . . been a stranger of late,.95 (1675) in his prologue to Alcibiades, and Shadwell through the use of a figurative analogy also refers to the idea that wit is absent from the plays that are being produced on the Restoration stage. In all true wit a due prOportion's found To the just.Rules of‘height and distance bound. Dryden thought of wit as what went on in the mind of the poet as he creates a poem. Johnson asserted that wit is the spirit animating the whole of serious composition; it is the exceptional power of creating a unity of feeling out of the most disparate elements. And P0pe's statement that "true wit is to nature to advantage dressed" tends to summarize the notion of wit (True Wit meaning good art of any kind - and Nature referring to the raw materials of arfl. 93Prologue to Crowne's Married Beau, 0p. cit., Volume IV p. 336. 94Ibid. 95Prologue to Otway's.Alcibiades, op. cit., Vol II, p. 7. 104 Wit, like a Faulcon tow'ring in its flight, When once it soars above its lawful height, Lessons, 'Till it becomes quite out of sight.96 (1675) Another idea concerning the subject of wit is suggested by Boyle in his prologue to Tryphon. Here the playwright observes that to be a wit is the worst state into which a man may fall. To be a Wit97 (Believe me, Sir, 'tis true) Is the worst State a Man can Fall into. The Wits first vow is, that they none will Spare, But jeer at every creature that they dare; And the No-Witts, these Wits so disesteem, That they give money, oft to hiss at them; ('Tis the Wits Nature, are at best their Fate, Others to scorn, and one another hate.98 (1668) In Shadwell's second epilogue to The Tempest, the author is "toying" with the concept of wit and comparing the essential features of wit to a mistress. The implication of this epilogue seems to suggest the final word concerning the subject; wit should be held responsible for the decay, not only of the drama of the period, but also of those who frequent the playhouse. Witt is a Mistress you have long enjoy'd, Her beauty's not impair'd, but you are cloy'd: And since 'tis not Witt's fault that you decay, You, for your want of appetite, must pay. You to provoke yourselves must keep her fine, And she must now at double charges shine.99 (1667) Social Criticism 96Prologue to Shadwell's Ps che, Op. cit., volume 119 Po 28- 97”To be a Wit" as used here is to lack "true Wit" as used in the preceding Shadwell quote. 98Prologue to Boyle's Tr hon, 02- Cit-y Volume II, P. 375° 99Second Epilogue to Shadwell's The Tempest, op. cit., Volume II, p. 2690 105 We find in the prologues and epilogues selected for study numerous references to social criticism. One specific topic of social concern discussed in the seleCted passages deals with the behavior of women. One group of prologues and epilogues comments upon the morale and character of the female. Southerne, in his epilogue to The Dis- appointment, ponders over the virtue of the female sex. You saw our wife, yet thoroughly try'd, And without doubt, y'are hugely edify'd; For, like our hero, whom we shew'd todaié You think no women true, but in a play; 0 (1684) In another passage, Southerne once again suggests that the moral conduct of women is Open to question; he states that the reason ladies marry is to enjoy their pleasures as they wish. We women are so whimsical in dying. Some pine away for loss of ogling fellows; Nay some have dy'd for love, as stories tell us. Some day our histories, though long ago, For having undergone a rape or so; For me, ladies, who do you marry, prag But to enjoy your wishes as you may.1 1 (1694) Crowne, in his epilogue to Regglgg, does not attack female promiscuity so much as male lust. We women do not find one lover true, You are as false to us, as we to you. When young, untouch'd, a woman comes in print Into the world, like money from the mint, She's sought by all, but soon she's made a scoff6 A false knave clips her, and then puts her off. 2 (1692) Volume I, 100Epilogue to Southerne's The Disappointment, OP- Cit-9 p. 151. lOlEpilogue to Southerne's Fatal Marriage, Ibid., p. 50. lOngilogue to Crowne‘s Regulus, Op. Cit.’ Vol. IV, D. 2220 lO6 Shadwell casts moral aspersions of the female when he observes that "some are peevish and ill-bred . . . Others stark mad, in love with all the Town."103 (1670) And Farquhar writes about the witty, brisk, and wild female. And give them still the Ladies in the Play, But 'faith their Ladies are as bad as they, They call 'em Aery, Witty, Brisk, and Wild, But, with their Favours, these are terms too mild.104 (1668) Although the morality of the female is questioned in various prologues and epilogues, there are also comments which suggest the woman's aversion to and dislike of immorality. Vanbrugh, in his pro- logue to AesoE, states that the female even "renounces the sweets of Fornication."105 (1696) And Wycherly also offers a kind remark for the woman when he writes: The ladies first I am to compliment, Whom (if he could) the poet would content, But to their pleasure then they must consent; Must spoil their Sport till by their modesty, And when they should be pleased, cry out, 'ohI fyl' And the least smutty jest will ne'er pass by. The previous example points out the use of irony; it suggests that the woman is more sensitive to the innuendo and able to grasp the meaning and implication of a risque jest or an off-color remark. The epilogue to The Country Wife also brings out the idea that it is difficult to deceive or beguile the female. But, Gallants, have a care, faith, what you do. Fl 103Prologue to Shadwell's Humorists, 0p. cit., Vol. I, p. 190 104Prologue to Shadwell's Royal Shepherdesse. Ibid-g p. 101. lOSPrologue to Vanbrugh, Aesgp, 0p. cit., Volume II, p. 423. 106Epilogue to Wycherly's Gentleman-Dancing Master, op. cit., p. 241- 107 The world, which to no man his due will give, You be experience know you can deceive, And men may still believe you vigorous, But then we women - there's no cozening us. 107 The examples just quoted refer to the character or moral conduct of the female. One way that women can get their money is to appeal to the old beau - the old beau being able to offer only money to entice the female sex. Old ugly beau, in me your selves behold, You get young women, only by your gold; For women fancy nothing else that's old.108 (1694) The prologue and epilogue also gives the woman credit, offer— ing her words of reSpect and graciousness. For example, Farquhar feels that the female is a forgiving individual, and men are fools not to be- lieve this significant and honourable trait. Indeed, you Men are Fools, you won‘t believe, What dreadful Things we Women can-forgive.lo‘ (1700) Southerne also showers words of praise on the female, and suggests that she be granted all her wishes and desires. He also mentions that most men do all they can to satisfy and to oblige the desire of the female sex. You Ladies, he adores, and owns your charms, More powerful than the greatest monarch's arms, HOpes the kind heav'ns will all your wishes grant, Whether they be for husband, or gallant; Nay, Bath, and Wells, at once, if both you want. Nor doubting your good-nature for a man, 107Epilogue to wycherly's Country Wife, Ibid., p. 361. lanpilOgue t0 Crowne's Married Beau, OP. Cite, V01 IV, p. 3350 109Epilogue to Farquhar's False Friend, op. cit., Vol I, p. 211. 108 Who, to oblige you, does the best he can.110 (1693) Finally, one last passage suggests a never-ending problem for the female; namely, that it appears to be difficult for her to make up her mind. Yet thus with some of you it daily happens; You lose the best, in hOpes to get the trappings. You scorn to st00p below a t0p gallant; And all pretend to ride the elephant; As if you had forgot the thing you want.111 (1693) Not only was the female a subject of social criticism and discussion, but the tOpic of religion was also treated in the prologues and epilogues. Yet in the midst of such Religious Days, Sermons have never borne the Price of Plays.112 (1696) The above excerpt, taken from Vanbrugh's prologue to Agggp, suggests the general sentiment of the period. The theatre-goers did not come to performances to listen to sermons, but to watch plays and to be enter- tained. Even though the times were religious, and even though much comment and discussion was offered dealing with religious tepics, the people did not wish to hear these discussions on the stage. Sedley also refers to this idea when he suggests that the pulpit appears to have gotten the better of the stage. Is it not strange to see in such an Age The Pulpit get the better of the Stage? Nor through Rebellion as in former days. But zeal for Sermons and neglect for Plays. Here's as good Ogling yet, and fewer spies. lloprologue to Southerne‘s The Maid's Last prayer, 02- Cit-9 Volume II, p. 97. lllEpilogue, Ibid., p. 178. 112Prologue to Vanbrugh's Aesgp, op. cit., 109 For Godly Parents watch with whites of Eyes.113 (1687) One Specific religious reference that is repeated with some frequency in the prologues and epilogues selected for study concerns the status and function of the priest. A bitter comment against the clergyman may be found in Crowne's prologue to The English Friar. Truth is, if every priest returns, they come With all hunger, rage, revenge '0 Rome, And, therefore, we had best no longer jar, We shall agree too late when in the snare. Nay, they who once serv'd priests, and still promote Trance, Teague, and Jesuit, in their secret vote; And are so mad, they‘d give up England's glory, Only to keep the wretched name of Tory, Had better quit their plots, and cheaply sit, To see us act the product of their wit. 14 (1690) In the epilogue to the same play, Crowns once again criticizes the priest. Priests have the keys of heaven and hell, they boast; No doubt to both they let in many a ghost, But we to-day have ranting Sparks display'd Can damn themselves, without the Church's aid. Who count it glorious to drink, whore, and swear, And rather wou'd be catch'd at rapes than prayer. But, hect'ring heaven, they will not trust it far, Therefore our playhouse is their seat of war.115 (1690) And the epilogue to Caesar Borgia charges that, "High English Whores . . . shall cease to turn true Catholicks at last."115 (1679) In another section of the same epilogue Lee asserts: Monks under ground shall cease to earth like Moles, p. 27. 113Prologue to Sedley‘s Bellamira, op. cit., Volume II, p. 7. 114Prologue to Crowne's The English Friar, op. cit., Volume IV. 115Epilogue, Ibid., p. 121. 116Epilogue to Lees, Caesar Borgia, 0p. cit., Volume II, p. 12. 110 And Father Lewis leave his lurking Holes: Get no more thirty pounds for a blind Story, Or freeing a Welch Soul from Purgatory.117 (1679) Dryden also refers to the religious theme when he mentions the Presbyterian in his prologue to The Royal Brother. He writes: "If Heav'n all the true petitions drain of Presbyterians, who would kings maintain; 0f forty thousand five wou'd scarce remain."118 (1670) Southerne too refers to the Presbyterians in one of his epilogues. Meantime you see what trade our plots advance, We send each year good money into France: And they, that know what merchandise we need, Send o'er true Protestants, to mend our bread.119 (1681) The preceding comments suggest that many issues or themes were discussed in the religious prologue and epilogue. On occasion, the priests and clergymen were criticized for various reasons; at other times the Catholics and Presbyterians received the same abuse. Perhaps the most frequent idea voiced in this type of prologue and epilogue was a plea, not for the stage to become only a place for entertainment, but a vehicle for the dissemination of religious teaching and prepaganda. We also find in the prologues and epilogues selected for study references to wars, battles, campaigns, and various related topics. In the prologue to Crowne's History of Charles VII of France, the author describes the gallants going off to war, and he suggests the misses left at home anticipate nothing but "sorry trading." Now the rough sounds of war our ears invade, 117Ibis. llaprologue to The qual Brother, Op. Cit., p. 87. llngilogue, Ibid., p. 89. 111 Some think the Muses should retire to shade, And there, like mournful birds with hanging wing Alone and sad some doleful ditty sing: For now our gallants all to sea are gone, Muses as well as Misses are undone, And both of 'um must go to their grief allow They can expect but sorry tfiading now.12O Loudly, the triumphs of what day they boast, And ne're reflect on all their Battels lost.l2l (1675) Other references to war and battles may be found in the following prologues and epilogues. In all of the quoted passages, the feeling of English patriotism is sensed. The excerpts also suggest that England would go to war if necessary to protect and defend her countrymen. But since your Cause is good, thus far we'll go, When Portugal declares, we'll do so too. Our Cases, as we think, are much alive, And on the same Conditions, we should strike; Send to our aid a hundred Men of War, To Ours, a hundred Squadrons of the Fair;122 (1700) When Sieges now by Poets are prepar'd, And Love and War 'gainst Nations is declar'd; When Affrica and Asia are not spar'd, By some who Rhime will all the World o'rerun, Who in their conquests will not Country shun, Not scaping the Mogul, nor Prester John,”3 (1672) While the loud Canon, with prephetick sound, Foretells our King must be in Prison Crown'd, And with such Heat once more invade the French, As the Waves between us quench.”4 (1067) lzoproiogue to Crowne's History of Charles VII of France, 02. Cit.’ VOluma II, p. 77. 121Prologue to Shadwell's, king and Queen, op. cit., Volume V. p. 158. 122Prologue to Vanbrugh's, False Friend. 02. cit., lngpilogue to Shadwell'sg The Miser, 0p. cit., vol II, p. 18. 124Prologue to Boyle's The Black Prince, op. cit., V01 19 P- 3080 112 In addition to the subject of women, religion, wars, battles, etc., treated in the passages selected for study, we also find politi- cal topics discussed frequently. In fact, during the Restoration period the theatre was a meeting ground for those who wished to argue politics and exchange political views. Some of the first political allusions made in the theatre were to the King and Queen. You, Sir, such blessing to the World dispense, we scarce perceive the use of Providence. 25 (1675) The preceding allusion was certainly complimentary; there were, how- ever, other references to royalty. Some might be termed affirmations of the sanctity of royalty. Many peOple believed at this time, particu- larly in England, that the right to rule was a gift from God, and the Heavens had a good share in appointing the right monarch and in seeing that the King did his appointed job to the best of his ability. Note the following passages: King, tho' they err, should never be arraign'd.126 (1675) But make him know it is a safer thing, To blaspheme Heav'n, than to depose a King.127 (1671) We ought, when Heavn's Vicegerent does a Crime, To leave to Heav'n the right to punish him. Those who for wrongs their Monarchs murther act Worse sins than they can punish they contract,1§8 (1684) Shaftesbury, leader of the Whig part, received some of the fiercest political attacks. For example, in the prologue to Venice 12§Epilogue to Crowne's Calistol 0p. cit., Vol IV, p. 132. 1“afif‘rologue to Lee's Sgphonisba: RE;_EiE-’ V°1° 111’ p. 7‘ l27John Crowne, The History of Charles VII of France, Act I, Scene 1’ CB. Cit., p. 81. 128Earl of Terry, Two New Tragedies, Act I, Scene 1. 113 Preserv'd the Whig leader, who is well over sixty, is reported as making merry with women of rather questionable repute. Next is a Senatour that keeps a Whore, In Venice nine a higher officer bore: To lewdness every night the Letcher ran, Show me, all London, such another man, Match him at Mother Creswold if you can. 0f Poland, Poland: had it been thy lot T'have heard in time of this Venetian Plot, Though surely chosen hadst one king from thence And honour'd them as thou hast England since.129 (1682) Shaftesbury was one of the major political figures of the period, and he is often mentioned in the literature, including the rolorues and e ilogues. Bel'ame writes: P s P In 1681 Shaftesbury was accused of treason before the Grand Jury; but this Jury, appointed by the City Magistrates, was com- posed of Whigs. They refused to find him guilty and brought in a verdict of Ignoramus. Prologues and epilogues were forthwith filled with thrusts at the Ignoramus verdicts of juries. What in my face could this strange Scribbler see, (Uds Heart) to make an Evidence of me? That never cou'd agree with I noramus, But for a Tender Conscience have been famous.13l (1682) Pay Juries that no formal Laws may harm us Let Treason be secur'd be Ignoramus.132 (1681) But what provok'd the poet to this Fury, 1 Perhaps he's piqu‘d at by the Ignoramus Jury. 33 (1681) But, Friends, don't think that you shall longer Sham us, Or that we'll Bugbear'd be by your Mandamus; p. 110 p. 391. (— lEgprologue to Otway's Venice PreserV'd, 92- Cite, Volume III, 13OBeljame, op. cit., pp. 148-49. l3lEpilogU6 to D'Urfey's The Royalist, Op. Cite, p. 550 132Prologue to Behn's Roundheads, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 341. 133Epilogue to Ravenscroft's The London Cuckolds, op. cit., 114 You see Dame Dobsons Devil long was famous, But fail'd at last; so will your Ignoramus.134 (1683) And then in Ignoramus Holes they think, Like other vermin, to lie close, and stink.135 (1730) Shaftesbury was not the only member of his party who was discussed and criticized in the prologues and epilogues; in fact, the 136 parties themselves did not escape the barbs of criticism. The Whig 13@Epilogue to Ravenscroft's Dame Dobson, Ibid-, Po 363- 135 Prologue to Romulus and Hersila, Wiley, op. cit., p. 85. 130Alexandre Beljame discusses the origin of the Whig and Tory Parties, including controversy over the Exclusion Bill. " . . . when Titus Oates appeared with his sensational revelations of an alleged Pepish Plot (1678) the country was in a state of excitement so acute that peOple believed the whole story; they saw themselves encircled by snares and dangers, prepared themselves for self-defiance, and became literally mad with fear and anger. Political and religious passion had seemed dead. They were now rekindled, to burn more fiercely than ever before. It was soon clear that if peOple had so long kept silence it was not because they had nothing to say. England was once again di- vided into two hostile camps: on the one hand were those who looked on the Duke of York as a menace to the English constitution and religion and wished at all costs to exclude him from the succession; on the other, those who held that his right to the throne came from God and could not be questioned on any ground whatsoever. Here, the champions of the nation's rights - there, the upholders of the Royal prerogative. The one party set about sending petitions to the King, demanding that Parliament be immediately summoned to bring in a Bill of Exclusion di- rected against the Duke of York. The other showered addresses on him expressing their abhorrence of petitions and of parliaments. In a moment politics dominated everything. Everyone was a prey to quite exceptional mental excitement. Normal social relations were at an end. "I know but four men, in their whole Whig party," wrote Dryden, “to whom I have Spoken for above this year last past; and with them, neither, but casually and cursorily. We have been acquaintance of long standing, many years before this accursed Plot divided men into several parties." . . . Henceforth there were in England neither neighbours, nor friends, nor colleagues, nor families; there were only Petitioners (also known as Exclusionists or Birminghams) and Abhorrers (also called Anti-Birming- hams, Yorkists, Irish, Bogtrotters or Tantivies). All these terms speedily gave way to "Whigs" and "Tories" respectively. Whig-a-more, abbreviated to Whig, was a term applied to the peasants of the Scottish Lowlands, fanatical Presbyterians who had recently risen and assassinated the Primate. Tory was the Romanist outlaw, half vagabond, half bandit, 115 Party, and even the Opposition, the Tories, received mention in the verses of the period. For example, in one instance, D'Urfey suggests the turmoil and conflicts that exist within both parties. But now, ye Criticks of unequal Pride, The Dice now give kind chances on our side; Tories are upmost, and the Whigs defied, Changing of Sides is now not counted strange; Some for Religion, some for Faction change.137 (1682) In a somewhat gayer vein, Aphra Behn appears to take the Whig position, calling the Tory an honest fool. Ah Fickle Youth, what lasting Joys have we, When Beauty thus is left for Loyality; I would to Heaven ye had been all Whiggs for me; Whilst Honest Tory Fools abroad do Roame, 138 Whigg Lovers Slay and Plot, and Love at home. (1682) Settle then suggests what might occur if a Whig poet were to write a Tory play. How finely would the Sparks be catch'd to Day. Should a Whig-Poet write a Tory-Play? ‘ And you, possess'd with Rage before, should send Your random Shot abroad, and maul a Friend.139 (1695) There are other references to the Whig and Tory Parties in who had sought refuge in the Irish bogs. This unflattering title was given to the adherents of the Duke of York, while his Opponents were branded by the equally unflattering name of Whigs. The Court was natu- rally on the Tory side; the City, which now re-entered the picture, rallied to the side of the Whigs. The light-hearted days of irresponsi- bility and jollity were over. It was impossible for anyone to steer clear of politics, and the writers who had hitherto concentrated only on amusing the Court were compelled, like everybody else, to take sides. (Alexandre Beljame, op. cit., pp. 139-41). 137Prologue to D'Urfey's Ro alist, op. cit., p. 50. 138Prologue to Behn's Like Father, Like 50“, QB: Cit-a Po 97- 139PrologUe to Settle's Emperor 0f Morocco, Ibid" p. 84’ 116 the prologues and epilogues selected for study. Certainly the stage appeared to be an ideal outlet for the vocalization of party differen- 685.140 The verses not only discussed differences within the two major English political parties, but they also contained information directed against foreigners. For example, there are at least two in- stances that suggest that France was discussed in the prologues and epilogues selected for study. Now we once more shall have the full control Of our own seas; the French ne'er won, but stole. More good will fall from France's wounded thd, This shock at sea will settle many a land. (1692) You cry w'have beat the French, when only here You board a vizard, a French privateer.142 (1692) Unkind references were also thrust at Ireland. In the prologue to Mithridates, Dryden refers to the Irish as cattle. Unless you break an Act, which were a Sing, And for recruit let Irish cattle in. Well; after all 'Twere better to Compound, Then let the foolish Frolock still go round.143 (1678) The political prologue and epilogue criticized and commented on various and sundry issues. Some were directed against political figures, viz. Shaftesbury, and others commented directly on party prac— 140See also the following prologues and epilogues which discuss further the Whig and Tory party differences. Prologue to Crowne's Ambitious statesmen; Epilogue to Crowne's The English Friar; Epilogue to The Pilgrim by Dryden; Prologue to The Rover, Part II, Behn; Epilogue to Behn's The Round-Heads. 141 Prologue to Crowne's Regulus, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 133. 1421bid. l43prologue to Mithridates, Wiley, op. cit., p. 44. 117 tices and policies. Others discussed foreign lands, namely France and Ireland. Still others discussed the tOpics of diplomacy, war and peace, patriotism, and the similarities and differences between the two Houses that ruled England.144 The TOpical Prologue and Epilogue It was a common belief of the playwrights during the Restora- tion period that much might be learned from the ancient playwrights. 0n various occasions, therefore, this specific theme was treated in the prologues and epilogues selected for study. For example, Otway suggests that Horace should be respected and his genius revered. Horace's lofty Genius boldier rear'd; His manly Head, and through all Nature steer'd: Her richest Pleasures in his Verse refin'di And wrought 'em to the relish of the Mind. 45 Otway also praises Ovid, along with Horace, in his epilogue to The History and Fall of Caius Marius. Otway suggests that Horace and and Ovid wrote their best verse when their empires flourished and pros- pered. In Ages, past (when will those Times renew?) When Empires flourisht, so did Poets too. When great Augustus the Werld's Empire held, Horace and Ovid's happy verse excell'd. Ovid's soft Genius, and his tender Arts,l 6 Of moving Nature, melted hardest hearts. 4 (1679) Ben Jonson also received praise by the authors of the Restora- 144See the prologue to Otway's Alcibiades and the epilogue to Boyle's Tragedy of Saul. 145Prologue to Otway's History and Fall of Caius Marius, op. cit., Volume II, p. 840 1461bid. 118 tion period. Shadwell, in his epilogue to The Humorists, extolls the virtues of Jonson, suggesting that the playwright had a perceptive mind and was able to probe into the attitudes and thinking of men to deter- mine their basic motivations. wrights. The mighty Prince of Poets, learned BEN, Who alone div'd into the Minds of Men; saw all their wandering, all their follies drew; In images so lively and so true; That there each Humorist himself might view.147 (1670) And ShakeSpeare also receives praise from Restoration play- For example, Shadwell offers the following words of tribute to the immortal bard. Shakespeare, (who taught by none) did first impart To Fletcher Wit, to labouring Johnson Art. He, Monarch-like, gave those his Subjects LawI And is that Nature which they paint and draw. 48 (1674) Otway also extolls Shakespeare's genius by suggesting that his thoughts were as immortal as his mind. Our ShakeSpeare wrote too in an Age as blest, The happiest Poet of his Time, and best; A gracious Prince's Favour chear'd his Muse, A constant Favour he ne'r fear'd to lose. Therefore he wrote with Fancy unconfidn't, And thoughts that were Immortal as his Mind. And from the Cr0p of his Luxuriant Pen E're since succeeding Poets Humbly glean.149 (1679) Another example of the tOpical prologue and epilogue is that which praises or addresses royalty. These verses were usually spoken p. 2540 147Epilogue to Shadwell's The Humorists, 0p. cit., Volume I, 48Prologue to Shadwell's The Tempest, Ibid., Volume II, p. 195. 149Prologue to Otway's History and Fall of Caius Marius, op. cit., Volume II, p. 84. 119 on special occasions when the king or queen honored the author by appear- ing at a performance of his play. Dryden in one of his prologues wel- comes the Duke of York. 0 welcome to this much offending Land The Prince that brings forgiveness in his hand: Thus Angels on glad Messages appear; Their first salute commands us not to fear: Thus Heav'n, that cou'd constrain us to obey, (With rev'rence if we might presume to say,) Seems to relax the right of Sov'reign away; Permits to Man the choice of Good and 111: And makes us happy by our own Free-Will.150 (1671) In another prologue, Dryden welcomes the Duchess of York back to England after a trip to Scotland. But now th' Illustrious Nymph return'd again, Brings every Grace triumphant in her Train: The wondring Nereids, though they rais'd no storm, Fore slow'd her passage to behold her form: Some cry'd a Venus, some a Thetis past: For her the Famine past, the Plenty still to come. For her the weeping heavn's become serene, For her the Ground is clad in cheerful green; For her the Nightingales are taught to Singé And Nature has for her delay'd the Spring. 1 (1671) And the King also receives plaudits; Denham, for example, welcomes King Charles II to the Cock-Pit Theatre in Whitehall, on November 19, 1660. The prologue implies that the performance would be inadequate if the King were not present. Greatest of Monarchs, welcome to this place Which Majesty so oft wont to grace. Before our Exile, to divert the Court. And Ballance weighty Cares with harmless Sport This truth we can to our advantage say, 150Prologue to His Royal Brother (Duke of York), Dryden, Wiley, Op. cit., p- 103- 151Prologue to the Duchess on her Return from Scotland, DFYden’ OE. Cite, p. 1030 120 They that would have no King, would have no Play;152 (1672) Dryden also wrote another epilogue which was Spoken before the King at Oxford on March 19, 1680. The epilogue suggests that the King is to be entertained with pleasant verse and kind thoughts. But while your Day-sub Publick thoughts are bent Past ills to heal, and Future to prevent, Some vacant hours allow to your delight; Mirth is the pleasing bus'ness of the night, The King's perrogative, the People's right: Were all your hours to Sullen Cares ignfin'd, The body would be Jades by the mind. 3 (1675) Summary and Conclusions In attempting to summarize the ideas in the prologues and epilogues selected for study, we shall consider separately each of the four major types of verses presented in this chapter. The first group of prologues and epilogues discussed various theatrical conditions during the Restoration period. Some verses described the disturbances in the playhouses, and others discussed the manners and behavior of the theatre-goers. The destruction of play- houses was another tOpic presented under this first group of verses. Examples were offered which illustrated the idea that theatres were destroyed by fire. Then the tOpic of stage machinery was mentioned. It was pointed out that elaborate scenic effects were included in many of the plays that were produced during this period. Cloud machines, devices which Spurted water and steam, and effects which produced mon- 152Prologue to His Majesty at the First Play Presented at the Cock-Pit Theatre in Whitehall, Denham, as quoted in Wiley. p. 12. 153Epilogue, Spoken before his Majesty at Oxford, March, 19, 1680, Dryden, Wiley, Ibid., pp. 37-38. 121 stars were included in many of the Restoration dramas. The second major group of prologues and epilogues considered were those that discussed various aspects of dramatic criticism. The audience was asked to listen more attentively to the play, to accept the play, or even reject the dramatic efforts of the playwright. Quite often this type of verse offered apologies for the inadequacy of the drama, or even challenged the audience to accept the play, despite its obvious inferior merits. Both the playwright and the audience were complimented, often ironically. This particular kind of prologue and epilogue also told the audience that the author was doing his best, asked the audience to be completely honest with the playwright, and even, on occasion reprimanded the audience for being either too critical or too blase about the quality of drama. The tOpics of criticism and wit were also discussed under this second group of prologues and epi- logues. The third group of verses presented ideas which dealt with social and political criticism. These prologues and epilogues were definite chronicles of the times, commenting upon parties and audiences, and discoursing upon politics and political views and prejudices. The tOpics treated under this general heading were: women, religion, wars, campaigns, and politics. The final group of prologues and epilogues discussed was the tOpical verse. These were addresses praising royalty, celebrating the opening of a new playhouse, discussing tOpics of current interest, or honoring the memory of ancient playwrights. The range of ideas discussed in the prologues and epilogues 122 was almost limitless. Every possible tOpic from women to war, from playhouses to wit, tastes to religion, critics to destruction of the theatres was discussed. This is perhaps why these verses have been called journalistic in purpose . . ."having undertaken the functions performed by newspapers in the eighteenth century."155 And finally, the material presented in this chapter would tend to support Wiley's statement that, "Generally speaking, all the day's interests seem to have been written upon: loyalty, rebellion, church, religion, playhouses, players, parties, politics, audiences, manners, foreigners, poets, and women.”6 155Wiley, 92. cit., p. 16. 155Ibid. CHAPTER V SUPPORTING MATERIALS Method of Analysis The purpose of the following three chapters is to examine the supporting materials, plans of arrangement, and stylistic charac- teristics of the prologues and epilogues selected for studyimnThe description of these three elements of rhetoric in the succeeding pages of this dissertation, the following method or procedure was used to arrive at certain conclusions. First, all the prologues and epilogues were read and re-read several times. During this process, some "hunches" were feIt re- garding what was being done by the playwrights. Then the verses were re-read still once again, looking for support or exceptions to certain basic "hunches." The next step was to make generali- zations, these generalizations then being defended with examples and illustrations taken from the verses themselves. This basic procedure was utilized in this particular chapter and in the next two chapters on organization and style, as well. It is essentially subjective and inductive, but the conclusions can be justified from the material studied. 123 124 A Summarizing Statement Concerning Supporting Materials as Discussed in Restoration Rhetoric The supporting materials of the prologues and epilogues selected for study will be analyzed in the framework of the rhetorical theories of the Restoration period. It was pointed out in the second chapter of this thesis that the most common method of supporting a point, or 0? using supporting materials during the Restoration per- iod, was by means of amplification. Amplification included various Specific techniques: illustration, comparison, iteration, climax, definition, testimony, synonym, superlative, parts, etc. Another form of support discussed by rhetorical theorists of the period was the method of diminution. (See eSpecially Thomas Blount in his Academy of Eloquence.) These two methods appeared to be the only common forms of support discussed in any length by the rhetorical theorists of the Restoration period, a time when the "sylistic" approach was only beginning to be challenged. 5 Description 2: Supporting Materials Found in the Prologues and Epilogues As the prologues and epilogues were read and re-read several times, and as certain generalizations were made concerning the forms of support found in the verses, it was decided that the basic form of support was amplification. More Specifically, the amplification employed in the prologues and epilogues utilized only three of the techniques discussed by the theorists of the Restoration period: comparison, illustration, and definition. 125 Some examples will now be selected from the verses showing these three methods of amplification. It should be noted that the three techniques that will be described in the succeeding pages of this chapter are indicative of the major forms of support found in the verses - amplification. The three techniques are ESE individ- ual forms of support, 223 55’ It should also be noted that the discussion of amplification gnly does not mean to suggest that the prologues and epilogues did not use diminution, enthymemes, etc. as forms of support. It was decided, however, that the technique of amplification was the most popular form of support, and that it was used over and over again by the writers of the period. The other techniques were used very infrequently; therefore, a detailed dis- cussion of them hardly seemed apprOpriate or worthwhile. It should also be pointed out that in many discussions of sup- porting materials that appear in rhetorical writings, a distinction is sometimes made between what is called amplification (informative speaking) and reasoning (persuasive speaking). This distinction was not made in this chapter for the following reasons. First, the verses in the main appeared to be more eXpository than persuasive in nature; that is, the prologues and epilogues proceeded to eXplain or to describe an idea, concept, or point of view. They did not appear to "take a stand" or establish a system of reasoning whereby the verses would attempt to prove a particular assertion. This approach does not mean to suggest that there might not be examples of reasoning or the persuasive mode in the verses. For the purpose 126 of this chapter and the dissertation, however, the writer did not discover sufficient examples to make a discussion of them appro- priate. While this position is certainly debatable, especially when persuasion is incorrectly identified exclusively with emotion and information exclusively with reasoning, the tentativeness of the persuasive-informative dichotomy and the fact that argument, £95 £3! was not a major form of the prologues and epilogues are sufficient reasons for not including a detailed analysis of the persuasive mode in this chapter. The Analogy In some of the verses the authors tend to present comparisons or analogies to make their ideas clear. Thomas Shadwell, in his pro- logue to The Tempest, makes interesting use of the analogy. He com- pares the root of a tree to a "new reviving play." As when a Tree's cut down, the secret Root Lives under ground, and thence new branches shoot; So, from old ShakeSpeare's honour'd dust, this day Springs up and buds a new reviving PlaYOl In another verse poets are compared to painters. Congreve dis- cusses painters forming a "matchless face" and poets also exposing "Belles-assembles of coquettes." lPrologues to Shadwell's The Tempest, as quoted in Complete Works of Thomas Shadwell, M. Summers, (ed) (London: Fortune Press, 1927) Volume II, p. 195. 127 For, as when painters form a matchless face, They from each fair one catch some different grace; And shining features in one portrait blend, To which no single beauty must pretend; So poets oft for in one piece expose 2 Whose belles-assembles of coquettes and beaux. Another example of a comparison may be found in Southerne's prologue to The Spartan Dame. This verse compares the trials and tribulations of the playwright with the military leader. When realms are ravag'd with invasive foes, Each bosom with heroick ardor glows; Old chiefs, reflecting on their former deeds Disdain to rust with batter'd invalides; But active in the foremost ranks appear, And leave young smock-fac‘d beaux to guard the rear. So, to repel the Vandals of the stage, Our vet'ran bard resumes his tragic rage: He throws the gauntlet Otway us'd to weild, And call for Englishmen to judge the field: Thus arm'd, to rescue Nature from disgrace, 3 Messieurs! lay down your mistresses, and grimace. It appears that a number of prologues and epilogues employ the comparison, using the critic as their chief object of comparison. Critics, for example, are regarded as doctors who go through the usual routine of healing a patient at a time when the treatment was likely to be worse than the disease. Likewise, students of anatomy are unprincipled and ruthless in seeking a new corpse. 2Epilogue to Congreve's Way g£_the World, as quoted in Plays written by_William Congreve, Bonamy Dobree led)(London: Humphrey Milford, 1929) p. ##2. 3Prologue to Southerne's The Spartan Dame, as quoted in Plavs Written by_Thomas Southerne (London: T. Evans and T. Becket, 177 Volume III, p. 96. 128 Of with what joy they run the same and resort That surgeons wait on trials in a court; Critics to plays for the same and resort That surgeons wait on trials in a court; For innocence condemned they've no respect, Provided they've a body to dissect. In another verse, physicians are compared not to critics, but to poets. Physicians tell us, that in every Age, Some one particular Disease does rage The Scurvey once, and what you call the gout, But Heaven be prais'd their Reign is almost out; Yet a worse malady than both is bred, For poetry now rei 'gneth in their stead. In calling the critic names by the indirect method of comparison, the writers who worked out these opening and closing lines for dramatic productions turned to examples of life on the animal level and then went still lower for their comparisons. Critics are said to be so variable and changeable in mood and judgment that, like some game in flight, they can never be overtaken by those who try to follow: In short, so swift your judgments turns and wind, You cast our fleetest wits a mile behind. Critics are also compared with angry bees. 1+Epilogue to Congreve's The Mourning Bride, as quoted in The Mourning Bride, Poems, and Miscellani es, Bonamy Dobree (ed) (LOTGOUI Humphrey Milford, 1926) p. 15H. 5Epilogue to Shadwell's The Sullen Lovers, pp. cit., Volume I, p. 92. 6Prologue to The Spanish Friar, by Dryden, as quoted in The Prologues and Eoilogues of John Dryden, W. Gardner (ed) (New York: Columbia University Press, 1951) p. 5h. 129 Long has the tribe of poets on the stage Groan'd under persecuting critics' rage; But with the sound of railing and of rhyme, Like bees, united by the tinkling chime, The little stinging insects swarm the more, And buz is greater than it was before.7 Critics and vultures. What flocks of critics hover here to-day, As vultures wait on armies for their prey, All gaping for the carcase of a play! With croaking notes they bode some dire event, And following dying poets by the scent. One final example of the comparison is taken from the prologue to Farquhar's The Twin Rivals. On the first night of a new play, the critics in the audience are soldier who move against the author like seasoned enemy troops. In the first act, brish sallies, (miss or hit) With follies of small shot, or snip-snap wit, ttack, the gall the trenches of the pit. Your critics engineers, safe underground, Blow up our works, and all our art confound.” The Illustration Not only is the comparison used with some frequency to support ideas that appear in the prologues and epilogues, but the playwrights 7Prologue to Lee's Lucius Junius Brutus, as quoted in Complete Works g£_Georg§ Farquhar (Bloomsbury: Nonesuch Press, 1930 Volume I, p. 269. 8Prologue to Dryden's All for Love, pp. cit., p. 32. 9Prologue to Farquhar's The Twin Rivals, as quoted in Complete Works 9f_Gecrre Farguhar (Bloomsbury: Nonesuch Press, 1930) Volume I, p. 2 9. 130 also seem to amplify their ideas through use of the illustration.10 One such illustration that appears to amplify a statement may be found in Boyle's epilogue to The mulberry Garden. This excerpt suggests that poets have the hardest time of all professional men; then the author gives examples of other occupations that appear to be easier and less fraught with problems than is the poet's business. 10The meaning of the term illustration, although mentioned as a form of amplification by the rhetorical theorists of the Restoration period, is not explained in any detail by them. It is necessary, therefore, to present a statement of the meaning of the term, and to do this the writer presents analyses of the concept by selected modern rhetoric'ans and teachers of public address. Raymond G. Smith offers the following statement concerning the illustration: "Illustrations are extended examples. They are stories of fact or events. They depend for their force on the clearness of the thought, the intensity of the emotion, and the vividness of the language. Illustrations are little stories within the larger story of the whole speech. They are powerful means of support because they can utilize all the appeals of real persons in real situations." (Raymond G. Smith, Principles g§_Public Speaking (New York: The Ronald Press, 1958) p. 223) And Gilman, Aly, and Reid clarify further the meaning of the term when they write: "An opening illustration should provide concreteness, vividness, and supense within a simple, conversational approach." (Gilman, Aly, and Reid, The Fundamentals 9f Speaking (New York: a The Macmillan Company, 1951) p. 71. Finally, William Norward Brigance notes that when "we speak of illustrations as a form 0F support we mean a story about a connected series of events. For a speech, the best illustrations are short and simple. They have no flashbacks, and no subplots. They simply start at the beginning and roll onward, as straight as possible, to the climax at the end." (William Norward Brigance, Speech: Its Techniques and Disciplines in a Free Society (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1961) p:_297) 131 Poets of all men have the hardest Game, Their best Endeavours can no Favours claim. The lawyer, if o'rethrown, though by the Laws, He quits himself, and lays it on your Cause. The Souldier is este em'd a Man of War, And Honour gains, if he but bravely dare. The grace Physician, if his Patient dye, He shakes his head, and blames Mortality, 61y Poor Poets their own faults must bear.11 The prologue Spoken at Mithridates King_p£ Pontus, written by Dryden, also presents an illustration used as a form of support. This prologue is an expression of welcome; the verse offers words of greeting to different types of individuals who have journeyed some miles to attend the performance. After a four Months Fast we hope at length Your queasie Stomachs have recover'd strength That you can taste a Play (your old coarse messe) As honest and as plain as an Addresse. And therefore Welcome from your several Parts, You that have gain'd kind Country Wenches Hearts: Have watch'd returning Milk-maids in the Dark, And sinn'd against the Pales of every Park. Welcome fair Ladies of unblemish'd Faith That left Town Bagnio‘s for the fruitful Bath; For when the Season's hot, and Lover's there, The waters never fail to get an Heir. Welcome kind Men that did your Wives attend, And welcome He that was the Husbands Friends, Last Welcome you who never did appear; Gave out i' th' Country, but lay fluxing here. Now Crawl abroad with Stick, lean-shapt and shin, And fair as Lady that hath new lain in; D'Urfey, in his prologue to The Royalist, discusses the idea that some politicaly minded individuals occasionally change their llEpilogue to Boyle's The Mulberry-Garden, as quoted in The Dramatick Works of Roger Boyle, (William Smith Clark II (ed) (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1937), Volume I, p. lb6. lZPrologue to Mithridates K‘. no of Pontus, by Dryden, as quoted in Rare Prologues and Epilogues, Autrey Nell ”Wiley, (London, 1940) ES; 43-4u. 132 party affiliations. This specific point is made in the following excerpt from the verse, followed by an illustration which tends to support the statement. Changing of sides is not ' counted strange; Some for religion, some for Faction change: And (lest Examples should be too remote,) A Rev'rand Clergy-man of famous note Hath chang'd his Cassock for a Campaign-Coat; Amongst the Saints doth most devoutly Stickle, And holy Bag-Pipes Squeal in Conventicle. Another sort there are that rore and rant; Are loyal; but all other Vertues want; Ash their Religion, they cry, what a Pox, 3 Damn me ye Dog, I'm staunch, I'm Orthodox. An illustration used as a form of support may also be found in the epilogue to The Rambling_Lady by Southerne. Here the playwright describes various members of the audience to whom the play might afford some pleasure and delight. The verse begins with a statement that suggests that the play might have raised the "drooping love," not of the youngsters "of a noisy pit," but of the "grave sinners of the bench." Here the "youngsters" and the "sinners" are used as illustrations to support the first two phrases of the epilogue. If novelty has any charms to move, We hope, to-night, we've rais‘d your drooping love; Not to the youngsters of a noisy pit, Whose tongues and mistresses out-run their wit; But to the graver sinners of the bench, Who from your mother‘s maids, have lov'd a wench: Who, cheek by joul with time, have handed down The vices of all ages to your own: Here's a variety, that may delight The palate of each age's appetite.l 13Ib1d., p. 50. l”Epilogue to Southerne's Rambling Lady, as quoted in Plays Written byThomas Southerne, 93. cit., Volume II, p. 82. 133 One of the finest uses of the illustration as supporting material may be found in the prologue to Wycherly's comedy, Th§_§lain Dealer. In this verse the author addresses segments of the audience who have come to the playhouse to attend the performance. Those ad- dressed are the scribblers, the loud gentlemen, and the shrewd judges. It is of interest to note how the three different types of individuals are discussed, for in each case the illustration is used to clarify and support each of the persons mentioned. I, the Plain Dealer am to act to-day, And my rough part begins before the play. irst, you who scribble, yet hate all that write, And keep each other company in spite, As rivals in your common mistress, fame, And with faint praises one another damn; 'Tis a good play, we know, you can't forgive, Bud grudge yourselves the pleasure you receive: Our scribbler therefore bluntly bid me say, He would not have the wits pleased here today. Next, you, the fine, loud gentlemen 0' th' pit, Who damn all plays, yet, if y'ave any wit, "Tis but what here you spunge and daily get; Now, you shrewd judges, who the boxes sway, Leading the ladies' hearts and sense astray, And, for their sakes, see all, and hear no play; Correct your cravats, foretops, lock behind; The dress and breeding of the play ne'er mind; 15 Plain dealing is, you'll say, quite out of fasion; Crowne's prologue to The History 9: Charles VIII gf_France also uses the iluustration as a form of support, particularly in the section of the verse which describes the young men going off to sea. The excerpt follows: 15Prologue to Wycherly's The Plain Dealer, as quoted in William Wycherly, W. C. Ward (ed) (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1893) pp. 372- 373. 134 For now our gallants all to sea are gone, Muses as well as Misses are undone, And both of'um must go to their grief allow They can expect but sorry trading now; But though kind Miss may sit at home and whine For some brisk airy Sir, that kept her fine, Wit has not so much reason to complain, , And wit no more than beauty can abstain. As might be expected, the subject of women does not escape the illustration; in the prologue to The Forc'd Marriage; 95, the Jealous Bridgroom, by Aphra Behn, the female sex is supported with the following. Women those charming Victors, in whose eyes ie all their Arts, and their Artilleries, Not being contented with the Wounds they made, Would be new Strategems our Lives invade. Beauty alone goes now at too cheap rates; They'll Join the force of Wit to Beauty now, And so maintain the Right they have in you. In the vain Sex this privilege should boast, Past cure of a declinging Face we're lost. You'll never know the bliss of Change; this Art Retrieves (when Beauty fades) the wandring Heart; And though the Airy Spirits move no morei Wit still invites, as Beauty did before. 7 A final illustration may be found in Farquhar's prologue to Sir Harry Wildair. In the body of the verse, Farquhar states that the playwright learns how to write plays by observing and studying the audiences who come to the theatres. He then supports this assertion by presenting an illustration which mentions speicific individuals who attend the performances. 16Prologue to Crowne's The History gf_Charles VIII 9: France, as quoted in The Dramatic Works gnyohn Crowne (Edinburgh: William Peterson, 1573) Volume II, p. 23“. 17Prologue to The Forc'd Marriage; 33, the Jealous Bridgegroom, as quoted in The Works of Aphra Behn, Montague Summers (ed) (London: William Heinemann, 19157_Volume III, p. 285. 135 You are the rules by which he writes his Plays. From musty Books let others take their view, He hates dull reading, but he studies you. First, from you Beaux, his Lesson is Formality, And in your footman there, -- most nice Morality; From the Front—Boxes he has pick'd his Stile, And learns, without a blush, to make 'em smile Among is Friends here in the Pit, he reads Some rules that ever modish Writer needs. He learns from every Covent-Garden Criticks' Face, The Modern Forms, of action, Time, and Place. The Definition A third and final form of support that the playwrights seem to use to amplify their ideas is the definition.19 Upon an examination of the prologues and epilogues, it appears that these verses often contain many definitions; some are quite brief, others are lengthy 1 and often involved. Tne definitions are usually presented before 10Prologue to Farquhar's Sir Harry Wildair, 3p. cit., Volume I, p. 163. 19Like the illustration, the definition is not explained in any detail by the rhetorical theorists of the Restoration period. It is necessary, therefore, to present a statement of the meaning of the term, and to do this the writer once again offers an analysis of the concept by selected modern rhetoricians and teachers of public address. Weaver and Hess explain the characteristics of the defin- ition in the following excerpt from their book: "Definition often makes up entire brief expositions, and is almost always a part of any long or involved exposition. A good definition sets forth the dis— tinguishing characteristics of what is defined. These characteris- tics are usually of two kinds: the general and the particular. The first indicates the group or class; and the second, the qualities by which the Specific item is distinguished from other members of the class." (Andrew Thomas Weaver and Ordean Ness, The Fundamentals and Forms g£_8peech (New York: Odyssey Press, 1957), p. 350) In other words, a definition "is a statement of the meaning of a term." (McBurney and Wrage, pp, 333,, p. 155). It is therefore, an important part of exposition and will sometimes serve as a statement of the central idea. It may also suggest the pattern of main heads. 136 comparisons and illustrations are offered. This would tend to make sense because before specific illustrations are offered, it is necessary to clarify the meaning of the concepts, and it is here that the definition can probably be of value. For example, in Crowne's epilogue to Calisto, the concept of peace is clarified through the use of the definition. You hear it thunder from afar, And sit, in peace, the arbiter of war; Peace, the loathed manna, which not brains despise, You knew its worth, and made it early price; And in its happy leisure, sit and see The promise of more felicity.20 The definition is also used as a form of support in Behn's prologue to Romulus. It is used in this verse to clarify some fears that the "noble Whigs" were experiencing. But, Noble Whigs, pray let not those Fears start ye, Nor fright hence any of the Sham Sheriff's Party; For, if you'll take my censure of the Story, It is as harmless as e're came before ye, 21 And writ before the times of Whig and Tory. In another verse the definition is used to indicate the central purpose or thesis of the epilogue. This is probably one of the best examples of the definition because in this particular instance it serves to indicate not only the central idea but also the pattern of main headings. The excerpt is taken from the epilogue to Otway's Soldier's Fortune. 2QEpilogue to Crowne's Calisto, 93, cit., Volume I, p. 43. 21Brologue to Behn's Romulus, pp, cit., Volume VI, p. 43. With the discharge of Passions much opprest, Disturb'd in Brain, and pensive in his Brest, Full of those thoughts which make th' unhappy sad, And by imagination half grown mad, And Poet led abroad his Mourning Muse, And let her range, to see what sport she'd chuse, Strait like a Bird for loose, and on the Wing, Pleas'd with her freedom, she began to sing; Each note was Echo'd all the Vale along, And this was what she utter'd in her Song: Wretch, write no more for an uncertain fame, Nor call thy Muse, when thou are dull, to blame. The introduction to the epilogue to Southerne's The Spartan Dame also uses the definition as a form of support. The basic purpose of the opening lines in thisnparticular verse is to indicate the central idea of the epilogue. Our Author's Muse a num'rous issue boasts, And many of the daughters have been toasts. She who knows last appears upon the stage, (The hopes and joy of his declining age) ith modest fears, a cens'ring world to shun, Retir'd awhile, and liv'd conceal'd a nun: At length, releas'd from that restraint, the dame Trusts to the Town her fortune and her fame. Absence, and time, have lost her many friends, But this bright circle makes her large amends. To you, fair judges, she submits her cause; Nor doubts, if you approve, the Mens applause. 3 One last example of a definition may be found in Dryden's pro- logue to His Majesty at the First Play Presented at the Cock—Pit in Whitehall. This definition occurs at the beginning of the verse and calls attention to the "Greatest of Monarchs." 22Epilogue to Otway's Soldier's Fortune, as quoted in The Complete Works of Thomas Otway, M. Summers (ed) (Bloombury: Nonesuch Press, 1916) Volume II, p. 309. 23Epilogue to Southerne‘s The Spartan Dame, op. cit., Volume III, p. 309. Greatest of Monarchs, welcome to this place Which Majesty so oft was wont to grace. Before our Exile, to divert the Court, And ballance weighty Cares with harmless Sport, This truth we can to our advantage say, They that would have no King, would have no Play.2u Summary and Conclusions The purpose of this chapter was to discuss and analyze the forms of support used in the prologues and epilogues. The prologues and epilogues selected for study appeared to use primarily one or another of the three forms of support -- the comparison, the illustration, and the defintion. The comparison was defined as a form of support which connects the known with the unknown, the more familiar with the less familiar. Excerpts from verses were then presented which gave examples of the comparison. It was found that some comparisons likened plays with roots of plays, poets with painters, and poets with the military. The majority of the comparisons, however, compared the critics with various subjects, such as vultures, angry bees, and soldier. The illustration was the second form of support discussed. The illustration was defined as an extended example - as a story within the larger story of the whole Speech. A number of illustra- tions was then presented, taken from Specific verses. It should be noted that the illustrations used by many of the versifiers were 21‘LPrologue to His Majesty at the First Blay Presented §t_the Cock-Pit at Whitehall, by Dryden, op, cit., p. 254. 139 quite detailed; this form of support referred to names of people, specific rules of conduct, and names of occupations. The definition was the final form of support considered. The definition was explained as a statement which helped to clarify the meaning of a term. Some definitions used by the poets were brief, others were long and quite involved. O ten an abstract concept such as "peace" would be explained by using a definition; at other times the definition was used to indicate the purpose of the central idea of the verse. Some conclusions concerning the nature of supporting materials may now be posited. First, it would be appropriate to suggest how the forms of support found in the prologues and epilogues reflect the materials of development discussed in the rhetorical treatises of the Restor- ation period. AS previously stated, the rhetoricians of the period appeared to use two basic forms of support - amplification and dimunution. Amplification was divided into a number of parts -- comparison, illustration, iteration, climax, definition, testimony, synonym, superlative, parts, etc. Unlike the theorists of the period then, the playwrights who wrote the prologues and epilogued seemed to use one basic form of support - amplification; and, as was noted in this chapter, three specific methods of amplification appeared in the verses gRalfgiustration, and definition. It might be interesting to conjecture why the prologues and epilogues appear to use only a limited number of methods of 140 amplification. Perhaps the playwrights limited the scope of supporting materials because the verses were brief and they wanted the materials to be instantaneously intelligible; therefore, they might have felt the need of using only a few different kind of sup- porting materials. Perhaps using the analogy, illustration, and definition made the verses more meaningful and clear to the audience. It is also interesting to observe that the analogy was used almost as much as the illustration and definition. Perhaps the occasion demanded a method of amplification that was colorful and imaginative. Remembering that these verses were delivered before and after the performance of plays, the audience could have been more receptive to this form of support than other less creative types, such as statistics or testimony. Lastly, the fact that the verses used one basic form of support (amplification) seems to have been in agreement with the tendency for a plain, clear, and dispassionate manner of supporting ideas. As was suggested in Chapter II by Sandford, Lee, Howell, etc., the last forty years of the seventeenth century appeared to adopt this plainer and less ornate method of develophg and supporting ideas.26 This late seventeenth century tradition of supporting ideas is characterized fufiher by the playwrightngf language and diction with a view to clarity, impressiveness and distinction of style. It might be suggested, then, that the kind of type of 26See Chapter II, pff7 141 supporting materials described in this chapter were a fair reflection of the trend of rhetorical theory and practice during the period of the Restoration. CHAPTER VI ORGANIZATION statement of Intent for Plan of Analysis A vital part of any rhetorical study is an examination of the organizational structure of the speeches subjected to analysis. In this instance, the organizational pattern of the prologues and epi- logues, considered to be speeches, will be analyzed in this chapter. As was pointed out in Chapter II, the Restoration point of view regarding organization suggests that audience adaptation is a part of arrangement.1 The theorists also appear to believe that a Speech should attempt to reflect an ordered and logical plan of deve10p- ment. This plan usually includes the following parts: an exordium, narration, prOposition, confirmation, confutation, and preoration. The rhetorical theorists also believed that one need not use all six parts in any given speech; one does, however, usually keep the order presen- ted. The writer feels that this six-part method of organization, although discussed by the Restoration theorists in their rhetorical treatises, should be altered to add conciseness, clarity, and 1566 Chapter II, pp. 142 143 pertinence to the present discussion of the organizational struc- ture of the prologues and epilogues selected for study. Also, as a writer of a rhetorical thesis in the twentieth century, an attempt should be made to write in terms of the prevalent Speech theory and principle, being always careful, however, not to change the meaning and interpretation of those classical terms (in this case of the Restoration period) when they are altered for the purpose of adding clarity. This is the reason the writer of this thesis, in des- cribing the organizational pattern of the prologues and epilogues, will use terms with which twentieth century rhetoricians are more familiar -- namely, the opening (introduction) discussion (body) and closing (conclusion). For example, if the prologues and epilogues consist of an introduction, body, and conclusion, we find that the introduction is parallel to the exordium or narration, and perhaps includes the proposition depending upon the type of Speech; the body is parallel to the confirmation; and the conclusion is parallel to the preoration. As the writer sees organization in the prologues and epilogues, and as the patterns of arrangement are discussed, these three div- isions (introduction, body, conclusion) seem to sum up the organ- izational structure of the verses. 144 A Description of the Pattern of Arrangement Found in the Prologues and Epilogues A The Introduction In attempting to discuss the pattern of organization in the prologues and epilogues considered in this study, it is appropriate to describe initially how the playwrights begin their verses. In some of the verses, the authors commence by attempting to create a feeling of good will between the audience and speaker. For example, Aphra Behn, in her prologue to The Rovers (Part II) attempts to secure the good will of her audience by first noting that "In vain we labour to reform the stage."3 The "we" in this sentence suggests that the poet and the theatre-goer both attempt to improve the status of the drama of the period. It is then suggested that the poets have caught the disease of the age. That Pest, of not being quiet when they're well, That restless Fever, in the Brethren, Zeal; In Publick Spirits call'd, Good 0' th' Commonweal. Some for this Faction cry, others for that, The pious Mobile for they know not what; So the by different ways the Fever seize, In all 'tis one and the same Mad Disease.u This excerpt might also suggest good will by stating that the disease of the age has been caught by the poet. It apparently says that the playwright had managed to capture some of the characteristics of the people around him; he has/therefore, been able to absorb some 3Prologue to Behn's The Rover (Part II) as quoted in The Works 9£_Aphra Behn, Montague Summers (ed) London: William Heinemann, 1915) Volume I, p. 115. ”Ibid., p. 116. 145 of the qualities of the age, and has been able to reflect this tendency in his writings. Congreve also attempts to secure good will at the beginning of his prologue to Thg_gld_Bachelor. Most authors on the stage first appear Like widow's bridegrooms, full of doubt, and fear; 5 The author begins by offering a pleasantry or humorous remark. The idea that authors, when presenting their maiden dramatic piece, appear like widow's bridegrooms, "full of doubt and fear," might have caused 3 Restoration spectator to smile slightly. This idea is then expanded in the balance of the verse. They judge from the experience of the dame, How hard a task it is to quench her flame; And who falls short of furnishing a course, Up to his brawny predecessor's force, With utmost rage from her embraces thrown, Remains convicted, as an empty drone. Thus often, to his shame, a pert beginngr Proves, in the end, a miserable Sinner. One of the most complimentary of all the introductions may be read in John Banks' prologue to Anna Bullen. To all impartial Judges in the Pit, And to the beautious Patroness of Wit, I'm sent to plead the Poet's Cause, and say, There's no slander in his Modest play; He brings before your eyes a modern story Yet meddles not with either Whig or Tory.7 5Prologue to Congreve's The Old Bachelor, as quoted in Comedies by_William Congreve, Bonamy Dobree (ed) (London: Humphrey Nilford, 1929) p. 21. 7Prologue to Banks' Anna Bullen, as quoted in Autrey Nell Wiley, Rare Prologues and Epilogues, (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1940) p. 89. 146 This prologue seeks good will in the following ways, First, Banks compliments the members of the audience, by referring to the "impartial Judges in the Pit." This comment could suggest that the patrons of the pit might be open-minded and not fixed in their beliefs. The second compliment is directed to the female members of the audience by calling them "beautious Patronesses." Secondly, Banks attempts to elicit good will from the threatre- goers by telling them that there is no slander in the play, that the story about to be unfolded is a modern tale, and that there are no political overtones -- "Yet meddles not with either Whig or Tory." It is possible that these comments might have put the audience in a receptive mood to enjoy and to listen attentively to the play. The following verse also seeks to capture good will at the out- set: Now my brisk brothers of the pit, you'll say I'm come to Speak a good word for the play; But gallants, let me perish! if I do, For I have wit and judgment free and bold, Nor fear or Friendship never bought or sold, Nor by good-nature e'er to be cajoled. Wycherly attempts to capture good will by first referring to his "brothers" in the pit, stating that they most likely think he has come "to speak a good word for thr play." The author then proceeds to remind the gallants that he does not intend to compli- ment the merits of the drama, because like the audience, the play- wright has wit and judgment. In other words, Wycherly relates 8Epilogue to Wycherly‘s Love in a Wood, as quoted in The Com- plete Works of William Wycherly, “Montague Summers (ed) (London: 19 24) Volume II, p. 45. 147 himself closely with the interests of the audience by asserting that he will not Speak a good word about the play unless the drama proves to have merit and quality. A final example of a verse which begins by complimenting the audience appears in Otway's epilogue to The Cheats g£_Scapin. How little do you guess what I'm to say! I'm not to ask how you like Farce or Play: For you must know, I've other bus'ness now; It is totell ye, Sparks, how we like you.9 The first statement is designed to capture audience attention. This comment suggests that the playwright ask the audience to anticipate the information that is going to follow. The next three lines in the passage are perhaps one of the best examples of a complimentary epilogue. The poet states that he is not going to ask the audience how it likes farce or plays, instead, he is going to tell the members of the audience how much he likes them. It appears, then, that a popular means employed by the phy- wrights of the Restoration period to begin their prologues and epilogues was to compliment the audience or to attempt to achieve good will. This does not seem to be the only technique used however; sometimes the playwright begins by reprimanding the audience. Note the following excerpt from the prologue to Vanbrugh's The FalseFriend. 9Epilogue to Otway's Cheats g£_Sca in, as quoted in The Com- plete Works g£_Thomas Otway, M. Summers, (ed) (Bloomsbury Press, 1925) Volume I, p. 211. 148 You dread Reformers of an Impious Age, You awful Catta-nine Tailes to the Stage, This once be just, and in our Cause engage. 10 The reasons for the epithets seem obvious. First, the play- wright wishes to reform the age, which is said to be an impious one. Secondly, the audience is considered to be unjust and hostile to the cause that the playwright intends to expound. Another verse begins by reprimanding the audience, but this time the attacks are directed toward the female members of the "house." The ladies first I am to compliment, Whom (if he could) the poet would content, But to their pleasure then they must consent; Must spoil their sport still by their modestry, And when they should be pleased, cry out, "oh fy!" And the least smutty jest will ne'er pass by. The first statement in this prologue was probably intended to secure the good will of the female members of the audience. This state- ment might have also succeeded in capturing the attention of the theatre-goers, male as well as female. The tenor of the remarks, however, soon changes and in the next four lines of the passage, it is noted that the females are not so naive as one might have suspected, for the "least smutty jest will ne'er pass by." This statement perhaps also suggests that 10Prologue to Vanbrugh's The F lse Friend, as quoted in The Com- plete Works 9£_John Vanbrugh, B. Dobree and G. Webb (ed) (London, 1927) Volume II, p. 231. llEpilogue to Wycherly's, The Gentleman Dancinngaster, pp, 0 to: p. 157. 149 the woman is more "worldly" than she might lead most people to believe, and a joke or story does not simply "pass by" but is very much understood by her and in all probability enjoyed. In Sedley's prologue to The Mulberry-Garden, the beginning section is also one of reproval. This time it is the playwright, however, and not the audience who is the object of attach. New Poets (like fresh Beauties come to Town) Have all that are decay'd to cry'em down, All that are envious, or that have writ ill. Like statemen in disgrace, they ill endure A better conduct should our good procure: I As an old Sinner, who in's youth has known ' Most women bad, dares venture upon none. This opening to The Mulberry Garden also appears to question L the ability of the playwright to create a worthwhile dramatic product. More specifically, the neophyte poet is discussed, and t! his Shortcomings and weaknesses are pointed out by comparing the poet to a statemen "in disgrace." This verse also seems to suggest that the "Newborn" poet should be taken rather lightly and his work seriously questioned. This idea probably found approval among the audience. The beginnings of some of the verses then appear to reprimand the audience, or at times the playwright himself. As was previously explained, the Opening remarks also attempt to create a feeling of good will between the audience and speaker. It appears that the introductions perform a third function -- to suggest the theme or purpose of the verse itself. For example, Dryden's opening state- 12Prologue to Sedley's The Mulberry-Garden, as quoted in The Poetical and Dramatic Works 2; Charles Sedley, de Sola Pinta (ed) (London: Constable and Col, 1928)fVolume I, p. 186. 150 ment in the epilogue to The Wild Gallant indicates the theme of the verse. The Wild Gallant has quite play‘d out his game; He's marry'd now, and that will make him tame; Or if you think Marriage will not reclaim him, The Critiques swear they'll damn him, but they'll tame him, Yet though our Poet's threatened most by these, They are the only P ople he can please; For he to humour them, has shown today, 13 That which they only like, a wretched play: The Opening comment to this epilogue points to the central idea of the verse. The critic who comes to watch the plays seems to have little regard for quality, and he attends performancesixl order to watch inferior drama. Another opening statement seems to suggest the central thesis of the verse. Our Authors, have in most their late Essays, Prolog'd their own, by damning other Plays: Made great Harrangues to teach you what was fit To pass for Hourmour, and go down for Wit. Athenian rules must form an English piece. And Drury-Lane comply with ancient Greece. Exactness only, such as Terrence writ. Must please our masqu'd Lucretias in the Pit. Our youthful Author swears he cares not a-Pin For Vossius, Scaliger, Hedelin, or Rapin: 1” He leaves to learn'd Pens such Labour'd lays. This excerpt begins by stating that in their prologues and essays other authors have lauded their own works by damning other plays. Then Farquhar states that the youthful author of this play doesn't care "a pin" for playwriting. lBEpilogue to The Wild Galant by Dryden, as quoted in William Gardner, The Prologues and Bpilogues g£_J hn Dryden, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1951) p. 10. 1”Prologue to Farquhar's Sir Harry Wildair, as quoted in The Complete Works 9: Georgp Farquhar (Bloomsbury: Nonesuch Press, 1950) Volume I, p. 165. 151 Finally, when the author asserts that he "leaves to learn'd Pens such labour'd lays," he suggests the main thesis of the prologue. In denouncing the rules of the ancients, Farquhar states that he is restoring his faith in the ability of the playwright to learn his own rules for writing by observing present-day audiences. Dryden, in his Prologue tp_the Dutchess 33 her Return from Scotland, also indicates the thesis of the verse in the introduction. When Factious Rage to cruel Exile, drove, The Queen of Beauty, and the Court of Love; The Muses Droop'd, with their forsaken Arts, And the sad Cupids broke their useless Darts. Our fruitful Plains and Wilds and Desarts turn'd, Like Edens Face when banish'd Man it mourn'd: Love was no more when Loyalty was gone, The great Supporter of his Awful Throne. Love could no longer Beauty stay, But wander'd Northward to the verge of day, As if the Sun and He had lost their way.15 This particular prologue commemorates the return of the Dutchess to England, and in the opening lines Dryden discusses the ideas of exile, love, support, desertion, and banishment -- all suggestive of the main theme of the verse. In other words, the be- ginning statements to the verse indicate that England is grateful and happy once more to see the Dutchess grace her shores. An idea stated later in the prologue illustrates further this concept. But now th' Illustriuous Nymph return'd agaig, Brings every Grace triumphant in her Train:1 The introductions to the prologues and epilogues perform three major functions: in some instances the beginning phrases attempt to 15Prologue to The Dutchess 93 her Return from Scotland, Gardner, gp. cit., p. 23. 16Ibid. 152 create good will between the speaker and the audience. The openings also reprimand the audience, or at times the playwright himself. And finally, the playwrights sometimes commence their verses by suggesting the theme or purpose of the prologue or epilogue. The Body Once having begun their verses, the authors then proceed to dis- cuss or analyze the central purpose of each prologue and epilogue. Two major organizational patterns are used by the playwrights in the body of the verses: the first type presents the thesis of the verse, then supports the thesis with specific illustrations and examples. The second type presents the detailed illustrations immediately after the introduction, and then indicates the thesis near the ending of the verse. These two patterns of arrangement were decided upon after the writer read and re-read the prologues and epilogues selected for study, and after the writer concluded that these organizational schemes were the only ones used by the authors of the verses. Let us first consider that type of disposition which first pre- sents the major thesis of the verse and then supports this basic assertion with specific materials. Farquhar's prologue to §i£_§gggy Wildair appears to be organized in terms of a "statement and proof" pattern. You are the rules by which he writes his Plays. From musty Books let others take their view, He hates dull reading, but he studies you. First from you Beaux, his Lesson is Formality; And in your footman there, -- most nice morality, 153 To please them his Pegasus must fly, Because they judge, and lodge, three Stories high, From the Front-Boxes he has pick‘d his Stile, And learns, with a blush, to make 'em smile A Lesson only taught us by the Fair, A waggish Action -- but a Modest Air. Among his Friend here in the Pit, he reads Some rules that ever modish Writer needs He learns Forms, of Action, Time, and Place. The Action he's asham'd to name -- d'ye see, The Time is seven, the Place, is Number three. The Masques he only read by passant looks. He dares not venture far into their Books.17 The main point of this prologue is stated in the first state- ment: "You are the rules by which he writes his Plays." This seems to be the central idea of the verse, and the information which fol- lows supports this generalization. Specifically, various members of the audience are singled out and their individual contributions to the playwright's art are mentioned. Crowne, in his prologue to The Country_Wife, also states the central thesis of the verse after the introduction. City and Country is with wit o'reflown, Weeds grow not faster there, than wits in Town: New wits and poets every day are bred, Each hour, some budding critique shews his head. Plays are so common, they are little priz'd, And to be but a poet, is despis'd. The saucy tongue much boldness wou'd diSplay, That durest in spight of all this plenty say Poets and critiques too, are very rare, Yes, Sir, we to our sorrow find they are; M,re to the making of a wit there goes, Than niggard nature commonly bestows, A writer at the least, 'tis not a grain, Only to reason, and preserve the brain From sav'ring of the fool, nor at the best, To Spice with an insipid jest. Writing, like Roman gloves, should scent a room, Each thought shou'd have in it a strong perfume; But of late, few smell of wit, so very rank, 17Prologue to Farquhar's Sir Hargy Wildair, gp. cit., p. 163. Nature of late is turn'd a mountebank, A winter, or a daffy, and puts off For wit and sense some foolish chymick stuff. A quintessence, but not of wit, Heaven knows Which she to all most liberally throws. Noise in the city, and noise upon the stage, Who wou'd not think it were a witty age? Never more praise and talk of wit was known, The triflingest wretch himself a judge will own, And, on his bench of judgment, frowningpsit, And dub the poet which he likes a wit.To The first statement in the body of this prologue also presents the thesis of the verse. "City and country is with wit o'reflown," is the basic theme of the prologue and the material which follows tends to support this statement. The remainder of the verse appears to be divided then into a number of ideas which all seem to relate to the subject of wit. For example, one of the first topics raised in this particular prologue claims that there appears to be an abundance of wit present in the writings of the period. Crowne then suggests that the plays are quite "common" and that poets are usually despised. Under this same point, he also notes that poets and critics are very rare, and they are: More to the making of wit there goes,19 Than niggard nature commonly bestows. Crowne then states that few writings of late "smell of Wit." Perhaps he blames this deficiency on nature when he also states that, "Nature of late is turn'd a Mountebank." 18Prologue to Crowne's The Count§y_Wit, as quoted in Dramatic Works g£_John Crowne (Edinburgh: William Peterson, 1673) Volume III, pp. ll-lZ. 19Ibid. 155 Finally, Crowne notes that there appears to be much talk of wit, but little action. He introduces this idea by mentioning thatThere is ”Noise in the city and noise upon the stage." Then he poses this question: ”Who wou'd not think it were a witty age?" All this talk and noise, according to Crowne, suggests that the most inconspicuous wretches are discussing the idea of wit. These "wretches" sit on their benches, frown, and dub the poet a wit, if they happen to like or approve of the individual. In the main section of the prologue, therefore, are a number of subordinate ideas raised by Crowne; all these topics or supporting materials seem to refer to the central idea of wit. He irst talks about the abundance of wit then discusses the "common" pla s and a y the deSpised poets, and then he suggests that writing should have some significance and points out that wit appears to be absent in the writings of the period. Finally, he asserts that even though the subject of wit is freely discussed, there seems to be little action taken to improve its quality or to educate better those who might judge the wit. Shadwell, like Crowne and Farquhar, also states the thesis early in the body of the epilogue. We fear this trifle will no favour find. But as a fop that's dress'd in Masquerade, Will any place with impudence invade, And little rambling Punks bare be so rude, Among the best in Masquerade to Crowd. Our poet who wrote this Incognito, Does boldly claim this priviledge as his due. 156 He presses in, and will not be kept out, Though he desdrves to stand amongst the rout, Those fifteen hundred Poets who have writo And never could have one Play acted yet,8 The first sentence quoted above is the main thesis of the body of the verse, and the material which follows tends to support this basic assertion. For example, the poet seems to apologize for his mere "trifle." The playwright, however, obeying the laws of masquerade, might be allowed a "trifle” and the audience in turn might possibly find some enjoyment in such a "lowly" dramatic attempt. Then the playwright states that: Our poet who wrote this incognito, Does boldly claim this priviledge as his due. This idea serves to introduce the second point made in the epilogue which appears to be an extension of the first idea previously dis- cussed. It states that even though the playwright may deserve to "stand amongst the Rout," he should, nevertheless, be accepted and once accepted treated with respect and civility. One final example of a verse that states the central idea first and then offers support for the assertion may be found in Behn's epilogue to The Town Fop; 933 Sir Timothy Tawdrey. But pray before you are resolv'd to be Severe, look on your selves, and then on me; Observe me well, I am a Man of Show, Of Noise and Nonsence, as are most of you. Though all of you don't share with me in Title, In character you differ very little. Tell me in what you find a Difference? 20Epilogue to Shadwell‘s The Miser, as quoted in The Complete Works g§_Thomas Shadwell, M. Summers, (ed) (London: Fortune Press, 1927) Volume II, p. 18. l5? It may be you will say, you're Men of Sense (But Faith) Were one of you 0' th' Stage, and i' th' Pit He might be thought the Fop, and I the Wit. On equal grounds you'll scarce know one from t'other; We are as like, as Brother is to Brother.21 The basic assertion is made in the first statement quoted above. Here the playwright asks the audience to judge themselves first, and then the poet before they decide on the merits of the play. After this basic idea is offered, Behn then proceeds to analyze her characteristics as a dramatist and ends by noting that it would not be too difficult to confuse the audience with the playwright (the Fop and the Wit). If, therefore, one does look and observe oneself closely, as indicated in the opening line, the result might be that "We are as like, Brother is to Brother." The prologue and epilogue presenting that type of organization which first offers the main thesis or idea and then proceeds to support that idea with specific materials appear to represent a popular form of arrangement. Although this type of arrangement' is found in many of the prologues and epilogues, another form of dis- position is also used - the type which first presents supporting materials which lead up to a statement of thesis. Congreve's pro- logue to The Old Bachelor seems to reflect this second type of organization. As for our youngster, I am apt to doubt him, With all the vigour of his youth about him, But he, more sanguine, trusts in one-and—twenty, And impudently hopes he shall content you: 21Epilogue to Behn's The Town Foo; 33, Sir Timothy Tawdrey, 22, cit., Volume III, p. 95. 158 For though his Bachelor be worn and cold, He thinks the young may club to help the old; And what alone can be achieved by neither, Is often brough about by both together, The brisket of you all have felt alarms, Finding the fair one prostitute her charms, With broken sighs, in her old fumbler's arms. But for our Spark, he swears he'll ne'er be jealous Of any rivals, but young lusty fellows. Faith, let him try his chance, and if the slave, After his bragging, prove a washy knave, May he be banished to some lonely den, And never more have lease to dip his pen; But if he be the campion he pretends, Both sexes will join to his freinds; For all agree, where all can have their ends. And you must own him for a man of might, If he holds out to please you the third night.22 In this specific passage, the main statement or theme does not appear until the last sentence - here Congreve asks the audience to approve of the poet's work and accept his dramatic product if he pleases the theatre-goers for three consecutive performances. The information which preceeds this observation consists of specific details and supporting proofs. For example, in the be- ginning phrases Congreves discusses his youth; he states that his young years may present problems. In the opening sentence of this section of the prologue, therefore, the author reflects skepticisms regarding his youth. Another specific idea that seems to point to the final asser- tion is introduced when Congreve states that he will not be jealous of any rivals, "but young lusty fellows." Then the playwright appeals to the audience to try its best to accept him, particularly if he proves himself worthy. 22Prologue to Congreve's The Old Bachelor, 93. cit., p. 21. 159 It appears, therefore, that the structure of the prologue is organized around specific comments dealing with the concept of age. It is not until the final statement of the excerpt quoted that the author asserts his basic point or central idea, which is: And you must own him for a man of might, If he hold out to please vou the third night. Wycherly's epilogue to Love in a Wood; 93, gg. James' Park also reflects the "proof-statement" pattern of organization. Good-nature in a critic wwere a crime, Like mercy in a judge, and renders him Guilty of all those faults he does forgive, Besides, if theif from gallows you reprieve, He'll out your throat, so poet saved from shame, In damn'd lampoon will murder your good name. Yet in true Spite to him and to his play, Good faith, you should not rail at them to-day But to be more his foe, seem most his friend, And so maliciously the play commend; That he may be betrayed to writing on, And poet let him be, - to be undone.23 The last four lines quoted above seem to suggest the central thesis of the epilogue. It is here that the playwright appears to be asking the audience to display good faith toward the play and "not rail" at both the playwright and the drama. The remarks which precede this observation concern the ill-nature of the critic, and how his attitude seems to influence the condition of the drama. This idea, as indicated in the passage quoted above, is supported in a number of ways. The main idea in the body of the prologue then suggests the problems that many playwrights encounter when they try to please 23Epilogue to Wycherly's Love ig_§_Wood; 95, §t. James's Park, 923 cit., p. 45. the critics. The idea that the audience displays good faith and an open mind while attending performances probably softened the "barbs" of the critic, or at least lessened the negative effects of the play. One final example of the "proof-statement" pattern of arrange- ment to be offered may be found in the epilogue to The Wild Gallant by Dryden. But though his Play be ill, there have been shown The greatest Wits and Beauties of the Town. And his Occasion having brought you here You are too grateful to become severe. There is not any Person here so mean, But he may freely judge each Act and Scene: But if you bid him choose his Judges then, He boldly names true English gentlemen: For he ne'er thought a handsome Garb or Dress, So great a Crime to make their Judgment less: And with less Gallants he these Ladies Joyns, To judge that Language their Converse refines. But if their Censures should condemn his Play, Far from Disputing, he does only pray He may Leanders Destiny obtain; Now spare him, drown him when he comes again.2u The excerpt quoted above begins with a comment designed to placate the playwright. Even though, Dryden writes, "his play be ill, there have been shown the greatest Wit and Beauties of the Town." The next point made by Dryden is a significant one. He states that "There is not any Person here so mean, But he may freely judge each Act and Scene." In other words, there is no one present at the performance who cannot freely and objectively judge the merits of each act and scene. Whether this is actually true is probably a moot point, but Dryden apparently feels that this objectivity could be present if the audience so desired. zuEpilogue to The Wild Gallant, Gardner, 9p. cit., p. 3. Following this observation, Dryden appears to state that if the judges be chosen, they should be true English gentlemen. But if you bid him choose his Judges then, He boldly names true English gentlemen: These three ideas as previously noted appear to lead to the following statement, which is the main thesis of the verse. Now spare him, drown him when he comes again. This idea suggests that the critics should be more tolerant of the playwright's efforts; in other words, as Dryden states, "spare him." If the playwright should appear, however, with an inferior drama in the future, then "drown him when he comes again." The Conclusion Having described certain techniques used by the Restoration dramatists to introduce or begin their prologues and epilogues, and having also discussed ways used by these authors to organize and state their basic ideas, it is now necessary to describe how the dramatists ended or concluded their verses. One technique that the playwrights of the period use to end their prologues and epilogues is to ask the audience to pursue a specific course of action. -Throw then, Great Sir, some vacant hours away, And your Petitioners shall humble pray. This ending appears in the prologue to Aphra Behn's play entitled The Rover. In it the playwright appears to be appealing to the audience to watch and to enjoy the play. This statement, there- fore, proposes a specific procedure, and in it the playwright is 25Prologue to Behn's The Rover (Part II) 9p, cit., p. 115. 162 suggesting that the audience do something about the state of the drama - enjoy it! The prologue to Sedley's The Mulberry-Garden also ends by asking the audience to pursue a specific course of action. He hopes the Ladies at small faultszgill wink, And anew Poet, a new Servant think. In this ending the female members of the audience are addressed and asked to forgive the playwright for his minor shortcomings and enjoy the play. Otway, in his epilogue to The Cheats gf_Scapin, also presents a Specific course of action. But 'tis no matter on, pursue your Game, Till wearied you return at last and tame; Know then 'Twill be our Turn to be severe; p For then y'ave left your Sting behind you there, You lazy drones, ye shan't have harbour here.27 In the excerpt quoted above the audience is asked to "pursue your game." In other words, the theatre-goer is requested to con- tinue attending plays and criticizing intelligently the efforts of the dramatists. This intelligent theatre attendance may help the quality of the plays and enable the playwright to understand and appreciate his profession. The conclusion to Settle's prologue to Pastor Fido also requests action. For since, 'tis your choice, to clap or hiss, Except the rest: if well, we do in This 28 Your patience crave; pardon in what's amiss. 26Prologue to Sedley's The Mulberry-Garden, 9p. cit., p. 186. 27Epilogue to Otway's Cheats g£_Scapin, 9p, cit., p. 211. 28Prologue to Settle's Pastor Fido, as qyoted in Wiley, 9p, cit., p. 31. L 163 In this ending the audience is asked to accept the strengths in the drama and forgive the author for deficiencies which might be present in the script. The conclusion then which proposes a specific course of action may be found in some of the prologues and epilogues. In addition to this Specific technique for ending the verse, the Restoration play- wrights also summarized the main ideas of the prologue or epilogue in the concluding phrases of the verse. One such ending may be found in Farquhar's prologue to Sir Harry Wildair. This then the Pit and Boxes are is Schools. Your Air, your Humour, his Dramatick Rules. Let Criticks censure then, and hiss like Snakes, He gains his Ends, if his Light Fancy takes t. James's Beaux, and Covent-Garden Rakes.29 The conclusion to this verse appears to be the kind that sum- marizes the main idea of the prologue. The writer is restating the idea that it is the present audience, not the ancients who dicate the rules for playwrighting — "Your Air, your Humour, and his Dramatick Rules." Still another type of ending is that which renders an emotional appeal. An example of this type is written by John Banks and appears in the prologue to Anna Bullen. His Heroes all to England are confin'd: To your own Fathers sure you will boldnd, He brings no Foreigners to move your city, But send them to a Jury of the City;Bb 29Prologue to Farquhar's Sir Harry_Wildair, pp. cit., p. 163. 30Prologue to Banks' Anna Bullen, as quoted in Wiley, 32. cit., p. 89. This ending seems to express an attitude of patriotism to the Mother Country, England. The playwright first states that heros are confined to England, and that the play contains no elements directed to foreigners. The audience, therefore, seems to be asked to consider love- of country and the importance of keeping England free from foreign influence or domination. This ending might have stirred the feelings of the audience. A final type of ending will be considered in this chapter sug- gests the theme or purpose of the verse. .An example of this kind may be found in the epilogue to Crowne‘s Sir Courtly Nice. This comedy throws all that lewdness down. For virtuous liberty is pleas'd alone; Promotes the stage to th' ends at first design'd, As well to profit, as delight the m1nd.3l Summary and Conclusions A discussion of the patterns of arrangement was the central purpose of this chapter. It should be pointed out that the conclusions which follow are based upon what the writer found as the prologues and epilogues were examined, not upon what some classical or modern rhetorician said the "ideal" pattern of arrangement should exemplify. In most cases the introductions to the prologues and epilogues were quite brief; often they were no longer than two or three sentences. A primary purpose of the Openings appeared to be one of creating good will between the audience and speaker. The introductions, 31Epilogue to Crowne's Sir Courtly Nice, 93, cit., Volume III, p. 354. 165 however, assumed other functions. On occasion, they reprimanded the audience and also indicated briefly the major ideas that were to be discussed later in the verse. The body of the prologue and epilogue, which followed the in- troduction, stated the major theme usually in one of two ways. It was either offered early in the verse with supporting materials following, or stated after the specific details were presented. It was found that the former pattern of arrangement appeared more frequently than the latter form of organization. Examples of both types of arrangement were given and each type was discussed in some detail. The conclusions to the prologues and epilogues selected for study were the briefest sections of the verses; in most cases their length was limited to one or two sentences. Generally, their fun- ction was to ask the audience to pursue a Specific course of action. The conslusions also assumed other functions. On occasion they sum- marized the verse, rendered an emotional appeal, or implicitly stated the theme of the prologue or epilogue. t would be safe to conclude, after investigating the organ- izational pattern of the verses, that they were usually organized in a clear, comprehensive, and concise manner. First of all, the verses were much shorter than most public speeches - in most cases their length was limited to fifteen or twenty lines. Because of this brevity, the writers of the prologues and epilogues had little opportunity for "long winded" openings or ponderous endings. 166 It would also seem that the verses actually reflected a simpler or less involved pattern of arrangement than the concepts suggested by the rhetoricians of the Restoration period. The verses, for example, did not use all six divisions of arrangement as noted by the rhetorical theorists; rather, the prologues and epilogues utilized what might be called a three-part method of organization. The verses presented a brief opening, then discussed the basic purpose or theme, and finally offered a few brief concluding remarks. CHAPTER VII U} H K1 *1 A Summarizing Statement Concerning Style as Discussed in Restoration Rhetoric As was pointed out in the second chapter of this study, any discussion of the rhetorics of the Restoration period fell under two large headings - Ciceronian and stylistic. In fact, the Restoration period, as also indicated in Chapter II, was a trans- ition time in terms of rhetorical theory. The elocutionists came later as did Campbell, Blair, and Whately; Wilson's works were one hundred years old, and Sherry, Peacham, etc., were also going out of vogue. Bacon wrote in the early 1600's, and his influence was beginning to be felt, but the principal teaching was from Butler, Fraunce, and Rainolde. Thus, stylistic rhetoric was in vogue still. Stylistic rhetoric was essentially analytical. ts approach was neo-clasical (especially among the formularly books and pedagogues) in that it proceeded from the teaching of set rules (deductive) to drill, rote, and imitative exercise. The rules embraced all the canons, but stressed style and delivery. In the case of what "Howell" calls the "stylistic rhetorics," the detailed study of style con- stituted the bulk of what was taught. The word "exornation" was often used in place of style to signify the metaphors, allegories, 168 hyperboles, synecdoches, etc., so frequently discussed. The tendency for the rhetorical theorists of the Restoration to discuss style in terms of tropes and figures is certainly neces- sary to know in order to perform a complete rhetorical analysis of the prologues and epilogues selected for study. It seems, however, a more fruitful area of investigation to discuss the stylistic features of the verses, not in terms of trOpes and figures, but in the light of more pertinent and relevant concepts of style discussed in the twentieth century. The reasons for using these more modern terms are given in the introduction to the chapter on organization. We shall talk, therefore, about the style of the prologues and epilogues under consideration as having the following characteristics: directness, clarity, and prolixity. These terms seem to summarize the stylistic features that the playwrights included in the verses selected for study.2 The writer decided on these three "lables" only after all the prologues and epilogues under consideration were read and re-read several times. During this process, some "hunches" were felt re- garding what was being done by the playwrights concerning the canon of style. The verses were then re-read once again, the writer looking for support or exceptions to certain "hunches." Generalizations were then made, and these generalizations were defended with examples taken from the prologues and epilogues themselves. 1See Chapter VI, pp. 1 and 2. 2These terms were taken from selected twentieth century texts in public speaking; Gilman, Aly, and Reid, The Fundamentals 9: Speaking; Thonssen and Baird, Speech Criticism; McBurney and Wrage, Th§_A£t_g£_ Good Speech; and Brigance, Speech: Its Techniques and Discipline igmg Free Society. 169 Directness One of the first stylistic techniques that the writers of the selected prologues and epilogues of the Restoration period seem to utilize is that method called directness.3 Gilman, Aly, and Reid, in their text entitled, The Fundamentals of Speaking, define directness: "Good Speaking occurs only when the speaker and the audience recognize that they have business together." These authors then discuss the Specific characteristics of this quality of style. Personal Pronouns - Since a Speech is really a dialogue, the personal pronouns you, I, and we will appear. . . . Creating a Common Feeling - The Speaker has an opportunity not open to the writer; he is in the im- mediate presence of the audience. The skillful use of this opportunity creates a common feeling that the Speaker can enhance . . . Audience Questions - The audience question recognizes the dialogue between the Speaker and his hearers; it rouses the interest of the listeners and keeps them alert.7 As the concept of directness is discussed in the selected prologues and epilogues, specific reference will be made to the personal pronoun, creating a common feeling, and audience questions. In the epilogue to The Indian Emperour, written by Dryden, the opening statements illustrate the concept of directness. The author incorporates a number of personal pronouns which are probably in- tended to create a common feeling between himself and the audience. 3For a discussion of directness see MoBurney and Wrage, The Art 9£_Good Speech (New York: Prentice Hall, 1954, pp. 351-383.) uGilman, Aly, and Reid, The Fund mentals pf Speaking, (New York: Macmillan Co., 1951) p. 93. 5ibid., pp. 93-9u. 170 Not only does Dryu en make use of the pronoun, but he also refers to the "Ladie S and Gallant s" in the audience. To all and Singular in this full meeting, Ladies and Gallants, Phoebus sends me greetings. To all his Sons by what e're Title known - Whether of Court, of Coffee-House, or Town; From his most mighty Sons, whose confidence Is plac'd in lofty sound, and humble sence. Even to his little Infa ts of the Time 6 {ho write new Songs, and trust in Tune and Rhyme. Rove O r Boyle in his epilogue to Mr. Anthony, also incorporates J 9 . o __ g . the prl 'nciple of directness into his verse. In a section of the epilogue, the author is talking about how difficult it is to please the audience of the period. hany direct references are made to the members of the audience - for example, the pronoun is extensively used (123 is mentioned five times, gg£_twice, and w§_twice). The way to please you is easie if we knew't; A jigg, a Song, a Rhime or two will do't When you're 1' th' vein; and sometimes a good Play Strangely miscarries, and is thrown away. That this is such, our Author dares not think, For what displeases you's a waste of Ind; And not the danger of our Thunder's high, We have no refuge but to mercy fly. We yeifi ourselves, and you so gen'rous are, Submitting Foes, though ne' so great, you‘ll Spare.7 The audience which attended the Opening performance of T Silent Woman in 1673 heard the prologue written by Dryden. This Specific verse also includes some elements of directness. In most of the prologue the author refers directly to members of the audience by repeating the personal pronoun you at least eight times. 6” Epilogue to the Indian Ernperour, by Dryden, as quoted in William Gardner, The Prologues and Epilog ues of J hn Dr yden (New York: Columbia University Press, 1951) p. 66. 7Epilogue to Boyle's hr. Anthony, as quoted in The Dramatic Works of Roger Bo yle, William Smith Clerk II (Cam bridge: Harvard University Press, 1337) Volume II, p. 620. 171 What Greece, when Learning flourish'd, onely knew, (Athenian Judges), you this day Renew. he thinks I see you, Crown'd with Olives sit, And strike a sacred Horrour from the Pit. A Day of Doom is this of your Decree, A Day which nine but Johnson durst have wish'd to see. Here they who long have known the usefull Stage, Come to be taught themselves to teach the Age. As you Commissioners our Poets goe, To Cultivate the Virtue which you sow: In your Lycaeum, first themselves refind, And delegated thence to Humane kind. But as Embassadours, when long from home, For new Instructions to their Princes come; So Poets who your Precepts have forgot, Return, and beg they may be better taught; Follies and Faults elsewhere by them are shown, But by your manners they Correct their Own.0 Boyle's prologue to The Black Prince appears to include the elements of directness as a major stylistic device. The purpose of this specific verse is to create a feeling of patriotism toward the Mother Country. This effect is partially achieved by having the prologue reader appear as the "Genius of England," holding a trident in one hand and a sword in another. More specifically, love of country and pride in England are achieved by having the prologuizer pose the opening question: In England's Genius, that Victorious Name, Which shakes the World and fills the mouth of Fame, So much forgot, as you miSpend your Witt To court a fancy, or improve a dreame, 9 And Seek new Worlds for a less noble Theame? 8Prologue to The University of Oxon Spoken at the Acting of The Silent Woman, Dryden, op, cit., p. 254. 9Prologue to Boyle's Black Prince, 2p. cot,, Volu,e I, p. 308. 172 The use of the audience question, as indicated previously, is another device intended to ach-eve directness. Perhaps the most important technique Boyle uses to achieve directness is the repetition of the personal pronoun - it appears in the prologue more than a dozen times. Can you in Armes conspiring Nations see, And think only anything but Fame, and Me, While the loud Cannon, with prophetick sound, Foretells our King must be in Paris crown'd, And with such Heat once more invade the French, As all the Waves between us cannot quench, To the Just fury of whose Fatal Blowes Fleets, Walls, and Armes, they in vaine oppose? This Trophy, which so gloriously to you Add's a fourth Crown, and those four Crowne‘s secures, The Belgian Admirall usurping bore, And I from him and all his Tritons tore.10 Another verse, the epilogue to Southerne's The Married Beau, also appears to reflect the concept of directness. The verse be- gins by addressing the young gallants in the audience, stating that they enjoy coming to the theatre because they are able to see them- selves "drawn true" by the performers. In fact, the opening excerpt of this epilogue preaches a lesson to the gallants; it urges them not to be too proud and vain because "Beaux Without money, seldom women gain." This postlude intends to achieve directness then by addressing specifically the young members of the audience; the playwrig t uses the personal pronoun and also creates a common feeling by referring to Specific behavior traits that the young men seem to exemplify. lOIbid. 173 You, gallants, your own pictures love to view, And some, we hope, are here drawn pretty true. Old ugly beau, in me your selves behold, You get young omwne, only by your gold; For women fancy nothing else that's old. Yet your opinions of your selves are great, No man so old to out-live self-conceit. But you, young beaux, be not too proud and vain; Beaux without money, seldom women gain. Aphra Behn's epilogue to Like Father, Like Son begins by plainly addressing the "Messiers" sic in the audience. She asks the members of the audience to tell her what they thought of the play, mentioning Specific ideas and topics that the play discussed. This verse also uses the question as a technique to achieve directness -- after posing the initial query, Behn proceeds to answer her own questions. And now Messiers, what do you say, Unto our Modern Conscientious Play? Nor Whiggs, nor Tory here can take offence, It Libels neither Patriot, Peer nor Prince. Nor Sheriff, nor Burgess, nor the Reverend Gown; Faith her's no Scandal worth Eight Hundred Pound, Our Damage is at most but half a Crown. Only this Difference you must allow, That you receive th' Affront and pay us too; Would some Body had manag'd matter 30.12 In the first line of Shadwell's prologue to The Humorists the playwrite tells the audience that he does not know why a prologue Should endure because the play-goers seem to be much too severe in their judgments of the dramatist's efforts. Then Shadwell proceeds 11Epilogue to Southerne's The Married Bgau, as quoted in Plgy§_ Written by_Thomas Southerne (London: R. Evans and T. Becket, 1774) Volume IV, pp. 335-336. 12Epilogue to Behn's Like Father, Like Son, as quoted in Plays Written by_Aphra Behn, Montague Summers (ed) ILondon: William Heinemann, 1915) Volume I, p. 98. 174 to create a common feeling in at least two ways. First, he men- tions topics that were probably quite familiar to the audience. For example, Shadwell talks about wit, writing, and the dobuts and frustrations aparently involved in the playwriting profession. Secondly, the playwright reprimands the theatre-goer and compliments him at the same time; he tells the audience that it laughs at every- thing it hears, yet is usually too severe in its judgments. A passage from the prologue illustrating these techniques of direct- ness follows: Since you are all resolved to be severe, To laugh and rail at everyting you hear, I know not why a Prologue should forbear, First, we declare against the wary Wit, Who having had the luck of one good hit Dares not appear again before the Pit. Some have done well, yet to remove all doubt, Men must fight more than once to be thought stout; Others are too much in a scribbling vein, As if they had a looseness in the brain, These catch at every little slight occasion, As our Gay empty sparks at each new Fashion.13 One final example of directness used as a characteristic of style that will be presented may be found in Settle's prologue to The Emperor of M rocco. How finely would the Sparks be catch'd to Day, Should a Whig-Poet write a Tory-Play? And you, possess'd with Rage before, should send Your random Shot abroad, and maul a Friend: For you, we find, too foten hiss or clap In Just as you live, speak, think, and fight, by hap. 13Prologue to Shadwell's The Humorists, as quoted in The Com- plete Works 9: Thomas Shadwell, M. Summers, (ed) (London: Fortune Press, 1927) Volume I, p. 190. 1”Prologue to Settle's The mperor 9£_Morrocco, as qyoted in Autrey Nell Wiley, Rare Prologues and Epilogues (London, 1940) p. tn. 175 This playwright uses the following devices to create a feeling of directness: the opening question, the continual use of the pronoun you, and creating a common feeling by reprimanding the I! audience for "hissing" or "clapping the playwrights work. Not only are tie prologues and epilogues written in a direct style as has been illustrated on the previous pages, but the verses also seem to exemplify another quality of style which may be called clarity. Clarity Gilman, Aly, and Reid assert that "The importance of clarity cannot be overestimated; you must kpgw_what you mean and you must gay it to your audience."15 The authors then suggest a number of specific ways to achieve clarity. Concreteness - Although abstractions are of the utmost importance to the mental processes of the speaker, he must manslate from the abstract into the concrete when- ever possible . . . Specificity - The second aid to clarity is specificity. Although the speaker finds the general terms, like the abstraction, necessary in his own thinking, he should use it with discretion in speeches . ... Precission - The speaker should not be content to use a word that is almost right. When he has the opportunity to prepare, he should seek the telling phrase. . . Illustration - The experienced speaker is likely to use an illustration whenever one can be found to serve his purpose. Sometimes an illus- tration or series of illustrations comprise a major part of the speech.1 AS the technique of clarity is analyzed in the succeeding pages of this chapter, Specific reference will be made to the 15Gilman, Aly, and Reid, 93. cit., p. 98. 16Ibid., pp. 98-103. 176 elements of concreteness, specificity, precision, and illustration. Boyle's epilogue to The Hulberry-Garden contains a number of specific illustrations which support the major assertion the author makes in the opening sentence of the verse. The poet discusses lawyers, soldiers, and physicians, and then presents illustrations which are concrete and specific; they are offered in a clear manner which appears quite easy to follows. Poets of all men have the hardest Game, Their best Endeavours can no Favours claim. Rhe lawyer, if o'rethrown, though by the Laws, He quits himself, and lays it on your Cause. The soldier is esteem'd a Man of War, And Honour gains, if he but bravely dare. The grace Physitian, if his Patient dye, He shakes his head, and blames Mortality. nly poor Poets their own faults must bear Therefore grave Judges be not too severe.17 Another example of a verse that exemplifies a style marked by clarity is Dryden's prologue to Mithridates: King o£_Pontus. The author welcomes various individuals to the performance of the play, initially those who have been fortunate enough to gain "king Country Wenches Hearts;" he then welcomes the "fair laidies of Unblemish'd Faith;" and lastly he welcomes "kind Men that did not your Wives attend." Dryden does not merely present these three types of people, but he offers a number of Specific and concrete illus- trations ro explain rather fully the behavior of these individuals. The concept of precision is also evident in this passage: phrases such as "fruitful Bath," "Unblemish'd Faith," "Pales of every Park," 17Epilogue to Boyle's The Mulberry-Garden, 2p, cit., Volume I, p. 186. 177 and "Treacherous Hand," tend to suggest well-defined and concrete mental images. And therefore Welcome from your several Parts, You that have gain'd kind Country Wenches Hearths: Have watch'd returning Milk-Maids in the Dark, And sinn'd against the Pales of every Park. Welcom fair ladies of unblemish'd Faith That left Town Bagnio's for the fruitful Bath; For when the Season's Hot, and Lover's there, The Waters never fail to get an Heir. Welcom kind Men that did your Wives attend, And welcom he that was the Husbands Friend, Who holding Chat did silently Encroach, g With Treacherous Hand to grabble in the Coach,1C Another verse intended to illustrate clarity is Otway's pro- logue to The City Heiress; 93, Sir Timothy Treatall. This prologue reprimands the audience for caring "little what the Poets teach," and the verse also describes, in some detail, the behavior of the Restoration audience. The techniques that this playwright uses to achieve clarity are numerous. First, he presents concrete words and phrases. For example, in one section of the prologue he compares the behavior of the audience in the theatres to that of the congregations in the church. He talks about the people "devoutly snoring" in church and getting "dully drunk" in the theatre. At Church, in Pews, ye most devoutly snore, n And here, get dully drunk, ye come to roar. In fact, the playwright presents an anology which throughout the entire first half of the verse compares the people in the church to 18Prologue to Mithridates: King 9: Pontus, Dryden, as quoted in Qiley, QB. cit., p. 43. 19Prologue to Otway's The Citngeiress; 93, Sir Timothy Treatall, Ibid., p. 77. 178 the audience in the theatre. This device clarifies the idea in the verse; it is a direct use of the principles of specificity and precision. An excerpt from the prologue illustrates this technique. How vain have prov'd the Labours of the Stage, In striving to reclaim a vitious Age! Poets may write the mischief to impeach, You care as little what the Poets teach, As you regard at Church what Parson preach. But where such follies and such vices reign, What honest Pen has patience to refrain? At Church, in Pews, ye most devoutly snore, And here, got dully drunk, ye come to roar; Ye go to Church to gloat, and Ogle there, And come to meet more lewd convenient here; With equal zeal ye honour either place And run so very evenly your RacefO Southerne's epilogue to The Wives Excuse is another example of a verse which reflects a clear style. One specific place in the epilogue that examplifies a style marked by clarity is when the author describes the ancient "English perquisite of marriage." Rather than passing quickly over this idea, Southerne explains in some detail this ancient "perquisite." Specifically, the author is employing the techniques of concreteness and Specifically as he attempts to explain his ideas. But, pray conceive me right, not to disparage That ancient, English perquisite of marriage; Which, then the priests first made all pleasure sin, Faster than they could cheat is, drew us in With rites and liberties of cuckoldino‘.al Further along in the verse, Southerne refers to the female mem- bers of the audience, stating that his aim is to please them. He does not, however, merely make this assertion; he further clarifies the idea by using the illustration. 201bid., pp. 77-78. 21Epilogue to Southerne's The Wives Excuse, gp. cit., Volume II, p. 90. 179 For, Ladies, all his aim is pleasing you. Some mettled praks, who nothing can withstand, Your velvet-fortune-hunters, may demand, Why, when the means were in the ladies hand, The husband civil, and the lover near, Nor more was made of the wife's character? Damn me, cries one, had I been Betterton, And struts, and cocks, I know what I had done- She should not ha's got clear of me so soon.Zé A final example of a verse offered by the writer which presents a style marked by clarity is the prologue to Farquhar's Sir Harry Wildair. Our Author's, have in most of their late Essays, Prologu'd their own, by damning other Plays: Made great Harrangues, and go down for Wit. Athenian rules must form an English piece. And Drury-Lane, comply with ancient Greece. Exactness only, such as Terrence writ, Must please our masqu'd Lucretias in the Pit. Our youthful Author swears he cares not a-Pin For Vossius, Scaliger, Hedelin, or Rapin: He leaves to Learn'd Pens such Labour'd lays, You are the rules by which he writes his Plays. From musty Books let other take their View, He hates dull reading, but he studies you. First, form you Beaux, his Lesson is Formality, And in your Footman there, -- most nice Morality; From the Front-Boxes he has pick'd a stile, And learns, without a blush, to make 'em smile A Lesson only taught us by the Fair, A waggish action -- but a modest Air. Among hs Friends here in the Pit, he reads Some rules that every modish writer needs. He learns from every Govent-Garden Critick's Face, The modern Forms, of Action, Time, and Place. The Action he's asham'd to name -- d'ye see, The Time is seven, the Place is Number three. The Masques he only read by pasant Looks, He dares not venture far into their Books, Thus then the Pit and Boxes are his schools, You Air, your Humour, his Dramatick Rules. Let Criticks censure them and hiss like Snakes, He gains, his Ends, if his Lighte Fancy takgs St. James's Beaux, and Covent-Garden Rakes. 3 ZZIbid. 23Prologue to Farquhar's Sir Harry Wildair, as quoted in The Complete Works 9£_Georgg_Farquhar (Bloomsbury: Nonesuch Press, 1930) Volume I, p. 163. 180 One of the first examples of concreteness and Specificity occurs in the opening lines when Farquhar states that Restoration authors have written their plays by cepying the techniques and style of the ancients. Then Farquhar asserts that he "cares not a-Pin" for the ancients, naming specifically certain classical writers, such as Vossius, Scaliger, Hedelin, and Rapin. The elements of concreteness and specificity are also present when the playwrite discusses the different kinds of individuals attending the performance. (eg. Beaux, Footmen, Friends in the pit, every Covent-Garden Criticks Face, etc.) Finally, the concept of precision is also evident in this verse. Following are some examples of a precise method of style: "Musty books," "dull reading," "Waggish action," "Modish writer," ' and "learn'd Pens." These precise phrases "Most nice Morality,‘ seem to contribute to the clear style of this prologue. It has been pointed out in the preceding pages of this chapter that the selected prologues and epilogues exemplify the stylistic concepts of directness and clarity. One final characteristics of style should be considered before this discussion is closed - the prolix style. Prolixity The prolix style is one that is long or wordy - it is often marked by a tedious structure and the inclusion of unnecessary words. According to Thonssen and Baird, the following "Barriers to Clear- ness" may cause the prolix style. 181 What, then are the possible violations against per- spicuity which may mar the clarity of discourse? . . . The first general cause grows out of an obscurity which may take various forms. (1) It may result from a de— fect in the expression, as when a fairly well estab- lished eppiptical expression fails to convey meaning to the particular hearers. Or, this defect may result from an overconciseness which carries the thought to a point just short of intelligibility. (2) There may be a faulty arrangement of words, resulting in unclear constructions. (3) Obscurity may arise from using the same word in different senses. (W) Uncertain references in pronouns and relatives may militate against perspi- cuity. . . And extemely long sentences are likely to admit of excesses against the dictates of clearness. The second violation of perspicuity often arises from double meaning. . .The last general offense against perspicuity is that which results from a speaker's failure to convey his meaning at all . . . This is the offense of intelligibility. It may arise from a confusion of thought on the part of the speaker. And it is evident that no language medium, however perfect will suffice for exhibiting a distinct andzu unvarying image of a confused and unsteady object. As was pointed out in earlier sections of this dissertation, the majority of the prologues and epilogues are clearly organized and not long, wordy, or tedious. However there are exceptions to this - some verses become rather involved, and in certain in- stances the point or central theme of the writing becomes difficult to ascertain. This may be due to the fact that these verses, written over three hundred years ago, may have used words and phrases meaningful to the audiences of the period. When these same words are read today their meaning may have become lost or changed due to this passage of time. The writer feels, therefore, that even though this prolix style is the exception rather than the rule, ex- amples should be presented that illustrate this specific type of writing. 2L‘Thmissen and Baird, 93. cit., pp. LLB-411+. 182 An example of a prolix style appears to be Congreve's prologue to The Old Bachelor. An excerpt from the verse follows: As for our youngsters, I am apt to doubt him, With all the vigour of his youth about him, But he, more sanguine, trusts in one-and-twenty, And impudently hopes he shall content you: For though his Bachelor be worn and cold, He thinks the young may club to help the old; And what alone can be achieved by neither, Is often brought about by both together. The brisket of you all have felt alarms, Finding the fair one prostitute her charms, With broken sighs, in her old fumbler's arms. But for our Spark, he swears he'll ne'er be jealous Of any rivals, but young lusty fellows. Faith, let him try his chance, and if the slave, After his bragging, prove a washy knave May he be banished to some lonely den, And never more have leave to dip his pen, But if he be the champion he pretends, Both sexes will join to be his Friends; For all agree, where all can have their ends, And you must own him for a man of might, 25 If he holds out to please you the third night. In this specific verse, the main statement of theme does not seem to appear until the last sentence; here Congreve asks the audience to approve of the poet's work and accept his dramatic pro- duct if he "holds out to please you the third night." It appears that the information which precedes this observation consists of Specific details and supporting proofs, some of which seem to be unnecessary. For example, the following statements have little relevancy to the central idea stated above. The briskest of you all have felt alarms, With broken sighs, in her old fumbler's farms. And what alone can be achieved by neither, Is often brought about by both together. 25Prologue to Congreve's The Old Bachelor, 2p. cot., pp. 21-22. 183 Another verse which seems to reflect prolixity is Dryden's prologue Spoken at_the Qpening_of the New House in 1614. The theme of the verse is evident in the concluding comments. I wou'd not prophesie our Houses Fate: But while vain Shows and Scenes you over-rate, 'Tis to be feared - That as a Fire the former House o'rethrew, 6 Machines and Tempests will destroy the new. The conclusion of this verse appears to suggest that the eventual ruination of this theatre maynot be fire as was true in former houses, but that the machines and technical effects may cause the destruction of the present theatre. This apparent theme is supported with the following idea which in this writer%s opinion is unnecessary and quite irrelevant, illustrating once again a prolix style. While Troops of famisht Frenchmen hither dirive, Andibugh at those upon those Alms they live: Old English Authors vanish, and give place w To those new Conqu'rors of the Norman Race.2‘ This idea appears to be a bit "remote" from the central theme of the verse. Finally, one last example of a prolix style might be offered. In the epilogue to Sir Courtly Nice by Crowne, the point of the verse appears again in the conclusion. 26§_Prologue Spoken at the Opening of_the New House, by Dryden, op, cit., p. 61. 27Ibid. 134 This comedy throws all that lewdness down. For virtuous liberty is pleas'd alone: Promotes the stage to th' ends at first design'd, As well to profit, as delight the mind. Here the playwright asserts the notion that the play as seen by the audience was a moral piece, and it restored the drama to "th' ends at first design'd . . . As well topprofit, as delight the mind." This being the purpose of the verse, the following excerpt then appears to be unnecessary or of little value. Sad fate, that all the Christian youth 0' th' Nation, Should be oblie'd to Jews for procreation. Nay, what is worse, that's if reports are true, Many a Christian gallant there turns Jew; That is, so oft, some rotten strumpet plies him, The chirurgion's forc't at last to circumcise him. 29 Summary and Conclusions The purpose of this chapter was to analyze and discuss the stylistic characteristics of the prologues and epilogues selected for study. After an examintion of the verses, it was decided that three major qualities of style could be summarized - directness, clarity, and prolixity. The first quality discussed was directness. Many of the pro- logues and epilogues used the personal pronouns ygu_and I; quite often the introductions to the verses contained most of the personal pronouns, thus immediately taking the audience directly into the Speech. The prologue or epilogue speaker often complimented or ZOEpilOgue to Crowne's Sir Courtly Nice, as quoted in The Dramatic Works 9f_John Crowne lEdinburgh: William Peterson, 1573) Volume III, p. 354. 291bid. 185 reprimanded the audience in the verse, thereby also iaking the theatre-goers sense that he had a "direct stake" in the ideas that were subsequently presented. The verses also illustrated directness by occasionally posing one or several questions, thus arousing the interest of the listeners and helping to keep them alert. The second characteristic of style discussed was clarity. A clear style was illustrated through the use of language comprised of concrete and specific words. Illustrations also helped to achieve clarity, as well as phrases which were precise. Th (D final quality of style discussed was prolixity. Although a prolix style appeared to be the exception rather than the rule, some verses, nevertheless, included unnecessary words and exemplified a tedious structure. Some excerpts from the verses were presented to illustrate a prolix style. In conclusion, the style of the verses seems to reflect those elements already discussed in the preceding pages of this chapter. Plainness, clarity, and concreteness appear to be the essential stylistic characteristics of the verses selected for study. In other words, the prologues and epilogues do ngt_seem to contain the numer- ous kinds of ornamentation as described by the rhetorical theorists of the Restoration period. The reasons for this apparent difference in stylistic approaches will be considered in some detail in the final chapter of this study. Finally, it may be said that the style exemplified by the verses seemed to be apprOpriate for their specific purpose. To 186 capture the attention of this often rowdy and impolite audience, the opening preludes and later postludes had to contain vivid, clear, and direct language, anplified by many illustrations. It was found that the verses included these characteristics. In other words, the stylistic features of the prologues and epilogues appeared to take into account the audience situation. CHAPTER VIII PRESENTATION OF THE PROLOGUES AND EPILOGUES Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to discuss some of the major theories of Restoration Speaking. This Specific discussion is necessary because the delivery of the prologues and epilogues demanded perhaps some exposure by the readers of the verses to the theories of seventeenth century speaking. In trying to determine something of the character of Restora— tion Speaking, it will be wise to recognize that the late Seventeenth century speakers followed in general the artistic theories of the day. Frederick See y, writing about the artistic theories of the period, notes: The tendencies we call neo-classicism were gaining wide favor and embodied among other things a scrupulous fol- lowing of rule and tradition, and an emphasis upon dignity and decorum. These elements implied the cur- tailment of individuality and the avoidance of any extreme of conduct.1 The accounts of the style of Speaking practiced during the Restoration period are not always in accord with the neo—classic theories of the period; however, J.hn Wilson says that: 1Frederick, F. Seely, Thomas Botterton, Dramatist, Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation (State University of Iowa, August, l9ul) p. 16. 188 There is a good deal of evidence to Show that the Restor- ation tragedian tended to bellow his passion at the top of his lungs; to make love in a kind of whine, or cant - something like the mannered Speech of beggers, bellman, parish clerks, and nonconformist preachers - and to de- claim his lines in a cadenced, musical heroic tone. The problem of characterizing delivery in the seventeenth century, then, is not a simple one to resolve. The nee-classic theories were still much in use, but stylistic rhetorics were also popular. In both, however, the basic approach to delivery was the same - essentially one of learning from Speech models and analyzing different types of public discourses. The general result was that no established standard of taste was universally accepted. Bacon, Wilson, and others, Speaking in the context of an educated audience, urged moderation. Many men, however, Speaking to "the people," found a more vivid type of delivery was better received. Hamlet's advice to the players comes to mind from an only slightly earlier time, in which Shakespear is obviously commenting on the difference in taste for delivery that could be observed in the educated (Hamlet) and the people (the actors and the groundlings). Yet Speech and action seem to be inseparable to the actor's part, and it is impossible to understand one without some knowledge of the other. Nor is it safe to infer the manner of the actor's Speech from the style of the author's writing, for is has been pointed out by some authorities that the rants of heroic drama were relatively 189 restrained in the delivery of Thomas Betterton, a noted actor of the Restoration period.2 Reading and Speaking - - - The Audible Code As indicated by John Wilson's observation that the "Restorae ' we find alSo additional tion tragedian tended to bellow his passion,' comments that tend to describe the Restoration period as a time in which "turgid vociferation or effeminate whine, accompanied by the most outrageous and unnatural rants, were mistaken for the best dis- play of the heroic and tender passions."3 Late Seventeenth century critics complained of two types of violent declaiming of ranting - the declamatory monotone and the vocal claptrap. 2Cole and Chinoy feel that Betterton "exemplified a style which his contemporaries regarded as restrained and dignified, moving but decorus." (Cole and Chinoy, Actors gn_Acting) (New York: Crowne Publishers, 1957) p. 93. This contemporary remark is supported by an observation that Colley Cibber made in his Apology. "A farther excellence in Betterton, was that he could vary his Spirits to the different characteristics acted. Those wild, impatient starts, that fierce and flashing fire which he th ew into Hotspur, never came from the unruffled temper of his Brutus." (Colley Cibber, Apologi (London: Edmund Bellchambers, 1822)p. 105). Information concerning Betterton's use of gesture further illustrates the assertion that his acting was restrained and dignified. Aston records that the actor rarely lifted his arm higher than his stomach, which would seem to eliminate the range of pompous and rhetorical gesture. (Anthony Aston, A_Brief Supplement t9_Celley Cibber (London: 1738), p. 76. BThomas Wilkes, A_General View g£_the Stage (London: 1759) p. 107. 190 (71'! inere is also another particular which may be reckoned among the blemishes, or rather the false beauties of our E.glish tragedy; I mean those particular speeches which are commonly known as rants. The warm and passionate parts of a tragedy are always the most taking with an audience; for which reason we often hear the players pronouncing, in the violence of action, several parts of the tragedy which the author writ in great temper, and designed that they should have been so acted. I have seen Powell very often raise himself a loud clap by this artifice . . . by adding vehemence to words where there was no passion, or inflaming a real passion into fustian . . . He has given them such sentiments as proceed rather from a swelling than a great- ness of mind. Unnatural exclamations, curses, blaSphemies, a defiance of mankind, and all outraging of the Gods, frequently pass upon the audience for towering thoughts. Davies speaks of the strong emphasis which Quin stamped on almost every word in a line, and again, of his manner of "heaving up his words."5 And John Hill describes it as "that unmeaning, that unnatural andtnomotonous delivery which too many of our second rate players have fallen into."6 The tender passions were designated by "turgid vociferation or effeminate whine, the heroic by "outrageous and unnatural rants."7 This false and unnatural style of delivery appeared to be so intrenched in the actors of the interregnum between Betterton and Garrick that as late as 17H”, the retired Cibber was attempting to uSir. Richard Steele, The Spectator (London: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1907) No. 40, April 16, 1711, p. 149. 5Thomas Davies, Memoirs of the Life gf_David Garrick, Esq. (London, 1780) p. 98. 6John Hill, The Actor (London, 1750) p. 193. 7Thomas Wilkes, 9p, cit., p. 107. 191 8 persuade Mrs. Pitchard to "tone her words," as Lady Constance in Papal Tyranny. Not only was rant prevalent on the stage, but there also existed another form of Speech known as cadence, which sometimes referred to musical tones or rhythms. There were so many different and varied interpretations of the term cadence during the Restoration period that it is difficult to form a definite idea of the concept. Speak- ing of Mrs. Hotson, Genest writes: "She had in all probability ac- quired that unnatural mode of Speaking which was in fashion at the time when she came on stage, but which she exploded before she left Aston mentions that "Mrs. Barry had a manner of drawing out This statement is enlarged upon by the author of Betterton's History gf_the English Stagp. It was certain Mrs. Barry was mistress of a very good Understanding, yet she having little, or no Bar for Music, which caused her to be thought dull she was taught by the actors, because she could not readily catch the manners of their sounding Words, but run into 3 Tone, the Fault of most your players. 8Thomas Davies, Dramatic Miscellanies (London, 1785) Volume I, p. 41. 9John Genest, Some Account of the English Stage (London, 759) Volume IV, p. 311. 10Anthony Aston, A.Bfief Supplement t2_Collcy Cibber (London, 11Thomas Betterton, History 9£_the English State, (London, 1751) p. 77- 10 her words, which became her, but not M rs. Braidshaw and Mrs. Poeter." 192 In his AOOlOfT, Cibber writes: In the Just delivery of poetical numbers, particularly where the sentiments are pathetick, it is scarce credible upon how minute an article of sound depends their greatest beauty or inaffection. The voice of a singer is not more strictly ty'd to time, than that of an actor in theatrical elocution: the least syllable too long, or too slightly dwelt upon in a period, deprecates it to nothing; which every syllable, if rightly touched shall, like the heightening stroke of light from a master's pencil, give life and spirit to the whole. It is perhaps difficult to conceive what speaking in cadence may h ve been like. The comments of contemporary writers and critics suggest that it was closely parallel to the "modulation" practiced by Garrick. TheOphilus Cibber writes of Booth; The tones of his voice were all musical, and he had so excellent an ear, no one ever head a dissonant Note come from him. He was not only harmonious, but properly so; while he filled the Ear, he spoke to the Heart; avoiding a Monotone, which had been toofrequently per- ceived in some other Actors of Merit. His voice was raised or sunk, extended or contracted, swelled or softened, rapid or slow, as the Sense and Spirit of the author, or the several tempers and Emotions of mind, in different characters, required . . . In speaking as in writing, to aim only at being musical, will tire the Ear.1 That this cadenced speech existed, however, there appears to be no doubt. From at least 1670 until the retirement of Booth and Cibber a musical ear and the ability to tone words appeared to be a necessary part of the actor's and speaker's equipment. The handbooks of the period also insisted upon a certain grace in delivery. Understanding, and realistic delivery was not enough. 12Colley Cibber, §3_gplogy for the Life 93.n_, Colley Cibber (London: Edmund Bellchambers, 1322) p. 62. 13Theophilus Cibber, The Life and haracter of Barton BOOtl (London, 1753) p. 44. 193 Let our conception of what we are to Speak be ever so just, and the ear ever so true, yet, when we are to deliver it to an audience . . . there must go along with the whole, a natural freedom, and becoming grace, which it is easier to conceive than describe.1fi Cibber illustrates this by referring to Eastcourt, an actor of the period, who was supposedly an amazing mimic off stage, and a thorough student of character in the library, but was ineffective on stage because he lacked the detachment from his studied character which would have permitted him to read his lines with grace and natural freedom. Hill declares monotony to be the actor's downfall, monotony stemming not only from lack of modulation in the voice, but from frequent repetition of the same inflexions and closing flourishes.15 In this he is supported by the anonymous poet of the Essav of thg_ Stage. Hard is the task in fetter‘d rhime to teach The grace of attitude, the art of speech; No affectation can with justice please; Your speech be freedom, and your action ease. Avoid the habits, and conceit of those, Whose constant flourishes each sentence close; Nor join with those, who keep still drudging on, All parts alike in one contriv'd tone; Tho' fear should startle, or the rage inflame, Their periods rise and fall and close the same. Some to do right are and even in the wrong, 6 And change their tones so oft as in a Song. LL 1 Colley Cibber, oo. cit., p. 64. —_L—._—— 15John Hill, 93, cit., p. 197- 16Ibid., pp. 9-10. 194 In the light of the evidence presented, it would probably be safe to concl do that at no time was theatrical speech in Restora- tion times wholly natural. From Betterton to Kemble a certain amount of exaggeration, whether it be cadence, rant, modulation, or vocal claptrap, was countenaced and even demanded not only by the audience but by the critics. The critics decried rant, yet Macklin himself admitted that it has its used. It is certain that the players ought very carefully to avoid a too lofty and sonorous delivery when a sentiment only, not a passion is to be express'd: it ought also, as the excellent instructor just mentioned us'd eternally to be inculcating into his pupils, to be always avoided when a simple recital of facts was the substance of what was to be spoken, or when pure and cool reasoning was the meaning of the sene: but tho' he banish'd noise and vehemence on these occasions, he allow'd that on many others, the pompous and sounding delivery were just, nay were necessary in this species of playing, and that no other manner of pronouncing the words was fit to accompany the thought the author expressed by them, or able to convey it to the audience in its intended and preper dignity. Reading and Speaking_- The Visual Code During the period of the Restoration, and for many years there- after, actors were tained as they had been in the days of Shakes- 1 o 1 5 J. .Y ' peare, by their elders in the profesions. Betterton and Cibber were most particular about the instruction of beginners, and Macklin established a school for the propagation of his principles. In the years 1675 - 1755 the amateur became more and more vocal, expressing his views about actors and their art not only in the playhouses but 171bid., pp. 195-195. 195 in the public prints. For example, the Gentleman's Magazine reprints with increasing frequency instructive notes on the art of acting. Action is the Art of Gesture, expressing our ideas and conceptions in the most graceful and intelligible man- ner; and desirves the closest Application of a Per- former. By this the Powers and Faculties of Nature are taught to exert themselves in a proper and becom- ing Manner. Suppose, for instance, an actor by the poetical justice of an Author, is in the same Person and Play, obliged to personate the different Parts of a King and a Beggar. Before he can be master of the Action prOper for each personage, he must lay down certain Principles by which he is to govern himself in the Representation: AS thus: He considers that the Person of a King is attended with Magnificance, Grandeur and Majesty; his Speech wise, grave, and solemn; his Deportmenb stately majestick; and his Action great and Heroic: But the same man reduced to the calamitious circumstances of a Beggar, Speaks, acts, and behaves in a Manner suitable to such a con- dition. Thus, by a Propriety of Gesture, the Actor will possess the very Soul as well as the Eyes and Ears of an audience, and communicate to them the same Fury and Passion by which he himself is agitated.1° It was not long before various handbooks made their appearance. In one of these books, John Hill lists the qualities of a speaker as Understanding (which 'governs the helm . . . directs the whole fabric and marks out its course."l9, Sensibility ("a disposition to be affected by the Passions, which are the Subjects of dramatic "20), Distinguished Figure ("We have had very few instances "21) writing. '.10 n England, in the higher characters without personal charms. O 1UGentleman‘s Magazine, III (1733), p. 6. 19John Hill, 93, cit., p. 7- ZOI‘D—ldo , p0 12+. 211bid., p. 53. 196 - n . ~ e x i as. i» e . Gaiety of Temper ( 'Tis only oy thoroughly relishing the Comedy in G heir own brests that they can ever represent it feelingly to us, 1 .- "22) or acquire our applause oy it. , Elevated Souls in Heroes, Natural Amorousness in Lovers ("for imited passions may deceive 14 ‘ 1. 4. 4. n "23 audiences, out not the paSSlon of love. ). Since the passions are the subject of many of the instructions for speaking and acting, it is perhaps not surprising that large sections of guidebooks are devoted to their delineation. Occa- sionally the approach to the delineation of a passion is "so entific," the most "scientific" of which appeared to be that of Aaron Hill. In The Prompter (1695) he divides the passions into "primariesz" Joy, Sorrow, Fear, Anger, and Amazement. The six "secondaries" formed on these are Jealousy, Revenge, Love, and Pity. Upon consideration, however, Hill admitted the secondaries to primary rank. At first, it should be noted, that there are only ten dramatic passions: that is, passions which can be dis- tinguished by their outward marks, in action; all others being relative to, and but varied degrees, of the fore- . i 24 SOLne- To accomplish the portrayal of any passion, Hill presents the fol- lowing formula: Ibid., p. 122. 25Aaron Hill, "An Essay on the Art of Acting" quoted in Aaron Hill's Works, Volume IV, p. 341. bhster of, is a Plastic Imagination. 197 First, the imagination must conceive a strong idea of the passion. Secondly, But the idea cannot stronely be conceived, without impressing its own form upon the muscles of the face. Thirdly, Nor can_the look be muscularly stampled, without communicating, instantly, the same impressions to the muscles of the body. Fourthly, the muscles of the body (braced or slack, as the idea was an active or passive one), must be in their natural, and not-to-be avoided consequence, by impelling or retarding the flow of animal Spirits, transmit their own conceived sensation to the sound of the voice, and the disposition of the gesture.25 n26 Simple as the formula is, however, Hill cautions the would-be-actor that the "Highest Qualifications which a Player should desire to be The application of the formula to the several passions appears A statement of Hill's theories earlier laid down in The Prompter. passion chosen from the basic ten will illustrate the author's treatment. Tho' the passion throughout all this Speech, is furious, and intemperate aneer, yet nature has divided it, into two such different tones of utterance, that tho' it would be impropriety, to a degree of folly, to pronounce that part foregoing the star, in the 6th line, any other way, than with a vindictive air, and voice rais'd hig , insult- ing and impatient. - The remainder must, on the contrary be expressed, by affection of a low constrained, and almost whispere'd composure, concealing a slow, nother'd, inward rancour, by a mutter'd ironical repression of voice, strained through the teeth, in a pretended restraint of indignation.27 25Gentleman's Magazine, on. cit., p. 6 26Ibido, p. 340' 27Aaron Hill, op. cit., P- 357- to be developed rather fully in An_Essayon the Art o£_Actine, a re- A 198 Other teachers appear to be equally explicit. Wilkes gives a long list of passions without attempting to systematize them. His treatment of admiration and its "superlative" degree is interesting and worthy of mention. Simple a miratien occasions no very remarkable alteration in the countenance; the eyes fixed upon the object; the right-hand naturally extends itself the palm turned outwards; and the left-hand will share in the action, though so as scarcely to be perceived, not venturing far from the body, but when this surprise reaches the super- lative degree which I take to be astonishment, the whole body is actuated; it is thrown back, with one leg set before the other, both hands elevated, the eyes larger 0 than usual, the brows up, and the mouth not quite shut. U Not only does the concept of "passion" receive extensive treat- ment in the essays of the period, but there is also much information available concerning the use of gestures. The extensive amount written on this subject would.bad.us to believe that this topic was given much emphasis on the stages of the period. Concerning the use of gestures, Betterton writes: t were to be wished that this art of using the hands were a little revived in our age, when such useful Members, which of old contributed so much to the Expression of Words, should not puzzle our Plavers what to do with them, when they seldom or never add any grace to the Action of the Body, and never almost any thing to the Explanation, or fuller Expression of the Words and Passions. 7 John Hill points out the necessity for decorative as well as interpretive gestures: J 23m1 u w: o '+ C inchas ilkes, u. c U., p. llu. O 'J F 1.. 1. - 2iBetterton, op, cot., p. 69. 199 In many scenes of tragedy . . . the actor is . . . expected not to use every proper gesture in its utmost force, than can mask to the audience any passion, any affection of the soul; but he must even have recourse to many others which have no regular Significance in their own nature, and yet serve to keep up the life and spirit of the action.30 ’5 Perhaps some Oi the best advice directed to the speaker may be found in Betterton' 3 Hi story_ of ther Fln lish Stage. In a section of his book which deals specifically with "Instructions for Public Speaking Wherein the Action and Utterance of the Bar, Sta g'e, and Pulpit are Distinctly Considered "31 Betterton gives many interesting and revealing suggestions for the public Speaker; these suggestions are directed toward the socalled visual code of delivery. A number of Specific examples taken from the Betterton work now follows: We shall here lay down some particular Rules of Action; which justly weighed, will be of use to the Bar and Pulpit, as well as on the stage, provided, that the Student allows a more strong, vivid and violent Gesture to the Plays, than to either of the other. The Place and Posture of the Body ought not to be changed every Moment, since so fickle an Agitation is trifling and Light: Nor, on the other hand, should it always keep the same Position, fixt like a Pillar or Marble Statue. For this, in the first Place, is un- natural, and must therefore be disagreeable, since God has so formed the Body with Members diSposing it to Motion, that it must move with as the Impulse of the Mind direcrs, or as the necessary Occasions of the Mind directs. That the Head has various Gestures and Signs, Intimations, and Hints, by which it is capable of expressing Consent, Refusal, Confirmation, Admiration and Anger, etc., is what every one knows, who has ever considered at all. It might therefore be thought superfluous to treat particularly of them. But this Rule may be laid down on this Head in 30Jchn Hill, .2- cit ., p. 177. 31Betterton,o _p_. ci ., p. i. 200 general, first that it ought not be lifted up too high, and stretched out extravagantly, which is the Mark of Arrogance and Haughtiness. . . nor on the other Side should it be hung down upon the Breast, which is both disagreeable to the Eye, in rendering the Mien clumsy and dull; and would prove extreamly prejudicial to the Voice, depriving it of its Clear- ness, Distinction, and that Intelligibility, which it ought to have. The Orator therefore must always be casting h on some or other of his Auditors, and turning gently from side to side with an Air of Regard, sometimes on one Person, and sometimes on another, and not fix ther immoveably on one Part of the Audience, which is exteamly unaffecting and dull much less moving, than when we look them decently 1.1 in c.e face, as in common Discourse. Q 7'1. 13 LVGS L. u e J h m You must lift up, or cast down, your Eyes, according to the Nature of the Things you speak of: Thus if of Heaven, your Eyes naturally are lifted up; if of Earth, or Hell, or anything Terrestrial, they are as naturally cast down. Your Eyes must also be directed according to the Passions; as to deject them on Things of Disgrace, and which you are asham'd of; and raise them on Things of Honour, which you can glory in with Confidence and Reputation. In Swearing, or taking a Solemn Oath, or Attestation of any Thing, to the Verity of what you say, you turn your Eyes, and in the Same Action lift up your Hand to the thing you swear by, or Attest. Your Eye-brows must neither be immoveable, nor always in Motion: Nor must then both be rais‘d on everything that is spoken with Eagerness and Consent; and much less must one be rais'd, and the other cast down; but generally they must remain in the same Posture and Equality, which they have by Nature, allowing them their due Motion when the Passions require it; that is, to contract themselves, and frown in Sorrow; to smooth and dilate themselves in Joy, to hand down in Humility. We come now to the Hands, which, as they are the chief Instruments of Action, varying themselves as many hays, as they are capable of expressing Things, so is it a difficult Matter to give such Rules as are without Exception. Those Natural Significations of particular Gestures, and what I shall here add, will, I hope, be of some Help. 201 For . . . the Actions m..ust be expressed by the Left Hand, because the Rio is tie Meznber to suffer. When you speak of yourself, the Right nor the Left hand must be apply'd to the Bosom, declaring your own Faculties, and Passions; your Heart, your Soul, or your Cor science: But this Action, generally speaking, should be only apply'd or express'd by laying the Handg ently on the Breast, and not by thumping it as some people do. The G sture must pass from the Left to the Right, and there end with Gentlemess and Moderation, at least not stretch to the Extremity of Violence. You must be sure as you begin your Action with what you say, so you must end it when you have done speaking; for Action either before or after Utterance is highly ridiculous. The Movement or Gestures of your Hands must always be agreable to the Nature of the Words, that you speak; for when you say Com— in, or Approach, you must not stretch out your Hand with a repulsive Gesture; nor, on the contrary, when you say, Stand Back, must your Gesture be inviting; nor must you oin your Hands, when you command Separation; nor open them, when your Order is closing. Your Arms you should not stretch out sideways, above half a foot from the Trunk of your Body: You will otherwise throw your Gesture quite out of your Sight, unless you turn your Head also asiie to pursue it, which would be very ridiculous.Q Summary and Conclusions I In the light of the material presented in this chapter on tne subject of presentation, it would be appropriate to offer two basic conclusions. First concerning the audible co ode it would probabl be safe 3 1 t’ to conclude that at no time was theatrical speech in Restoration L J. _' . 4. 4- imes wholly natural. A certain amount of rant, vocal claptrap, and cadence appeared to be demanded of audience and critic alike. It is then not improbable to assume that the presentation of the prolg cues and epilogues reflected these rather unnatural, exa ggerate- d Speech patterns. 321bid., pp. 82-101. CO CD 03 Secondly, the visual code, with its insistence upon the "scientific' delineation of passions, on the application of formula to the decorative and interpretive gestures, and on the emphasizing of grace and bodily form, could have very well influenced the presentation of the prologues and epilogues of the Restoration period. The verses then could have been presented in such a manner as to reflect the many comments about the visual code offered in the preceding pages of this chapter. CHAPTER IX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The central purpose of this dissertation was to study the pro- logues and epilogues of the Restoration period plays as Specim ns of the rhetorical art, to determine the nature of their rhetorical elements in the light of the theories and practices of the rhetoric and public address of the period. In attempting to describe and analyze the prologues and epi- logues as examples of the rhetorical art of the Restoration period, the following Specific elements were discussed in the preceding chapters of this dissertation: audience, ideas, supporting materials, organization, style, and presentation. Perhaps a brief statement szmmarizing the specific findings of each of these rhetorical ele- ments would be appropriate at this;hncture. Audience The Restoration period, it would appear, was one in which the actors had to fight to be heard, one in which the theatre was used as a means of opportunistic advancement. The audience, therefore, seemed to be little interested in the drama proper; in fact, the spectators were often noisy, rude, thoughtless, and tumultuous. The means by which the playwrights and theatre managers attempted 203 204 to quiet down the audience was by the prese itation of the prologue and epilogue. "At all costs some means must be devised to satisfy the tastes so little interested in drama proper, to fix the wander- iag attention. . .To meet the case, recourse was had to prologues and epilogues."l Therefore, one important purpose for the inclusion of the prologue and epilogue into the evening's entertainment was to quiet down the audience and claim its attention. The range of ideas discussed in the prologue and epilogues was almost limitless. It was possible to organize into four major cate- gories, the many topics discussed: theatrical conditions, dramatic criticism, soc1 al and poli_ ti cal critici sm ., and "topical" comments. As Wiley noted, "Generally Speaking, all the day's interests seem to have been written upon: loyalty, rebellion, playhouses, players, parties, politics, audiences, manners, foreigners, poets, and women." Supporting_Materials The prologues and epilogues selected for study appeared to use primarily one or another of three forms of support — the analogy, the example, and the definition. These supporting materials com- prised the major types used by the playwrights who composed the pro- logues and epilogues. 1Alexander Beljame, Men of Letters and the English Public in the 18th Cent Irv (Lond on: Kegan Paul, Trench, and Co., 191$) pp. 61:32. 2 v . "‘ o ‘l Autrey Nell wiley, Rare Prologues and Epilogues (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 19MO) p. 16. v. .. ”‘4” L: Olf al.,-_Qav.i.0rl __L The playwrights of the Restoration period who wrote the selected prologues and epilogues used a three-part organizational structure. The authors, first of all, presented a brief introduction in an attempt to create good will between the speaker and audience, or I briefly in‘icated the central idea that t V he prologue and epilogues would discuss in more detail later in the verse. Secondly, the body or discussion area of the verses stated the main theme in one of two ways. The main theme was either offered early in the verse with supporting materials following, or stated after the Specific details were presented. Lastly, the ending to the prologues and epilogues was the briefest section of the verse - the conclusion sum- ') marized the verse, or it suggested to the audience a sp~cific course k I" of action. Stirle The selected prologues and epilogues exemplified three major stylistic techniques - directness, clarity, and prolixity. The style of the verses also seemed to be appropriate for their specific purpose, that of capturing the attention of the noisy and often tumultuous audience. The verses consisted of vivid, clear, and direct language, amplified by many illustrations. .' he proldgues and epilogues, D In discussing the presentation oi t it was decided to talk about two major areas - the audible code and 206 the visual code. First, concerning the audible code, it was con- cluded that at no time during the Restoration was theatrical Speech, including the delive y of the prologues and epilogues, wholly natur- al. A certain amount of rant, vocal claptrap, and cadence appeared to be demanded by the audience and critic alike. Secondly, the visual code, with its insistence upon exaggerated gesture and application of formula to movement, probably made the presentation of the prologues and epilogues quite stilted and unnatural. How do the Prologues and Epilogues Measure Up to the Rhetorical Theories and Practices of ~44 the Restoration Period? Certainly the most crucial question of this dissertation is the one posed above. An attempt will now be made to answer this question in the final pages of the dissertation. The rhetorical elements described and analyzed in the prologues and epilogues selected for study seem, for the most part, to be unlike the rhetorical theories fo the period of the Restoration. Let us review separately the four-major rhetorical elements dis- cussed in the study to offer support for the statement just made. In relation to supporting materials, the Restoration rhetorical theorists wrote extensively about different methods of supporting oral discourse, mentioning amplification and diminution as the two most common methods of support. Amplification alone included various specific techniques: illustration, comparison, iteration, climax, definition, testimony, synonym, superlative, 207 parts, etc. And we also find that Themes Blount in his Academy 9£_ Eloouence, lists additional supporting techniques: Andiplosis, Anaphora, Epistrophe, Simplace, Epanados, Antimetoble, Agnomination, Spanalepsis, and Tradicto. The tendency for the prologues and epi- logues to use only three basic forms of support (example, analogy, and definition) appears to be unlike the explicit instructions advo- cating varied supporting methods that appeared in so many of the rhetorical treatises of the Restoration period. Secondly, concerning the canon of organization, we find that the rhetorical theorists insisted upon an elaborate six-part method of arrangement, which included the exordium, narration, proposition, confirmation, confutation, and peroration. Upon examining the prologues and epilogues, it was found that the verses did not reflect this involved pattern of arrangement; rather, they utilized the traditional three-part method of dispos tion: a brief opening, called the introduction; a rather detailed analysis of the central issues of a particular verse, called the body; and lastly, a brief summary, called the conclusion. Concerning matters of style, we noted that the theorists made elaborate lists of tropes and figures that would supposedly give added color and interest to the language used in oral discourse. Blount, Smith, Barton, etc., as discussed in the second chapter of this study, had much to say concerning the use of the trope and figure. The prologues and epilogues, however, did not rely upon this technique when developing stylistic devices; rather, the verses reflected what this writer found to be the basic ingredients of style - namely, directness, clarity, and prolixity. Final y, in relation to the presentation of the prokgues and epilogues, evidence was offered in chapter VIII which suggested that there was no real difference in presentation between acting and public speaking. The same instructions for the portrayal of the emotions, use of gestures, bodily positions, vocal characteristics, principles of physical projection, etc., may be found in the acting ggd_public speaking manuals and guidebooks. This probably meant that the presentation of the prologues and epilogues was very much like the style of acting in the plays themselves.3 Thus, it would seem that in terms of the rhetorical matters of supporting materials, organization, style, and presentation, the verses selected for study were unlike those principles presented by the rhetorical theorists. This does not mean to suggest that in all cases, at all times, and with all prologues and epilogues, were the rhetorical principles just mentioned different from those con- cepts discussed by the rhetoricians of the period. t means only that with these verses selected for study, the supporting materials, organization, and style did not reflect directly the writings of the rhetorical theorists. What about the rhetorical practices of the period? Are the prologues and epilogues indicative of these practices? 3The reader will refer to Chapter VIII, pp. 209 It sh uld be noted initially that the speaking, pg; 33, of the Restoration period was not particularly reflective of the rhetorical theo°ies - that is, instead of mirroring the ornate and highly ornamental speech, the rhetorical practices exhibited a simpler and less ornate style. The selected prologues and epilogues also revealed this same tendency for a simpler and less ornamental style. The reasons for the unadorned rhetorical practice found in the Speaking of the period, and also observed in the prologues and epilogues, nay best be explained by notin the following. 1. The appearance of the Royal Society, with its insis- tence upon experimentation and objectivity, influenced to some extent the directness and general simpler structure of the prologues and epilogues. 2. The Puritanical influence, which also insisted upon simplicity and unadornment, could have also influenced the style, organization, and ways in which the pro- logues and epilogues were supported. 5. Likewise, we find that the end of the vogue of orn- amental speech during hhe last forty years of the seventeenth century was also influenced by the re- u gence of interest in classical (Quintilian and Cicero) doctrines of rhetoric. Perhaps this re- surgence of classical interest also made the struc- ture of the selected prologues and epilogues less ornate. 4. Perhaps more important than the three previous ob- servations is the idea that rhetorical practices of 210 the Restoration (including the prologues and epilogues) seem to reflect the principles outlined in the classical treatises; the rhetorics of style appeared to occupy a place of small importance after 1660. whether this was due to the political changes of the period, the re- establishment of the monarchy, the new scholarly interest in meters of etymology and usage, or the disgust at the excesses which had been committed in the name of rhetoric, u or all four, is difficult to answer definitively. This is, however, enough evidence to state that the prologues and epilogues reflected a less ornate, simpler, unorna- mental structure. This fact would tend to be directly indicative of the iew movement for simplicyty in all kinds of public discourse, which began to find its way into Exgland during the last forty years of the seventeenth century. Suggestions for Further Study_ 1. Because this was the first study that rhetorically analyzed the Restoration prologue and epilogue, later researchers might very well take one of the areas covered by the writer in this thesis and expand upon it. For example, the concept of organization l‘LOther scholars have also been unable to answer this question. William Sanford and Allardyce Nicholl have Specifically noted this pro- blem in their works which respectively discuss the theories of rhetoric of t.e Restoration period and the characteristics of the dramaturgy of the period. 211 was of great interest; and perhaps a more intensive study of this canon would reveal many more organizational variations and com- binations than was indicated by this first study. The same might be true of supporting materials, ideas, and style. 2. Another profitable study might be the examination of many more Restoration prologues and epilogues than was possible in this dissertation because of the limitations imposed. This study " in nature - it could very well be limited could be more "quantitative to matters of style to determine the exact number of stylistic de- vices or techniques used by the authors when writing their verses. Such a quantitative stu’y could also deal specifically with ideas, supporting materials, or organization. 3. To this writer's knowledge there have also been no studies which rhetorically analyzed the prologues and epilogues from the beginning of the seventeenth century to the closing of the theatres (1600-1642). This period, being one of the richest in English dramaturgy, could also be very fruitful and significant for investieation. Perhaps a comparative analysis could be made in future studies - for example, comparing the organization of the prologues and epilogues written between 1600-1642, with the organ- ization of the Restoration verses. The eighteenth century prologue and epilogue would also be quite interesting and should be studied in future dissertations. 4. A great deal more needs to be done concerning audience reaction to the prologues and epilogues. Perhaps a study 212 including materials from primary sources in English libraries (journals, magazines, diaries, etc.) would reveal worthwhile infor- mation concerning the general and Specific reactions to the prologue and epilogue. 5. Finally, a study of the rhetorical theories and practices to say, the eighteenth century, and their relationship 1- ‘- to the prologues and epilogues written during that period would also ‘ be of great value and interest. BIBLIOGRAPHY aegis Aston, Anthony. A Brief Supplement to Colley Cibber. London: 1738. Beljame, Alexandre. Men of Letters and the English Public in the Eighteenth Century. London: Kegan, Paul, Trenchem and Co., 1948. Bertram, Joseph. The Tragic Actor. London: Routledge and Kegan, Paul, 1959. Betterton, Thomas. History of the English Stage from the Restoration to the Present Time. London: E. Curll, 1741. Bower, George Spencer. 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