COMMUNICATION IN CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT POLITICS Thesis for the Emma of M. A. ?:IICIE“§IGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Gimme A. ngh, 3rd 195% TH E515 J’M‘ML LIBRARY Midfiqan Sta University m:— 1 .S‘I 311 {C L. COLEUNISATION II CCfiGRLJQIQHAL DISTRICT ICLITICS A Study of the Third Congressional District of Wisconsin By George A. Hou;h,3rd AH ABSTRACT Submitted to the Jollege of Jonmunication Arts Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS College of Communication Arts 1958 George A. Hough, 3rd This study was undertaken in the hop that ssme light could be shed on the c nsistently one-sidedness of Congress- ional elections in Wisconsin's Third Congressional District. The study relies on both historical data and an analysis of the most recent Congressional electi n, that of 1956. The study as completed includes a compilation of voting in Congressional, Gubernatorial and Presidential elections in the various c;unties in the district since 1848. To supplement these bare bones of history, a lengthy chapter discusses the candidates and political fortunes of the district during the period 1848-1956. And to set the stage for analysis of the 1956 campaign and discussion of recent political problems, the demographic and economic conditions of the 19505 are reviewed. In an effort to test the theory that "personal influence" plays a part in cownunicating ideas, two levels of political activity were examined. One was the county. Here competition for county office during the period 1932-1956 was tabulated and analyzed. The other was the Oongressional district. Here the 1956 Congressional campaign was studied. Analysis of competition for county office during this period showed that there was a relationship between: (1) the number of candidates belonging to the minority party , in this case the Democratic party, who sought county offices; and (2) the percentage of the vote for Congress which fell George A. Hough,3rd to the minority ,arty. Since the Democrgts wan few county offices, and their level of campaign activity ap eared to have a relationship with their party's Congressional vote, it might be hypoth- sized that political activity itself is a stimulus to voter interest. Close study of the 1956 campaign served to show the im- portance of the Confressional candidate to the state party. The active, hard-campaifining candidate acts a a catalyst (J) in politics, bringing diverse groups at various levels into close cooperation and helping to cancentrate his party's campaign at a point meaninglul to the voter. Findings of the study ma not be conclusive, but they are suggestive of the impor azce of the Gongressional election to political success at other levels. COMMUNICATION IN CONGRESSIOhAL DISTRICT POLITICS A Study of the Third Congressional District of Wisconsin By George A. Hough 3rd A THESIS Submitted to the College of Communication Arts Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS College of Communication Arts 1958 APPROVED All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon. —-Thoreau. PREFACE This study grew out of the writer's long-time interest in Wisconsin politics. As a student at the University of Wisconsin from 1939 to 1943, the writer saw first-hand the decline and dissolution of the Progressive party. Later, from 1950 to 1957, as editor and publisher of the Vernon County Censor at Viroqua and as managing editor of the Grant County Independent at Lancaster, the writer had further opportunity to observe and participate in H‘sconsin political affairs. hisconsin has been a Republican state for more than 100 years. In the 19303 and 19405, however, the Democrats enjoyed some success in Presidential elections. Roosevelt carried the state in 1932, 1936, and l9h0; Truman carried the state in l9h8. But helpful as this was to the national party, the his- consin Democrats were not successful at the state or county level. After electing a Governor and winning control of the Legislature in 1932 Wisconsin Democrats were elbowed aside by the Progressives and Republicans. In the Third Congressional district in southwestern Wis- consin the Democratic party has had little success in county elections. The district hasn't elected a Democratic Congressman since 1906. The problem on which the writer hopes to shed some light is, simply, why can't Democrats win elections in the Third Con? gressional district? Aside from this personal interest in the problem there are a number of scholarly reasons for attempting a detailed study of a Congressional district and these will be dealt with more fully in Chapter I. This study could not have been undertaken nor completed without the help of a number of persons among whom were: Dr. Gordon A. Sabine, Dean of the College of Communication Arts, Michigan State University, who encouraged the writer to undertake graduate study; Dr. Malcolm S. MacLean Jr., of the Communications Research Center in the College of Communication Arts, who shares the writer's interest in tisconsin politics and has guided the writer's study of communications; Dr. Ralph M; Goldman, whose enthusiasm for party politics and skill in research into party politics enabled the writer to plan and carry out the compilation and analysis of election data found in the Appendices. Another who has contributed much to this study is the vwiter's wife, Mary Lu, who helped with the field research and hastmen of great assistance in preparing the manuscript and iii putting it into final form. The writer also wishes to acknowledge the interest and assistance of Charles F. Dahl, Third District chairman of the Democratic Party of Wisconsin; Norman M. Clapp, former publisher of the Grant County Independent and in 1956 and 1958 the Demo- cratic candidate for Congress in the Third district; Gage Roberts, director of elections and records, in the office of the Secretary of State, Madison, Wisconsin; Miss Mary Armstrong and the staff at the Cass branch of the Kichigan State Library, Lansing, Mich- igan; and Elmer E. White, of the Michigan Press Association, East; LanSing, I'liChigan 0 East Lansing, Michigan November 15, 1958 iv TABLE 0 a: C) <3 L5 ea 03 PREFI‘LCE o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 ii LIST CF Tl‘lBLES o o o o o o o e o o o o o o o o 0 Vi LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vii CHAPTER I: Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 CHAPTER II: History of the Third Congressional DiStriCt O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O 16 CHAPTER III: Political History of the Third DiStriCt o o o o o o o o o o o o o 31 CHAPTER IV: Geographical, Demographic and Econ— omic Jonditions in the Third Con- gressional District . . . . . . . . 63 CHAPTER V:.Political Activity On The Local Level . 78 CHAPTER VI: Communication Patterns in the 1956 Congressional Campaign . . . . . . 100 CHAPTER VII: Conclusions and Recommendations 1 . 119 BIBLIOGRAXPHY o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 12]. APPENDIX I: The VOte - 1848-1956 0 o o o o O o o 130 APPENDIX II: Per Cent of Total Vote By Parties - 1862-1956 0 o o o o o o o o o o o 19L} APPENDIX III: Stalemate Index - 1890-1956 . . . . 242 Table l. 10. ll. 12. 13. IA. 15. LIST OF TABLES Counties in the Third Congressional District after 1860 O O O I O O O O O O O O O O 0 Third District Representation After 1860 . . Populati n and Nativity in Qouthwest Wisconsin in 1850 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 Characteristics of the Population of the Third Congressional District in 1880 . . . . . Population of Southwest Wisconsin Counties from 1847 to 1950 . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in Agriculture in the Third District 1870 ta 1950 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 Population Changes in the Third Congressional District from 1930 to 1950 . . . . . . . Urban Places in the Third Congressional District. Farm Operator Family Level of Living Index 1940‘1954 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 Employment and Individual Income in the Third District in 1950 . . . . . . . . . . . . Independent Candidacies in the Third District frozél 1932 to 1956 o o o o o o o o o o o 0 Competition for Covnty Office in the Third Congressional District fro; 1932 te 1956 Extent ef Party Activity in County Elections - 1932-1956- Progressives- 1934-19hh . . . Extent of Party Activity in County Elections- 1932’1956 - Der;;OCI‘atS o o o o o o o o o Extent of Party Activity in County Elections - 1932-1956 - Republicans . . . . . . . . vi 19 21 66 67 69 71 72 73 7h 75 81 8h 85 87 88 16. Comparative Strength of Congressional and Cuber- natorial Candidates for All Parties 1932-1956 . 96 LIST IF FIGURES Frontispiece - Stalemate Index for Congressional Elections from 1890 to 1956 Figure Page 1. WiSConsin Congressional Districts Since the Apportionment Follovin; the Census of 1930 . . l7 2. The Third Congressional District After the Ap- portionment Following the Census of 1860 . . . 23 3. The Third Con ressional District After the Ap- portionment Following the Census of 1870 . . . 24 4. The Third Congressional District After the Ap- portionment Following the Census of 1880 . . . 25 5. The Third Congressional District After the Ap- portionment Following the Census of 1890 . . . 26 6. The Third Congressional District After the Ap- portionment Following the Census of 1900 . . . 27 7 The Third Congressional District After the Ap- portionment Followinfi the Census of 1910 . . . 28 8. Competitiveness of Democrats, Republicans, and Progressives in the Third Congressional District and the stalemate index for Cong- ressional elections from 1932 to 1956 . . . . 91 9. Democ:atic competitiveness in the Third Cong- ressional district from 1932 to 1956 and the Democr~tic percentage of the vote for Congress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 10. Statutory and Voluntary Activities of the Dem- ocratic Party in Wisconsin . . . . . . . . . .101 vii 11. Congressional Candidate's Participation in In- stitutional Activities of the Denocratic Party, in l}\5'lo o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 101+ 12. The Relatively dimple Channels of Joumunica- tion Before the Primary Electi n . . . . . . 106 13. Relationship of Party, Volunteer Groups and 1 t o d ’1 o 3 o 1 L n / the CongreSSional Candidate in the 1750 CflItlpaign o o o o o o o o o o e o o o o o o o 115 .omoa on omma poaesmae Hausa Immohncoo ppflmu who CH mCOHpooHo HsConmepmdoo CH xoocfi oosSoHdpm II moqumHmAOdm om mm min . 13 0: 0m mm mm IN ON 0H NH mo :0 0.0 00 m0 Om mm mm Om CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The literature of politics is already immense. The subject has been treated historically, biographically, and statistically. Political scientists, sociologists, and social psychologists as well as adherents to other disciplines have attempted to find out how voting behavior has come about, what it is now, and what it may be in the future. Research has been directed in large part at politics and parties as a national phenomenon. Some election studies have been directed at politics at the state level or locally within cities or precincts. This study is intended to fall somewhere in between and explore an area to which not nearly enough attention has been paid: the Congressional district. It is the contention of the writer that the Congressional candidate has one foot in national and state polities and the other in local politics; that voting in Congressional districts is swayed by both local and national influences. Literature g; Politics and Voting The literature of polities, voting, and elections is not entirely satisfactory when it comes to Congressional districts and Congressional elections. 1 - Host of the behavioral studies have been focussed on voting behavior, public opinoin, and the mass media as part of the quadrennial phenomenon of Presidential elections. Such studies as The People's Choice (91), Voting (81), and The Voter Decides (83), have concentrated on the unusual influences of Presidential elections and have ignored the more usual influences of state, Congressional district, and local politics. There is no question that the American voter takes more interest in Presidential elections than in other elections—— that of the local school board, for instance. A mere glance at the total vote cast in Presidential and mid-term elections confirms this. But what of voting behavior in other elections? In the Third district, for example, since 1932 voters have cast their ballots for only seven Presidential candidates, but they have voted 14 times for Congressional candidates, and more locally they have voted for more than 100 candidates for county office. 2 - Some effort has been made to study Congressional elections but these studies have either been too broad or too narrow. Malcolm Moos (94) has analyzed Congressional elections in the light of their influence on Presidential elections or, in reverse, the influence the Presidential candidate has on the election of Congressional candidates. Cortez A. M. Ewing (87) analyzed Congressional elections as national or sectional phenomena. 1..-. ‘ l.-.. “N , II _. I ." Other studies have been attempts to generalize about Con- gressional voting, as in 0. C. Press' study of mid-term elections ((113) or quite narrow behavioral studies of a few precincts, a city, or a single county (108). It appears then that in the study of elections and voter behavior that the Congressional district, considered as a polit- ical entity, is a relatively unexplored area. Election Statistics In this type of voting study -or any others, for that matter-— one of the major tasks facing political scientists is the collection and preservation of election records. Villon‘s poetic inquiry about the snows of yesteryear might well be asked about the records of votes cast last week, last year, or years ago. And a satisfactory answer would not be forthcoming. For despite the importance of elections to the American people we have been all too careless about preserving the evidence of the election. Voting records are scattered, fragmentary, incomplete and often missing. Even when records have been meticulously preserved they are confusing because they record only the institutionalized version of the election and not the actual account of what took place. This can readily be seen in old records which record the names and vote for Presidential electors, but not the name or party of the candidate to whom the electors were pledged; or election records which list the names of candidates often rep- resenting obscure or ephemeral factions, without identifying their party or factional label. Such records preserve the institutional version of elect- ions but certainly not the real facts of elections as they are known by the American people. There are a number of sources available to the student of elections. First, of course, are the original records with all the drawbacks already mentioned. Second, are the unofficial newspaper accounts of elections, which usually lack some accur- acy because newspapers are more interested in the outcome than in exact detail. These records do, however, often provide more information about candidates, parties and political real- ities than do the official records. Third, there are the state publications which record election statistics. These are usually annual or biennial volumes like the Michigan Manual or Wisconsin Blue Book. In recent years these volumes are quite accurate; in earlier years they may not agree exactly with the original records. They often fail, as do the original records, to provide inform- ation about political realities and sometimes fail to show full or correct names of candidates. Finally there are the voting records compiled by research- ers from primary sources. There are in this category two monumental compilations of Presidential election records. W. Dean Burnham has compiled the Presidential vote from 1836 to 1890 (82) and Edgar W. Robinson has brought the record up to 1932 (99). Scammon's America Vgtgs (100) is an attempt to keep the record up to date. But valuable as these volumes are they leave gaps in the record. They do not include the years before 1836 nor after 1932. Nor do they include anything but the Presidential vote. Scammon's America Votes is more complete, for it compiles not only the Presidential vote, but the vote for Governor, United States Senate and for Representatives in Congress. Its major contribution seems to be in its attempt to compile voting records on a Congressional district basis, although for a detailed study it is useless, since it does not record the votes of counties within the Congressional district. There are two other sources of election statistics, both published by the Bureau of the Census. Historical Statistics of the United States (23) contains much valuable data on Presi- dential elections and may be assumed to give the most nearly correct vote totals. The 1956 volume of the County and City Data Book (22) gives election returns for Representatives in Congress on a county basis, something done nowhere else. Another valuable source of election data for a single state is How Wisconsin Voted 1848-1254 (86). This volume gives the Wisconsin voting record by counties for President, Governor and United States Senator. It does not, however, include Congressional voting. The rather extensive historical review of politics in the Third district is intended to meet this need for analysis of the historic conditions which made the district traditionally and thoroughly Republican. Most useful of secondary sources are Campbell's Wisconsin In Three Centuries (84); Thomson's A Political History of Wis- consin (105), which covers only the 19th century; and Tuttle's An_Illustrated Historyyof Wisconsin (106). The early history of the LaFollette movement is best understood by reading LaFollette's Autobiography (90). Later Wisconsin political events can be found in Raneyts Wisconsin, A Storyyof Progress (98) and in Doan's The LaFollettes and the Wisconsin Idea (85). Unfortunately at this writing there is no scholarly and comprehensive account of Wisconsin politics. The works mention- ed here are fragmentary, incomplete, include politics only incidentally, or as in the case of LaFollette's Autobiography presents only one side of the story. Views of the LaFollette era are passionate and prejudiced, no matter the source. Euch of the state's early political his- tory is in journals, personal papers and pamphlets and not read- ily accessable outside of Wisconsin. Writing a complete political history of Wisconsin would be a major undertaking, although a fascinating experience. This study, however, presents only a bare sketch of even the Third district's political history. Burns, Robinson, Scammon and Donoghue all point out the difficulties in compiling accurate election data; and the prob- lems encountered in gathering the data for the Third Congression- al district will be discussed more fully later. At this point, however, it should be made plain that there is a need for collection and preservation of accurate voting data. The complete voting record of the Third district, there- fore, was compiled and analyzed in this study so that (1) it Inight contribute to an understanding of present voting behavior in the district and (2) be available for others who might want to study Congressional district voting. Literature on Wisconsin Politics Behavioral studies while revealing in many ways cannot provide all the answers to voting behavior. Some historical data is usually necessary if present trends and events are to be seen in their true perspective. Seymour Lipset et al, in an article on The Psychology of Voting (92) pointed out the failure of the Erie county and Elmira studies to explain why the same type of people voted Democratic in Sandusky and Republican in Elmira. What is needed, the article suggested, is "historical analysis of conditions which lead different communities or regions to acquire 'traditional' allegience to one party" (92, P. 1165). The Candidate As a Communicator The literature of communications is turning more and more from the study of mass media to the study of the part people play in communicating ideas and Opinions. The most significant contribution in this area has been made by Katz and Lazarsfeld in their Personal Influence (88). Their study identified several hitherto unnoticed factors in the communication process, among them (1) personal influence and (2) the two-step flow of information. The mass media, according to Katz and Lazarsfeld, are "paralleled by the influence of people" (88, p. 7). Opinion leaders, they found, pass on information which they receive from the mass media and other sources to the per- sons who look to them for information and advice. This is the two-step flow of information. The People's Choice (91) pointed out that during a polit- ical campaign, for example, face-to-face contacts were most valuable in stimulating opinion change, that Opinion leaders help shape attitudes, and that interaction among peoples and groups helps develop political views. Elmo Roper (88, p. xviii) suggests that the population is divided into two classes, "participating citizens," and the "politically inert." Participating citizens, he said, are those who strive to fulfill their obligations to society by voting and joining with others in groups in the expectation of making their voices 10 heard more clearly (88, p. xviii). The politically inert, according to Roper, are the 75 million or so Americans who rarely express their views, but pass judgement on events. They are the broad audience to whom the vast chain of communication of ideas is addressed. It is, Roper things, "an assumption worthy of greater research that the politically inert come to accept ideas more readily from their participating citizen neighbors" as well as from mass media and other sources of ideas (88, p. xix). At least some of the participating citizens described by Roper are probably members of the field organizations of polit- ical parties, including political candidates themselves. Schattschneider points out: "Assuming that the electorate is very large and that it is distributed widely over an extensive territory, a party having only a central organization would be relatively ineffect- ive because a very large segment of the electorate can be reached only by direct, personal solicitation, a proposition so well demonstrated that it has become a commonplace of American politics" (102, p. 170). (This function, he suggests, is performed by the party's field organization which attempts "to reach people where they are" (102, p. 170). These concepts of (l) a line of communication made up of People which parallels and supplements the mass media and (2) Of a political party's field organization going to the voter by 11 means of direct, personal solicitation are full of interest for the political scientist and the practical politician. What is the role of personal influence in politics? How does it work? How can it be employed more effectively in organ- izing campaigns and winning elections? Three hypotheses which seemed most likely to provide answers to these questions were decided upon and used as a basis for the research discussed in Chapters V and VI. Hypothesis I - Local political organizations and in partic- ular local candidates are important to the political process because they provide effective communication between the party and the voter. Hypothesis 2 - Where there is an effective local organ- ization and where local candidates are actively campaigning, a political party is able to communicate with the voter, inform him of party objectives and win his vote. Hypothesis 3 - The influence of the local candidate and local organization is particularly pronounced in Congressional elections and has less influence on state-wide or Presidential elections. This concept that the political party and its candidates are themselves a part of the communication process is not orig- inal, for the literature certainly suggests this. Indeed, the activities attributed to opinion leaders, participating citizens and other activists in political campaign situations could only be Performed by candidates and workers within the party field TI 12 organization. The writer does claim, however, that to view the candidate or party worker as a communicator is to take a fresh view of political campaigning. The candidate viewed as a communicator may be the same person, but his function is more readily appar- ent and the things he does to carry out his part of the commun- ication process take on new meaning. Research Problems Compilation of the voting data in Appendix I was a tedious and time-consuming job, but presented no major difficulties. IMost of the voting data came from Wisconsin Blue Books, but for earlier years, from 1848 to 1870, Blue Books and Legislative Manuals were not available and data was taken directly from the records of the Wisconsin Secretary of State. All voting figures for Congressional elections which were taken from other sources were compared with the original records in the Secretary of State's office. This was not done with the vote for Governor or President since those figures are available from other sources and were used in this study only for_purposes of comparison. There are discrepancies and undertainties in older election records. Figures used in this study compare closely with figures fronlother sources, but there is not always exact agreement. The question of whose figures are correct is not likely to be readily solved. 13 The voting records of the various counties in the district for the period 1932 to 1956 came directly from the records in the offices of the various county clerks. These records were in many cases incomplete, columns of figures were frequently not totalled, party identifications omitted, and in some cases elections were not even recorded. Newspaper files supplied the missing returns in these cases. More recent elections records in the counties were better kept and county clerks were generally very helpful in finding the needed figures. Oddly enough, in several counties clerks were quite suspicious of the writeris request to search through past election records, despite the fact that they are clearly public records. The per cent of the vote received by the major parties, compiled in Appendix II, was calculated by the writer from the voting record contained in Appendix I. In calculating the per cent of the vote received by, say, the Republicans, the total vote, including the minor party and scattering vote, was used. jMost other studies have calculated only the per cent of the two party vote. In most cases there is little difference, but where in some elections a minor party receives as high as 18.8 per cent of the total vote a percentage based on only the two party vote would be misleading. The "stalemate index" used in this study is an analyt- ical device suggested by Dr. Ralph M. Goldman of the political science department at Michigan State University. 14 It is, simply, a measurement of the distance that sep- arates the winning candidate from the runner—up. This index is found by halving the difference in the per cent of the total vote received by the winner and the candidate with the second highest vote. For instance in the 1956 elect- ion for Congress in the Third district: Actual Vote Per Cenp Republicans 74,000 61.2 % Democrats 46,911 38.8 % Others 3 . __-- Difference (61.2 less 38.8) 22.8 % Half the difference 11.4 % The stalemate index, then, is 11.4 per cent. Or, to put it another way, if the Democratic candidate had been able to take 11.4 per cent of the Republican candidate's vote the two candidates would have been even or "stalemated." This index provides a shortcut to graphical presentation of the relationship between the major parties. The ease with which the stalemate index can be combined with other data can be seen in Figure in Chapter V. The stalemate index was calculated only from 1890 to the present since it was felt that this provided sufficient indic- ation of the relationship between the Democrats and Republicans over an appreciable span of time. 15 The voting record of the district is carried back to 1848, but the per cent of votes received by candidates was not calculated for the period 1848 to 1862 since the polit- ical picture was in such a state of flux that percentages would have little read significance. CHAPTER II HISTORY OF THE THIRD CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT When Wisconsin was admitted to the Union on May 29, 1848, the 30th Congress was in mid-session and the new state, which had been represented by two Territorial delegates, was limited to two seats in the House of Representatives (70, pp. 659-660). In anticipation of this, the Wisconsin constitution, ap- proved shortly before the state was admitted to the Union, div- ided the existing 28 counties into two Congressional districts (33. p. 41). The First district included the counties of Lilwaukee, Waukesha, Jefferson, Racine, Walworth, Rock and Green. The Sec- ond district, comprising the greater portion of the state, in- cluded Washington, Sheboygan, Manitowoc, Calumet, Brown, Kinn- ebago, Fond du Lac, Marquette, Sauk, Portage, Columbia, Dodge, Dane, Iowa, LaFayette, Grant, Richland, Crawford, Chippewa, St. Croix, and La Pointe counties. The First district was the smallest, but had the largest population; the Second district was much larger, but was lightly populated. The First district centered around the Southeastern counties of the State and included the counties that bordered Lake Michigan between Milwaukee and the Illinois border. 81 Low: ”09.76. _ O- ALLANAIIE IOWA —-‘ DUIUQUI 17 "y! ILA nmu , ' ' / .I— -- 10 DAWISS 'svzmtuson |~INNIOA¢O —l . o ILLINOIS ' DICKINSON I I . J 1““ coon ' a: nun i l \I‘~ mcchN . \ ' i ‘ _—l _I iwus ‘~\.~ 'unou . I I , . “""') I “’iwwr”'“**l .. nut» l I '() I I5aar"“LJ’ I _.___.'_ —' I I I ‘— Tame. roux anon "'" "" "“ -" I . I”: ~- I FiCa—VT ——-- I m I _L. _ ‘7zm‘r - -- j . ‘ o i :3" , W _[._:' ' I L... I u " 'I__J‘_' {EIL‘L . I cum ‘mwm -— ----- 1 l— .4 \ m I italcum: I I ”f IF'L‘._'_5'L_. . ‘ I rmy— Wfi‘ija.‘ "" W _ .J lemma ltgrfln'im‘w.‘ L1 7 I .vr w v an.” ‘ I L __ __ I I Inna-A ) a m u ADAMS Imi— M I N N ESOTA -thuoumu: W C? I FIGURE 1 -- Wisc;n;in Congressienal districts since the apUOICIJHMuLE following the census of 1930. 18 The Second district included the old lead region of South- western Wisconsin, heartland of the original Hisconsin Terri- tory, and in addition most of the rest of the state. Much of its area was scarcely inhabited. The district ran from Grant and Iowa counties on the Illinois border to LaPointe county on Lake Superior; and from Crawford county on the Mississippi Riv- er to Marathon county on Lake hichigan near Green Bay. Wisconsin's two districts voted only once, May 8, 1848, before a reapportionment. Between May and November the state was allotted a third Representative and was divided into three Congressional districts. Representatives elected in November took their seats in the Blst Congress (30). To make the new district, the Third, 10 counties were taken from the Second district. Rock and Green counties were taken from the First district and added to the Second. Adams county, created by the last session of the Territorial legis- lature in March, was placed in the Second district. The Second district now included Rock, Green, Dane, Sauk, Iowa, LaFayette, Grant, Richland, Crawford, St. Croix, LaPointe, Portage and Chippewa counties. Votes from sparsely settled Chippewa county were included with vote totals from Crawford county. Richland county votes were counted in with the vote from Iowa county. From 1848 until the reapportionment following the census of 1860, the Second district's boundaries changed from year to year. 19 Table l--Counties in the Third Congressional District After 1860 Decade Following the Census of 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1930 Adams ...... X Crawfordl... X X X X X X Dane........ X X Grant....... X X X X X X X Green....... X X X X Iowa ....... X X X X X X X Juneau ..... X X X LaCrosse ... X LaFayetto .. X X X X X Monroe ..... X Richland ... X X X X (X X 89. ....m X X X X Vernon X X X Total ... 7 6 5 8 7 7 10 Source: Visconsin Blue Books and. records of the Secretary of State. Dates on which counties were created rather than elec- tions in which their votes were first counted have been used here. Although created by the Legislature, many of the new counties did not report election results directly; often the 20 vote of newly organized counties was lumped with returns from older counties. Louise Phelps Kellogg's "Organization, Bound- aries and Names of Lisconsin's Counties" gives an excellent background of early Uisconsin (110). Marathon county was added after its creation in 1850 from part of Portage county; originally it stretched from the central part of the state to the northern state boundary. Bad Ax, later Vernon county, and LaCrosse county were created in 1851 out of the northern part of Crawford county. Jackson county was created in 1853 from part of LaCrosse county and in the same year Buffalo, Clark, Pierce and Polk counties were created and added to the Second district. Settlers were pouring into the forests of northwestern and west central Wisconsin during the 1850's. In 1854 Dunn, Douglas, Monroe and Treampealeau counties were created by the Legislature. In 1855 the Legislature authorized a referendum among settlers in Adams county west of the Wisconsin river to decide on creation of a separate county. The vote was in the affirm- ative and in 1856 Juneau county was created. The same year Burnett, Eau Claire and hood counties were created and added to the Second district. In 1858 Pepin county was created and in 1860 Ashland county, on Lake Superior ad- joining LaPointe (now Bayfield) county, was created. Ashland was the last of the new counties to be added to the Second district. 21 TABLE 2——Third.District Representationwhfter 1860 Third District Per Cent of 4-) c: 4.: ‘HO O F: 0-H H O H 42-9 9.. a £14: mo 9' H I: L. can 49H 0 as a 3 as $3 33 Hg! :2: +30 ct mm coco (DO 0 $4 r-I'd 0-H P .o n: p o a) s H 9:3 'gtn S ~13 .91 94H Q! 94 cue-u «4 Q4"! 0.1:: (D‘H O'H Census >30 1"" 4th me one {1.0 1860 ....... 241 6 12261A 124861 16.6 26.1 1870 ....... 292 130533 137599 12.5 13 1880 ....... 325 9 151912 157721 11.1 12 1890 ... .. 356 10 173901 173572 10 10.3 1900 ....... 386 11 193167 180388 9.1 8.7 1910 ....... 435 11 210583 215752 9.1 9.2 1920 ....... 435 11 ..... . 227617 9.1 8.6 1930 ....... 435 10 280675 27A479 10 9.3 19A0 . ..... . 435 10 30116u 290719 10 10.8 1950 ....... 435 10 34A587 300025 10 11.4 Source: Historical Statistics of the United States.1786-1945 and Continuation After the census of 1860, the House of Representatives was increased to 241 members and Wisconsin's representation was boosted to six. In the reapportionment necessary to create three new districts, the Second district was dismembered. What 22 was left of the Second district, seven counties in the south western part of the state, became the Third district, a numer- ical designation continued until the present. Beginning with the election of 1862, the district includ- ed Crawford, Grant, Green, Iowa, LaFayette, Richland and Sauk counties. tith slight variations the complexion of the district has remained much the same since 1860. After the census of 1870 Sauk county was taken out of the Third district, but was restored after the 1890 census. In the reapportionment after the census of 1880, Craw- ford and Richland counties were taken away from the district, but they were restored after the census of 1890 and have re- mained in the district up to the present. In the reapportionment following the 1880 census Dane, one of the original counties in the original Second district, was added to the Third. This change made it possible for the Third district to send Robert M. LaFollette, then a resident of Madison, to Congress in 1884. After the census of 1890 the boundaries of the district were considerably changed. Dane, Green and LaFayette counties were taken away from the district and Richland and Sauk were restored after an absence of 10 and 20 years respectively. Three other counties, Vernon, Adams, and Juneau, all original members of the old Second district, were added. The census of 1900 brought only one change. Adams county was dr0pped from the district and has never been restored. T‘jfi'fifi; utuomutt 24 j;LI\‘MICH1cAN .F. I \~~ I...“ I 'I h'wr“ -—' - ' . ._ ........... I I Io‘a.ar""1 r'I I ’ .— ,____.I . I . . —’ F .—_._ Tm__—-— -—-—. —. —- —_ I _. I _. . W __ _. . . an!!!“ >. ‘ ' a" T “‘ “1“ I ! i L I I cum: I I iii—"‘”I Luau“ ‘4 l f I“:- J l L7, — ma?“ a.“ M __j [Irma IWIZI‘ ”L— I L_ I um I Imu__J I I I ' "' "' ...... I} a ,7..— —--_,-.—-L-~-- Ta... ,1 ,1 (70-7 r / I , uluuesorn ' _l i I I new I I, I__.____ Houston I I \. ' fifi“‘j_-)lL_ not: \cowleeu 47:. ...__.__I . IO'A ' I“. ...,” d IOWA Iunnnt I I . l""" — oueuoue I _I In...- W7 ?;‘—_ ‘ ' == I“"”"‘W Ihtflfi jean-cigar" IE? ) ILLINOIS FIGURE 3 -- The Third Congressional district after the apportionment following the census of 1870. 25 ST LOUIS ‘~ MICHIGAN leU~$\ ‘s I \.. Imon I o ‘— 'C‘CMNSON I [FOREST “CHIC Uino—A. ”-fi—L II I L... ”7......"- - I IMAnmUYL um:m~e£ I I {limo-[fi— '- I . unEu—St _I _ __ I uuon I I ‘— "BEoum I ”£30". . . CWPm* -I I I I L- 'T.C.°! ‘ 1 Fun I I I“ III—I ___ _ ,_1_ J— "II LL I I -~ __ .__ _. wuumou —I __ I I ' Icunx I I smwmo I 1" \ nTsc't.'—- I" IITU— emu—— 7-“: I I ‘— "‘"' I .... ...- I___ -__ _ ‘__ __,.+._____._, I— .... - I'M-I— I wooo Ironuot wwnu . (who!!! ,....,.-—w L I L. I rem-n I nun-3:. ,- I JACKSON L. ._ —-I I I I I I . 2' I-.. I- ___-._.I_._ L- L F“— “'”‘°"‘ ' I Junuu IAOAM? I wwsmnn .Twmuuoo uun ITMHONOC \_ A L 4'W‘ui5E — ,J I I I MINNESOTA - ' I II ., ...--. I u cnossz amount: unm- . I I I—_ ILA“ -ro~o—o'u u Ifitfictl "man I | \\ I _I I Wuhan- ————— I __ _I \. L_ _I__ _J__._, I L: x “\cowuom Ioooot . ...... I-lTé-HLTI-D \I IwTsmm I ALL‘NAIIC I . I '0' . EBfifiJ‘I I J I I ~ um! . I I”. - mm'fimmm I cwfvon - I l ‘N' I 3 ' L l o w A I17 ”true“ ‘lm‘r ‘ ~ “admin" I II I . .g I I I r“““ cat-Out I350” mszf—‘ITFII:£~ Imtumo- wont IEW"W" o g o ILLINOIS FLSURE h -- Fhe j; r: Jongressional disti'ct after the aonrgi nm¢nt following fine ;:nsus of 1380. ‘ ‘I 26 m H 1 —-T-—-——l-— ? - 'o-cIunSOn ’ I l | I o—ar“”"'L r'i I m '- ~1‘JH—— I — —— ___l I I Tub-Eh! Iluomuu .' l __‘_.|_ I ...: a .-.- ! JEN-"T. 4 "LG! 1 I 3 '5...“— ‘- ....._ l ‘ \ m ._...l :fifiu— —: W . m—-- - / luau l L_ “.4.“ ‘ 'JACIM L — _1 main .) ~ \ ' '76—1' ' AIL _' ”INNISOTA I um - nonwo- I .0. IMO Mun»!!! if “1'0" “f" - ./ I cum». 'f' «m I IOWA 9700“ .L ’0 "‘7‘.—- !sumt~s;~_-'l m:~m.1m r3175?" ILLINOIS FIGURE 5 -- The 'I'hirj Congressional district. after the apporJionment following tho consul of 1890. 8V LOUIS pportionnent fellovd rm ‘~ H " .33 ‘1 “J. . \IVII.A?\~,. II» II ‘9 AI ”mun In." I , | NR.“ IMO" I I I lumen lI I I- ram I—-—« -—I I'M.” mount Mo.” ~ _.o~ I I I I III—(I07 ‘- -—“L -rI I ~~II I I I | PfMT‘* EOE-4 I; 3::IIOI" _' Fug ‘— ""'I I , III“m I ““ - ' ITmafi“—I I I I I I I ___. ”I I "‘— i .... ’“" ’I ILMIIGLADE —I 7'41an T‘YLO" C I it _ I cmmu I - I I. I «'0 37ml] mg“ _I'—J I I I 7 L- I I I_ __ -7" — "um/n ”0;. __.-.L._I __ I... ...:I I I cum: I Immune I . ”(Bet—'—'I Ifwcumt". "I I I L— "- I I‘ .7. ’ | I ° IFS-IL _- I I537: — I10."- E —' Vim-Tc: “‘ wanna: _J [uni—o VLESu-pg} "" I rout-KEA’u—I? u , I “.3“ I I Iucmn L __ ~ —-I I I I ' ‘ I I _ Int-'0” \) H I on“ IwwmI-I— THINKING Iii—E IFS-“"0"“ , ML _, mm — - I I I fifllNNESOTA ' I I‘— ___.________. I i u cnosu amount: as I , I {“3 Pam-"6'9 u nun—070A” .waa .~ I I L - __,,_. _I__ __._ __ I I OLUMIIA I 9000‘ .. I“ “" L" . Ifiam' ALUHAntg . cuimoflI I J J I {I}: —'-I. I__.___. I 3/ . IKE-user..." cum?" am _ CUYION .K'/ I I I “I“ I: ”61410 . I « cum I ma?— much??— 1min: I 0 W A 7 . I 53:” I I fl...- ,0 D‘V"?5.—--Ism:sz~ Imruru-go- .00!!! ...: 3:"W" I L Ll N O I 3 FIGURE 6 -- The Thiri 3tn(_r: ssional district after the mg the census of 1900. M 28 b.51CHIGAN i \.. Imo- '- *I M . . ‘ 0m.um l I ' m L—. l __._.L_.__ 1 g- ! ._. .. \. l \ L --.? ._ m1: 7. ,1 Pa: - ,/ I . m I 3 i IOWA IMF-“1"” .. ' . j ml::—'.!"l~‘:3~ I".-- .m {mo-Foo" mason . -- The Third Con ossional district. after the FIGURE 7 apportionmentglttollowing the caucus of 1910. 29 After the census of 1910 several changes were made. Dane, Green, and LaFayette counties were added to the district and Sauk, Vernon, and Juneau counties were dropped. Congress did not authorize any reapportionment after the 1920 census and the boundaries of the Third district remained unchanged for 20 years. In anticipation of great population increases throughout the United States, Congress in 1929 authorized a new apportion- ment. Wisconsin, which had 11 Representatives in Congress after 1900, had its representation reduced to 10. Congressional dis- trict boundaries were reshuffled. The Third district was enlarged to 10 counties, all of which had at one time or another been in either the original Second district or in the Third district. Counties in the Third district after 1930 were Crawford, Grant, Iowa, LaFayette, Richland, Sank, Vernon, Juneau, LaCrosse and Monroe. A complete record of changes within the district from 1860 until the present is contained in Table 1. The Third district is a homogeneous district. Two of its counties, Grant and Iowa, have been in the district since state- hood was granted. Richland and Crawford have been in the dist- rict for all except one decade out of the 110 years. Other aspects of the district's history and its relation to representation given the state are itemized in Table 2. From 1860 to 1900 the district's population was higher than the apportionment figure set by Congress. Since 1900 30 the district's population has been less than the apportionment figure. However the district's share of state population and share of the state's representation have, except for the Civil War decade, been quite close. CHA TER III POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE THIRD DISTRICT The Third Congressional district, like the state of Wisconsin, has been overwhelmingly Republican throughout its history. Since the first election for Representatives in Congress in.May 1848 the district has elected 36 Republican Congress- men, six who were Democrats, two Progressives, one Whig, and 10 who were LaFollette or Progressive Republicans. This two-to-one Republican majority is the essence of Wisconsin and of Third district politics. Since 1854 it has been the Republicans who represented the major political strength. Opposed against them have been a persistent minor- ity, sometimes Democrats, sometimes dissident wings of the Re- publican party. Often there were also other minority parties, Greenbackers, Prohibitionists, factions of Democrats, and some- times Independents. The district has been as Republican in its voting for Governor and President as it has been in its voting for Congress. In 32 elections the district has supported regular Repub- lican candidates for Governor; six times it has voted for Demo- cratic candidates; once it gave its vote to a Whig. In the other elections the district supported LaFollette Progressive Republicans 12 times and Progressives four times. 32 In Presidential elections the district has voted Repub- lican 21 times, Democratic five times, Progressive once, and Whig once. The Third district has been a mother lode for Wisconsin politics and politicians. In Territorial days it was a Demo- cratic stronghold and gave the state its first Governor, a Dem- ocrat, Nelson Dewey of Lancaster, in Grant county. In recent years the district has been staunchly Republican and the state's present Governor, Vernon Thomson, a Republican, is from Richland Center in Richland county. The district elected its first Republican Congressman in 1854, two years before the Republicans became a national party in the 1856 campaign. The district rallied behind Fremont in 1856 and has deviated from the Republican column only four times since, twice for Woodrow Wilson and twiCe, in 1932 and 1936, for Franklin D. Roosevelt. The political history of the Third district, like that of the state, falls naturally into six distinct periods: The Democratic period from 1848 to 1854; the Republican era from 1854 to 1900; the Progressive-Republican era from 1900 to 1932; the brief Democratic interlude from 1932 to 1934; the Progressive period from 1934 to 1946; and the period of Democratic revival which began after the collapse of the Progressives. The Democratic period followed the attainment of state- hood and was a period of lively contests among Democrats, hhigs, 33 Free Soilers and other factions. This was followed by the long period of Republican domination which began in 1854 and lasted until Robert M. LaFollette was elected Governor in 1900. The LaFollette-Progressive era lasted with some interrupt- ions until 1932. The election of 1932 saw Wisconsin swing Democratic. The state voted for Roosevelt, elected a Democratic Governor and gave control of the Legislature to the Democrats. But rather than sig- nalling a period of Democratic control, 1932 was merely a pre- lude to a renewed battle among the Republicans. In the next state election in 1934 the Progressive Repub- licans at the urging of Old Bob's sons, Philip F. LaFollette and Robert M4 LaFollette Jr., broke away from the Republican party and organized a Progressive party. The Republican-Progressive struggle lasted until 1942 when the Progressives elected a Governor in a protest vote against two-term Republican governor Julius P. Heil. By that time, however, Progressive strength in the Legislature was falling away, and in the counties the Progressives were slipping back into the Republican party. When the Progressive Governor- elect, Orland Loomis, died before he could be innaugurated, the Progressive party Came to the end of the road. The Progressive party disbanded officially in 1946. The period from 1932 to 1946 was, actually, the beginning of a trend toward a real two-party system in Wisconsin, but it was also a period which brought an end to the Progressives and 34 very nearly killed the Democratic party (85, p.88). In 1946 Democratic fortunes reached their lowest point in years in the Third district. The district was unable to find a candidate for Congress, something that had happened only twice before in the history of the district in 1918 and 1926. The final phase of political fortunes in the Third district, from 1948 until the present, represents a steady move- ment toward a real two-party system. Democratic strength in the district is growing and Democrats are campaigning for office at all levels. Local competition for office will be discussed in detail in the next chapter. The Democratic Period, 1848-1854 In the district's first, or Democratic period, the Dem- ocrats carried the district in three out of four Congressional elections, in three out of four Gubernatorial elections, and in one of the two Presidential elections. Nevertheless, this period was actually more of a multi- party period than a period of Democratic strength (122). The Republican party was not yet born, but gestation was well under way. The nation was taking sides on the issues of slavery and free soil and Democrats, Lhigs, Liberty and Free Soil factions contended for COHthl of the two national parties. There were bitter struggles in district and state conventions (122, p.1). In the election of May 8, 1848, the district elected Dr. LKason C. Darling, of Fond du Lac, a Democrat, for the balance 35 of the 30th Congress. Darling defeated Alex L. Collins, a Whig. In November, Orsamus Cole, of Potosi, a Lississippi River lead mining town in Grant county, was elected to Congress as a Whig. Cole defeated A. Hyatt Smith, a Democrat, and George W. Crabb, a Free Soil candidate. The only hhig ever to represent Hisconsin in Congress, Cole was defeated in 1850 by Ben C. Eastman, of Platteville, Grant county, a Democrat. Eastman was re-elected in 1852 in a three-way election in which he was opposed by Chauncy L. Abbott, hhig, and Edward L. Enos, Free Soil. Eastman not only had the distinction of being the only Democrat to serve two terms in Congress from the southwestern part of the state, but has been singled out as "the most openly corrupt of the early Wisconsin representatives," who was "sent to Congress by the Railroad, kept there by the Railroad, and defeated when the Railroad interests abandoned him" (122, p.106). In Gubernatorial elections the district supported Nelson Dewey, the successful Democratic candidate, in the election in May, 1848, and in 1849. In 1851 the district helped elect Leonard Farwell, the only Whig to serve as Governor of the state; and in 1853 supported another Democrat, William A. Bar- stow, last Democratic Governor of this period. In the Presidential campaign of 1848 the district support- ed Zachary Taylor, successful Thig candidate-for the Presidency. The state's vote went to Lewis Cass, the Democratic candidate. 36 In 1852 both district and state supported Franklin Pierce, successful Democratic candidate for the Presidency. The Republican Era In 1854 Whigs, Free Soilers and Abolitionists joined to- gether in formation of a new political party. As Republicans the new party entered candidates in the November election of 1854. In southwestern Wisconsin, then the Second district, the Republican candidate was Cadwallader C. Washburn of Mineral Point, a former Whig. His victory over Otis Hoyt, the Demo- cratic nominee who had displaced Eastman at the district con- vention, began the district's long support of the Republican party. Washburn was one of the first of the political giants from southwestern Wisconsin. He served three terms in Congress from the Second district, elected in 1854, 1856 and 1858; served with distinction in the Civil War and returned home a major- general. He moved to LaCrosse, served again in Congress from the Seventh district, and in 1871 was elected Governor. During the more than 40 years of Republican strength which lasted until 1900 other Republican Congressmen included: Luther Hanchette, of Plover, Portage county, who was elected in 1860, but died before his term was up. At a special election in December, 1862, Walter McIndoe, of Wausau, a success- ful lumberman and prominent Republican, was elected to succeed him. {cIndoe had been an unsuccessful candidate for Governor 37 in 1857. Reapportionment before the Congressional election in 1862 had placed Nausau in another district and McIndoe was elected to the 38th Congress from that district in the ballot- ing in November. In the special election in the old Second district in December he was elected to the 37th to fill the remaining portion of Hanchette's term. In the reapportionment after the census of 1860 the old Second district was reduced to six counties and designated the Third district. It has remained the Third district ever since. Amasa Cobb, of Mineral Point, was the first Congressman to represent the present Third district. He was elected in 1862 and re-elected in 1864, 1866 and 1868. Joel Allen Barber, of Lancaster, succeeded Cobb and held the office for two terms. In 1874 Henry S. Magoon, of Darlington, in LaFayette county, was elected for one term. After Magoon came George C. Hazelton, of Boscobel, who was elected in 1876, 1878, and 1880, but ran into a party dis- pute in 1882 which cost the Republicans the election. Hazelton was a candidate for the nomination in 1882, but was opposed by Colonel E. W. Keyes, Madison postmaster and Rep- ublican party "boss." When Hazelton secured the nomination, Keyes and his followers withdrew from the convention and nom- inated Keyes themselves. Both Keyes and Hazelton ran as Repub- licans in the November election. 38 LaFollette in his Autobiography recalled that "This three-cornered race resulted in the election of Burr Jones, a Madison lawyer and the Democratic nominee, and left much bitter- ness among the Republicans of the district." (90, p.44). The election of Jones and the squabble within the party gave Roberth. LaFollette the opportunity to launch his disting- ‘uished and colorful political career. LaFollette had bucked the regular Republican organization headed by Keyes to run for district attorney of Dane county in 1880. Not then 21, he secured the Republican nomination and 'was elected by a margin of 93 votes. In 1882 he was the only Dane county Republican to survive the Democratic tide and won by a margin of 2,000 votes (90, p. 37). LaFollette's college room-mate, Samuel A. Harper, who came from Grant county, urged LaFollette to run for Congress. According to LaFollette: "There are five counties in this district," he said. "The two big counties, Dane and Grant, outnumber all the others in voting population. Now I live in Grant and you live in Dane. I'll carry Grant for you and you carry Dane for yourself. They will control the convention -and you go to Congress." (90, p.43). LaFollette and Harper did secure enough pledges from county caucuses to control the convention and LaFollette was nominated. He had the support of Hazelton's political friends and was elected in November 1884 by some 400 votes. (90, p.48). 39 LaFollette was reelected in 1886 and 1888, but lost in 1890 in a state-wide Democratic landslide. The man who defeat- ed LaFollette was Allen R. Bushnell, of Lancaster, a Democrat who had been for the four years prior to 1890 the United States district attorney for western Wisconsin. Bushnell served only one term. In the reapportionment that followed the census of 1890, Dane county was taken out of the Third district in a state wide overhauling of district boundaries that caused great bitterness between Republicans and Democrats and resulted in long litigation before state leg- islative district boundaries were settled. (98, pp. 274-275). LaFollette's defeat in 1890 precipitated him into the fight for control of the Republican party which ended with his nomination and election in 1900. In 1892 the Third district sent Joseph W. Babcock, of Necedah, Juneau county, to Congress, for the first of six terms during which he was to represent the district in the House of Representatives. Babcock was a "standpat" Republican and a bitter foe of LaFollette who said of him: "Babcock's record as a Standpat, corporations-serving Congressman was notorious" (90, p. 736). However, Babcock and Emanuel L. Phillipp of Milwaukee did come to LaFollette's support in the 1900 campaign, apparent- ly because of hurt feelings over the senatorial election in 1899 (90, pp. 228-229). #0 After LaFollette became Governor, Babcock again opposed him. Babcock was a powerful figure in state Republican politics and through his chairmanship of the Republican National Congress- ional Committee in 1894 and 1902 had influence in Congress and on the national political scene. Said LaFollette: "He was opposed to everything which the Progressive-Repub- lican administration in Wisconsin represented, and he fought my renomination and that of every member of our Progressive legis- lative ticket in 1902 (90, p. 736). In 1904 the Progressive Republicans in the Third dist- rict "vigorously contested his renomination," (90, p. 737). They were not successful and Babcock was renominated and re- elected, but where he had been a winner in 1902 by some 8,000 votes in November 1904 he carried the district by only 326 votes. Babcock was succeeded in Congress by the Democratic cand- idate James W} Murphy of Platteville, Grant county, who won by a little more than 1,000 votes. Murphy survived only one term. The Republicans nominated Arthur W. Kopp, a Platteville lawyer and later a circuit judge. Kopp served until 1910 when the district boundaries were again changed to include Dane county. The see-saw between Democrats and Republicans in the Third district from 1890 to 1910 overlapped the end of the 19th century Republican era and the beginning of the 20th century Progressive Republican era. 41 From 1854 until 1900 when LaFollette was elected Governor and the Progressive Republican era began, the Third district had been Republican in 53 out of 57 elections for Congress, Governor and President. The district voted twice for Democrats for Congress, once in 1882 and once in 1890. Jones' election in 1882 as we have seen, was the result of a split in Republican ranks and was, hence, a political accident. Bushnell's election in 1890 was part of a state-wide Democratic victory. The district voted Democratic twice in Gubernatorial elections, both times for successful candidates, William R. Taylor in 1873 and George W. Peck in 1890. In 1892 when Peck was re-elected the Third district vote went to John C. Spooner, the Republican candidate. In Presidential elections the district had remained solid- ly Republican, sticking even to Harrison in 1892 when the state gave its support to Cleveland in his second and successful bid for reelection. In the other Presidential campaigns the district had cast its votes for Fremont, Lincoln, Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Blaine, Harrison and McKinley. The Progrggsive-Republican Era The beginning of the Progressive-Republican era saw, as -has already been noted, "Standpat" Republicans and a Democrat representing the district in Congress. #2 Reapportionment after the census of 1910 placed Dane county back in the Third district and the Progressive-Republican Congressman from Dane county, John N. Nelson, became the Third district's representative. Nelson served with only one interruption from 1912 to 1932 when reapportionment again took Dane county out of the district. The interruption came in 1918 when a Stalwart Repub- lican, James G. Monaghan, of Darlington, won the Republican nom- ination during a six year period when the Stalwarts held the Governor's office. Nelson had been editor of LaFollette's first newspaper, The State, and had been a LaFollette supporter since his univ- ersity days. Bob called him "one of the stanchest supporters of the Progressive movement" (90, p. 208). Nelson's strength in Dane county, coupled with Progressive support in other counties of the district, placed the Third dist- rict safely in the Progressive column as far as the Congressional race was concerned. In Gubernatorial races the district supported LaFollette in 1900, 1902 and 1904. In 1906 and 1908 the district support- ed James 0. Davidson, of Soldiers Grove, Crawford county, for Governor. Davidson had been LaFollette's Lieutenant Governor and he became heir to the Governor's office when LaFollette ‘was elected to the United States Senate in 1905. After Davidson came another Progressive, Francis E. McGov- ern, who was elected in 1910 and 1912, both times with support 43 from the Third district. Beginning in 1912 the Stalwart Republicans, as the "Stand— patters" were then known, elected Emanuel Phillipp Governor for three terms. In each election he had the support of the Third district. In 1920, 1922 and 1924 the district supported John J. Blaine, a Progressive, and a native of Grant county, for Gov- ernor; in 1924 the district supported another Progressive, Fred Zimmerman, and in 1930 Old Bob's youngest son, Phil LaFollette, who was making his first bid for state-wide office. The Stalwarts won control of the state in 1928 and put Walter J. Kohler in the Governor's office. The Third district voted with the rest of the state that year. In the Presidential campaigns during the Progressive- Republican era, the Third district voted Republican five times, Democratic three times, and Progressive once. In 1900 the district and the state supported McKinley; in 1904 Roosevelt; and in 1908 William Howard Taft. In 1912 and 1916 the Third district threw its support to Woodrow Wilson, The state gave Wilson its electoral vote in 1912, but desert- ed him for Hughes in 1916. In 1920 the state and district support went to Calvin Coolidge; in 1924 the state and district supported LaFollette in his Progressive campaign for the Presidency. ‘ In 1928 the state and district voted for Herbert Hoover and in 1932 both went over to the Democrats and Franklin D. 44 Roosevelt. The Progressive Era from 1934 to 1946 The high tide of the Pnbgressive movement which came in the 19305 was preceded by the Democratic landslide of 1932. The Third district vote went to Roosevelt and to A. C. Schmedeman, the Democratic candidate for Governor. A Pro- gressive-Republican, Gardner hithrow of LaCrosse, who had been representing the Seventh district in Congress, was elected from the Third district in 1932. Democrats won control of the state Legislature and in some counties won local office. In Crawford county Democrats elected an assemblyman and won every county office except that of county clerk. But the Democrats were not yet in the Promised Land. In 1934 former-Governor Phil LaFollette, who lost his office in the Democratic landslide of 1932, succeeded in organizing the Progressive-Republicans into a state Progressive party. The Progressive party had supported Roosevelt and the state Democratic ticket in 1932, but Schmedeman was not an effective Governor and the LaFollettes were looking ahead (85, p. 178). Many of the LaFollette supyorters joined the new party reluctantly; Theodore Damman, secretary of state, and other leaders of the Progressive-Republicans were unwilling to de- clare allegiance to the new party (85, p. 185). #5 But the new party drew impressive support from followers of the LaFollettes and open opposition from Stalwart Republicans and Democrats who declared "a fight to the finish" (85, p.185). Young Bob LaFollette was a candidate for the United States Senate in 193h and President Roosevelt endorsed his candidacy. Phil LaFollette was a candidate for Governor. The new party won a smashing victory at the polls. Both LaFollettes were elected; Damman was re-elected secretary of state and 75 Progressives were elected to the state legislature (85, p. 187). In the Third district Gardner Withrow joined the new party and was elected to Congress as a Progressive; Phil LaFollette won the districtfs support for Governor; Progressive candidates for county offices won 28 out of a possible 10h county offices. Two years later, in 1936, the Progressives again won im- pressive victories, but their star was no longer rising. The party lost seats in the legislature and in the counties. The Third district re-elected Withrow again as a Progressive, and supported Phil LaFollette for Governor. In the Presidential election the district's support went to Roosevelt again. The depression and Governor LaFollette's policies began to stir both Stalwarts and Democrats to protest (85, p. l88). In the summer of 1938 the Democrats and Republicans formed a coalition to defeat the Progressives and return the state to "majority rule" (85, p. 188). 46 They attempted to form a coalition ticket, but eventually Democrats and Republicans had to run in their own primaries and under their own party labels in the general election (109). At the last minute the coalition Democratic candidate withdrew in favor of the Republican nominee and the Democrats had to present a substitute candidate to the voters in Novem- ber. The Republican nominee, Julius P. Heil, a Milwaukee industrialist, defeated LaFollette and the Democratic candid- ate polled only 78,000 votes, about eight per cent of the total vote. Withrow, running again as a Progressive, lost his Third district seat to regular Republican candidate, Harry W. Gris- wold, of West Salem, in LaCrosse county. For the first and only time during the Progressive decade Third district voters also deserted the Progressive candidate for Governor. Heil received 54,848 votes, LaFollette 31,616, and the Democratic candidate only 6,089 in the Third district. Representative Griswold died in 1939 and in the election of l9h0 William H. Stevenson, of LaCrosse, was elected from the Third district. Stevenson was re-elected in 19h2, l9hh and 19h6. In 19h8 Withrow defeated Stevenson in the ILepublican pri- mary and was returned to Congress after an absence of 10 years. Withrow remained in bad odor with the regular Republican organ- ization in the district until 1952 when after a shift to the 47 right in his voting record made it possible for him to make peace with the regular Republicans? As the Progressive decade drew to a close the Third district gave its support to a Progressive candidate for Gov- ernor in two elections. In 1940 the district gave a margin of 3,000 votes to Orland S. Loomis, of Hauston, in Juneau county. Loomis, a long-time Progressive, had been attorney general of Wisconsin in 1937 and 1938. He lost to incumbent Governor Heil by about 12,000 votes out of a total of more than a million and a quarter votes cast. In 1942 Loomis ran again and defeated Heil by more than 100,000 votes. His margin in the Third district was more than 12,000 votes. Loomis, exhausted by his strenuous campaign, died in December and Walter S. Goodland, a Republican, who had been elected Lieutenant-Governor, became acting Governor. Loomis' death wrote finis to the Progressive era. Although a Progressive ran for Governor in 1944 the party was moribund. In the Third district Progressives slipped quietly back into the Republican party; many retired from active politics. In 1944 Wisconsin, including the Third district, supported *The writer was present at the district Republican caucus in 1954 when Henry Ringling, Republican national committeeman, Inade a personal plea to the delegates urging endorsement of hithrow in recognition of his support of the party in Congress. 48 Thomas E. Dewey, the fiepublican nominee for President. The big Dewey vote signalled a resurgence of regular Republican power. In 1946 the district did not have a Democratic candidate for Congress. Toward Two-Party Politics Despite the Republican victories in 1944, the Democratic candidate for Governor received nearly 41 per cent of the vote cast for Governor in that year; about 39 per cent in 1946. Liberal Democrats in 1948 formed the Democratic Organ- izing Committee, a state-wide extra-legal organization to pro- mote party fortunes (109). Since then Democratic strength in the state has steadily increased. Out of the collapse of the Progressives and revival of the Democratic party came a significant change in Wisconsin politics: the liberal-conservative struggle was moved from the Repdblican primary to the general election. From 1906 to 1932 Progressives and Stalwarts fought for control of the state in Republican primaries where control of the state's dominant party was determined. After 1948 compet- ition in Republican primaries has diminished and opposition to the Republicans in the general election has increased. In the Third district there has not been a primary con- test over the Republican nomination since 1954; and the Dem- ocratic vote for Congress in the general election has steadily 49 increased. Local and National Interests Wisconsin't political history has been shaped by a curious mixture of national and local events and influences. Some of the national influences were, first, the era of Jacksonian Democracy; second, the Civil War; and third, the period of Republican dominance in politics which lasted from the Civil war until 1932. Local influences have been the railroads, the farmers' continual restlessness, a prohibition movement, a misunderstood state school law, and of course, Robert M. LaFollette and the Progressives. lore recently the New Deal has had an impact on Viscon- sin politics and contributed to the revival of Democratic strength. Wisconsin's earliest history was shaped by the Democrats during the era of Jacksonian Democracy. As a part of Michigan Territory, Wisconsin was under the leadership of General Lewis Cass, a Democrat, who was a member of President Jackson's cab- inet, and in 1848 the Democratic candidate for President. When Wisconsin Territory was organized in 1836 the organ- ization was effected by the Democratic administration of Pres- idents Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren. Henry Dodge, the first Territorial Governor, was appointed by President Jackson (105, p. 27). 50 There was little political activity in the early days of the Territory, for the Democrats held all the offices appointive by the President or the Territorial Governor. "The Democrats were satisfied to accept all the loaves and fishes without drawing party lines," according to Thomson's history.(lO5, p.27). There was no real Democratic activity until 1839 when the Democrats held a meeting in Mineral Point to select delegates to a Democratic convention in Madison. The Whigs did not organize until January 1, 1841 (105. p. 29-30). Democrats were so pop- ular, Thomson recalls, that the Whigs in their early conventions called themselves "Democratic Whigs" (105, p. 288). “The development of Wisconsin has been largely due to the labors, wisdom and statesmanship of the Democratic party," according to A. M. Thomson (105, p. 288). They took the initiative, he said, in pushing statehood, in locating the new state capital at Madison, and in beginning the first public buildings. In the two state Constitutional conventions, according to Thomson, "Democrats took charge of the organization, appointed all the standing and special committees and gave form and color to the proceedings (105, p.288). The failure of the first state Constitution to win approv- al by the people was, Thomson suggests, due to Whig opposition to Democratic theories of government incorporated in it (105, p- 289). Given this impetus by the national dominance of the Dem- n-A uln- 5' N 51 ocratic party, Hisconsin came into the Union as a Democratic state. First Governor of the new state was a Democrat, Nelson Dewey, of Lancaster, who served from May, 1848, to January, 1852. But the Democratic party was not destined to control the state for long. They lost the Gubernatorial election of 1851 to Leonard J. Farwell, a Mhig, but regained control with the elect- ion of William A. Barstow in 1853. After a quarter century, however, Jacksonian Democracy was running down; its Wisconsin offspring was running down, too. "Democrats were sharply divided into uncompromising factions," according to Campbell's history of the state (83, p. 80). Elder leaders, like former Governor Dodge, were re- legated to the rear and new, younger leaders came to the front. Governor Barstow was the candidate of the younger Democrats. Just at this time came the great national crisis that was to result in a Civil War. Abolition, slavery and free soil arg- uments split north and south -and split Wisconsin, too. Out of the split came the Republican party which in 1854 elected a Republican Congressman in the Second district and in 1855 wrest- ed the state out of the hands of the Democrats. The election of 1855 was the election in which Governor Barstow apparently won reelection by 157 votes (83, p. 92). Republicans protested the election after the State Board of Canvassers certified the returns. An appeal to the State Supreme Court resulted in a recount of the votes and a majority 52 of 1,009 votes for Bashford, the Republican candidate (106, PP. 309-321). The Democrats have since, only accidentally, won state- wide elections until the 1958 election. The slavery and free soil issues gave the new Republican party strength and discredited the Democrats. The new party had wisely, too, bid for the support of the growing foreign population of the state. In 1857 the Republicans nominated Carl Schurz for Lieutenant-Governor and, although he lost, he campaigned widely, speaking in German, and is credited with swinging many of the Germans from the Democratic party to the Republican party (84, p. 92). In the final analysis the Civil War dealt the quietus to the Democrats. They were generally regarded as the war party and held to be somewhat disloyal. In addition, the Republicans came forward with a procession of soldier-heroes and conserv- ative businessmen whose appeal at the polls was well nigh irr- isistible. First of these was one-armed General Lucius Fair- child who was elected in 1865 and reelected twice. Republican control of Wisconsin government was interrupt- ed only twice from 1855 to 1932. In 1873 the Democrats elected a "reform" slate headed by'fiilliam R. Taylor. Although most of the credit for this Democratic victory has been given to the Grangers (90, p. 19) it was actually a combination of the Grangers, the Democrats, the railroads and the liquor interests that won the Gubernatorial election of 53 1873 (83, p. 272). The Grangers were unhappy about farm prices; the liquor interests resented the restrictive Graham law; and the railroads were opposed to “epublican Governor tashburn because he blocked construction of a railroad bridge across the Lississippi river at Prairie du Chien. The Democrats welded a successful coalit- ion out of these diverse interests and Taylor was elected. The Democrats, however, made a mistake. With a majority in the Legislature, they enacted the Potter Law to regulate the railroads through a strong railroad commission. "It was then, indeed," according to LaFollette, "that the railroads began to dominate politics for the first time in this country. They saw that they must either accept control or control the state." (90, p. 20). From then on, according to LaFollette, private and corp- orate interests dominated state politics in hisconsin. He wrote: "They secured control of the old fiepublican party organ- ization -the party with the splendid history -- and while its orators outwardly dwelt upon the glories of the past and inspired the people with the fervor of patriotic loyalty, these corpor- ation interests were bribing, bossing and thieving within" (90, p. 22). The second Democratic administration came in 1890 as the result of another strictly state issue. This time the Democrats re-elected their candidate and held on to the Governorship for four years. 54 The victory in 1890 was the result of the Bennett law, intended originally only as a law to strengthen the state's public school system. But two provisions in the law unexpect- edly became an issue. These were the provisions that children had to attend school in the district in which they lived and the definition of a school that required classes to be taught in English. Both Catholics and Germans rebelled at what seemed to them to be an attack on their parochial school system. They VOted their dissatisfaction in November, 1890, and the Democrats swept the state. The successful Democratic candidate was George Peck, a LaCrosse and Ivlilwaukee newspaper editor and famous as the author of the humorous series "Peck's Bad Boy." The Republicans had been dominant in Wisconsin from 1875 to 1890 largely because of national issues. Of these the 1latriff was probably the most important, but industrial growth, in which 'w’isconsin shared, was linked closely with the tariff. The tariff was an article of faith for the Republicans (84, 13- 315). Various opposing forces helped weld together the conserv- atives who controlled the Republican party. The Greenback move- Inent, the Labor party, Socialism, and the Prohibition issue in the 1870s and 18803 drove many conservatives, who otherwise would have cared little for party ties, into close affiliation wi th the Republicans, the party which stood for conservatism (84, p. 315). L 55 Wisconsin Democrats lost control of the state in 1894 and.in 1896 the Republican party united with Conservative forces 1J1 the South and Kiddle West to crush the Bryan Democrats and populists (103 ) . Shortly after that LaFollette forced his way to control (if the Republican party in Liseonsin The LaFollette Progressives zzltered the direction of the conflict; no longer was the fight tnetween Democrats and fiepublicans, but between Progressives and Stailwarts within the Republican party. 'The Progressive wing of the Republican party received con- The Sicierable help from liberal and "PrOgressive" Democrats. Stdalwart Republicans received help from the conservative Democrats. _Stalwart and Democratic Cooperation This alignment went back to LaFollette's early political Ljays as a Third district Congressman. In his first campaign, in :LE3E34, LaFollette recalled, "They ("the old crowd") tried to beat ID43 at the polls by throwing support to the Democrats — " (90, ID. 1,8), In the 1890 campaign, LaFollette said, Republican machine :L<=Eaders came into the district and ”secretly used their power E'1€‘_‘.«Ei:'L.nst me in favor of the Democratic candidate" (90, p. 134). LaFollette had much to say in his Autobiography about the C:1—0se cooperation of the Republican and Democratic machines. In the 1894 campaign, he said: 56 "The bi-partisan character of machine politics became a prominent feature of the contest. Democratic machine newspapers and politicians joined with the Republican machine nehspapers and politicians to suppress this first organized revolt" (90, p. 182). LaFollette called the Democratic machine "as subservient to the railroads and other corporations as the Republican mach- ine (90, p. 22)- 0f Henry C. Payne, secretary of the itepublican State Cen- tral Committee, LaFollette said: "His intimate friendship and business relations with the Democratic State Central Committee in Yisconsin came to be one of the best known amenities in the politics of the day in the state. It was said that there was a well-worn pathway between the back doors of their private offices" (90, p. 49). Schattschneider discusses this tendency in his Eggpy Government: "Professional politicians as a class develop a remarkable solidarity when their privileges are attacked by the public" (102, p. 183). Lincoln Steffens, writing in KcClures, commented on the Republican-Democratic coalition in the election of 1900, saying: "Though the implacable Stalwarts supported the Democratic candidate, LaFollette was elected by 102,000 plurality" (118, p. 575). 57 As LaFollette and the Progressive movement grew stronger, Democratic and Republican cooperation grew. Steffens said of the 1902 campaign: "For when Governor LaFollette beat the Stalwarts in the Republican state convention of 1902, those same Stalwarts com- bined with the Democrats. Democrats told me that the Republican Stalwarts dictated the "Democratic" and anti-LaFollette platform and that (Charles F.) Pfister, the "Republican" boss, named the "safe man" chosen for the "Democratic" candidate for governor to run against LaFollette -said David S. Rose" (118, p. 578). Rose, defeated by LaFollette in 1902, was mayor of Mil- waukee, where, according to Steffens, he helped Pfister put through an extension of street railway franchises (118, p. 577). The Progressive-Democratic Alliance But there were two sides to the coin. If the Stalwarts had the support of the conservative Democratic machine, LaFollette had the support of many liberal Democrats. According to Steffens: "The Stalwarts as the old machine men and their business backers were called, became irregulars; they voted against and fought their party. They united with the old machine Democrats to beat their party. But LaFollette drew into it (the Republican party) democratic Democrats and independents enough to make a majority for the Republicans, who came thus to represent the people"(10h, p. #59). 58 LaFollette in his Autobiography acknowledged the support of these Democrats: "Many thousands of Democrats in hisconsin voted for mem- bers of the Legislature known to stand for the enactment of these (Progressive) principles into law and gave me active support in my campaigns and election" (90, p. 347). And: "I would in no degree disparage the good work of Pro- gressive Democrats," LaFollette emphasized (90, p. 751). LaFollette received help, too, from the national Demo- cratic party and its leaders. In 1902 Wisconsin Democrats asked William Jennings Bryan to come into the state to campaign for Mayor Rose. Bryan refused and wrote LaFollette: "I would not do it because I did not want to aid in solid- ifying the Democratic party against your work there. I wanted you to have all the Democratic support you could get.." (90, p. 347). In 1905 Bryan came to hadison and addressed a joint session of the state Legislature on railroad reform, a Progressive measure, and urged Democrats to support LaFollette's program (90. p. 344). "Bryan," said LaFollette, "helped us often during our long fight in Wisconsin when the Democratic machine as well as the Republican machine was opposing the things we stood for" (90: p. 345). 59 LaFollette As a Republican In assessing the relationship between the Democratic and Republican parties and the LaFollette movement another point is suggested. Why did not LaFollette leave the Republican party and either join the Democratic party or form a party of his own? LaFollette's view that the Democratic machine was as con- servative and corrupt as the Republican machine probably explains why he did not consider leaving the Republican party in order to join forces with the Democrats. As for forming a third party, LaFollette apparently never considered it seriously. He considered himself a Republican and quite probably realized in all practicallity the weaknesses of the state's numerous minor party movements. There are numerous references in LaFollette's Autobiography to his desire to avoid any break with the Republicans. He cam- paigned vigorously for his party in the 18903 despite his dis- agreement with its Wisconsin leadership (90, pp. 202-204). "Considered as a state problem, I have never questioned the wisdom of our course in remaining within the Republican party," LaFollette said (90, p. 204). The Democratic Party Since 1900 The LaFollette era further undermined the Democrats in Wisconsin. In the first place, LaFollette as we have seen attempted 60 to draw liberal or Progressive support from all quarters and probably quite a lot of it cmle from voters who were nominally Democratic. Then the direct primary law made it possible for any one who wished to participate in the Republican primary. This for many years was the scene of the real political contests in the state (109). These influences led to a less and less effective Democrat- ic party in Wisconsin. The Democratic share of the vote in primary and general elections dropped off sharply. In the Third district the Democratic party had no cand- idate for Congress in 1918, 1926 and 1946. The party ceased to compete in county elections. In 1922 the Democrats polled so few votes in the primary election that they failed to win a place on the ballot for the general election. The Democratic candidate, Arthur Bentley, was forced to run in November as an Independent Democrat. In the 1922 primary, 600,5h8 votes were cast in the Republican primary and only 18,897 votes were cast in the Democratic primary (77, p. 501). The fiasco of 1938 when the Democrats tried to join forces in a "stop LaFollette" movement very nearly finished the party. Since 1948, however, there has been a gradual change in the party as younger, more vigorous men and women have taken control of the Democratic party (117). 61 The changes, now apparent on a state-wide basis, can read- ily be seen in Third district Democratic politics. Prior to 1948 the party was controlled by seasoned regulars who ran the party through the statutory committees. Candidates for Congress were regulars whose nominations in the primary gave them an opportunity to take part in party affairs. Since 1948 control of the party has been taken over by the volunteer Democratic Party of Wisconsin and the statutory party has become an appendage of the volunteer party. In the Third district in four out of the past five campaigns the Dem- ocratic candidates for Congress have come from outside the old party machinery. The candidate in 1950 was Patrick J. Lucey, of Ferryville, in Crawford county. Lucey, an Irish Catholic, was a state assemblyman before he ran for Congress. He has since become chairman of the volunteer Democratic Party of Wisconsin, ousting Phileo Nash, one of the old regulars. In 1952 the candidate was Mrs. Edna Bowen, of Lancaster, one of the regulars within the statutory party and a Democratic national committeewoman until 1957. In 1954 the candidate was Joseph Seep, of Cazenovia, in Richland county, a farmer, member of the county board, and an officer of the Richland Electric Co-op and the Dairyland Power Co-op. The candidate in 1956 and 1958 was Norman M. Clapp, a Lancaster newspaper editor, former Progressive and at one time 62 an administrative assistant to the younger Senator LaFollette. One of the factors that makes these new leaders in the Democratic party more dangerous to the Republicans is their interest in competition. Where the Democrats of the Progressive era were largely content to control party machinery, the new Democrats want to win elections (117). CHnPde IV GEOGLAPHICAL, D£LUGRAJHIC AND ECONOKIC CONDITIeNS IN THE THIRD CONGRESSIONAL DISFR CT The 10 counties of Wisconsin's Third Congressional dis- trict lie wholly within the Wisconsin portion of the Driftless Area, one of the world's unique geological regions. The Driftless Area lies largely within Wisconsin, but extends a short way into adj cent areas of southeastern minn- esota, northeastern Iowa, and northwestern Illinois. It is a region which during the great ice ages was surrounded but never covered by the glaciers. Consequently, the Driftless Area, instead of being bur- ried beneath the sand and gravel deposited over the rest of the Midwest by the retreating glaciers, retains, somewhat modified by time and erosion, the surface features of pre- glacial tines. host of the Third Congressional district lies in the highlands of this region: it is some of the roughest land in the state, characterized by high, steep-sided, rock-cored ridges and deep narrow valleys, the result of age-long ero- sion by countless streams. The Mississippi river bounds the district on the west 6A and the Wisconsin river runs south and southwesternly across the district to join the Mississippi at Prairie du Chien (38). Most of the district drains into the Wisconsin or Mis- sissippi rivers, but some of the more level land in Grant, Iowa, and LaFayette counties drains southward into Illinois. Although the uplands of southwestern Wisconsin are ex- tremely rugged, about 15 to 20 per cent of the region is too steep and rock for cultivation, the ridges provide excellent farm land. The ridge running north and south through Vernon county and into Crawford county is extremely valuable farm land. Grant county has the greatest area of highly productive soils in the state (38). Only on the northeasterly portion of the district is soil less productive. Here, in Monroe, Juneau, and Sauk counties the land is level and sandy, the bed of Glacial Lake Wisconsin. There is another sandy area in the Wisconsin riv- er valley in Sauk and Richland counties. Soil of the uplands is a gray-ish brown hilly silt loam, product of a layer of silt several feet in depth de- posited thousands of years ago by dust storms blowing up out of the Mississippi river valley after the ice age. The entire district is well-drained, has adequate rain- fall and a lengthy growing season. Most of the district has an annual rainfall of 32.1 to 34 inches while a smaller por- tion has from 30.1 to 32 inches of rainfall annually. The growing season of most of the district is from lhl 65 to 160 days while a narrow strip along the Mississippi river has a growing season longer than 160 days (38, pp.29-3l). The combination of rich soil, plentiful rainfall and a generous growing season has sale this district the most pro- ductive of all the state's 10 Congressional districts. Southwest Wisconsin is the oldest inhabited portion of the state if you except the early French settlements in the north. Easy to reach because of the hississippi and Wisconsin rivers, fur traders and hunters were early arrivals here. French-Canadians were the first settlers at Prairie du Chien in 1781 ( 37,p.2). In 1818, Crawford county was creat- ed by Lewis Cass, then Governor of Michigan Territory. A few years later, about 1825, miners began to come into the lead region of what is now Grant, Iowa,and LaFayette counties. The direction of movement of the early miners and set- tlers into Wisconsin is interesting. easiest access to this new region was down the Chic river, then up the Mississippi river to Galena, thence up the Galena (or Fever) river into the lead region. The New England states and New York provided the great- est part of Wisconsin's settlers (lOl, pp.h5-64). The river route brought a number,too, from southern Illinois and the border states of Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Never a great number, these and others from farther south, settled mainly in the lead region. Settlers in southeast Wisconsin along the lakeshore 66 TABLE 3 —- POpulation and Nativity in Southwest Wisconsin in 1850 Crawf Grant Iowa LaFay Rich Sank P0pu1r2tion ..... . 2.500 16.171 9.528 11.531 993 24,372 Eative Born ..... 1.895 12.0M8 4.977 6.908 830 3.229 English ......... ..... 2.000 2.569 2.010 18 147 German . ........ . ..... 930 ..... ..... 18 342 Irish . ......... . ..... ... ..... 1.840 .. ... Forwegian . ..... . 196 ... ..... ..... .. ... Welsh .... ... 568 ..... .. ... Source: Schefer. Joseph. A History of Agriculture in Wisconsin. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 1922. pp. 45-6“. came generally across the lakes or overland. Agricultural settlers began to come into the south- western part of the state in 1832 and many who came to mine lead stayed to farm. The settlements spread northward slowly and in 1850 when the first census was taken there were only a few settlers north and west of the Wisconsin river. As can be seen from Table 3, most of the population in 1850 was native born. The bulk of the foreign born population consisted of miners and mine bosses from Cornwall and Yorkshire in England. They began to come into the lead region in the 1830s and by 1850 there were more than 6,000 of them. The published census report of 1850 and 1860 did not give (57 assume apnea one am amatpm capes: we» mo acupudsaom one so moapmapmpm ”oonaom memm mefl mam nmw mam nomm omm mmm mmm mmm ma am am am m we we HH NH mw man man: mam anew wmw neon was msoa mmam one as HOH am am mm sea me an HMH a: mum mom mm: can mooa ms: 03m coca omoa mom mma one 0mm so: :HoH mam mm: 03mm «mma NNH mma mam 30H mmm mea new mom 0mm mum 5mm mmnm mmmm mama amen mmflm mmmm msmm ammo omam Hoom manna “seam mmmoa maaoa oNHoH omaaa enema meaoa macaw meoma mmmmm amamm :mama momHN mamam macaw Nmmma mmwmm Nmmmn enema snob gnaw goam no: mdhwn Man nun. axon undue arena . dolmTHoz ... oonmum .. anaemia . aqeapoom .. eqmaosa moaae\wam .. a4\paam anon cmfionoh . whom o>Hpmz .. noapmflpmmm ommH ma puahpmwa Hwnofimmohmnoo dawns map mo nofipaasmom on» no mwpmHnepocudno at : mnm .8 30 < 2 4p o a > o a U and County 1940 1945 1950 1954 533 :3 Crawford ...... 108 140 153 153 9.3 :2 Grant . ........ 136 167 173 175 25 Iowa . ......... 135 167 178 169 20.7 Juneau . ....... 87 109 136 144 2.8 LaCrosse ...... 133 153 165 172 22.8 LaFayette ..... 126 163 171 195 39.2 Monroe .. ..... . 102 128 150 160 14.2 Richland ...... 113 135 145 151 7.8 Sank .......... 122 146 161 171 22.1 Vernon .. ..... . 108 128 149 156 11.4 District ...... 117 143 158 164 17.1 State .. ....... 107 131 149 158 12.8 United States .. 80 100 122 140 .... Source: Countzgand City Data Book 1949 and 1956; Wisconsin ,ggriculture in Mid-Century. 75 TABLE 10 -HEmployment and Individual Income in the Third District 1950 0 0 a a O 0 F1 0 c: o m a can a H a H Family On 8 0 8 Employment Median g; 8. ‘5 a County Papulation Mfg. Ag. Income .4 a} E Jr Crawford .. 17652 15.59 43.6% 42250 49.3% 8.0% Grant ..... 41460 9.0 43.1 2430 50.2 14.3 Iowa . . . . . . 19610 7.4 55.0 2290 49.4 9.9 Juneau .... 18930 9.2 38.4 2342 48.8 8.9 LaCrosse .. 67587 33.0 9.4 3394 31.8 21.2 LaFayette . 18137 6.4 56.6 2417 47.8 9.7 Monroe .... 31378 6.7 44.5 2322 47.2 10.3 Rich1and . . 19245 7. 5 53. 9 2181 27.4 9. 2 Sank ...... 38120 12.0 35.7 2565 44.2 11.8 Vernon .... 27906 4.9 58.0 2107 54.9 7.7 State ..... 3434575 30.6 18.6 3256 34.0 20.3 Source: County and City Data.Book.1956; Census Reports. 1950. As can be seen in Table 8 there are no large cities in the Third district. LaCrosse had a population of 47,535 in 1950, though it is somewhat larger now.' Only four other cities in the district have more than 5,000 pOpulation: Baraboo, Sparta, Platteville, and Prairie du Chien. Three others, Tomah, Richland Center, and Reedsburg are over 4,000. Iowa county has only one city, Dodgeville, which barely 76 meets census standards for an urban place. LaFayette county has not a single urban place. But deSpite the fact farm poeul tion in the district has declined, ansperity still depends upon the farm, not on the cities. The district is still prinarily a producer of ag- ricultural creps. In 1954 total value of farm products sold by the district was $136,908,000. Next largest producer was the Ninth Congressional district, also in western Wisconsin, with $131,937,000, followed by the Second district with $121,515,000 (22,p.513). The district's farm families are comparatively prosper- ous, according to the level of farm-orer.tor living ( Table 9). This index, based on income, utilities, appliances, and other indices of a high standard of living, shows the count- ies of the district to be well above the United States level. All but four of the counties in the district are above the state level. One aspect of this index may be of some significance rhows that from 950 to 1954 the rate 1... 23 $3.. ('3 L31 J politically. The increase for the Third district has not been as great as the F‘4 rate of increase for the country as a whole. The fact t1e standard of living for farm families in this area is not going up as fast as it is for others is interesting also in the light of the data cont ined in Table 10. Median family income in the district is below that for the state except in LaCrosse county. And in eight of the 10 77 counties more than 40 per cent of the pogul tion had an income in 1950 of less than 32,900 annually. The difference between median income and levels of income in LaCrosse county and the other c;unties of the district should also be noted. The relative importance of manufacturing in the Third district Can also be seen in Table 10. LaCrosse is a manu- facturing center; Prarie du Chien hes some iidustry; Sauk county has the Badger Ordnance plant at Baraboo. None of the other Third district counties boast much industry. Whit there is is largely devoted to processing of milk into cheese, butter, dried milk, and condensed milk. CHAPTER V POLITICAL ACTIVITY ON THE LOCAL LEVEL Wisconsin since the Civil War has been a modified one- party state. In the Third Congressional district, southwestern his- consin has been consistently Republican and the one-party pat- tern has been modified by only occasional break-throughs by other parties. In the two Congressional elections in 1848, in 1850, and in 1852 southwest Kisconsin, then the Second district, elected a Democrat to Congress. In 1882, 1890 and in 1906 the Third district elected a Democrat to Congress. In l93h and 1936 the district elected a Progressive to Congress. Except for these well-spaced departures, the Third district has been loyal to the uepublican party. hithin the counties voters have been solidly Republican, with occasion- al lapses, for longer than most living politicians can remem- ber.* Since 1932 when the Democrats became dominant, national party Republicans have had a near-monopoly on county offices in the Third district. *Berlie Moore, who has been county clerk of Vernon county for more than 50 years and deputy clerk before that, told the writer in August, 1958, that the last Democrat elected to a county office in Vernon county was a "one-armed man elected sheriff sometime in the 18805." 79 Most contests for county office have occurred not in the general election, but in the Republican primary. Examination of election records in the 10 counties in the district reveal that out of 1,040 offices at stake in the 13 county elections since 1932 Republicans have been elected to 834, or 80.2 per cent. This one-party dominance, moreover, came during a period when both the Democratic party and the LaFollette Progressive party were actively seeking office in the counties, in state Legislative and Congressional districts, and statewide. Democrats from 1932 to 1956 campaigned for only 483 county offices in the Third district and won only 49, or 4.7 per cent, of the total offices available. The Progressives, active in only five elections, entered 266 candidates and won 98 county offices, a total of 9.4 per cent of the offices available during the 10 years they campaigned as a party. About five per cent of the county offices, usually the post of county surveyor, were not sought by candidates of either party. with such persistent success at the polls, Republican officials in the Third district have tended to become possessive. Many have been re-elected for term after term and have developed considerable political acuteness, one evidence of which is their tendency to regard county offices as more or less non- partisan. Although officially Republican, many county officials shy 80 away from active participation in the affairs of the county Republican organization. Their contributions to party treas- uries are skimpy and reluctant; they do very little partisan campaigning.* There are exceptions, of course, but usually among the district attorneys who are less interested in tenure as a county officer than in political activity which will lead up- ward in politics or help build their law practice.** This non-partisan attitude among county officials is in large part a desire to appeal to voters of various political faiths; they are anxious to have split tickets in November. As a result party lines are consciously blurred by county candidates and there has been a consistent pattern in the district of Republican candidates for county office appeal- ing to the voters when they lose in the Republican primary. Study of county elections shows numerous elections where one or more Republican candidates lose in the primary and, re- fusing to accept the decision of the primary, run in the gen- eral election as an Independent. Wisconsin law permits this appeal from the decision of a party primary. Candidates not nominated by a party may *Research would amply document this and other generaliz- ations about the non-partisan leanings of county officials, but these statements are, largely personal observation on the part of the writer. **For example, Mark Hoskins, district attorney of Grant county, has been active in his party organization and served for several years as secretary of the Grant county Republican organization. 81 circulate nomination papers as an Independent.(74, p. 19). TABLE 11 Independent Candidacies in the Third district from 1932 to 1956 Independent Republican Competition County Candidates for office Crawford ...... 2 93.3 % Grant ......... 7 99 Iowa .......... 2 87.5 Juneau ........ 6 72.1 LaCrosse ...... - 99-0 LaFayette ..... 2 80.1 Monroe ........ h 90.4 Richland ...... 5 100 Sauk .......... 2 33-7 Vernon ........ - 88.5 District 30 80.2 Table 11 lists all Independent candidacies for county office from 1932 to 1956. The total number is not particular- ly significant, but the Independent candidate occasionally makes Wisconsin elections interesting and the results surpris- ing. Iowa county had an Independent candidate for Sheriff in 1948 who ran second, but far ahead of the regularly nominated Democratic candidate. Grant county had two candidates who ran as Independent Republicans in 1954; one presented the only 82 opposition to the Republican nominee for County Treasurer; the other was a dissatisfied candidate for Sheriff in the Republic- an primary. Grant county also had two Independent candidates in 1948 when there were no Democrats on the ballot. In 1946 an Indep- endent candidate for Sheriff, also an unhappy loser in the Republican primary, was elected by a 98 vote margin. Grant county, second only to Richland county in its de- votion to the 1L'epublican party, has had the largest number of Independent candidates of any of the counties in the district. This tendency to appeal from party decisions is an indic- ation of: (1) the way Wisconsin's election laws have limited the power of political parties to control nominations; (2) of the lack of opposition to the Republican party in the counties; and (3) of the lack of party discipline and respect for party labels in the counties. Elected county officials, the Court House officers, are, however, important to the party even though they try to main- tain enough independence to attract voters from all parties in the general election. Candidates for Congress and the various state offices regularly send their nomination papers to county officers. These papers are quite often "circulated" merely by placing them on the counter in the official's office in the Court House where they can be seen and signed by anyone without special solicit- ation. 83 However, the fact remains that within the party on the higher levels, the county official is considered an important link with the voters, particularly the voters of his party. During campaigns when candidates visit a county seat they invariably make the rounds of the Court House to visit with and gather political gossip from the county officials. This access to a local group of elected Republicans, most of whom are close to the voters and consistently able vote-get- ters, gives Republican candidates some advantage in campaign- ing. In the 1958 Congressional campaign, just ended, the Mil- waukee Journal noted of Gardner Iithrow, Republican candid- ate for Congress: "Withrow can drop into a courthouse and pick up a coterie of candidates, most of them already in office, to help him open local doors. Clapp (the Democratic nominee) must usually beat a lonely trail" (112). One of the most interesting phenomena of county polit- ics in southwestern hisconsin has been the loyalty of Prog- ressive fiepublicans to the LaFollettes and the loyalty of voters to the Progressive Republicans no matter which ticket their names appeared on. In 1934 when the LaFollettes organized the Progressive party many county officials moved directly from the Republic- an column to the Progressive. In Vernon county the Court House officials, all of 84 .ueaooon noHpomHo HdnHano .mxumao menace «eonsom 3.0m mm e.mm mew om: 5.: a: 2.0: mm: 0:0H ~.om 3mm w.mm Nmm oaOH ... ponpan m.mm mH o.mm on me one: m.mm mm :OH N.Hn an m.mm mm :OH ..... gonna» m.mH m :.oe am we o.H H m.:m am 30H m.on om a.mm am aOH ....... anew once H.0N :H we once m.om mm :oH o.OOH :oH o.OOH 30H aOH ... eneHaOHm mo“: mN woON. :m w: wagon m 0mm $0 30H N OHN. 3N joom :m 30H 0 o o o o 0020:. m.NH 9 “.ma Hm we e.m 0H :.mm H: :OH m.em om H.om am :OH .. opposaeaq m.m m a.o mm m: o.H H m.Ho em 30H «.mm mm 0.0m mOH 10H ... oumowoma a.mw mm :.mm H: we m.m w 5.0m an 30H o.Hm mm H.Ne mm acH ..... sneeze H.N H o.am MH we once e.mm mm :OH H.am HOH m.am Hm 30H ....... gOH anon m.m: mm m: o.H H m.mm mm :oH H.5m HOH o.om moH 30H ...... agate anon o.mm 0H we m.mm Hm n.Hm mm 30H H.0a mo n.ma am 30H ... euoezawo a“... m we w we ...... o ...... .. ...... s... o o... v I. ...... 01 I. u... 1. 94 on H” W... H m4 mun we: WE H mm. as ... mo m we as m. no m we no ... m a 1m. o 0 m .L as a e d 9 Be a a d 8 Be 9 a d a 8n. 8 Wu 1. 0.0 Bu 8 ”a 1. 0.0 an. 8 Wu 1. 0.0 1. 01. 8 IT: a... On... 8 II. 1. . On... 3 ..LT: o % no an" o m no an o m. we on I. u 81: MW I. a BI. m I u 8...: W B 8 B anmaidmma ne>ama09®oum wmmalmmma manhooaon wmmHnNmmH unmoaHnsaom ommH 0» mmmH acne poHupaHn Hanoamaowenoo dunes on» ea oOHemo menace non noHpHpomaoo n- ~H mamaa 85 TABLE 13 ~- Extent of Party Activity in County filections ~ 1932-1956 - Progressives - 1934-1944 I) rd «7 3 'd p H m +3 :3 o o $5 on a) 0 CB 53 H g 'P e 2 3 R o :3 3 S 63 g 3 Q 0 F3 2 (J E H 0‘) Year £3 '3 '3 .3 .3 .4 ;§ 53 an :3 ES 1934 87:8 75 87% 75 87% 87% 62%v 87%~ 87% 87% 84.5 1936 75 8 37% 50 100 87%- 87%- 75 58 75 87% 70.5 1938 . % 87% 25 100 87% 75 87% 37% 75 87% 60.8 1940 37%% 75 .. 100 75 12% 100 .. 75 87% 55 1942 .. 5 .. .. 5o 50 .. 50 -. 50 50 25 1944 .. 8 .. .. 62% 12% .. .. .. .. 50 12.5 Source: County clerka' original election records. them Republican, moved into the Progressive column en masse. Tables 12 and 13 show in detail the extent of the Progressive movement in the various counties of the district. Former Republicans proved able vote-getters as Pro- gressives. As Stalwart Republican opposition to the Progress- ive movement mounted, and as the Progressive surge began to lose momentum, Progressives on the county level began to lose their competitive spirit. host of the county officials slipped back into the Republican column in 1940 and 1942. Few Pro- gressives were left at the county level in 1944, the last election in which the Progressives participated as a party. The Progressive movement and the extreme loyalty of 86 voters to hepublican county officials accounts in some degree for the difficulty the Democratic party had in bringing out an effective vote for local and state candidates while having no difficulty in carrying the state for a Democratic Presidential candidate. Another fact that helps explain the difficulties of the Democrats is the traditional one-sidedness of Hisconsin polit- ics. The Democrats have since the Civil Mar been a minority party, particularly on the Congressional and county level. hhile minority parties as such have flourished in the state and indirectly have exerted great influence -the Greenback and Prohibition parties for example —- they have not been in the habit of electing their candidates. It has been the prac- tice of Democrats to join Republicans in settling issues in the Republican primary, a situation already discussed in a previous chapter. Democratic and Progressive competition for county offices in the Third district fell off rapidly after enthus- iastic beginnings in 1932 and 1934, as can be seen in Tables 14 and 15. Except for personal loyalty to some individuals, the Republican voters --and independent voters-- of the district quickly shifted their votes back to the traditional majority party. Yet, as already suggested, minority parties even though not capable of winning elections, have had considerable influ- ence on the Republicans. In the case of the Democrats their 87 TABLE 1“ -- Extent of Party Activity in County Elections - 1932-1956- Democrats 0 'd o +2 rd +7 h m +7 $2: 0 o g m o o e n ~4 ‘5 .. . . a 2 ° 2 2 .6 d 8 1! g % Ta 2 0 g H w H H o o «4 a3 a. q-n Year 0 :5 H r; A .4 2 p: m 1:» n 1932 100 5 75 50 37% 100 37% 62% 87% 75 12% 63.7 81.2 1|H V kn n O (I) N) NIH O\ N (UH 1934 87% ' 75 100 87% 100 87% 1936 87%% 75 75 62% 100 75 87% 25 75 62% 72.5 1938 87%% 50 62% 5o 87% 75 75 12% 12% .. 51.2 1940 62%; .. 50 .. 37% 75 87% .. 87%— .. no 8 1942 100 25 .. .. 25 37%— 75 62% 62% .. 41.2 1944 628% 123 12% 75 .. .. .. 16.2 1946 75 8 37% . 12% .. .. 5o .. .. .. 16.2 1948 75 8 12% .. 5o .. 37% .. .. .. 17.5 1950 100 8 871 62% 75 100 373 50 62% 75 62% 71.2 1952 87%% 12—1 87% 5o 50 .. 87%— .. 37.5 1954 50 8 .2% 25 50 62% .. 50 87% 75 62% 47.5 1956 62%5 50 12% 50 37% 25 50 12% 75 75 56.2 Source: County clerka' original election records. competition for office on the county level has helped narrow the Republican margin of victory in Congressional races. If the local candidate is viewed as a link in the pol- itical communication net, as a channel of communication from the party to the voter, the mere presence of local candidates should help the party on higher levels where candidates are 88 TABLE 15 -- Extrent of Party Activity in County 3lections - 1932-1956- Republicans 'd 0 «3 rd .9 H m +9 $23 0 ‘8 .. 8 g. 8 .3 8 ‘8 g 8 3 6: :fi 8 '8 '8 2 '8 Year 0 g; .3 .3 ,4 :3 a :2 >05 S 1932 100 8 100 75 100 75 87; 100 87% 91.2 1934 100 8 100 87, 100 12% 62 100 87% 85 1936 100 8 100 87 100 87% 100 100 75 91.2 1938 100 8 100 87% 100 75 100 100 50 83 1940 100 8 100 100 100 87%» 100 100 87% 95 1962 8788 100 87% 100 75 100 100 87% 83 1948 87%% 100 87 100 100 87% 100 87% 86.2 1946 100 8 100 87%» 87 87% 87; 100 87% 88.1 1948 8798 87% 87% 100 87% 87%- 100 87% 90 1950 87%8 1100 75 100 87% 87 100 87% 90 1952 100 8 100 87 100 87% 100 100 87% 93 1954 87%8 100 100 100 87% 87 100 87% 92.5 1956 75 8 100 100 100 87% 87- 100 87% 92.5 Source: County clerks' perforce more remote from the voters. are able to exert personal influence: munication parallel to and beyond the mass media (88). original election records. The local candidates, as part of the local voter group, As Katz and Lazarsfeld put it, they form a line of com- As Schattschneider puts it, they reach the voter where 89 he is through direct, personal solicitation (102). As we shall see this personal influence seems to have greatest effect on Congressional elections where the Congression- al candidate is fairly close to the voter himself and has some personal influence and lines of communication of his own. This appears to be borne out by close examination of com- petition for county office. In order to be able to draw some generalizations from county elections a complete record of competition for the eight county offices was compiled from records on the county clerks in the 10 counties in the Third Congressional district and summar- ized in Table 12. An index of "competitiveness" based on the total number of county offices available and the number of candidates who actually were nominated for the office was constructed from the election records from 1932 to 1956. As table ll shows, the Republicans have an average of 89.6 per cent in competition for the 1,040 available county offices in the district over the 13 elections in this period. In computing this index of competitiveness the eight county offices of county clerk, clerk of court, treasurer, register of deeds, sheriff, coroner, district attorney, and surveyor were counted. Since in some counties there has been little interest in the office of surveyor and occasionally lack of interest in the coroner's post, even the Republicans as majority party have not had a perfect competitive record. 9Q When an office was not filled at all or when candidates were not formally nominated in the primary it was considered that there was no competition for the office. Hence the Republican district-wide record of only 89.6 per cent competition. democrats only nominated candidates for 483 of the 1,0h0 available offices during the years since 1932 for an over-all competitive index of 46.h per cent. Progressives, during the 10 year period they competed as a separate party, had a better average. Out of the 480 offices available during the 10 year period l93h to 1944, Progressives nominated candidates for 266 offices for a competitive index of 55.h per cent. Republicans as the traditionally dominant party have had the greatest success in winning county elections. They elect- ed 834 out of 932 candidates during this period and held 80.2 per cent of the available offices. The Democrats were able to elect in this period only #9 county officers. The Progressives during their period of competition had better success and were able to elect their candidates to 20.h per cent of the available offices. However, in considering the local candidate as a part of the communication process it is competition —-the act of campaigning-- that is important, not the candidate's success in winning the election. This can be seen from the fact that: l - Increased competition, or communication, at the 91+ .mmopmcoo pom opo> can we omapCoopea owompooeea emu use Aosflfl uaaomv omoa op Nmoa Eon“ poanpmfic amcoamgopmcoo vuflnm as» aw :mmocc>apap0dsooz oapmuooEoQ I: o mason em mm we 48 08 on mm ) \\ / .... \ / \III I... \\ / /I r xi \ // - / \ r, \ z \ / mm \\ / / / Om mm OOH 92 county level seems to be accompanied by a narrower margin be- tween the winning Congressional candidate and the runner up. 2 - Winning Congressional candidates generally run ahead of candidates for Governor and President. Evidence of these tendencies can be seen by examination of data in Table 12 and Figure 8. First, however, it should be pointed out that generaliz- ations about the competitiveness and communication factors are based on Democratic party behavior. This is so because the Republicans as the dominant party, holding most of the county offices and winning nearly all of the Congressional and Guber- natorial elections during this period, show fewer fluctuations from which conclusions can be drawn. Generalizations can be drawn, on the other hand, from Democratic behavior because it does fluctuate and variations in competitiveness can be compared with Congressional voting stat- istics which also show fluctuations. The Democratic party's index of competitiveness, based as we have seen on the number of times Democrats have nominated candidates for county office, follows closely the fluctuations in the Democratic party's percentage of the vote for Congress. The relationship is not exact, nor probably is it to be completely depended on, but certainly the relationship as shown in Figure 8 reveals: l - That as Democratic competitiveness on the county level fell off from 1932 to 1946 the Democratic party's share of the 93 Congressional vote also fell off. 2 - That after 1948 when the Democratic Organizing Com- mittee was formed and the party began to be more competitive at the county level the Democratic share of the Congrcssional vote increases. As figure 8 shows the combined pressure of Democratic and Progressive competition from 1932 to 1984 kept the Republican stalemate index low. But from 1944 to 1948 with the Progressives out of the picture and the Democratic competition at a low point the Republican stalemate index shot up. From 1948 until the present the stalemate index has moved up or down with the changes in Democratic competition. An even closer relationship be ween Democratic competit- ion and the Democratic share of the Congressional vote can be seen in Figure 9. This graph shows clearly how the Democratic percentage of the Congressional vote dropped from 1932 to 1946 and then rose gradually after 1948 as Democratic competitive- ness increased. There are some indications from the evidence contained in Figure 9, for example, that while the Congressional vote is in- fluenced directly by competitiveness for county office that this competitiveness at the county level is related directly to Pres- idential election campaigns. In 1934 after the successful 1932 campaign in which the Democrats swept Wisconsin and the nation, Democratic competit- iveness on the county level was high. In l9hh the influences 9h .mmmnmcoo mom epo> exp 90 mquCmonem capspooEeQ map was Amcfia UHHomV 0mma op mmoa Eopm uoflmpmflv anneanaenmcoo enflmm was ca :mmeCe>HpHpomSooz owpmnooaoa In 0 mmame on mm me as 08 pm mm mm 0m mm OOH 95 that caused Uisconsin to shift into the Republican column in the Presidential electien probably caused the sharp drop in Democratic competitiveness at the county level. The Democratic share of the Jongressional vote no doubt moved upward in this election due to the elimination of Prog- ressive candidates. County competitiveness was low while Democratic fortunes were low from 1948 to 1988. In 1948 Lisconsin went Democratic in the Presidential election, but the Third district voted Republican. In 1950 the increase in county competitiveness can prob- ably be ascribed to the enthusiasm engendered by Truman's 1948 victory and, partially at least, to the reorganization getting underway in state Democratic politics. In 1952 both competitiveness on the county level and the Democratic Congressional vote fell as Eisenhoper carried the district and the state for the Republicans. Much has been made of the influence of Presidential elect- ions on Congressional campaigns. £005 (94) shows that in re- cent years there has been a tendency for the President to run ahead of his ticket and, inferentially, to attract a larger vote to others on the ticket, including CongreSSional candid- ates. We might examine this situation in regard to the coat- tails of both Presidential and Gubernatorial candidates in the Third district. 96 Table 16 shove the relationship of the Gubernatorial and Congressional vote in the Third district. In only three out of 13 elections has the Governor run ahead of the successful Congressional candidate in the district. In 1936 Phil LaFollette ran ahead of the successful Progressive candidate for Congress and in 1938 Julius P. Heil ran ahead of the successful Republican candidate for Congress. Table 16 Comparative Strength of Congressional and Gubernatorial Candidates for All Parties 1932-1956 Governor Governor Winner's Part1 Ahead Behind Governor Congress 1932 X Dem. Rep. 1934 X Prog. Prog. 1936 X Prog. Prog. 1938 Rep. Rep. 1940 X Rep. Rep. 1982 X Rep. Rep. l9hh X Rep. Rep. 19h6 X Rep. Rep.* 1948 X Rep. Rep. 1950 X Rep. Rep. 1952 X Rep. Rep. l95h X Rep. Rep. 1956 Rep. Rep. * There was no Democratic candidate for Congress in 1946. 97 In l956 Vernon Thomson ran ahead of the successful Re- publican candidate for Congress. In the other 10 elections Democratic, Progressive and “epublican Gubernatorial candid- ates, all of whom were elected, ran behind the successful Congressional candidates -- all of whom were Republican except in 1934 when a Progressive was elected -- in the Third district. As for Presidential coattails the picture is not so clear. Democratic candidates for President have run ahead of the Con- gressional candidates in the Third district in every election. They have also run ahead of the Democratic Gubernatorial can- didates except in the 1956 election. Republican Presidential candidates ran ahead of the Con- gressional and Gubernatorial candidates in 1932, 1936 and 1980, a period dominated by the Democrats nationally and by the Dem- ocrats and Progressives within the state. In 1984, 1948 and 1952 the Republican Presidential candidates ran behind the Congressional candidates even though in two of those campaigns, 1944 and 1952, the Republicans carried the state. In 1956 the Republican Presidential candidate ran behind the successful Congressional and Gubernatorial candidates in the Third district voting. As for the coattail influence of Presidential candidates in this district: 1 - The coattails of the Democratic Presidential candid— ates probably were of some help to Congressional candidates because of the strong position of the Democratic party nation- 98 ally and the extremely weak position of the party in the Third district. 2 - Republican Presidential candidates ran ahead of Congressional and Gubernatorial candidatis in four out of seven Presidential elections. However, in three of the four elections where the Presidential candidate ran ahead the His- consin Republicans were losing out to Democrats and Progressives. In the four elections beginning with l94h the Republican Presidential candidate ran ahead only once, in 1956. The inference is that in the Third district Republican county, Congressional district, and Gubernatorial candidates help the Presidential candidate more than he helps them. In summary: The Republicans as majority party and winner in most elections have derived considerable strength from their success in county elections. Republican Congressional candidates in the Third district have, moreover, lent strength to the state and national Republican tickets. The Democrats, on the other hand, have lacked strength at the county and Congressional district level. Democratic Presidential candidates have run ahead of Congressional and Gubernatorial candidates in the Third district with only one exception as was noted previously. All of which lends credence to the theory that the effect- iveness of county competition and communication with the voter 99 has more influence on Congressional elections in this district than does the influence of the Presidential or Gubernatorial campaigns. This is further borne out by the fact that from 1932 to l9h8 when the Democrats won the Presidential election four out of five times both Democratic competitiveness and the Demo- cratic share of the Congressional vote eroded away in campaign after campaign; but from in 1952 and 1956 when the Democrats were losers in Presidential campaigns, Democratic competitiveness and the Democratic share of the Congressional vote in the Third district have been climbing slowly upward. There does seem to be some evidence then that the county candidate has some effectiveneés in the political communi- cation network. hhere local candidates compete, where they campaign and exert their personal influence in direct solicitation, where they seek out the voters, there the effectiveness of the candidate as a communicator is felt in the Congressional vote. CHAPTER VI COKMUNICATIUN PATTERNS IN THE 1956 CONGRDSSIONAL CAHPAIGN The impact of competition by candidates on the county level was analyzed in Chapter V and it was suggested that this competition is in reality an act of communication. In this chapter the various channels of communication used by a candidate for Congress and, more briefly, the chan- nels of communication and influence of the county candidates, will be discussed. The candidate for Congress in hisconsin has open to him numerous channels of communication and influence which lead both upward through the party and outward to the voter. Because under Wisconsin's unique political system there are two Democratic parties, one legally created and ordered, the other voluntarily organized, candidates have two distinct sets of relationships with the party. And Democrats in hisconsin because of their party's firm policy of keeping hands off primary contests have two distinct campaigns: first, the primary without party help; second, the general election with party help. The Democratic party and the Congressional candidate make use of or create under these conditions a maze of friends, supporters, clubs, committees, and volunteer organizations. lOl .caannma: EH >pmdm oHpnnooSom one we moHpH>Hpo¢ hm unsaob 6cm hm0p5pepm :1 OH ohdem QQEO QDDH BOD Doflflomshg 90% / KALSEHHAM \|\.\|\V chmmmppflréaoo Poflflomhm mopdnHUQmo pooHom mx UHpsmooson. ma/% AmopseHocxov moopprnoo meadow pH Aha pclHo>v To :aooul.mo.nmo all.:0H co>no o s someoo A Hm e o o e um hHQEemmmulm 4,% summon ourumlcm HmonmmmmwcomlnH mooppH Sou eno/ sHav manpoHreou poHnomHo ponan HenOHmme.mcoo > GOHpco>moo cano3o oppHEEoo opspm muonspspn sweep Hnaoo Hemernz whopooHa HsHpCovaehm 1\ 1V .mupHaaoo Hahpcou chcoooH3 Mo momma oHpmpoome hp mm QHDuAQoEom \ \ \ AW\\\ moppHLEoo HemoHpsz QHHsLQOEeQ MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY EAST LANSING COLLEGE OF COMMUNICATION ARTS ' DIVISION OF MASS COMMUNICATIONS ° DEPARTMENT OF TELEVISION, RADIO & FILM 102 All these channels exist for two reasons: first, to permit financial aid to reach the candidate legally and to permit him to expend funds legally in campaigning; second, to provide a means of passing political information through the party's various levels to the candidate and finally the voter. Prior to 1948 this network of communication did not exist and it was this lack as much as Republican and Progressive ag- gressiveness which prevented the Democratic party from winning Congressional and state elections. Wisconsin's system of statutory and voluntary party or- ganizations is charted in Figure 10. At left are the statutory committees which today are largely inactive, and at the right are the various voluntary groups which actually are the Dem- ocratic party (117). The two overlap and the voluntary Democratic Party of Wisconsin through its various committees and through the candidates controls the activities of the statutory party. Political organization is a round-robin affair. There is no beginning and no end. However, to understand the work- ing of the party and its channels of influence it would be safe to say that the organization begins with the county com- mittee. Influence of the county Democratic organization is two- fold: it generally solicits volunteers to run for the posts of precinct committeemen; and it selects delegates to the state convention. 103 The state convention writes the party platform, elects the national committeemen and women, elects the partyis state chairman, and elects Congressional district officers. There is no direct connection between the voluntary party organization and the statutory organization. The voluntary Democratic Party of hisconsin has exerted its influence over the statutory party only through its candidates for legislative and state office and by hand-picking candidates for precinct committee posts. In theory the statutory and voluntary parties are separate entities. In fact the same people manage both organizations. The Democratic Party of Wisconsin does not endorse cand- idates in the primary nor support them financially. Persons seeking nomination in the Democratic primary are on their own until they are nominated; after nomination they get the support of the party voluntary organization and have a share in the party's statutory machinery. Nominees for state executive and legislative offices are delegates to the statutory convention held after the primary (7h, 5.36) and there they put a seal of approval on the plat- form previously drawn up at the voluntary convention; choose presidential electors; and elect members and chairmen of the State Central Committee. Party business is conducted by the voluntary organization a most exclusively and the Democratic National Committee deals with Wisconsin Democrats through the voluntary organization (117). 10b .OmOH SH \)+sm UHmeQOamQ who mo m0H>Hpow H d\a)e1an. :H :oHp,mHoHpn.sc mImpeeHU: o HIcIrnmen nIa I: HH otdflHm I.) hhnghm teams m I.o.In COHpcm>coo >h0p5p no, modem Iahmuflhg OHHHH...H0IE:TO CH COflUfCHCOC HCCOH 50,“.th J IJIU \- ‘1 .. II . .. .J Immepeson you :4 IHHHro //JK eeelefion anocoo mumpm .mpeoHamo pOanmHU HMQOHmmopwsao mo :ostor: .Hfimeoxmo-TfiSa 0o Hgmu 23E nemopHygro H soHu » .3 QaHgvi>coo ausaoHv .Ewomana mospn OHQ :on I _chHs: CH mUH: op emcee H Q buses” COHucm>Qoo HmConx: opdmdme“ hherHL :0 hemth mks. , ,1 . ATIIIII , > OHpmpooEmQ AA ropotHu Herc ueH ?.Iw HHHQ: ATIIIIIIIII manHUseo HNCOHmmmpmcoo MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY EAST LANSING COLLEGE OF COMMUNICATION ARTS ' DIVISION OF MASS COMMUNICATIONS ° DEPARTMENT OF TELEVISION, RADIO 5: FILM 105 Figure 11 shows the activity of Norman E. Clapp, the Democratic candidate for Congress in the Third district, prior to the general election campaign in 1956. In April he entered the Iresidential Preference primary as a delegate pledged to Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, was elected, and in august took part in the Democratic national convention in Chicago. This contact placed him on a friendly footing with Kefauver who had the support of the Wisconsin delegation in his bid for the Presidential nomination. Kefauver later came into the Third district and campaigned with Clapp. Clapp was named a delegate to the state voluntary con- vention in Duluth and took part in the convention's election of state chairman, national committeeman and committeewoman, and preparation of the state party platform. In September Clapp was one of three candidates seeking the Democratic nomination. Other candidates were LeRoy Gore, a newspaper publisher at Sauk City, and originator of the plan to recall the late Senator Joseph R. KcCarthy; and Richard McKnight, a farmer from South Mayne. Clapp won the nomination easily. In addition to various statutory and informal relation- ships within the party prior to the primary the candidate has to set up an organization of his own. Since the Democratic party does not endorse candidates before the primary, nor help them campaign, the candidate at this point is really an independent. 106 GOHpoeHJ mneEHnm egg oaommn COHpcoHcsszoo we mHmzc go eHaEHm >He>deHeh emu In NH ehsmHm >ueeHa; QHHsCoozmm esp CH whopo> HerQmpom ) myoandoLHo COHpHpmm COHuwcHEoz I I mchHpC3>md oHecduhemeo mmpuHS o Hdcemamm m.ep ) hoan CH mHeSeH>HecH .1 mgmw Z o mUHpsmo v mHasea>aaeH epleHeceo Hmco Hamepmcoo hmeHua OHthooEeQ esp CH mmepo> HsHpcmpom .9 mm>Hmwmsmopm peanom 107 Before the primary the candidate has three main channels through which he can reach the voters: (1) through the people in the various counties who circulate his nomination papers; (2) through netspaper and radio publicity; and (3) through direct personal solicitation. In the 1956 primary campaign Clapp had a personal campaign committee through which funds were disbursed for direct mail and newspaper advertising. Secretary 1f this committee was Mrs. Bowden Curtis, of Darlington, wife of the publisher of the Qgg; lington Republican-Journal. Figure 12 shows the somewhat limited organization of the candidate prior to the primary. Activity before the primary is limited because, first of all, the candidate is seeking only the support of the more active Democrats who will vote in the primary. Secondly, he is pretty much barred from areas where his opponents show strength. Finally, funds are limited and expenditures for mailing and news- paper advertising are held to a minimum. The job before the 1956 primary was to contact personally those persons who were willing to circulate nomination papers and use their influence among their friends to vote for him in the primary; and to secure committments from these and others for further help after the primary. Clapp had one channel of communication Open to him which was not available to other candidates. At one time as an ad- ministrative assistant to Senator Robert E. LaFollette Jr., 108 Clapp had participated in LaFollette campaigns through the Third district. In 1956 he was able to seek out many former Progres- sives whom he had known previously. With other Progressives the association with LaFollette was enough to enlist support. His liberal and Progressive background also enabled Clapp to make personal contacts with labor in LaCrosse and although labor organizations there did not endorse candidates prior to the primary he enlisted some enthusiastic individual supporters. Clapp won easily in the primary and as a party nominee he took part in the statutory convention in Radison which met in September to elect the state central committee and approve the state party platform previously prepared at the voluntary state convention. In Wisconsin a lull follows the primary in early September and vigorous campaigning usually gets underway again late in September. At this point in 1956 a whole new series of voluntary re- lationships was set up through which the candidate channeled his efforts to communicate with the voters. After the primary Clapp, as the Democratic nominee, had at his disposal all the formal and informal party organizations. He was able to employ also through the campaign: 1 - A network of volunteer committees organized especially to campaign in his behalf. 2 - Special groups organized by the voluntary organization and others to campaign in behalf of the Congressional candidate 109 and other Democratic nominees. 3 - The influence of friends among the national and state Democratic nominees. 4 - The influence of the county candidates. The Candidate's Committees Political candidates in Lisconsin make extensive use of volunteer committees or clubs since expenditures by these or- ganizations are not limited by law (117). Other committees and clubs are set up merely for pres- tige purposes. These groups often spend no money, but merely lend their names and personal influence to the candidate's campaign. Clapp employed both types of organization in the 1956 campaign. First, he had a personal campaign committee and a Con- gressional district committee. These were primarily committees toliandly collecting and disbursement of funds. Second, he had committees in four counties, some very informally organized, to lend prestige to the campaign and use the personal influence of members to attract votes. (The names of members of the personal influence committees were hsed in news stories released to newspapers and radio stations. In Vernon county for example, his committee pub- lished a newspaper ad urging his election to Congress. 110 This ad was signed by Paul A. Dahl, chairman of the county board of supervisors; William C. hueller, former mayor of Viro- qua; Ole Traastad, supervisor from the town of Franklin and a prominent farmer; Orbec Sherry, a prominent farmer and cattle buyer; James Buchen, an automobile dealer; Don nitken, owner of a fertilizer factory at Hillsboro; Dr. Lars Gulbrandsen, a well- known and highly respected Viroqua doctor; Otto Harder, a town— ship treasurer and well-known farmer; lobert L. Graves, publish- er of the Viroqua newspaper; haymond Jacobson, restaurant owner and a former Sheriff; and by Hllefson Brothers, contractors. A somewhat similar ad was run in the Dodgeville Chronicle. In Grant county a committee sent out 10,000 letters to rural route boxholders urgine Clapp's election. In Crawford county an informal committee was active in personally campaigning for Clapp and in raising funds. Special Committees In addition to clubs and committees organized by the candidate, other Democrats formed volunteer groups to help in the campaign. Richard thnight, defeated by Clapp in the primary, form- ed the Non-Partisan Farm-Labor Alliance, and contributed to Clapp's campaign. In Vernon county Olaf Johnson, a former Progressive, organized the Independent Businessmen for Norman Clapp committee and sent out a mailing piece just before the election. 111 A Third district Democratic club was organized by Charles F. Dahl, Democratic chairman of the Third district. Most of these organizations were organized primarily to serve as a front for transfer or expenditure of funds, a per- fectly legal device under'hisconsin election laws. In addition they were used for publicity purposes and they served to involve numerous persons in the campaign in a more personal manner. Influence of Friends Among the Candidates Through his activities in the voluntary Democratic organ- ization Clapp was on friendly terms with other candidates, most influential of whom were Senator Kefauver and killiam Proxmire, the Democratic nominee for Governor. Proxmire campaigned in the district extensively and Kefauver made a trip into the district not only to campaign for himself and Stevenson but to lend the prestige of a national candidate to the Congressional campaign. County Candidates As we have seen in another chapter the Democrats have not been active on the county level in every county. In 1956 there were county candidates in every county and particularly strong slates in both Vernon and Crawford counties. A vigorous cam- paign for the Assembly seat in Vernon county also served to heighten interest in the campaign. 112 The county Democratic committees were very active in both counties and Clapp was a frequent visitor at meetings in Crawford and Vernon counties. The extensive inter-personal relationships of the county candidates were a factor in the large Democratic vote in Vernon county. Candidates for county office in Vernon county and their group affiliations: Orpheus Clawson, candidate for county clerk; town clerk of the town of hhitestown; treasurer of his school district; a member of the United Bretheren church at Dell; secretary of the Dell Creamery. Melvin Thompson, candidate for county treasurer: a successful farmer; treasurer of the town of Ihitestown; county chairman of the Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Program; a part-time insurance salesman. Donald Dahlke, candidate for clerk of court: a member of his school district board; member of the Farmers Union; oper- ator of a rural store at Purdy. Norman Skundberg, candidate for register of deeds: oper- ator of a rural store at Avalanche; member of a Rod and Gun club and the Vernon County Conservation club. Otto Jefson, candidate for Sheriff: operator of a gas- oline station in Viroqua; former deputy Sheriff; former Vir- oqua police chief; alderman in Viroqua; member Viroqua Luther- an church; member of American Legion and Veterans of Foreign 113 Bars. D. M. Langve, candidate for district attorney: a former Progressive Assemblyman; veteran of Lorld War I; member of Our Saviour's Lutheran church, Lestby; attorney and member of the Vernon County Bar Association. Robert Borrison, candidate for coroner: a member of the village board in LaFarge; member of the Knights of Pythias; member of the Veterans of Foreign Wars. Eldon Traastad, candidate for Assembly: served on the Wisconsin State Democratic Farm Platform Advisory committee; an officer of the Vernon County Rural Schools Association; a member of his school district board; president of a rural tel- ephone cooperative; member of Immanuel Lutheran church, Viroqua. The Newspapers The Third district has Al weekly and two daily newspapers, most of them firmly Republican. There were, however, a handful of newspapers which were either Democratic or sufported Clapp because they believed he was the best candidate. As a newspaper publisher Clapp knew many of the editors of Weeklies in nearby counties personally. Among the neyspapers that supyorted CZapp were his own Grant County Independent, Lancaster; the Crawford County Indepen- dent, Gays Mills; the Mauston Star, at Lauston; the Vernon County Broadcastgr, Viroqua; the YonrOe County Democrat, Sparta; 11h the Darlington Republican Journal, Darlington; and the Kuscoda Progressive, Muscoda. Charles Roethe at Fennimore, one of tho brothers who pub- lish the Fennimore Times, personally wrote to the editor of every weekly in the district and urged their support of a fellow editor for Congress. The Fennimore Times, normally Republican, supported Clapp. Labor Support Clapp received considerable support from labor even though before 1956 LaCrosse labor had supported Gardner hithrow who has a Progressive background and was a union member. Labor in 1956 was not altogether friendly with hithrow and Clapp was able to make numerous good friends among labor leaders in LaCrosse. He received financial assistance from the LaCrosse labor League for Political Action; and from the Hisconsin State Fed- eration of Labor Committee on Political Education (COPE). The Democratic Party The voluntary Democratic party organization, of course, campaigned vigorously. The Third Congressional district committee headed by Charles F. Dahl of Viroqua opened a district headquarters in Viroqua; advertised extensively; raised funds for advertising and for the Congressional candidate; and worked with county committees and special committees. Democratic Presidential Candidate Democratic Congressional Committee National Democratic Committee ’ Democratic Party of Wisconsin Candicate's District Committee ‘3rdDistrict Lemocratic Party 1L Congressional Candidate Committees ,for Cong. C'ndidate i i ' \\ Radio - TV Newsnapers' County Candidates Democratic Party Special Grouplt_ 'Precinct Committee-A .VOTERS sen ‘ ' FIGURE 13 -- Relationship of party, volunteer groups and the Congressional cand- idate in the 1956 campaign. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY EAST LANSING COLLEGE OF COMMUNICATION ARTS ° DIVISION OF MASS COMMUNICATIONS ' DEPARTMENT OF TELEVISION, RADIO 5: FILM 116 The county committees varied in their contribution to the campaign. Only Vernon, Juneau, Sauk, Crawford, and La- Crosse county Democratic coimittees reported expenditures to the Secretary of State. Figure 13 shows the over-all relationship of the vari- ous groups working in the 1956 campaign and outlines their relationship with each other and with the Congressional can- didate. huch of the activity and the interrelaticnships shown in Figure 13 was traced through the financial reports of the groups and individuals concerned. Careful ex mination of the relatianships outlined in Figure 13 reveals the importance of the Gangressianal can- didate in Wisconsin political Campaigns. The C ngressianal candidate deals directly with dis- trict and state party organizations and natijnally with the party's Congressional committee. In the 1956 campaign the candidate in the Third district was also directly linked with the presidential campaign. Below the district level the candidate works closely with his own committees in the various counties and with the party's county coamittees; with county candidates, precinct committeemen, and with the mass media. Campaigning, these relati nships indicate, is not a direct process. Only at the very lowest levels do candidates and party activists deal directly with the voter. At higher 117 levels almost all political communication is directed through various other candidates and organizations. This filtering down of political information and influ- ence appears to be, in the political sphere, a process similar to the Katz and Lazarsfeld two-step flow of infbnnation (88). The "influence of people" which Katz and Lazarsfeld visualized as paralleling the mass media (8%,p.7) in the pol- itical process appears not only to parallel the mass media's political messages, but in most instances sup;lants the mass media as a means of delivering political information to the voter. In the case of the Congressional candidate, as Figure 13 indicates, this is particularly true. Messages from the Congressional candidace to the voter are filtered thr ugh committees and party organizations and through county candidates. The newspapers and radio and tele- vision stations are used as a go-between in some instances. host of the Congressional canoidates message is transmitted to the voter through channels other than the mass media. Much of the activity and the interrelationships shown in Figure 13 were difficult to trace. Some evidence is preserved in the financial reports required of all candidates and political organizations by Wisconsin statutes (11). Many of the personal relationships which existed in this particular district and campaign would not have been known to the writer had he not had a perSonal knowledge of the 1956 118 campaign in the Third district. They have been recorded not as something that can be examined empirically, but interest- ing nuances cf the campaign which the writer knows existed. Pieceneal and casual as the evidence presented here may be, it dees shew the similarity of the political csnmunic- ation process and the Katz and Lazarsfeld csncect of the twe- step flow of information in other areas. CHQPTZn VII LITCLUQ‘I;.'S L'JD £5.1va .. - JuDA a-I‘IVMI‘ S C) The intention of the writer in m king this study was to seek an answer to the question: why can't Democrats win elections in the Third C -ngres sional district? A secondary aim was to examine the manner in which the Dedocr ts have been campaigning to see whether tnis would yield any clues to their luck of SU:CO;$ in winx:'.5 elections. Our major conclusions are: l--That historically the Republictn tradition of the party at a disadvant- district has placed the Democratic A age. 2--lh t the Pr05r ess ive movement a d the Progress- ive party during the 1930s h¢s contributed further to the weaknesses of the Democratic position. 3--fhat competitive pressure on the county level is factor in narrowing the margin between the Democratic and Republican Congressional vote. 4-—That increased conpetition on the Congressional / I I ,’ level and the exploitation of all the lines of infldence discussed in Chapter VI tends to stren then the position of Lille D (Luocrvstic :.\L~rt3r ill title diStlniCto 120 Recon endations for Further Study is has been su5gested in Chapters V and VI the pol- itical candidate is a pert o; 3 1e cow unic tion process. how effective he is as a co.:unicn:or do; rhinos his party's success at the polls. The discussion of the netuor; of relationships within the party and between the groups and individu ls aids furzher D substantiation to the theory oi Opinion leadgrs and personal influence presented by nLtz and lazarsfeld (88). horeevidence of a similar n ture coul? undoubtedly be gathered in other Con5rescionnl districts and in other elec- tions. It aould be worthwhile to co pgre tn: oeuddnication networh described here with these existing in Con5reeeional districts in other states. Furth r study of the croups tgat take gart in Gon- gres ion 1 c mpai ns and the roles played by persons in these groups and by the candidate hims;lf vould also be in order. Congressional districts offer a rick of many aspects of h;« communication process as well as of the PJliLiCal process. It is to be heped that further re- s; “eh will be undertaken in this area. 10. ll. 12. 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary and Source haterial ‘Wisconsin, Crawford County Clerk. Election records, 1932 through 1956. 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Vernon County Broadcaster, Viroqua. November 7, 1934, and—NCVember 14, 1946. Other Sources Clapp, Norman M., Lancaster, Wisconsin. Personal records of the 1956 campaign for Congress in the Third District. Democratic Party of Wisconsin. State, district, and county officers and committees, 1956. (Mimeographed.) Flatley, Robert R., The Wisconsin Congressional Delegation From Statehood to Secession, 1848-1861. Unpublished Bachelor 5 Thesis (History), University of Wisconsin, 1951. V91?) - 1848-1956 131. Vote for Congrese and Governor in Key. 18h8 County Brown Calulet Columbia Crawford Dane Dodge land dn Lac Grant Ioealnich1 Delayette Harquetto Manitoeoc St. Croix lent lheboygan lidhington Vinnebago Dietrict State ngernor QQEEZII! 1:90 .. :1 .. 5 f: e o 318 e u H on k n O 1‘ h. 0 3 3 0: an 0 H o u 1 3 8 £3." 1‘. 8 .. '* ° :1 3.” “ ‘3 .. O 5 O a a 0 g 0 O :8 a5 a: a an cg m a 311 137 m 308 137 . m5 113 66 . 179 107 62 . 169 328 #11 739 328 411 ... 739 270 107 377 no return. given 1098 751 13 1862 1047 763 7 1817 1116 706 52 187A 1118 696 38 1852 622 510 136 1268 578 508 8 109a ’ 1199 11.67 3 2669 1156 11.01. 1 2561 8“? 785 . 1592 873 7&3 ... 1616 1232 863 . . 2095 1233 853 ... 1986 230 258 23 511 225 253 ... #78 no returns given 1nc1uded in Crawford 18? 157 9 353 186 160 ... 346 55“ 38“ 21 959 557 377 15 9“9 1598 263 ... 1861 1533 236 ... 1769 no returne given 9705 6825 257 16787 9683 6835 69 1658? 1 9065 luslu 34119 Source: statement of State Board of Canvaeeere. original manuscript. office of the Secretary of State. ladieon. Iieconein. 132 Vote for Cong“ and Preeident in Ioveaber. 181+8 Congreee Preeident a 3 2 .. 23.3 .1:- 33 ’3 : 3 : 3 35:." . z 3 County 815 a! 8 a .2 a 8 .. a : .1: .2 lock 1337 683 1123 3193 #91 1300 1338 3138 Green ‘+93 932 208 1133 391 1.79 287 1157 LaFayette 862 1073 11 1946 1105 921 31 2057 Grant 1621. 1169 58 28 51 11118 16119 1% 29M nea- 729 850 291.. 1889 757 721+ 1.1.5 1925 Ion/21cm 823 877 68 1768 8118 884 118 1850 lent 1142 176 101+ 1422 no returne given 3:33: 79 218 . 297 215 109 12 336 Portage 192 212 . . . not. 225 216 . . M1 It. 01-61: 1+2 57 99 67 I15 1 125 LaPointe no returne given Dietrict 6323 5747 1866 13952 ‘ 5297 6327 2379, 13970‘ Itate 14924 10261 13642 38827 Iource: Statement of the Strte Board of Canvaeeere. original namecript. office of the Secretary of State. ladieon. Iieconein ‘ Inolndee 16 ecattoring votee. Includee 22 ecattering votee. 133 Vote for Governor in 1818 and Cong-en in 1859 2’2 2 '20 22 '3 22 a: a 2 a 28 , .2 2 a 6...... 2.. .28 8 .2 .2 .3 .2 e .2 .2 Rock 604 1168 541 -- 2313 1387 1484 3 $74 Green 443 324 26 7 800 534 469 4 1007 Lallyette 1094 416 -- - 1510 1030 597 - 1627 Grant 1030 1103 16 — 2149 1124 1040 2 2166 Dene 666 759 86 14 1525 1349 836 - 2185_ love 688 655 6 - 1399 636 715 - 1351 Sank 355 226 3 - 584 360 296 - 656 Richland --- --. - - -- 69 76 - 145 Crawford 152 32 - - 184 364 76 - 440 Portage 287 259 1 - 547 203 50 - 253 It. 0:61: 56 21 - 2 79 109 43 - 152 LaPointe no returne given Marathon. --- --- - - -- 97 70 5 172 Dietrict 5375 4963 679 23 11040 7262 5752 14 13028 Itate 16649 11317 3761 32 31751 Source: Ctatenent of the Statd Board of Canvaeaere. original aanuecript. office of the Secretary of State. Madison. lieconein. Vote for Governor in.18§1 County lock Green Lalayetto Grant Iowa Richland 8n: Crawford Portage lernthon LaPointe It. Croix Dietrict ltate Deaocrat 1191 530 712 985 1047 679 136 123 189 95 100 6227 '21812 Governor Terrell Ihig 504 467 10 26 11.54 659 117 1m as 142 113 Scattering U! no returne 78 6853 22319 1 9 59 134. Total 2917 1034 1179 2011 2501 1338 255 965 171 331 208 179 13089 #4190 Source: Statement of the ltate Board of Canvaeeere. original nannecript. Office of the Secretary of State. Madieon. Viaconein. L T 135 Vote for Congreee and Preeident in 1852 122.1922! 2923552.! 2 '7'" 2 ‘3 I22 2: o .“E '1 3 2 35o .7 2 6...... £92 .23 :25 2’2 .35 53 £5 22 Bed 1:: C7 69 -- 156 90 70 - 160 2: VI no returne given 960 895 4 1859 Crawford 173 131 -- 304 203 94 -- 297 Dene 2138 1104 287 3529 2082 1208 247 3537 Grant 865 1341 129 2849 1484 1281 64 2829 Green 865 659 186 1710 892 659 160 1711 Iowa 948 985 27 1961 no returne given Loon-on. m1 182 10 473 292 171 5 468 Lafayette 1389 857 16 2262 1447 746 - 2193 lea-athon 203 141 -- . 344 203 140 - 343 Portage 377 267 - 644 432 203 - 635 1116111666 . 166 167 16 349 200 130 - 330 Rock 1691 1509 923 3202 1718 1521 878 4117 ‘1' croix 166 107 2 275 169 105 - 274 Sank 681 622 156 1459 721 593 ' 143 1460 Dietrict 10544 8141 1752 20440 ‘ 10893 7816 1497 20213 ‘ State 33658 22240 8842 64748 0 Source: Statement of the State Board of Canvaseere. original aanuecript. office of the Secretary of State. Kadieon. lieconein. ‘Includee 3 ecattering. 1’ Includes 7 ecattering. ° Includee 8 ecattering. 136 annm a. 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T. .1 o m n omwa aofluepoo haw ONnH Hafla mHhH nna owmn wan N: mam nmmmoa geaooeeq ZI‘QOH ma: HNon nmmn aumn can eon mesa noea nnH non nnm Hnn noaa I‘393 Sutxeqqeos unm nana need mHHn sma :nan moo QHH omH Ana an: new m m ne011qndeu . 0mm.” aeuaunoo aka noon Hnm noon new new no nae: emu N: nnN OON 23.35 QBJOOIIQ uuua oweH mmaa Nmn nan nua dawn ma mmm Han one nwn I‘fiOI fuzaeqzeog can nos nnHH Hana ama anew mum on 1139““! unottqudeu Mwma uoaaermd 3mm mam «no coma «canoe» anon neeuo auduo nma euueao new and no“ anew won on geaooumq eeoxo ndnn ooamoon econ duomrnuo Hanan nxemnano oaommdm H<.ddm ..oo4 wwwa ca kangaroo can .mmmH a“ eeeawnoo you .mnma a“ nonueboa you one» lhl. 0:» no coauuo .anauo-dndn HIdeauo .naonooaah .nooddd: .oauam no hhauouoom .nno-u¢>ndo no uudom opaom ona no unoaoudan ”cougbu HNQNHH mm mama“ annum m8? % Seem ~38 8m? x. “an -- mnm cam Now .. mom -- won n:~ n:m nu mn:~ :- mama mam mo:~ u- whoa .. can own mam u: «now n awe: mkmfi acnm u. Nona .. man 54% woafl H mNnH :: man «mm HHHH .. “on n flea Haa mmw .. Ham c- mom mom «was .1 new an un: mmm no: u: mama u. mmm mmm mowa u: has n. mow mom man .. Hog 1. Nu aoa 05H .. “How H NoH» :HmH mama :- mnmm m mHNH snoa Rama .. snag .. coca sum Noma u. «Noon mam Nooa mm: oamm Nmm nno :NH flow NON ~05 nqu uwHH mam wmm noaow aom #:n as: mnmfl Nae mm: mma Ham How can an: nma o4¢H emo mum mmoom conga mnu mmfl auo~ can anew oqfia moOH up: omm mo: na mHHN mqma :00& on «A nauauou on anon: Haas: auoum enema mumwa uofiuaofin :NH HHH cop: :oa an :ioHGQEOHH mnwa mom gun» can mmm adage .um muan nmwa xuom mmm m8 233on Hum :oq ow¢uuom HHH 3mg xaom won Aha oouodm canon mun 3m: oouno: «ma mom nonacuaz u: n: oaaaomaq own owna ouaowunuq #8 How 000 080.69 mm: mom sienna lot. for Congroso and Prooident in 1860 County Ashland 3041A: Buffalo Chippewa Clark Crlvford Don. Dougla- Dunn Inu.0101ro Grant Groon low: I a0koon Juneau LoCrooIo Lafayette LaPointe Iarl&hon 0025203! Honchott Ropublicon (D 33 a5 1126 397 259 151 833 #797 no returns 5“? “85 3573 2371 2100 611 1038 1&3? 1738 251 9?. :5 u 3 Report V H U s:- Democrat 239 89 836 9210 368 363 1991 1338 1630 207 799 86h 1938 “50 7102 Total 1104 1637 699 498 290 1669 9008 911 850 551a 3709 3731 858 1787 2301 3676 701 Lincoln Bnpublicon % ...: ...-I the MU! “59 152 828 9798 56a 490 3579 2372 1909 650 1033 1977 1737 #3 219 President 32 .p 'E n =§§ 82 £35 296 5 32 - “65 22 189 1 291 - a9 2 832 6 #173 90 66 15 341 9 ,3“2 19 1920 33 132“ 10 1581 96 207 - 737 9 765 65 1898 67 u 26 M81 h Boll Conot. Union Iotol 1195 67 1632 650 “97 243 1666 9014 153 91» 852 5532 3706 3538 861 178“ 2325 3691 73 705 Monroe Pepin Pierce Polk Portage Bichlerd Bock St. Croix Sank Trompeleau Vood District State 1218 331 630 193 1010 1164 5188 651 2308 978 602 107 420 140 23008 103 1860 141+5 1059 333 1060 1979 7154 1262 3334 623 720 59292 a 1229 326 637 199 904 1168 5198 664 2309 “90 362 36190 86110 631 105 411 301 22433 . 65021 2 8 11 — 2 - 12 1 57 - 28 3 6h 8 3 - 37 2 58 - 633 6b 888 161 1870 042 1050 334 1972 1976 7186 1264 3333 624 721 59320 152238b Source: Stotement of the State Board of Canvasaere. original manu— script. office of the Secretary of State. Madison. Viaconoin. 3 Include. 11 scattering votes. b Includes 58 scattering votes. 144 Vote for Governor in 1861 and Special Election for Gangrene. Deceaber 1862 Governor Con§geee a 1.. a .. 8° *5 30% '2 73 E '3 5 3 § 2 Com 5% 8 8 2 2: 5* ‘3 g ‘3 g ‘6 1 man in a 54 x a: In an a Ada-e 678 170 848 531 232 8 - 771 Aahland 29 38 67 no returne Bed 11' 966 287 1253 770 433 - - 1203 Buffalo 567 237 804 23? 138 ‘04 - 419 Chippewa 155 191 346 returna rejected 01m: 175 26 201 77 44 - 1 122 Crawford 582 672 1254 324 226 47 - 597 Dane 3113 2675 5791 1999 1962 124 2 4087 Douglae 51 41 92 returna rejected Dun 490 7 497 211 124 - 43 378 Ian Claire 404 194 598 318 211 - 7 536 Grant 2009 1046 30 5 5 961 421 160 4 1546 Green 1461 661 2122 880 362 35 38 1310 Iowa 988 808 1796 554 914 - - 1468 Jackeon 605 99 704 402 168 20 - 590 Juneau 669 640 1311 706 570 - - 1276 LeCroeee 1166 777 1943 922 881 - 2 1805 Lafayette 1464 1851 3315 629 1093 - - 1722 LaPointe 57 -- 57 102 2 - - 104 ‘ ‘II. changed to Vernon pr or to the 186? electione. Marathon 10] 403 503 144 437 - - 581 Monroe 931 414 13L5 867 547 - - 1414 Pepin 467 137 504 172 50 16 - 238 Pierce 756 76 83? returns rejected Polk 257 11 2 “9 36 - - 85 Portage 619 275 894 63? 458 - - 1095 Richland 714 515 1229 595 521 - — 1116 Rock 2796 969 3768 1889 583 — 14 2486 St. Croix 635 325 960 336 282 10 — 628 Sank 1627 573 2205 1112 612 102 7 1833 Trempelegu 429 25 “94 366 105 N 5 480 Wood 203 232 435 no raturns District 25203 14380 39591‘1 15790 11412 570 118 28398 State 53777 45456 992513 Source: Statement of the State Board of Canvaseere. original manu- . Includes 18 scattering votes. script. office of the Secretary of State. Madison. Wisccnsin. Include: 18 scattering votes. 146 . . .oaaaouah .doeuuoz .eoeam mo hucpouoom on» no eoamue undue-sums Hosdwduo ohouod>ceo no vuoom eaopm on» ma acoaopoum «ochfiom 88$ 88 .966: $93 . . . . 3% SS 38 SR amen 2.3 Q: 838. 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H0 HO H0 838 3.03 0.2 3.3m m6; 0.03 3:33 3.33 ms; 0.03 m4: 0.00 3.2 .In n.3m 0.0m 0.03 3.0m 0.00 m.0m m.0m 0.3m 0.00 3.0m «.00 0.0m .000 3033.825 . .. 0.83 0.003 0.003 0.003 0.83 0.83 0.83 0.83 0.83 0.83 0.003 330.3 ..... 0.03 0.0.. 0.33 3...... 0.03 0.03 0.2 0.33 0.03 0.00 0.33 ....0 ..... 3.00 0.30 3.00 0.0m 3.3 0.30 0.00 3.00 0.30 0.00 0.00 .5 g 330 «.30 0.80 330 0030 8: 0.0.3 313 I... 2.03 08.30 8. .30 than 33.— »..o .30» Ho «33.60 .3003 21.2 0.00H 0.00H 0.8H 0.8H 0.8.n 0.00H 0.8." 0.8..” 0.8.n 0.83” 0.8..” 0.8H .6309 o. a. 3. m. n. n. 4. n. m. m. o. m. .3230 0.0« 4.0m «:3 06m afim mdm n.0a oén o. 0m 0.0m 0.0m 0.0m in 0.30 0.30 0.mm m6.» mic 0.9 n.0m 0.30 “.00 0.30 0.3 0.30 .5 Elm.“ 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00H 0.00." 6.83” 0.00." cocoa 0.00H 0.8.n H.309 3.3 «.3 0.3m 0.0m n64 0.3 0.33 0.2 oén 0.9 min n64 in 0.3m 0.0m 4.3 3.8 0.0m 0.0m H.mm wenm 0.3 0.0m 0.3 0.9 .3333 3 o o o . . 0.8.n cocoa 0.8H 0.00H 0.8H OoBH 0.03” 98." 0.00H o.oo.n 0.00H gov . .. . . odm 4.3 «can 0.0m n.0n 0.6m H33 0.3m «.mm 3.3 «.3 0.: ..... «.30 «.mm 0.3 0.3 0.00 n23 «.mm 4.3 H40 «.3 0.0m .5 along I». ‘3 3.8 8230 0&3” via 303m 8: has 3 1‘ who." .33 vodo .30» Mo anon you 24h Stalemate Index for the Election of 1890 Gongzcol Governor nu. D 2.h ‘ n 2.) Grant n 2.9 n 1.1" Green I 0.55 D 0.3 Iowa D 1.1 D 0.15 Lafayette 1 0.8 I 1.h5 Dictrict D 1.5 D 0.5 Stat. ...... D “.5 LA __4 .3. _‘ I I. I . Indicnaou l Democratic majority withthl Ilpublican party b in cocond placo. AI 'R' indicate. a Republican majority withtho Democratic party in lacond place. 2h5 Stalemate Index for the Election of 1892 Conggeea Governor President Adam- R 17.7 ‘ B 19.9 R 20.2 Crawford 3 1.5 B 1.7 R 1.6 Grant B 2.9 R 3.1 l 3.2 Iowa 1) 0.51. n 0.9 n 0.7 Juneau — 0.0 R 6.5 D 0.4 Richland R 3.3 R 5.7 B 6.0 Sent 3 0.8 R 0.5 R 1.1 Vernon R 15.8 R 16.0 R 16.1 Dietrict B 8.0 D 5.0 R 4.5 State ...... D 1.1 D 0.8 ‘ in "R“ indicatee a Republican nejority with the Democratic party in second place. b A 'D' indicatee a Democratic majority with the Republican party in eecond place. Stale-ate Index for the Election of 1823 246 Adams Crawford Grant Iowa Juneau Richland Sank Vernon District State 27.2 ‘ 6.9 7.7 5.1 7.8 10.9 7.6 20.5 10.0 R B R R B E I I R R Governor 26.5 7.3 8.2 “.7 6.4 11.3 6.9 25.9 10.5 7.2 9' in ”R" indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. 21.7 Stale-ate Index for the Election of 1836 Congress Governor Preeident Male 2 29.9 R 27.85 B 27.85 Crawford 2 11.6 a 10.0 a 10.n5 Grant I 9.7 I 8.75 l 8.8 Iowa 2 9.2 R 8.6 I 9.? Janeen I 13.5 I 11.85 3.12.6 Richland n 5.6 l 5.65 n 5.5 Bank 1 1“.“ R 13.05 3.13.3 Vernon 3 26.9 I 22.35 R 22. Dietrict R 13.8 I 12.35 1 12.65 State R 11.“5 ‘ An '3' indicates a Republican majority with the Democrz tic party in second place. 248 Stalemate Index for the Election of 1898 Ada-e Crawford Grant Iowa Juneau Richland Bank Vernon District State Congress 3 25.16 I 11.35 R NNMfl 7.9 “.55 9.3 8.55 8.05 26.75 I 11.1 Governor n 20.7 n 6.65 0.9 6.8 509 NH” 1 17.6 I 8.6 . AI 'B' indicatee a Republican majority with the Democratic party in eecond place. 2&9 Stalemate Index for the Election of 1900 Adana Crawford Grant Iowa Juneau Richland Sank Vernon Dietrict State Con rose Governor President a 27.75 " 3 28.75 R 28.3 113.05 313.1 313.1 a 1.9.: n 13.6 n 12.8 R 13.95 n 15.9 n 19.6 R 13.65 a iu.6 a 111.9 a 11.9 n 12.0 a 12.25 R 9.7 n 13.2 I 12.95 a 27.25 R 28.15 R 27.05 a 15.0 n 16.5 I 15.95 311.7 112.0 A‘ . An 'R' indicates a Republican majority with the Denocratio party in second place. 25C) gtalemate Index for the Election of 1902 Congress Governor Crawford R 6.1 R 2.6 Grant 3 13.05 11 19.0 Iowa R 9.8 R 9.25 Juneau R 11.05 R 12.2 Richland R 8.7 R 8.7 Sank n 9.15 n 6.75 Vernon R 38.0 R 30.n5 District R 12.9 R 11.9 State ...... L A; A A AM ‘ In "R' indicates a Repub‘ican majority with the Democratic party in eecond place. Stalemate Inde;_£or the Election of 190“ 251 Crawford Grant Iowa Juneau Richland Sank Vernon District State h Congress 11 1.3 ‘ 1.5 2.7 U U 1.55 11.0 5.6 “.05 MN” ”U 0.95 Governor 1.8 b 1.115 8.35 9.0 1.7 0.15 28.1 6.3 5.? President w n 12.3 n 16.2 a 16.11 a 21.55 R 15.95 a 20.3 n 39.6 a 19.85 a 17.6 ‘ An 'R' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. b A 'D' indicates a Democratic majority withthe Republican party in eecond place. 252 Stale-ate Index for the Election of 1906 Congrees Governor Crawford 11 0.75“ a 9.0 Grant 1) 3.2 b 116.25 Iowa D 12.35 R 13.65 Juneau R 1.5 I 18.2 Richland n 1.8 1115." Bank 11 1.2 116.1 Vernon l 7.3 8 31.75 District D 1.75 1.17.3 lut- 112.6 A _____Ln _n... A-____“‘- “AI 'R' indicatee a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. b A.'D' indicates a Democratic majority with the Republican party in eecond place. 253 Std-ate Index for the Election of 1908 Congress Governor President Crawford 1 3.3‘ n 5.55 s 6.05 Grant I 0.95 R 6.8 R 7.15 Iowa R 5.15 R 8.15 I 8.55 Juneau R 8.85 110.3 I. 8.95 Richland n 7.95 n 7.0 a 8.6 Bank 1 8.5 l 9.35 I 9.155 Vernon R 16.95 I. 21.85 R 21.62 District R 7.05 I 9.95 310.15 State ....... 8 . An '3' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. 25h» gtalemate Index for the Election of 1910 Congress Governor Crawford R 6.115. R 6.9 Guns R 11.6 I 11.85 Iowa R 8.3 R 10.2 Juneau R 17.95 R 16.25 Richland R 2.95 R 10.85 Saul: n 7.7 l 5.65 Vernon R 8.75 l 26.20 District R 9.0 I 12.0 State ....... .a—g____ A n._‘ —+A A -. . An "R” indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in eecond place. 255 Stalemate Index for the Election of 1912 Gangrene Governor President out... n 1.95‘ n 0.95 r 1.6 n... n 11.8 b n 3.9 D11.6 Grant R “.5 R 2.0 D 2.1 Green 1 6.u5 n 8.15 n 1.!» Ian R 5.3 R 3.7 D 2.3 Lafayette 1 7.2 I 11.95 D 1.15 Richland a 7.55 n 6.h s 1.65 District 1 0.95 I 3.5 D 5.1 Itate I 1.55 . A 'D' indicates a Democratic majority with the Rapubliean party in second place. b An 'R' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in eecond place. 256 _§ta1emate Index for the llection of 1910 Congress Governor cmuud n au‘ 9 15” Dane R 1.3 DI 0.0 c Grant R 10.05 R 6.7 Green R 13.05 R 10.25 Iowa R 11.9 R 5.6 Lafayette R 8.85 R 3.75 Richland n 13.8 m 3.3 ‘ District R 6.7 R 0.05 State ...... l 3.3 ‘ An '3' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. A 'D' indicates a Democratic majority with the Republican party in second place. ° A ”DI” indicates a Democratic majority with an Independent candidate in second place. d An 'RI' indicates a Republican majority with an Independent candidate in second place. b 257 gtalemate Index for the Rlection of 1916 Congress Governor President Crawford 11 7.95 ‘ n 0.85 n 1.6 Dane 11 1u.0 1) 12.25 b 11 8.5 Grant R 17.b R 10.55 R 7.5 Green R 15.85 R 2.9 R 8.5 Iowa R 9.8 D 1.85 R. 0.85 Delayette R 9.65 R 11.85 R 5.2 Richland R 12.95 R 2.5 R. 2.8 Nilitie Vote R 27.0 ...... ...... District R 13.35 D 1.85 D 0.05 State l 7.3 R 3.3 #A L__. A... A A .— ‘ An 'R' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. 1, A 'D' indicates a Democratic majority with the Republican party in second place. 258 Stalemate Index for the llection of l9l§ Congrggg v r Crevford R 7.1 . Dane l 5.35 Grant R 11.h Grems l. 8.h5 10's 3 3.5 Lnlsyette l 0.7 Richlsnd R 2.8 District R 6.8 State 3 6.5 ‘ An '1' indicttes s Republican majority with the Denocratic party in second place. 259 Stalemate Index for the Election of 1920 Congress Governor President Crawford 3 18.6 a n 9.85 a 25.? Dane B 20.7 a 12.5 a 30.5 Grant 3 13,u5 n 10.1 R 39.: Green B 30.95 R 1h.“ H 37.“5 Iowa B 18.3 H 8,85 R 31.65 LaFayette B 11.1 R 10.2 B 27.5 Richland a 21.7 R 5.6 R 29.55 District R 19.1 a 11.05 a 31.0 State ...... R 27.55 n An "R” indicates a Republican najority with the Democratic party in second place, 260 Stalemate Index for the llection of 1 22 23353331 Governor Crawford 3 27.35 B 29.9 Dane R 29.55 3 35.55 Grant R 27.35 3 31.7 Green 3 “1.1 R 39.55 Iowa 3 13.6 n 35.7 Mayetee R 18.5 B 32. 55 Richland R 31.9 R 29.1 District I 29.75 3 3“.3 State ...... 3 33.9 ‘ An 'R' indicates n Republican majority with the Democratic perty in second place. 261 Stalemate Index for the_!Rection of 192% __s£__.°°n m 92va W Crawford 3 16.6 " n u.1 pa 11.35 3 Dame 3 30.8 n 9.9 PR 15.55 Grant R 23.6 3 3.35 PR 3.95 Green 11 35.3 n 7.85 23 11.75 Iowa 3 29.7 n 0.75 23 5.1 wayette n 17.8 n 1.5 PP. 6.55 Richland R18.l n 5.50‘3 r 0.05 District 3 27.0 I 5.75 n 10.3 4 State ...... R 5.9 PR 8.5 h A A A _A_.. _ —-—-—- A A- AA.— 9 An 'R' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. b A EPR' indicates a Progressive majority with the Repwblican party in second place, ' c A "D. indicates a Democratic majority with the Republican party in second place. ‘.An “RP" indicates a Repub‘icar maJority with the Progressive party in second place. 262 Stalemate Index for the llection of 1928 ConEEe's- Governor Crawford 3 19.35 ‘ n... 11 18.25 3 Grant RI 27.9 Green RI 33.05 Iowa 31 18.5 Inrnyette R 22.95 Richland R.31.6 District 31 23.95 etste RI 2MB . AI '3' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. ‘ An 'RI' indicates e Republican majority with the Independent party in second ulnce. 263 §t§lemate Index for the Election of 1928 Crawford Dane Grant Green Iowa LaFayette Richland District State Uhited States Congress Governor ‘ n 17.0 President 11 1.6 a 5.3 R 10.15 R 1h.6 Rl3.6 R 8.8 321.35 R 8.9 n 11.6 ‘ An "R'I indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. b A ”D” indicates a Democratic amajority with the Republican party in second place. 26h. Stalemate Index for the Election of 1930 £28822 99.12212; Crawford 11 26.8 ‘ n 23.8 Dane R “7.8 R 27.155 Grant 11 1+5.9 1 25.6 Green R.h8.7 R 32.1 Iowa R 146.0 R 26.6 Lalayette R b7.8 R 21.6 Richland R 39.0 R 19.95 District 3 145.1 3.26.15 State 318.“ # i D An 'R' indicates a Republican majority withthe Democratic party insecond place. 265 Qtfluste Index for the Election of 1932 We Governor President Crewford n 3.2b n 15.0 b 20.75 Grant 3 5.3‘ D 11.65 0 11.? Iowa R 8.2 D 6.15 D 9.6 Juneau a 25.8 n 6.75 D 19.65 LaCrosse R 18.3 R 1.3 D 12.6 w‘yett. n 1.6 0 6.5 n 10.0 Monroe R 12.6 D 11.6 D 18.75 Richland n 12.0 a 3.9 0 5.2 3.01: a 9.2 n 14.8 0 10.05 Vernon R 21.11 D 9.5 D 16.35 District 8 10.6 D 5.0 n 13.1 Visconoin n 5.25 0 16.15 United States ...... ....... A #_‘__‘ A AA a 111 "R' indicatea a Republican majority with the Democratic party b in second place. A I'D'I indicates a Democratic majority with the Republican party in second place. 266 Stalemate Index for the ‘lection of 1934 Congress Governor Crawford PD b.5‘ DP l.hb Grant PR 3.15" P: 2.05 Iowa PR 10.2 PR 9.1 Juneau PD 20.6 PD 7.3 IaCrosse PR 17.35 PD 5.15 Inlaystte PD 8.55 PD h.h5 Ionroe PR 21.? PD 12.9 Richland RP 9.35“ 1:? 9.35 Sank PR 12.65 PD 9.75 Vernon PR 16.? PR 11.8 Detrict PR 11.85 PD 7.2 State PD .7 ‘.L EPD' indicates a Progressive majority with the Democratic party in second place. 3 A 'DP' indicates a Democratic majority with the Progressive party in second place. e A “PR" indicates a Progressive majority with the Republican party in second place. 0.1a 'RP' indicates a Republican majority with the PrOgreasive party in second place. 267' Stalemate Index for 1936 Crawford Grant Iowa Juneau LaCrosse Larayette Ionroe Richland Sank Vernon District State ‘ A.'PR' indicates a Progressive majority with the Republican Congress PR #555“ RP 1.75° HP 1.9 PR 17.15 PR 18.25 PR .us PR1h.85 n? 5.05 PR 9.05 PR 11.0 PR 7.9 party in second place. b a "D'' indicates a Democr tic majority withthe Republican party ,ineecond place. Governor PH 1.3 PR .7 n 9.5 n 7.1. PR12.8 P3 .75 names in 6.1+ PR 6.05 r: 5.5 P3 5.5 PR 8.5 President 9.55 b 5.65 7.95 8.9 15.1 6.33 7. 5 .9 4 9. 2 5.u a. 25 16.75 c An “RP” indicates a Republican majority with the Progressive party in second place. din "R” indicates a Reoublican majority with the Democratic party in second place. 268 Italenate Index for the Election of 1938 Congress Governor Crawford 1:? 1u.15 ‘ I? 15.1. Grant RP 9.15 RP 13.7 lava RP 9.55 RP 12.05 Juneau 92 mos" up 8.85 laCrosse PR 1.? RP 11.? Lalayette HP 5.3 I? 9.22 Ionroe RP 1.55 I? 10.97 Richland RP 15.16 x? 25.55 cm): 21> 10.7 n? .6 Vernon HP 3.3 3? 11.35 District RP “.05 HP 12.55 State . ..... . HP 9.7 ‘ An 'RP' indicates a Republican majority with the Progressive party in second place. ‘ 1.!PR' indicates s.Progressive majority vith the Republican party in second place. 269? Stalemate Index for the is.‘Iection of l9bO Crawford Grant Iowa Juneau LaCrosse LaFayette Monroe Richland Sank Vernon District State Congress PR PR PR 6.65 “ 3.2 6.5 7.h5 2.5 7.7 5.2 17.3 .65 11.1 1.0 Governor :2 3.05 22 1.1° n 1.25 PR 17.37 a? 2.32 HP 3.9? 2110.3 an 9.25 22 2.8 pa 2.05 P! 1.05 President n 6.5” n 9.8 n 5.25 R 11.0 R 1.15 n 3.95 R 13.1 B 10.9 310.35 B 3.4 B 7.05 n .9 ‘ An ”RP” indicates a Republican majority with the Progressive party in second place. b An '1' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. ° A ”PR“ indicates a Progressive majority with the Republican party in second place. 270 Stalemate Index for the Election of 1942 Crawford Grant Iowa Juneau LaCrosse Mayette Nonrce Richland Sank Vernon District State Congress a 6.35‘ Q 8.95 P3 3.9 1711 9.3 PR .7 HP 8.5 PR .3 RP 13.2 PR. .85 PR 7. 0 RP 2.15 Governor n? 7.55” n thus" PB 15.35 P112335 211 n.75 1n .1 ‘ 2313.2 P1 3.05 PR 11.1 22 16.9 n 8.0 PR 6. 55 . An '1' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. An “I!“ indicates a Republican majority with the Progressive party in second place. In QPR.' ineicates a Progressive majority with the Republican 3 party in second place. 271 Stalemate Index for_thc Election of l9bb Congress Governor President Crawford R 10.75 ‘ R 1h.35 R 7.25 Grant R 2h.9 R 26.2 R 12.6 Iowa R 22.85 R 25.1 R 6.2 Juneau R 25.0 R 19.8 R 12.15 LaCrosse R 17.05 R 13.05 R 1.15 Marat“ 318.1 319.85 a 11.11 Monroe R 28.8 R 23.75 R 1h.“ Richland R 2“.“5 1.2%.“ R 12.0 Bank 3 26.35 D 23.5 R 13.05 Vernon R 22.5 R 19.3 R 1.15 District R 22.3 R 20.“ R 8.0 State .. . n 6.1 n .9 2 An 'R' indicates a Republican majority with a Democratic party in second place. A 272 Stalemate Index for the llection of 19b6 Congress Governor Crawford 1 15.05 ‘ Grant R 25.75 Iowa 3 25.75 Juneau R 2h.0 IeCrosse R 19.05 Lalayette R 19.95 Monroe R 22.0 Richland R 28.1 Saul: R 25.155 Vernon I 16.55 District R 21.2 State R 10.39 A—A‘. . An 'R' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. 273 Stalemate index for the:§;ection of_19E§ Crawford Grant Iowa Juneau IaCrosse LaFayette Monroe Richland Sauk Vernon District I'Wisconsin United States wwwwwwwww w Congress 5.95 ‘ 21.8 21.6 30.1 20.95 13.65 Governor 23.9“ R 15.6 R 9.8 3 15.95 a 5.0 n 11.1. R 11.25 I 1b.95 I 12.75 President. D 1.2 R 5.? D 1.15 6.65 3.95 3.15 1.8 6.12 “.95 5.75 0.7 2.2 U U W U w h M U U n. 2.19 . 1.4 a A 'D' indicates a Democratic majority with the Republican party in second place. b An "R“ indicates a Repul'ican majority with the Democratic warty in second place. 276 Stalenate' Index for the Election of 1251; Congress Governor Crmford R 9.0‘ n 6.85 Grant 11 25.0 a 20.35 Iowa R 11.0 R 6.115 Juneau R 18.14 R 10.05 LaCrosse R 7.55 R 3.35 LaFayette a 13.0 R 8.55 Monroe ' R 12.). a 6.55 Richland R 7.6 R 10.25 Bank a 15.1 a 9.1.5 Vernon: 11 3.0 n 1.1. 9 District R 12.1 R 7.9 State ...... R 1.55 _ ‘ -_. ._ ~____ - ‘ An 'R' indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. b A 'D‘ indicates a Democratic majority with the Republican party in second place. 275 Stalemate Index for the Election of 1952 Congress . Governor Crawford R 23.6 R 22.15 Grant R 25.8 3 31.75 . Iowa R 22.7 R 25.15 Juneau R 32.0 R 27.25 IaCrosse R 20.8 I 13.9 wayotto n 21.6 11 21.67 Ronroe R 29.9 R 26.h5 Richland n 30.1 1 27.1.7 Rank R 25.8 R 23.25 Vernon R 26.20 R 21.5 District R 25.10 R 2.75 State . . . .. R 12.6 President R 20.2 R 27.3 n 19.5 R 23.35 3 12.05 R 18.3 a 20.15 s 211.65 1 20.05 n 15.35 1 19.0 R 11.5 ‘ n '11" indicates a Republican majority with the Democratic party in second place. ”'TITI'I‘IILWILIIMIWfillflfllfll‘llfljflffllflll"