wag.“ REUGIW, WIOJCOWMIC STATUS, AND WORK VALUE ORIEEWATIONS CF LENAWEE COUNTY ADOLESCENT MALES Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MCHESRN STME UNIVERSETY Benjamin Hodgkins 1961 LIBRARY Michigan State University RELIGION, SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS, AND WORK VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF LENAWEE COUNTY ADOLESCENT MALES By BENJAMIN HODGKINS AN ABSTRACT Submitted to the College of Science and Arts of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1961 ABSTRACT Since the publication of Max Weber's, "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism,” social scientists have been interested in the effects of religion upon mobility within the social structure. A specific area of this in- terest centers around the relationship of religious affilia- tion to work-related value orientations and aspirations. The problem of this study, therefore, is to determine if such a relationship exists in contemporary American society. The general hypothesis tested is: with socio-econonic status con- trolled, Protestant male adolescents have significantly higher scores on instruments designed to measure work-related value orientations and aspirations than do Catholic male adolescents. The location of the study was Lenawee County, Michigan, which is located in the southeastern corner of the state. Historically a rural Protestant area, its close proximity to Detroit and Toledo has resulted in a substantial influx of light industry and Catholic population in recent times. The sample used consisted of 394 seventeen year old male ad- olescents. Instruments used in this study included the Occupational Aspiration Scale, designed to measure levels of occupational aspiration; the 1.8.0. work Beliefs Check List, designed to V measure six belief value areas identified by sociologists as necessary for occupational success in an urban environ- ment; and a pro-tested questionnaire from which information was obtained relative to religious preference, socio- economic status, and educational aspiration. The general hypothesis was tested indirectly by means of eight specific hypotheses. Briefly, these were: 1. Protestants tend to have higher occupational goals than Catholics. 2. Protestants tend to have higher educational goals than Catholics. 3. Protestants view work as an end in itself, while Catholics view work as instrumental to the end of physical existance. 4. Protestants prefer punctuality more than Catholics. 5. Protestants are more willing to relocate for better Jobs than are Catholics. 6. Protestants view new experiences associated with occupational movement more positively than do Catholics. 7. Protestants have more confidence in the indi- vidual's ability to master his environment than do Catholics. 8. Protestants are more willing to defer gratifica- tion than are Catholics. The hypotheses were tested with socio-economic status controlled. Analysis of the mean variances obtained by Protestants and Catholics on each of the dependent variables tested resulted in no significant differences. Therefore, vi the general hypothesis was rejected. Consideration was given to the possibility of other variables influencing the subject's responses, and the va- lidity of the instruments used. The results obtained were discussed in light of other research performed in this area. 1. 2. 3. Weber, H. The Protestant Ethic and the S irit of Ca italism {Translated by T. Parsons}, fiew Tori: CEarIes Scribner's and Sons, 1930. Heller, A.O. and I.H. Miller. The Occupational Aspira- tion Scale: Theory, Structure and Correlates of an In- strument Designed to Measure Differential Levels of Occupational Aspiration. A.Report to the U,S. Office of Education, 126;. Heller,.A.O. The H,S.U. Wofik Beliefs Check List. De- partment of Soc 0 ogy and opo ogy, H chigan State University, 1957. vii RELIGION, SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS, AND WORK VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF LENAWEE COUNTY ADOLESCENT MALES By BENJAMIN HODGKINS A THESIS Submitted to the College of Science and Arts of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology and Anthropology Approved: I} /7772 2/27/An ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A strong debt of gratitude is owed to many peeple who have either directly or indirectly influenced the writer in work done on this study. While it is impossible to extend the writer's apprecia- tion to all the individuals who have so willingly aided him in this study, special acknowledgment must be extended of the following pe0ple. To Dr. A.O. Haller I am extremely grateful for his in- tellectual stimulation, constructive criticism and unending patience. His most generous offering of time and encourage- ment was instrumental in the accomplishment of this work. A debt of gratitude is owed to Dr. Gwen Andrews and Dr. John Sibilio for their cogent comments, suggestions, and encouragement on the statistical analysis of the data. To Carol Wolff, for her willing contribution of time and effort in the tedious but necessary task of verifying the statistical accuracy of the results obtained, my grat- itude must be extended. Acknowledgment must be expressed to the Michigan State Agricultural Experiment Station for their assistance in defraying expenses incurred in the usage of tabulating equipment for the analysis of this data. Lastly, to my wife and family, whose patience and ii understanding was so necessary for the completion of this study, I am deeply grateful. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page 1. Tu PROBI‘EMOOOOOOOOO00.00.00OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0000 1 IntrOdUCtioneeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee The Problem..................................... Significance Of the StUdYeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee scape or the Study....................O......... Conclusion and Organization of the Thesis....... “JO“flhJF' II. THEORETICAL BASIS AND HYPOTHESESOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.. 8 Specific HyPOtheBQBeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 20 CODClU810neeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 24 III. SAMPLE, INSTRUMENTS,.AND METHOD OF ANALYSIS....... 27 Instrumentseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 30 Occupational Aspiration Scale................. 30 Occupational Plans for Michigan Youth unstionnaireeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 31 M.S.U. Work Beliefs Check List................ 31 MethOd of Analysis..........o................... 41 conCIuaioneeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 42 Iv. RESIILTSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO..0.00.000.00.00.000...... 44 Specific Hypotheses............................. 45 EYaluatlon Of Resultseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 54 conclusioneeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 64 V. SUMMARI'AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH...... 65 mwose or the ChapterOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 65 smaryOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0 65 Limitations or the StudyOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 6? Suggestions for Further Research................ 69 concluaion...OOOOOOOOOOO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 72 urmDIx AOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.... 73 BIEIOGRAPMOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 98 viii I l I e O h g A O D O O 0 C O C a O I C l' O I a O O Q 0 O 0 v 6 O Q 0 ' I Q I U 1 1- I I O I I I l t I I I C I O O Q A D O 9 I O O O O O I I C O O C I n I O 0 I I C C O N U I G O O D O C O I I C I I F U C I I I U V I I I 0 . I I I C O O O LIST OF GRAPES AND TABLES Graph ' 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Table l. 2. Attitude Toward Work............................. Preference for Punctuality....................... Receptivity to Geographic Relocation............. Receptivity to New Experiences................... Confidence in the Individual..................... “ferr.d Gr‘tlfic‘tienOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO... x? of Status Differences in Religious Pref- .r.nc..0..0......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOCOO... Kean Occupational Aspiration Scale T-Scores by Religious Preference, Socio-Economic Status contr°11.d00000000000000OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Mean Educational Aspiration Scale T-Scores by Religious Preference, Socio-Economio Status contr°11.d000000000000.000.00.000...0.0.0.0.... Mean Attitude Toward Work Belief value Area T-Scores by Religious Preference, Socio- Ebonemic Status Controlled..................... Mean Preference for Punctuality Belief value Area T-Scores by Religious Preference, Socio- Economic Status Controlled..................... Mean Receptivity to Geographic Relocation Belief value Area T-Scores by Religious Preference, Socio-Eoonomic Status Controlled............... lean Reoeptivity to New Experiences Belief value Area T-Scores by Religious Preference, Socio- Econemic Status Controlled..................... ix Page 34 35 36 38 39 40 Page 43 45 47 48 49 50 51 Table Page 8. Mean Confidence in the Individual's Ability to Master His External Environment Belief value Area T-Scores by Religious Preference, Socio- E°°nou° St‘tu. contr°11“0000000000000000.... 52 9. Mean Deferred Gratification Belief value Area T-Scores by Religious Preference, Socio- Economic Status Controlled.................... 53 CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM ggtroductign. Historically, social scientists have long.maintained an active interest in the effects of re- ligious orientation on social structure. One of the most noted sociological works on this subject was accomplished by Max Weber.1 Weber presented the thesis that the development of a particular religious ethos on the part of the-Protestant churches was highly instrumental in developing the capitalist socio-economic environment, which subsequently became the basis for Western economic development. It was the rational orientation of Protestantism which encouraged material ad- vancement and hence upward mobility in the Bourgeoisie class who accepted the ethos, according to Weber, and the tra- ditional orientation.which diseouraged Catholics from efforts toward material advancement. Weber noted the higher pro- portion of Protestants successful in business in Germany at that time as factual support of his hypothesis. Educationally also, Protestant youth.predominated in the applied fields of iMax weber. The Protestant Ethic and the S irit of Ca sm (translat3d by T. Parsons, IO. Scribner's A Some: ew York, New York, 1930). higher education. Social scientists today, although disagreeing as to the extent of the effect religious orientation has upon Western socio-economic development, generally acknowledge it as a definite factor in the early development of‘Western capitalism. The question of its continuing influence on con- temporary western society however has not been answered. While surveys show that a greater proportion of American Catholics than American Protestants are to be found in the lower socio-economic classes there seems to be many plausible reasons given for this difference. Recency of immigration, minority status, ethnic difference, and religious orientation are some of the reasons mentioned. It is with the last var- iable that this study is concerned. The Problem. In a study conducted recently Lenski2 adduced data showing that variations in mobility behaviors were significantly related to religious orientations. Using both questionnaires and trained interviewers, a survey was made in the Detroit Metropolitan area of Catholics, Prot- estants and Jews to discover if differences did exist in economic, social, political and community orientations. Germans to this thesis, his findings pointed to a much great- er upward mobility behavior in his Protestant subjects than in the Catholics who participated as subjects in the research. 2G. Lenski, The Reli ious Factor (Garden City, New York: Doubleday A 00., Inc., 19315. Included among his findings in this area are the following: 1. Individuals raised in devout Protestant fam- ilies are more likely to become upwardly mobile in their adult years than are Catholics.3 2. Protestants have a more positive attitude to- ward work than do Catholics.4 3. Catholics have stronger community and kin ties than do Protestants and accordingly are less prone to leave these groups for economic opportunity.5 4. There is a tendency in some areas for Catholics to show less inclination toward deferring grat- ifications than Protestants.6 5. Catholics are less likely to achieve higher educational goals than are Protestants.7 6. Protestant families encourage independence in their children to a greater degree than do Cath- olics.8 3;;1d., p. 290. 41pm” p. 290. 51bid., p. 34. 6 Ibid., p. 240. 7Ibid., p. 239. 8 Ibide, pe 210e 7. Protestants tend toward more productive activ- ities in their leisure time than do Catholics.9 Although the above findings are impressive, they are far from conclusive. Replications of his study are needed in other areas; and, while his data on religion and mobility seems adequate, his data on mobility orientations are crude. Nevertheless Lenski's success in measuring Protestant-Cath- olic mobility differences in modern Detroit points to the need for new evidence to test systematically the influence of religion on.mobility and to determine the exact mechanism by which this occurs. A series of projects will need to be conducted in order to test, under a variety of conditions, a series of casual hypotheses. These need not be specified here but the overall framework should be noted. Generally, the literature in this area, notably McClelland,10 12 11 Strodtbeck, and Sewell, Haller, and Straus, appears to use the following paradigm which treats the relationship of 91bid., p. 206. 10D.C. McClelland, "Some Social Consequences of Achieve- ment Motivation," Nebraska S osium on Motivation 1 (University of Nebraska Press, E.R. Jones, Ed.). 11F.L. Strodtbeck, D.C. McClelland, A.L. Baldwin and V. Bronfenbrenner, Talent and Societ (Princeton, New Jersey: D. thNostrand Co., Inc., 19535. 12w.H. Sewell, A.O. Haller and M.A. Straus, ”Social Status and Educational and Occupational Aspiration," American Sociological Review, 1251, Vol. 22, No. 1, pp. 67- of variables in a casual sequence. Religious Group Child Youth Adult Social Membership Training Behavior Mobility Ethical VAlues Practices Orientation Behavior Protestant More Training for Conducive Mobility Independence and to Upward Achievement Mobility Catholic Less Training for Not Conducive Non- Independence and to Upward Mobility Achievement Mobility It is the purpose of this study to analyze one set of relationships in this paradigm, namely, religious group membership and its commitment to mobility related value or- ientations. The general hypothesis of this study will be: with socio-economic status controlled, Protestant male ad- olescents have significantly higher scores on instruments designed to measure work related value orientations and aspirations than do Catholic male adolescents. The general hypothesis will be tested by the means of eight specific hypotheses. The data used was collected in an area composed of small urban, village, and farm commun- ities. The specific hypotheses and area will be described more fully in a later chapter. Significance of the Study. The value of this study lies in the fact that it will provide a relatively definite test of the hypothesis that religious differences produce differences in value orientations, presumably influencing mobility behavior. Should the data support the hypothesis, the study will provide another link in the empirical data bearing on the overall hypothesis of Weber. If the data do not support the hypothesis, the study will suggest the need for further research and theory to determine if there truly is a significant psychological link between religion and social mobility in contemporary American society. Scope of the Study. This study is restricted to the relationship of religious affiliation to work belief atti- tudes and aspirations associated with upward mobility in con- temporary American society. Socio-economic status, religion, and age are the controlled variables. The sample, consisting.of seventeen year old male adolescents,was drawn from Lenawee County, located in the southeastern.part of Michigan. These adolescents are rep- resentative of both rural and nonrural environments, and cover the entire range of the social classes present in that county. Results obtained from this study must, of necessity, be evaluated in terms of this limitation. This is not to imply, however, that the results obtained are not of value. Basic-religious theory has never achieved the position of establishing general principles applicable to all peeple, in all places, at all times. It is only by numerous efforts such as this, in different locations and under controlled conditions, that an accurate appraisal of religion's role in 7 the social structure of a society can be made. The results obtained in this study will be applicable to adolescent males in Lenawee County, a rural-urban.mid- western area of contemporary America. Technically, their application to other parts of the society is not warranted, and any such generalization should be made with extreme caution. Conclusion and Ogganization of the Thea; . This chapter has presented the problems to be studied, the significance of the study, and its scope. Chapter II will present the theoretical basis of the study and the hypothesis that is drawn from that basis regarding religious orientation and work beliefs, religious orientation and occupational aspira- tion, and religious orientation and educational aspiration. Chapter III will discuss the sample, the instruments used and the analysis of the data. Chapter IV will give the re- sults obtained. Chapter v will summarize these results and suggest possible studies for future research. CHAPTER II THEORETICAL BASIS AND HIPOTHESES Much.modern socio-religious theory is derived from the work of Max Weber.1 His establishment of a causal re- lationship between a particular religious orientation and the development of a specific socio-economic way of life in western culture was instrumental in stimulating both theory and research in this area. In pointing out the latent psychological effects of the Protestant rational orienta- tion upon the secular parts of western society, weber estab- listed a new perspective of religious influence upon society. While it is not necessary for purposes of this thesis to discuss completely all of Weber's work on the subject, with its inevitable implications for socio-religious theory, it is important to develop certain basic points from which the theoretical basis of the hypothesis in this study is derived. Recognizing the histroical origins of Protestantism in early and medieval Christianity, weber pointed out that cap- italism in western civilization was not a likely development 1Max weber, gp,cit. prior to Protestantism for two reasons. These were, the value of "callings," determined by a religious orientation, placed acquisitive activities low on the list of approved occupations, and secondly, the traditional orientation of living in one's station in life and performing the tasks associated with it, was supported by the whole weight of re- ligious pressure.2 Protestantism, in times of Reformation, gave to its adherence a new ethical orientation based upon the rationality of God and nature. Rejecting the tradi- tional orientation of the Medieval Church, Protestantism gave to the rising bourgeois class the ethical justification for material success in this world. The individual's re- sponsibility for the active control of himself and his en- vironment became the dominant theme of Protestant teaching. This rational orientation of Protestantism evolved from the theological teachings by Calvin of the transcen- dental nature of God and man's predestination. Because man stood unto himself in God's judgment, right and wrong no longer could be defined by ecclesiastical authorities; hence, the irrational traditionalism based upon faith in the Church's teachings could no longer appeal to him as a means for salvation. His own conscience must define the criteria for evaluating his acts as pleasing to God. Predestination, with its emphasis on inevitable salvation or damnation, did --__.-_-_-__. 2Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action (The Free Press, 1949) p. 517. 10 not long appeal to the masses, as was originally taught by Calvin, and soon became transformed into the belief in suc- cess in a worldly calling as a sign of God's favor. These two factors, man's need to determine his own spiritual guidance from a rational basis and recognition of material success as pleasing to God, formed the basis of the new Protestant ethic.3 Religious approval of systematic labor for the ”greater glory of God" soon developed into systematic labor as an end in itself. Two other tenets of this philosOphy, which contributed heavily to the ”rational” orientation of Protestantism, were the belief in the distinction between God and nature, and the belief in the definite order of the universe. These be- liefs removed the veil of superstition, mysticism, and fear which earlier traditional teachings had inspired, and be- came instrumental in the rapid advances of science and ed- ucation.4 In contrast, the ethical orientation of the Medieval Church, of which the modern.Roman Catholic Church is a direct descendent, was steeped in traditionalism. From ear- lier Judaic-Christian origins, which stressed the social and economic inequality of the social structure and attempted to correct it through theocracy and natural law, the Early 3Inc., p. 523. 4 Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1961 Edition) pp. 593-595. 11 Church gradually adopted an ethic which not only accepted the "status quo” and secularization of religious energies, but approved of it.5 The implications of this deve10pment for the individual are to be found in the acceptance of a ”traditional" orientation toward life as most pleasing to God, the reward for which was eternal salvation. Since the pursuit of material wealth became occasion for sin, this was strongly discouraged. The ultimate goal of salvation could best be achieved by'a humble and contemplative existence, and work was but a necessary evil, tolerated but disliked as interferring with the achievement of one's ultimate goal of salvation. The secularization of religious activities found ex- pression in institutionalized bureaucratic hierarchy of the church, which.permeated all secular phases of the indi- vidual's life. By defining the moral and ethical validity of both spiritual and secular aspects of man's life, a de- pendency was created which gave the Medieval Christian a psychological security unknown to his Protestant descendents. Hence, it was not until the teachings of Calvin, Luther, Wesley, and others that Western man found need to secure for himself proof of God's blessing through material success. Even if it is acknowledged that the Protestant ethic played a significant role in the birth of capitalism, the SErnest Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Chris- tian Churches, Vol. 1 (New York, New York: The MacMillan Co., 1959) pp. 80-81. 12 question remains as to its effect upon a contemporary soci- ety vastly different from the societies of the 16th and 17th centuries. To properly answer this question, two points must be made. It is not "Protestantism” in a theological sense which influenced capitalistic growth, but rather the "attitude” engendered by the philosophy it espoused.6 Em- phasizing an‘ggtizg attitude towards mastery of the secular world, it circumscribed previous contemplative and ritualis- tic ideas of man's role upon earth and in society. Such an attitude encouraged material success by one's own efforts as a sign of salvation from God, and not, as did previous teachings, belittle it as a sign of greed, avarious and probable damnation. There could be no greater glory for an individual on this earth than "doing a good job, according to the intrinsic requirements of the situation."7 Secondly, Protestant belief, as originally taught by Calvin and Wesley, did not in the least aspire to teach.an ethic which would insure material success. It was only by the trans- formation of their teachings from an ascetic basis to a more worldly basis that the middle classes achieved a com- patible orientation which joined their spiritual needs with their status desires. The seed for such a transformation had always been there, as it had in the whole of Christian- 6Robin Williams, American Society (New Yerk, New York: Ae‘e “Opt, 1110., 1952) p. 312. 7Parsons, op,cit.. p. 527. 13 ity, but its ultimate growth was directly related to its reinterpretation, and acceptance by the middle classes.8 Therefore, its relation to contemporary American soci- ety, which is capitalistic, middle class, and historically Protestant, lies in the inheritance of an attitude conducive to rational and industrious mastery of the secular world. The effect of the Protestant ethic upon contemporary American society is, as yet, unresolved. A theoretical ba-' sis for this study may be established, however, from work accomplished by Lenski,9 Herberg,1° McClelland,11 Strodtbeck,12 and others in this area. An integral part of Weber's hypothesis was that the rational logic of Protestantism encouraged material success, as a sign of God's favor. This orientation ultimately be- came transformed into the view of material success as an end in itself. In contemporary American society, Lenski reports findings that Protestantism is conducive to more positive attitudes toward those positions in society which are more demanding (am also more rewarding), while Catholicism is aHerton, op,cit., p. 383. 9Lenski, op, cit. 10 Will Herberg, Protestant-Catholic-Jew (Garden City, New York: Doubleday a 00., Inc., 1952 . 11McClellamd, opgcit. 12Strodtbeck, cp,cit. 14 conducive to more positive attitudes toward the less de- manding (and hence less rewarding) positions.13 Such findings have highly significant implications in a society in which social status is closely identified with occupational position in the economic structure. Surveys which.find a disproportionate number of Catholics in the lower classes may well be a reflection of this difference in American society. Closely associated with occupational achievement in American society is the need for higher education. Always held in high esteem in American culture, education has played an increasingly important role in social mobility for all classes. While education at one time was sought as an end in itself, the popular concept of it has become increasingly instrumental as an effective means for upward mobility in the social structure. It is logical, therefore, to assume that Protestants, particularly of lower and middle class origins, would view education as much more desirable to up- ward mobility than Catholics. Indeed, work by Cooper,1# Knapp and Goodrich,15 derance of Protestant scientists in America. and others show a decided prepon- _—T"'— 3Lenski , 14 J.H. Cooper, "Catholics and Scientific Research,” Commonweal, 19‘5. vol 42, pp. l#7-149. 15R.H. Knapp and H.B. Goodrich, Origins of American Scientists (Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 9 2 . op,oit., p. 86. 15 Lenski's results show, also, that Catholic "drop cuts" are proportionally higher than Protestants. Although there is ample reason to suspect part of the differential is due to class differences, it remains to be proven whether or not this is the primary factor in this situation. An important element in any study of the effects of religion on contemporary social structure is the degree of secularization which seems to be permeating the religions themselves. Herberg feels that the secularization process has advanced to such a point that religions in contemporary America are simply, "variant forms of expression of American spir- ituality...resu1ting in a civic religion that is the religious validation of the social patterns and cultural values associated with the American way of life.”]- This secularization trend has caused notable concern to both scholars and churchmen. Niebuhr,17 Abell,18 19 Schneider and Dornbusch, as well as Lenski,20 submit ev- idence to support Herberg's position. Concurrent with this 16H0rb.r8, 02:01te' P. 272e 17H.R. Noibuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (Henry Holt a 00., Inc., 29 . 18 A.I. Abell, ”What American Stands For: The Reli ious Aspect," The Review of Politics, Vbl 21, No. 1, pp. 24- 2. l 9L. Schneider and S. Dornbusch, "Inspirational Re- ligions Literature: From Latent to Manifest Functions of Reli on ” American Journal of Sociology, Vol 62, No. 5. pp 0 76-x’ 81 e 20Lenski, op,cit., p. 314. 16 development has come the ”compartmentalization" of religion along class and status lines. This phenomena is not foreign to American religion, but its increase has been of recent origin. Lenski points out, however, that such a development is the natural result of the need for communal group ident- ification, by men in a society where increased urban living and the breaking up of immigrant ethnic groups have left few institutions in the social structure with which they can identify.21 Robin Williams in his analysis of religion in America best evaluates these tendencies when he comments that: “A religious organization.never represents only a purely religious set of values and ideas -- the latter appear to be a phenomena of personal ex- perience that are not fully compatible with the inevitable compromises of a continuing organi- zation. We can make the imprecise, but valuable generalization that where religious liberty pre- vails, the orientation of an organized religious body can be predicted by looking at the 5ealistic social positions of its constituency." 2 There is, then, general recognition of the effects of status upon religious affiliation. Any study attempting to analyze religious effect upon a given social structure must set up controls for these variables. Generally speaking, the higher the social class to which an individual belongs the greater the requirement for self-discipline in the deferment of immediate gratification lebid.. PP. 326-327. 223. Williams, op,c1t.. p. 339. 17 for long-range gains. Lysgaard23 supports this position. Distinguishing two capacities for the deferment of grat- ification, namely motivation and Opportunity, Lysgaard found that the choice of deferment is a situational one to which an individual reacts. His "class of self-identification" determines his motivation to defer gratification, while his ”occupational class" determines his actual Opportunity to defer. Higher class subjects, occupationally or by self identification, tend to show greater willingness to defer than do lower class subjects. 3°1‘t136 these findings to those of Lenski's,24 that Protestants as a whole show more of a willingness for defer- ment, it is highly feasible to associate the higher rate of upward mobility of Protestants to their willingness to "sacrifice" for higher status. Many facets of American socio-economic life are per- haps unique to that system. The willingness to forego the relative stability and security of close communal ties to obtain economic wealth is one of these facets. As previously reported, Lenski'se5 results show much greater community and family ties on the part of Catholics than eXhibited by Prot- estants. Such a condition would tend to place Catholics at 23S. Lysgaard, Transaction of the Second Werld Congress of Sociology, Vol. II (London, England: International So- ciological Association, 1954) PP. 364-377. “Lenski, op.cit., p. 240. 25Ibid., p. 311. 18 a decided disadvantage in their efforts to rise in the social structure for, as one advances in the occupational hierarchy, more and greater demands are placed upon the in- dividual to relocate frequently. The resulting conflict facing Catholics between the desire for advancement and the close communal and family ties would be a conflict of much stronger intensity, as a rule, than that faced by Protestants. In relating socialization processes to achievement in American society, a definite relationship between the type of socialization and an individual's ultimate achievement in society has been established. Among other things it has been found that independence training in childhood is pos- itively related to achievement in later life.26 And further, that Protestants as a group receive much earlier, more inp tensive independence training than do Catholics. Her‘berg,27 and Lenski28 both find significant differences between the two groups in this area of socialization. Such results tend to support Weber's contention that the Protestants, by virtue of their individualistic orientation to achieve, must of necessity develop rational and independent attitudes toward the secular world. This develOpment is highly reinforced by the socialization process in later life for American Prot- 26McCle11and, op.cit. 27Herberg, op.cit., pp. 130-131. 28Lenski, op.c1t... p. 210. 19 estants who find the value structure of contemporary secular society highly congruent with their previous training. To summarize, it can be said that while the specific role that religious orientation plays in contemporary so- ciety has not yet been clearly defined, sufficient analysis has been made to establish a theoretical basis for the hy- pothesis to be tested. The elements of this base are: l. Protestants tend to be more job oriented in con- temporary American society than do Catholics. 2. Academically Protestants achieve a.higher’level of education than do Catholics. 3. American churches, to a great extent, are rep- resentative of a specific class within the social structure. 4. Protestants show a higher tendency for deferment of gratification associated with occupational advance- ment than do Catholics. 5. Catholics, as a group, have much greater family and community ties than do Protestants and hence, are less inclined to accept positions entailing separation of those ties. 6. Independence training, positively associated with upward mobility, is more common to Protestant families than it is to Catholic families. 20 From the preceding discussion the following hypothesis is made: Hypothesis. With socio-economic status controlled, Protestant male adolescents have significantly higher scores on instruments designed to measure work value related orienta- tions and aspirations than do Catholic male adolescents. Rationale. If, as the literature cited stated, the Protestant ethic remains a significant factor in social mo- bility in contemporary American society, there should be a significant difference between Protestant and Catholic male adolescent scores achieved on instruments designed to meas- ure attitudes toward work and aspirations for occupational and educational achievement taken as a whole. Specific Hypotheses. The general hypothesis will be tested indirectly by means of eight specific hypotheses. These are: I. Protestant responses to questions measuring the level of occupational aspirations will tend to be higher than will Catholic responses. Rationale. Since one of the surest methods of attain- ing higher social status in American society lies in occupa- tional achievement, it is logical to assume that the rationally oriented Protestant subjects would display higher occupational aspirations than would their Catholic counter- parts. Furthermore, the greater willingness of Protestants 21 to defer immediate gratification, as reported by Lenski,29 should result in significant differences in the scores ob- tained. II. Protestant responses will tend to favor higher educational goals more often than will Catholic responses. Rationale. Lenski's findings show that twice as many Protestant working class subjects in his study favored a college education than did Catholic working class subjects.30 In conjunction with Hypothesis I, educational achievement greatly enhances one's opportunity for occupational advance- ment and, therefore, Protestant responses should logically be higher in this area than Catholic responses. III. Protestants will tend to give responses indic- ative of viewing work as an end in itself and Catholics will tend to give responses indicative of an instrumental view toward work. Ratioggle. The transformation of the teaching of predestination into a view toward work, as an end in itself, was one of the main points of Weber's hypothesis.31 In con- trast the traditional Catholic view of work, as no more than necessary for the maintenance of life, left the individual Catholic with.an instrumental viewpoint towards work itself. 29Lenski, cp,cit. 3°Ibid. . p. 239. BlvbbCr, OEeCIDep ppe 121-122e 22 It became no more than a means to an end. If this dis- tinction still persists in contemporary society, there should ' continue to be a significant difference between Protestant and Catholic attitudes toward work. IV. Protestants will show significantly more pref- erence for’punctuality than will Catholics. Rationale. A group highly motivated to upward mobility, constructive use of leisure time and high productivity, will be keenly aware of the time element. Weber cites a saying by Benjamin Franklin, that “time is money"32 as an excellent example of the effects of the Protestant ethic upon work orientation. Hence, it is logical to assume that punctual- ity would be a virtue under such an orientation, and sig- nificant differences should exist between Catholic and Prot- estant. V. Protestants are significantly more receptive to geographic relocation associated with occupational ad- vancement than are Catholics. Rationale. With the need in American society to re- locate for occupational advancement increasingly great, as one moves up the occupational ladder, Protestants' greater desire for upward mobility should enhance their receptivity towards moving to achieve their ends. Catholics, not view- ing work as anything more than a necessity, should be some- 321b1a.. p. #8. 23 what more reluctant to move for another Job, even though it may mean advancement. The closer family and community ties of Catholics, in addition, should act to discourage their receptivity to relocation. Therefore, we would antic- ipate that Protestants' scores will be significantly dif- ferent from Catholic scores in the area. VI. Protestant receptivity to new experiences asso- ciated with occupational movement will be more favorable than will Catholic responses. Rationale. Closely associated with Hypothesis V is the willingness to accept new experiences as well as re- location. As in the previous rationale, the desire by Protestants for upward mobility exceeding that of the Cath- olic should increase their willingness to accept new ex- periences. Additionally, the Protestant's greater degree of independence training should increase his positive atti- tude toward these_experiences. Conversely, the close family and communal ties of the Catholic, plus his traditional orientation, should result in a much greater reluctance to accept new eXperiences. VII. Protestant responses will tend to show more confidence in the individual's ability to master his ex- ternal environment than will Catholic responses. Rationale. The transformation of religious asceticism into worldly activity in conjunction with the individual Protestant's supervision of his own state of grace, says 24 Weber, contribute to a methodical rationalization of one's life and to a faith in the individual's ability to succeed, based upon his own efforts as one of God's elect.33 The de- pendence of the Catholic upon the institutionalized, non- rational support of the Catholic hierarchy in contrast fosters a dependency upon forces other than oneself to achieve both material and spiritual success. This attitude engenders a more fatalistic attitude toward one's own ability to control his own fate. VIII. Protestants will tend to give responses more favorable to deferred gratification than those responses given by Catholics. Rationale. The greater Pretestant willingness to de- fer gratification, as previously mentioned, should result in significantly different scores between Protestants and Catholics. With social class controlled for this hypothesis, as well as the previous seven, Lysgaard's findings of class differences in the capacity to defer gratification will be taken into account. Conclusion. This chapter has presented the theoret- ical basis from which the hypotheses for this study were drawn. Starting from Weber's original presentation of the effect of the Protestant ethic upon the development of cap- italism in Western culture, a conceptual framework was 33Ibid., p. 109. 25 established using more current studies to substantiate the position taken. From this position hypotheses were ad- vanced, along with rationals for their support. The next chapter will describe the sample used in this study, the instruments used, and the method of analysis per- formed. CHAPTER III SAMPLE, INSTRUMENTS, AND METHOD OF ANALYSIS Sample. The data to be analyzed were collected in the spring and summer of 1957 under the direction of Dr. A. 0. Haller. The site of the study, Lenawee County, is situated in the southeastern corner of Michigan, making it satis- factory for purposes of this study in several respects. Historically, Lenawee County has been a wealthy farming area with a predominately rural Protestant ethical orientation. At the present time, while still favoring these ethnographic characteristics, the area has a considerable amount of light industry and urban pepulation. With improved communication and transportation facilities, the proximity to the large letrOpolitan centers of Detroit and Toledo has encouraged the migration of both people and industry to the area. One result of this influx has been the increased proportion of Catholic population in the county. Another favorable aspect of this site is the availability of several large univers- ities, both public and private, to the population, which min- imizes the cost of higher education for those who desire it. This, together with the increased Job Opportunities afforded by industrial growth, presents to the residents of the area a highly diversified selection of occupations to choose from. 27 The pepulation consists of 442 seventeen year old ad- olescents, constituting approximately 88% of the total pop- ulation of seventeen year old male adolescents living in the county at the time the data was collected. Of the 12% not included, because they no longer attended school, approx- imately 80% were sons of farmers. While it is possible that the omission of this group from the papulation could bias the results obtained, it is believed that the effects are slight for two reasons: 1. The area, as previously mentioned, presents a highly diversified choice of occupations to young males en- tering the labor market. Since both farming and non-farming children attend the same schools and often live in close proximity to each other, their exposure to the occupational alternatives is probably quite similar. 2. Previous analysis using the same basic data have shown that, for the population in question, differences in educational and occupational aspirations of farm and non- farm subjects are not significant when the variable, ”plann- ing to farm”, is controlled in the farm group.1 Since the large majority not included in this population were farm youths who had left school, it is logical to assume that they had turned to farming, hence lowering the proportion of farm youth in the population tested who planned to farm and more nearly equalizing rural-urban differences in this area. The 1A.O.Haller, ”Research Problems on the Occupational Achievement Levels of Farm-Reared Peeple," Rural Sociology, 1958, V01. 23’ NOe 4, PP. 355-362e 28 absence of a true rural-urban control, however, must be kept in mind when appraising the results obtained. Of the 442 subjects available, 48 subjects were deleted because of incomplete answers given on the instruments ad- ministered, leaving a total of 394 subjects available for analysis. To determine the possibility of a sample bias concerning status, and religion on mobility orientations, resulting from the deletion of subjects, a review of the material available on the deleted subjects was made. Ten of the subjects lacked adequate material for any type of apprais- al. The remaining 38 subjects were deleted because of the lack of information on their religious preference. Of these 38, 32 were from the lower status group. A comparison of the mean scores, of this lower status deleted group, on each of the 8 dependent variables tested, with the mean scores of the lower status group used, showed substantial differences in 5 areas. These were; educational aspiration, expressive vs. instrumental attitude toward work, preference for punc- tuality, confidence in the individual, and deferred grat- ification. In all five cases the deleted group's mean score was lower than the mean score of the group used. Although the remaining six higher status deletions showed some dif- ferences, because of the small number involved, it is doubte ful whether their effect would have been significant. The implication of these observations is that there is a dis- tinct possibility of a lower status bias existing in the sample used, resulting in a reduction of any mean difference 29 between lower and higher status groups on the variables being tested. While this does not apparently affect re- ligious differences for purposes of this study, it does sug- gest the need for future research in the area of religious affiliation and status. The preponderance of lower status subjects showing no religious preference suggests the exist- ence of a causal relationship between status and religious affiliation. It is of importance to note certain similarities and differences between the population used in this study and the population used by Lenski, since Lenski's study consti- tutes the most extensive research done recently in the area of religious orientation and social mobility. Lenski's pep- ulation was made up of adults who were essentially establish» ed in occupations, and had undoubtably been exposed to the necessity of making choices in which conflicting value orien- tations had been tested. Hence it is reasonable to assume that they would have more realistic expectations and as- pirations based upon their particular value structure than would an adolescent group who had never experienced a work situation in which latent conflicts, perhaps based upon diametrically apposed values, would have to be resolved. A second difference is that Lenski's papulation consisted of urban or suburban subjects. The effect of a rural-urban environment upon a population in terms of its effect upon their work orientation has never been studied. Also whether a relatively transitional stage of area economic development 30 sufficiently differentiates the population in that area from a population located in a comparatively stable economic area in terms of value orientation is a problem that has yet to be resolved. The main similarity between the two groups is their close proximity to each other. Because of this both have approximately equal access to the same occupational and ed- ucational alternatives. Additionally both are exposed to the same conditioning factors such as physical environment and mass media. Both.populations are equally exposed to closely shmilar educational systems and hence to the same value orientation. The effect of these variables upon the results obtained will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter IV. Instruments: Occupational Agpiration Scale. Designed to measure the level of occupation to which a respondent aspires, this instrument was used to test Hypothesis I. Developed from the 1947 HORC study of the prestige of occupation,2 it is a multiple question, forced choice type of instrument in which the subject must choose the occupa- tion he prefers from among ten.presented. A total of eight questions make up the OAS from which a score of O to 72 can be made by any one respondent. Its reliability has been re- ported as .77 in a test re-test situation and .80 split- 2National Opinion Research Center, "Jobs a Occupations A Popular Evaluation," Opinion News, vol. 9. pp. 3-13. 31 half.3 While no direct measure of validity for the instru- ment exists because of its recency, a correlation of .62 with another instrument shown to be fairly valid has been reportedf' Occupational Plans for Michigan Youth.guestionnaire. A questionnaire, designed to obtain information on the respon- dent's educational aspiration, religious affiliation and the socio-econcmic status of his parents, was used to test Hy- pothesis II, as well as furnish the necessary information to establish.the status and religious controls used. That por- tion of the questionnaire pertaining to educational aspira- tion consists of four questions relative to college educa- tion. It was possible for the subject to score from O to 8 points on the index. A modified form of Sewell's socio- economic status scale was used in the questionnaire as the indice of socio-economic status. This scale is a multiple item index which determines socio-economic status from the amount and type of material goods owned. 5,8,Q,LNgfi: B’ii :5 Check Lllt.5 basic beliefs toward work, this instrument was used to test Designed to evaluate Hypotheses III through VIII. Constructed around six areas of belief which.have been hypothesized by sociologists as affecting one's ability to succeed in the conditions of urban- 3A.O. Haller and I.W. Miller, "The Occupational Aspira- tion Scale: Theory, Structure and Correlates of an Instrument Designed to Measure Differential Levels of Occupational As- piration,” A Re art to the U S Office of Education, February 28, 19 l, p. 00. 411314., p. 102. 5A.O. Haller, ”The w.s.U. work Beliefs Check List," (Department of Sociology and Anthropolo , Michigan State university, East Lansing, Michigan, 1957 . 32 industrial life, its statements, with which a subject must either agree or disagree, fall within the conceptual frame- work of either the rational or traditional orientations. The assumption, in the design of this instrument, is that those subjects who agree with questions, identified as reflecting the proper work attitude for successful economic advancement in urban life, will have much higher probability of success in a given urban work situation. It must be stated, however, that this assumption of relationship extends only to an ad- olescent population and is not necessarily true for adult groups. Hence, any results obtained in the usage of this instrument must be evaluated within this context, and not generally viewed as appropriate to the entire pepulation of a given society. Since there have been no previous reliability studies conducted on this instrument an item analysis was conducted to determine the internal consistency of the instrument. ”The method of "trace line analysis” was used on the six Belief Value Areas in the manner described by Copp.6 The theoretical basis of this method is that, on an instrument designed along conceptually valid lines to measure a specific latent variable, the proportion of subjects endorsing a specific item will increase monotonically as the strength of the latent variable being measured increases. Graphs 1 through 6 show the item plots obtained on each of the six gJ.H. Copp, ”Trace Line Analysis, An Improved Method of Item Analysis,“ A paper read at the annual meeting of the Rural Sociological Society (Penn. State University, 1960). 33 BVAs. The ordinates of these graphs represent the "percent of subject endorsement,” and the abscissas represent the "adjusted raw scores of the subjects.” These scores were adjusted to remove the built-in correlation of each item to the total raw score for each BVA. The analyses of these graphs are made by visually comparing the item trace lines to ideal trace lines which have been computed mathematically and for ease of analysis presented in Copp's paper. The closer the item trace lines approach the ideal trace lines the greater the probability of acceptance. Applying this procedure to the following graphs, the results obtained for the six Belief Value Areas are as follows: EVA-1: (See Graph 1) Items 1.2, 1.4, 1.5. 1.6, and 1.7 show a high consistancy and probability of response as in- dicated by the monotonically increasing curvature of the item plots. Items 1.1, 1.3. and 1.8 show the necessary mon- otonic increase to a lesser extent than do the former items, but still can be considered as acceptable and by visual analysis assumed to be measuring the same latent variable. BVA-2: (See Graph 2) Items 2.1, 2.4, 2.6, 2.7. and 2.8 show high internal censistancy as indicated by the mono- tonically increasing item plots. Items 2.2, 2.3. and 2.5. also display this function, although to a lesser degree, and can be accepted as measuring the same latent variable. BVA-3: (See Graph 3) Items 3.1, 3.2, 3.3. 3.4, and 3.5, show an acceptable amount of monotonic increase, al- though the probability of a subject's response being indic- 34 Percent GRAPH 1 of Subisct Attitude Towards Work Endorsement (EVA 1) A 100} ‘-———+- 1 2 f 4 5 6 7 Adjusted Raw Score of Subjects 35 .P . a I o s s h ”J A . o i. . r I p c .T/ , I u If u .v .. . I. I J / . I. t x, l , e y . .¥\ . 1 b I ‘ V \\ T a s \ I t- O. 0 J ' a J \ a .N ,. v. _ I a - .- u M. ’v . ~ a. . . n w I‘K‘I‘ . ‘3 \\I. or. r- . . . m. . r ,7 ”4' ...-’ d-d d" I“ at... no . 36 GF-Lfg 3 v.;"“t.fit n or‘fi::::i3u;iltctglgzogy r 0 //3°6 1‘0 (Est 3) // U r‘--_‘ / l 90 | ‘ u 2- | / 3° I /' "3'2 i // I//,--/ 3 .1 7' I -/,/,." l J/ I' ’i./ [I l /j/' ,’ /5.5 I / ,/ ’1 , 3.5 l ///'/ I '/ . x" / I / - .../ / ' .—r 1 IF” 5/ . I I i/ . ' [1’ ., I 5/ // .9 w | . /'/ a) ' ll .’ ,I’ ' I] /// I! l ' ’ 10 I//’ !- ,, ll" . A o 1 2 3 . gupjcoti hi 3" acted Raw 33°F. of 37 ative of his adjusted raw score is somewhat less than.those items in the preceding BVA's. Item 3.6 shows a plot of such high probability that its value as a discriminating item in BVA~3 is questionable and in future research it should be discarded. Since it was answered affirmatively by virtually the entire population used in this instance it would neither add to, nor detract from the reliability of the instrument. EVA-4: (See Graph 4) Items 4.1, 4.3. 4.4, and 4.6 and 4.7 show high consistency as evidenced by the curvature of the item plots and their monotonic increase. Item 4.5 is acceptable, although monotonically it does not display the same oonsistancy as the former items. Item 4.2 is definitely inconsistent as indicated by the large dip in its plot and in future research should be discarded. Its effect upon the results obtained in this analysis is not thought to be sig- nificant, however, since the remaining items are all con- sidered acceptable. BVApS: (See Graph 5) Items 5.2, 5.4, and 5.7 show high oonsistancy and good probability. Items 5.1, and 5.6 show less probability, but acceptable monotonic increase. Items 5.3 and 5.5 are acceptable items, although their mono- tonic functions do not approach as desirable a level as do the former items. EVA-6: (See Graph 6) Items 6.3. 6.4, 6.5, and 6.6 show a high oonsistancy as evidenced by their item plots. Items 6.1, 6.2, and 6.7, while not having the probability of the preceding items, do show the necessary monotonic increase Percent of ‘38 lubjeot {rdorsement GRAPH 4 Receptivity to H = 10°, Experiences cw ( EVA 4) F,“ 9° 7/ / AA- - f‘. V‘ l Percent of . 39 Subject firiermsmsut SEATS 5 4 100 Confidence in the Irdividual ( Eat-"A 5) P' 3 4 5 is 7 ' Adjusted Raw Score of Subjects 0 I‘ll vl 41 and, therefore, would be considered acceptable. To summarize, a visual analysis of the items in this instrument indicates for the most part a high degree of in- ternal oonsistancy. Two items were found to deviate suf- ficiently from this pattern to warrant discarding them in future studies. It is reasonable to assume therefore that, short of predictive validity which is not available on this instrument, the M.S.U. Work Beliefs Check List has been shown to have sufficient conceptual validity and internal oonsistancy to warrant its use as an acceptable instrument in this study. Method of Analysis. For purposes of analysis all scores of the subjects will be converted to T-scores. Using the population mean score of 50.74 obtained on the "Sewell Socio-Economic Status Scale,” the pepulation will be divided into higher and lower status groups. The two status groups will then be sub-divided into Protestants and Catholics, based upon their response to the question, “My Church Pref- erence Is ," found in the "Occupational Plans for Michigan Youth Questionnaire.” m. analysis will then proceed with the four sub-populations identified as Higher Status Protestants (n=157), Lower Status Protestants (n=l68), Higher Status Catholics (n=40), and Lower Status Catholics (13:29). To test Lenski's contention that socio-religious groups are rapidly developing, “as the basic units in the system of . o ‘ ' 6 9 C _ . . v I . . u. l A , C ‘_ . -_ r w‘J- .7» " I ’ n -,f . ' . O ..«a~--' p‘d-“fl' "- - -- r‘ O 0" ‘L- -‘i’ y ‘1 «ox-"" 42 a status groups in American society,"7 a simple X2 will be com- puted to determine whether a status difference does exist in religious preference. To test the eight specific hypotheses, an analysis of the mean variance of the scores obtained by each of the groups will be computed.8 Using a 2 x 2 table this analysis will be repeated for each of the eight hypotheses. Since it is necessary to establish a criterion for the acceptance or rejection of the hypotheses, the .05 percent level of sig- nificance will be arbitrarily chosen. The one-tailed test is appropriate in this instance because of the directional nature of the hypotheses tested. If all the specific hy- potheses are accepted, then the general hypothesis will be accepted on the basis of the indirect evidence of the specif- ic hypotheses. Should all the specific hypotheses be re- jected then the general hypothesis would be rejected as un- tenable based upon the results obtained with the specific hypotheses. If two or more of the specific hypotheses are rejected, the general hypothesis would be rejected based upon insufficient evidence to support it. Conclusion. This chapter has presented information on the sample used in this study, the instruments employed and the type of analysis to be made. The next chapter will pre- sent the results obtained in this study. ILenski, cp.cit.. p. 327. 8Henry Scheffe, The Anal sis of Variance (New York, New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1959) p. 362. CHAPTER IV RESULTS The purpose of this chapter is to report the results of the statistical analysis of the data and to evaluate those results in light of other studies performed in this area. The result obtained in computing x? for status dif- ferences in religious preference was not significant, as shown in Table 1 below. TABLE l.-x2 of Status Differences in Religious Preference Socio-Economic Religious Preference Status Protestant Catholic Total Higher (50 or more) 157 40 197 Lower (50 or less) 168 29 197 TOTAL :25 69 225 2 _ X0 942.13 < XE(.05) — 3.84 It may be concluded, therefore, that for this popula- tion of male adolescents in Lenawee County, status dif- ferences do not affect religious choice. Generally, such a finding is contradictory to the position taken by Lenski,l ILenski, cp,cit., p. 314. 44 and Williams2 regarding the trend toward socio-religious compartmentalization in contemporary American society. To conclude, however, that such findings are applicable to more than the population tested would be in error. The implica- tion can be made that the trend in the direction of compart- mentalization may not be as strong in contemporary society as previous research would lead one to believe, and there- fore a need is present for more research in this area than has been accomplished up to the present time. The effect of this finding on the analysis to be made is beneficial in that, while not affecting the possibility of relationships existing between either of these variables, i.e. status and religious preference, and the dependent variables to be tested, it does offer a more complete in- sight into the results obtained. Whether the hypotheses to be tested are accepted or rejected, it is reasonable to con- clude that, for this population, a selective process which favors either religious group in terms of status position is not the casual factor. This point will be discussed more fully after the results obtained are reported. The data on the hypotheses tested will be presented individually for each hypothesis, after which the overall re- sults will be treated collectively in terms of their effect upon the acceptance or rejection of the general hypothesis. 2Villiams, op.cit.. p. 339. 45 Specific Hypotheses I. Protestant response to questions measuring the level of occupational aspiration will tend to be higher than will Catholic response. TABLE 2.-Mean Occupational Aspiration Scale T- Scores by Religious Preference, Socio-Economic Status Controlled Socio-Economic Religious Preference Status Protestant Catholic Higher (50 or more) 53.8344 53.2000 Lower (50 or less) 47.8452 46.4829 Mean of total -- 50.68 Standard deviation of total -- 9.8315 Analysis of Mean variance (one tailed test) Status Foam) = 25.4176 > Ft.05(1..o) = 2.71 .6278 < Ft.05(1’£) = 2e71 Religious F 0(1..o) Preference *Txntcract on Fo(1,.c) 2.71 00834 < I"t.05(l,cc>) The results obtained do not support Hypothesis I and, therefore, it must be rejected. It is of interest to note, however, that status differences are significant, which supports previous research findings in the area of status and occupational aspiration.3 Interaction of status and religious preference, as reported in Table 2, is not sig- 3Sewell, Haller and Straus, op.cit. Note: This find- 46 nificant enough to result in group differences for occupa- tional aspiration. ing has already been reported for the present data by Haller and Wolff in, Personality Orientations of Farm, Village, and Urban Boys," to appear in Rural Sociology. Other find- ings regarding status are consistent with their report ex- cept as noted on pages 49 and 52. 47 II. Protestant responses will tend to favor higher educational goals more often than will Catholic responses. TABLE 3.-Mean Educational Aspiration Scale T- Scores by Religious Preference, Socio-Economic Status Controlled Socio-Economic Religious Preference Status Protestant Catholic Higher (50 or more) 54.2997 52.1250 Lower 50 or less) 48.2917 47.5517 Mean of total - 51.06 Standard Deviation of total - 8.2381 Analysis of Mean Variance (one tailed test) Status Foam) = 26.2997 > F 2.71 t.05(1,w) = Religious Preference Fo(l,a) 2.0568 ___ _‘ 4_ h. 81 IS. THE NAMES OF MY 2ST FRIENDS ARE: Lk 2. —_*_— THE OCCUPATIONS WHICH I HAVE THOUGHT ABOUT GOING INTO ARE: 1. 2. n-—-—.- ‘— — 3. h. — - -_—-M THE OCCUPATION THAT I PLAN TO FOLLOW IS: _ (Indicate particular type of job.) IN REGARD TO MY CHOICE OF MY OCCUPATION: ( ) I feel sure that my mind is made up. ( ) I'm not too sure, but I think my mind is made up. ) I'm not sure that my mind is made up. ( IN REGARD TO MY CHOICE OF AN OCCUPATION: ) I have given the matter a great deal of thought. ) I have given the matter some thought. ) I have given the matter little thought. 0 KNOWLEDGE OF THE WORK I INTEND TO ENTER: have good knowledge because I have worked at it. to U) AAA/\AA n—g AAA vvvvvv H H H H H H E“ don't know because I have not yet made a choice. FOR THE OCCUPATION I HAVE CHOSEN I THINK MY ABILITY IS: ) very much above average. ) somewhat above average. ) just average. ) somewhat below average. ) very much below average. ) I don’t know because I have not yet made a choice. ( ( ( ( ( ( have good knowledge because I have relatives or friends who work at it. have a general knowledge, but don‘t know much about the details of it. don't know much about it yet, but will find out by experience on the job. don't know much about it yet, but will find out when I go on to school. 82 in- 7. COMPARED WITH MY FRIENDS, I THINK MY CHANCES FOR GETTING.AHEAD IN THE OCCUPATION OF MY CHOICE ARE: ( ) very much above average. somewhat above average. just average. somewhat below average. very much below average. 8. IN THE OCCUPATION I HAVE CHOSEN I CAN EXPECT HELP IN GETTING STARTED: ( ) from.my father or mother who is in this type of work. ( ) from relatives who are in this type of work. ( ) from friends who are in this type of work. () () from no one. I don't know because I have not made my choice yet. 9. AS TO FOLLOWING HIS OCCUPATION, (FOR BOYS ONLY) MY FATHER HAS: ( ) tried to encourage me. ( ) neither tried to encourage or discourage me. ( ) tried to discourage me. 10. IN THIS QUESTION EACH LINE PRESENTS TWO FACTS PEOPLE CONSIDER WHEN THEY CHOOSE A JOB. YOU ARE TO UNDERLINE THE FACT.Z9§ BELIEVE TO BE THE MORE .IMPORTANT OF THE TWO IN CHOOSING YOUR JOB. lo FaCt Fact The money you can make. The difficulty in getting the required education. nJFJ 2. Fact Fact : The working hours. : The social standing of the occupation. KDFJ 3. Fact 1: The good you can do Fact : The difficulty in getting the required education. N h. Fact 1: The good you can do Fact 2: The social standing of the occupation 5. Fact 1: The working hours Fact 2: The money you can.make 6. Fact 1: The money you can make Fact 2: The good you can do 7. Fact Fact : The social standing of the occupation : The money you can make map: 8. Fact 1: The good you can do Fact 2: The working hours The working hours 9. Fact 1 2 The difficulty in getting the required education Fact 10. Fact 1: The difficulty in getting the required education Fact 2: The social standing of the occupation 11. IF I WERE ABSOLUTELY FREE TO GO INTO ANY KIND OF'WORK I WANTED, MY CHOICE 'WOULD BE: 12. THE TYPE OF'WORK I WOULD LIKE TO BE DOING'WHEN I AM 30 YEARS OLD IS: 13. 83 -5- REGARDING MY PLANS FOR EDUCATION AFTER I LEAVE HIGH SCHOOL ( ) I plan to get more education after high school ( ) I do not plan to get more education after high school _I_F_ PLANNING _T_O_ GIT MORE EDUCATION: 1. 2. 3. THE NUMBER OF YIARSIPF FURTHER EDUCATION I PLAN TO GET IS: ( ) two years or less I ( ) three or four years ( ) five or six years ( ) seven or more years THE NAMES AND LOCATIONS OF THE SCHOOLS I AM THINKING ABOUT ATTENDING ARE:- (1) Name of School Location of School (2) _ (3) ‘ THE COURSES OF STUDY I AM THINKING ABOUT TAKING ARE: (1) (2) ‘ (3) _g AS FAR AS I KNON NON, THE HIGHEST DEGREE I HOPE TO EARN IS: none bachelor's degree master's degree doctor's degree other degree AAAAA VVVVV _I_F_ OTHER DEGREE THE DEGREE I HOPE TO GET IS: 84 -5- III. ABOUT M_Y_ PARENTS 1. MY PARENTS ATE: 1A. MY FATHER'S FULL NAME IS: ) both living together. both dead. 13. MY MOTHER'S FULL NAME IS: father is dead. ( () () ( ) mother is dead. ( ) divorced. ( ) separated. 2. MY MOTHER: ( ) has no job outside the home. ( ) has a part-time job outside the home. ( ) has a full-time job outside the home. 3. MY'FATHER'S OCCUPATION IS: ( or was, if dead or retired) (Specify the kind of ‘work he does and not where he works.) __¥ .— _I_F_ FATHER _I__S_ A FARMER MY FATHER IS: ( 5 owner ( ) renter ( ) laborer THE NUMBER OF ACRE MY FATHER OPERA L'ES IS: . 1:. MY FATHER CONSIDERS HIS OCCUPATION TO BE: completely satisfactory. fairly satisfactory. good enough. not very good. very poor. vvvvv 5. MY MOTHER CONSIDERS MY FATHER‘S OCCUPATION TO BE: ( ) completely satisfactory. ( ) fairly satisfactory. ( ) good enough. ( ) not very good. ( ) very poor. 6. THE OCCUPATION OF MY FATHER'S FATH'E NAS:__ 7. THE OCCUPATION OF MY r-OTHER'S FATHER NAS:__ 8. THE COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF MY FATHER WAS: 9. THE COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF MY MOTHER WAS:___ 10. THE COUNTRY~OF BIRTH OF MY FATHER'S FATHER HAS: ll. THE COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF MY MOTHER'S FATHER WAS:___ 85 -7- MY FATHER‘S EDUCATION CONSISTED OF: ) less than 8 grades. ) 8 grades. ) 9-ll grades. ) 12 grades. ) some college. ) college degree. r MY MOTHER'S EDUCATION CONSISTED OF: ZN I BELIEVF MY FIITHEH'S EDUCATION IS: ( ) completely satisfactory. C ) fairly satisfactory. ( ) good enough. ( ) not very good. ( ) very posr. .’.‘<‘. F4 ATHER THINKS THAT THE EDUCATION HE OBTAINED IS: F ) completely satisfactory. ) fairly satisfactory. ) good enough. ) not very good. ) very poor. IN COMPAR"SON TO THE INCONE OF THE PARF NTS OF OTHER STUDENTS IN THE HIGH SCHOOL THE INCOME OF MY PARENTS IS: ) one of t.‘Ie highest incomes. ) higher thaT aVerage. ) just average. ) ) ' \AA less than average. one of the loses t incomes. I ‘1 NI . KY PARENTS ARE CONSIDERED BY MOST PEOPLE IN THE COMFUNITY TO BE: ) very important people. ) rather important people. ) just average people. ) of less than average importance. ) not at all important AAA/\A 86 _ 8 - IV. ABOUT HE AND MY PARENTS —-**__ 1. AS TO CONTINUING MY EDUCATION BEYOND HIGH SCHOOL MY FATHER: ( ) has strongly encouraged me to continue. ( ) has given me some encouragement to continue. ( ) has never said much about it. ( ) feels that I would be better of going to work after high school. ( ) feels that I should quit high school and go to work. 2. AS TO CINTINUIN-GMY EDUCATION BEYOND HIGH SCHOOL MY MOTHER: ( ) has strongly encouraged me to continue. ( ) has given me some encouragement to continue. ( ) has never said much about it. ( ) feels that I would be better off going to work after high school. ( ) feels that I should quit high school and go to work. 3. AS TO ANY FURTHER HELP FROM MY FOLKS IN GETTING A START OR IN CONTINUING MY SCHOOLING AFTER HIGH SCHOOL, MY PATENTS WOULD BE: ( ) financially able to help me a great deal. ( ) financially able to give me some help. ( ) financially able to give me no help. A. AS TO FULTHER HELP FROM‘MY PARENTS AFTER I FINISH HIGH SCHOOL, MY T’AREN’I‘S EJOULD BE: ( ) willing to help me a great deal. ( ) willing to give me some help. ( ) willing to give me no help. 5. AS TO THE KIND OF JOB I GO INTO, NY FAT ER: ( ) wants me to have a very irportant job. ( ) wants me to have a job that is quite a bit better than most jobs around here. ( ) wants me to have a job that is a little bit better than most jobs around here. ( ) feels that the job I take should be as good as most jobs around here. ( ) does not care how good the job I go into is. 6. AS TO THE KIND OF JOB I GO INTO,MY MOTHER: ( ) wants me to have a very important job. ( ) wants me to have a job that is quite a bit better than most jobs around here. ( ) wants me to have a job that is a little bit better than most jobs around here. ( ) feels that the job I take should be as good as most jobs around here. Q } does not care how good the job I go into is. 87 - 9 - 7. MY FAMILY IS TOO POOR TO BUY ME THE KIND OF THINGS I NEED: ( ) Yes ( ) No 8. THE GIRLS I WOULD LIKE TOIDATE PREFER TO GO OUT WITH BOYS WHOSE F MILIES ARE MORE IMPORTANT THAN MINE. ( ) Yes ( ) No 9. I OFTEN WISH MY FATHER (OR FOTHER OR GUARDIAN) HAD A BETTER JOB. ( ) yes ( ) No 10. I OFTEN WISH NY FATHER WAS A MORE IMPORTANT MAN IN THE COMMUNITY. THAN HE IS. ( ) Yes ( ) No y_. ABOUT 13g BROTHERS AND SISTERS (Write "0" if your answer is "none".) 1. THE NUMBER OF OLD"R BROTHERS I HAVE IS:________. 2. THE NUMBER OF IOUNOER BROTHERS I HAVE IS :_____. 3. THE NUMBER OF OLDER SISTERS I HAVE IS :______. A. THE NUMBER OF YOUNGER SISTERS I HAVE IS :_______. 5. THE NUMBER OF MY OLDER BROTHERS AND SISTERS THAT GRADUATED FROM HIGH SCHOOL IS: . 6. THE NUMBER THAT QUIT SCHOOL BEFORE GRADUATING FROM HIGH SCHOOL IS: . 7. THE NUMBER THAT HAVE ATTENDED OR ARE A TENDING COLLEGE IS: . t 8. IF 9. 10. ll. 88 - 10 - BELOW IS THE NATE, SEX, Aw, OCCUPATION AND PLACE OF RESIDENCE OF EACH OF MY BROTHERS AND SISTERS: (Start with the oldest brother or sister and include all brothers and sisters. If in school, put "student." If sister is married and not working outside the home, put "housewife.") Male or Place of Residence Name Female Age Occupation (town and state) YOU HAVE A BROTHER.OB SISTER.(or more) CCMPARED TO MOST OF MY BROTHERS AND SISTERS, I BELIEVE MY FATHER WAS: ( ) much more interested in what I did. ( ) a little more interested in what I did. ( ) just about equally interested in what each of us did. ( ) a little less interested in what I did. ( ) much less interested in what I did. COMPARED TO MOST OF MY BROTHERS, I BELIEVE MY MOTHER WAS: ( ) much more interested in what I did. ( ) a little more interested in what I did. ( ) juSt about equally interested in what each of us did. ( ) a little less interested in what I did. ( ) much less interested in what I did. COMPARED TO MOST OF MY EIOTHERS AND SISTERS, I BELIEVE MY FATHER WAS: ( ) much kinder to me. ( ) a little kinder to me. ( ) about equally kind to each of us. ( ) a little less kind to me. ( ) much less kind to me. COMPARED TO I‘LOST OF MY BROTHERS AND SISTERS, I BELIEVE MY MOTHER WAS: ( ) nmch kinder to me. ( ) a little kinder to me. ( ) about equally kind to each of us. ( ) a little less kind to me. ( ) much less kind to me. l3. COMPARED TO MOST OF MY BROTHERS ( ) much more attentive to me. ( ) a little more attentive to ( ) about equally attentive to ( ) a little less attentive to ( ) much less attentive to me. In. COMPARED To MO;T OF MY BROTHERS ( ) much more attentive to me. ( ) a little more attentive to ( ) about equally attentive to ( ) a little less attentive to ( ) much less attentive to me. 15. USUALLY I WAS: 89 -11.. AND SISTERS, I BELIEVE MY FATHER WAS: me. ‘each of us. me. AND SISTERS, I BELIEVE MY MOTHER WAS: me. each of us. me. ( ) much more interested in most of my brothers and sisters than they were in me. ( ) a little more interested in most of my brothers and sisters than they were in me. ( ) about as interested in my brothers and sisters as they were in me. ( ) a little less interested in most of my brothers and sisters than they were in me. ( ) much less interested in most of my brothers and sisters than they were in me. XI.AHMT§XHGEE ) brick. ) unpainted frame. ) painted frame. ) other (specify) ( ( ( ( OUR HOME IS: ( ) owned ( ) rented. THE NUMBER OF PERSONS WHO LIVE AT OUR HOUSE IS: . THE IUMBER OF ROOMS IN OUR HOUSE IS: . Do not include basements, bathroOH§:—Ebrches, closets, halls.) THE CONSTRUCTION OF OUR HOUSE IS: IGHTING IN OUR HOUSE IS: L ).oil lamps. ) electric. ) ) other or none. gas, mantle, or pressure lamps. 9C) - 12 - 6. THE KIND OF REFRIGERATOR WE HAVE IS: ( ) ice. ( ) mechanical (gas or electric). ( ) other or none. 7. 2m Hm: DEEP FRTEZE LCCKER AT OUR Hort: ( ) yes ( ) no. 8. WE H..VE RUNNING WATER IN OUR HOUSE: ( ) yes ( ) no. 9. WE TAKE A DAILY NU-«ISPAPER: ( ) yes ( ) no. 10. WE HAVE A POWER WASHING mCHINE: ( ) yes ( ) no. ll. WE HAVE A RADIO: ( ) yes ( ) no. 12. WE HAVE A CAR (other than truck): ( ) yes ( ) no. 13. WE HAVE A TELEDHOBS: ( ) yes ( ) no. 3h. MY FATHER GOES To CHURCH AT LTAST ONCE A HOHTH: ( ) yes ( ) no. 15. MY MOTHER GOES TO CHURCH AT LEAST ONCE A MONTH: ( ) Yes ( ) no. (GO BACK AND CHECK TO SEE IF YOU HAVE ANSWERED EVERY QUESTION.) THANK YOU. 91 YOURNAME THE MSU WORK BELIEFS CHECK-LIST Ens truetions : This check-list is made up of statements people often say they believe. You will probably find that you agree with some and disagree with others. If you agree with a statement, circle §_g_re_e_; if you disagree with a statement, circle Disagree. Do not omit any. Be sure your name is on the tOp of this sheet. 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.1: 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 2.1 2.2 2A 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.11 3.5 3.6 92? -1- The only purpose of working is to make money. I believe a man needs to work in order to feel that he has a real place in the world I feel sorry for peOple whose jobs require that they take orders from others. Every man should have a job that gives him a steady income. The happiest men are those who work only when they need money. Doing a good job day in and day out is one of the most satisfying eXperiences a man can have. A regular job is good for one. I feel sorry for rich people who never learn how good it is to have a steady job. I don't like peOple who are always right on time for every appointment they have. I feel sorry for people who have to do the same thing every day at the same time. . I don't like to have to make appointments.‘ I believe that promptness is a.virtue. I usually schedule my activities. I'd rather let things happen in their own way rather than scheduling them by a clock. It makes me feel bad to be late for an appointment. I expect people who have appointments with me to be right on time. I would be unhappy living away from my relatives. I hOpe to move away from here within the next few years. People who can't leave their hometowns are hard for me to understand. A man's first loyalty should be to his home community. 'When a boy becomes a man, he should leave home. I like to see new things and meet new people. Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree 14.7 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.h 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.1: 6.5 6.6 6.7 93 I like to try new things. On the whole, the old ways of doing things are the best. Life would be boring without new experiences. I like people who are willing to changes Cn the whole, most changes make things worse. The happiest people are those who do things the way their parents did. New things are usually better than old things. I believe that a person can get anything he wants if he's willing to work for it. Man should not work too hard, for his fortune is in the hands of God. A man shouldn't work too hard because it won't do him any good unless luck is with him. ‘With a little luck I believe I can do almost anything I really want to do. A person shouldn't hope for much in this life. If a man can't better himself it's his own fault. Practically everything I try to do turns out well for me. I usually fail when I try something important. I would rather work than go to school. Money is made to Spend, not to save. I think there's something wrong with people who go to school for years when they could be out earning a living. One gains more in the long run if he studies than if he gets a job. The more school a person gets the better off he is. Generally speaking, things one works hard for are the best. ‘When.I get a little extra money I usually spent it. Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree 1. 2. 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2e5 94 SCORING KEY (Tentative) 1957-1960 MSU Work Beliefs Check List the only purpose of working is to make money. Agree I believe a man needs to work in order to feel that he has a real place in the world. Asses I feel sorry for people whose Jobs require that they take orders from others. Agree Every man should have a Job that gives him a steady income. ree the happiest men are these who work only when they need money. Agree Doing a good Job day in and day out is one of the most satisfying experiences a man can have. lggggg A regular Job is good for one. ree I feel sorry for rich people who never learn how good it is to have a steady Job. ree I don't like people who are always right on time for every appointment they have. Agree I feel sorry for>people who have to do the same thing every day at the same time. Agree I don't like to have to make appointments. Agree I believe that promptness is a virtue. ree I usually schedule my activities. ree underlined responses are scored one point: all others are scored zero points. There is a score for each sub-area, six scores in all. Disggree Disagree 24259.0 Disagree Diseases Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree D sa ree Disagree Disagree 2.6 2.7 2.8 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4e? 5.1 95 I'd rather let things happen in their own way rather than scheduling them by a clock. It makes me feel bad to be late for an appointment. I eXpect people who have appointments with me tote right on time. I would be unhappy living away from my relatives. I hope to move away from here within the next few years. People who can't leave their hometowns are hard for me to understand. A man’s first loyalty should be to his home community. When a boy becomes a man, he should leave home. I like to see new things and meet new people. I like to try new things On the whole, the old ways of doing things are the best. Life would be boring without new ex- periences. I like people who are willing to change. On the whole, most changes make things worse. The happiest people are those who do things the way their parents did. New things are usually better than old things. I believe that a person can get any- thing he wants if he's willing to work for it. Agree POO Agree Agree 5533 res Agree ism 1‘00 gm Agree 1'00 1‘69 Agree Agree POO Disaggee Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disaggee Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree 5.2 5.3 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 96 Man should not work too hard. for his fortune is in the hands of God. Agree A man shouldn't work too hard because it won't do him any good unless luck is with hine With a little luck I believe I can do almost anything I really want to do. A person shouldn't hepe for much in this life. If a man can't better himself it's his own fault. Practically everything I try to do turns out well for me. I usually fail when I try something important. I would rather work than go to school Money is made to spend, not to save. I think there's something wrong with peeple who go to school for years when they could be out earning a living One gains more in the long run if he studies than if he gets a Job. The more school a person gets the better off he is. Generally speaking, things one works hard for are the best. When I get a little extra money I usually spend it. Agree mes ASrOO 1‘09 ree Agree Aera- Agree Agree 1'06 Agree ree Agree Disaggee masses.- Disagree Disaggee Disagree Disagree Disaggee Disaggee Disagree Disggree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disaggee 97 Scorigg Instructions Iichigsn Occupational Aspire tion 30810 All eight questions are scored the same. 'Ihere are ten alternatives for each questim, and only one sltemative may be ChecROde The scores for each alternative are as follows: Alternative Score 1 7 2 h 3 8 h 2 5 9 6 o 7 6 8 3 9 S 10 1 his total score is the sum of the scores for each of the eight questions. d BIBLIOGRAPHY Articles: Abell. A.I. "What America Stands For:The Religious Aspect," The Review of Politics, 42. 1945, 2A-52. Collins, 0.. H. Dalton and D. Roy. ”Restriction of Output and Social Cleavage in Industry.” Applied Anthropglggy, 59 1946, 1-31e Cooper, J.H. "Catholics and Scientific Research." chganwegl, 42’ 19‘s, 147-149. . Dalton, I; "worker Response and Social Background," fhg Journal of Political Economics, 55. 1947. 323-332. Ford. T.R. ”Status. Residence and Fundamentalist Religious Beliefs in the Southern.Appalachians,“ Social Forces. 39: 19 19609 pp. #1-48. Heller. A.O. "Research Problems on the Occupational Achieve- ment Levels of Farm Reared People,“ Rural Scciglogy. 23. No. 4. 1958. 355-352. Hyman, H.B. “the vnlue Systems of Different Classes: A Social Psychological Contribution to the Analysis of Stratification, Class Status and Power: A Reader in Social Stratification. (R. Bendix and S. ripest. Eds.) encoe. inc s: e Free Press, 1953. Lysgaard, S. ”Social Stratification and the Deferred Grat- ification Pattern," Transactions of the Second werld Con ress of Sociolo , Vbl. II. London, EiglanE: IEternatIonal SocIological Association Publisher. 1954. 354-377. Hack, R.W.. R.J. Murphy and S. Iellin, "The Protestant Ethic, Level of Aspiration and Social Mobility: An Empirical Test.” Agerican Sociological Review, 21. 1956. 295-300. HcClelland, D.C. ”Some Social Consequences of Achievement Motivation,” Nebraska 8 osium on Motivation. University of Nebraska Press. i955. 99 National Opinion Research Center, ”Jobs and Occupations, A Popular Evaluation,” Qpinion News. 9. 3-13. Salisbury, W.S. "Religion and Secularization," Social Schneider, L. and S. Dornbusch, "Inspirational Religious Literature: Fron Latent to Manifest Functions of Religion,” American Journal of Sociolo , 62, 5, 476-481. Books: Herberg, W. Protestant-Catholic-Jew. Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1955. Knapp, R.H. and H.B. Goodrich. Orlgins of American Sci- entists. Chicago, Illinois: univers ty of cage ess, 9 2. Lenski, G. The Religious Factor. Garden City, New York: Doubleday an onpany, no., 1961. Morton, R.K. Social Theo and Social Structure. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, IQE2. Neibuhr, H.R. The Social Sources of Denominationalisn. New Ibrk: Henry 0 and o., o., 929. O'Neil, J. Catholici and American Freedom. New York: Harper and Brothers, I552. Parsons, T. The Structure of Social Action. Glencoe, Illinois: e Free ress, 9. Scheffe, H. The Anal sis of Variance. New York, New York: John Wiley and Sons, 15... $939. Strodtbeck, F.L., D.C. HoClelland, A.C. Baldwin and V. Bronfenbrenner. Talent and Societ . Princeton, New Jersey: D. vanNostrana 50., Inc., 1958. Treelstch, E. The Socipl Teachine of the Chrlspian Churches. New York: The c 1 an 0.. 9 9 e . Underwood, K.V. Protestant and Catholic. The Beacon Press, 1957. Heber,IK. The Pr testant Ethic and the S irit of Ca it ism. (Translat arsons New York: Charles Scribner s and Sons, 1930. 100 Williams, R. American SocietyE A.Sociological Interpreta- tion, New Yerk: Alfred . ope. 952. Zinger, J.M. Religion in the Struggle for Power. Durham, North Carolina: e Un vers y Press, 19 . Other Sources: Gopp, J.H. "Trace Line Analysis, An Improved Method of Item Analysis.” (A paper read at the annual meeting of thg Rural Sociological Society) Penn. State University, 19 0. Heller, A.O. and I.W. Miller. The Occupational Aspiration Scale: Theory, Structure and Correlates of an Instrument Designed to Measure Differential Levels of Occupational Aspiration. A Re art to the 0.8. Office of Education, 1261. Heller, A.O. The M.S.U. werk Beliefs Check List. Depart- ment of Sociology and Anthropology, Michigan State University, 1957. WINNIH H llll ||||I l|| Ill" I|I|II Ill l ll l| ||I ll.