‘, H., 0‘: .c. . ‘-‘.;‘ ..-—.-. ooooov—vw""".-ov0"OOQOOID'-ffi'fi"C-$'VvWIVUVfl-W1VIvfi“'ww"v‘. 'I"'V"VVV"‘vvv—'-'“v"v-“- .w...‘. ‘ I u a. oo~oo Q 0-H up -- ‘ _ . -. I I I - - -. f - o '9' - I - r. — - - n. .- - , , D ' O . o . o ‘7 PUEBLA: MEXICO’S COTTON - "f TEXTILE CENTER " -‘r 531 ' hnsis to: ‘thei‘DI‘e'gree bf M A. '. _:.. ~. MICHIGAN STATEUMIVERSI, . . ' I u C .0 . - r" ' v . . (fi- - _ d' . . r ”.1 . I.’ .001 -. . ~ . o-.- a . - — . 0 ~ . , ‘ ' A . . ., . . . o ‘ .. . . I v . . . .. - . . ' . I a... .. 6 ' a ' . - I .. . ‘ n I‘ . . I n . - :0 ' ‘ \ ' . - - . '0 . . . . U - ' .. . C . . . . . .. . _ . I . . . o n: .O'o. -‘t’.. o n "’ ‘ . _ ‘ “‘C“4'v‘0lcc°' ' - . ‘1 ... " .. -‘. t 0| . a . . .. -vv . .. .n I ll . . ' ‘ u. ' . .,., . " .u I . I . . ,. _ H" '- ' - c ' . "'r' - -.. I .- ,. . .- .. . ~ ... II ' .. . . ....- .. . _ , " "' >1 ' -~'ro-o,;rr. .. .-. .. . .--.-.. I f "0- .'.OJ-._ o . . I . I ' . .- 0. .,.."1‘ o’r- '.,.'.._’”“ w .- .' ' ‘0'. .., ' _ _'f. ~°...-'.,. -- '. . . . I o - . - .___ _ ’ . ‘ ' ' " -“ ~ow‘ar,.-. '- "." ’ ° .-D.o -.'..,- .4-p-. "’ "‘O '.--f» ..—' . . -- . v - I v' . , . , ‘I'f'f‘PI‘r 6"! ~-.‘. --wv- vg'r . I. . _ . 0 ... ,. ‘ scy I . . .I'-f'¢ _':.y”.',-I-.. A ' --A - . II .... . -¢l.o.l .. , ~" 'O« ~N‘ ' a . ' ‘ I . . , '1- -' "'3’ “ " .oo x. .. *0 , , '5». v . . . . o. - . ._ ' . . - . . _I _ .- . - - . ‘ . . " , a-o u..¢v~¢‘ .-.- . ' . . I .- .. ’ ' -v1I4’dfl'v”~ . . . .. ‘ . , _ . " " '.~t ...... .....‘.,_ . '-’4 ’OFIU’I"“ “v I ‘ v . - ., .. v '0 ... :0 ., ' 'a.~..-’ In. " ‘ - . . -, " r . wr.-,. I.’atpp, - . . II' . I., . . IO - .- -.. , , . _I I (- -y.a.-'-,. , - ., - ~.. ' ‘ .o. . - ° " '° ‘ -vr r . . oi:-¢..,..p..n..,,,. ‘ ‘ - . '1... ' -o ' , .’ ' ‘ ' ‘ ' "' U Or ~Q—(.-;~u..._,'._" . . o- u , ' ' I .0 ~07 ‘I"¢- c,‘ I , . . I -. - . , .- ... y ,.I,,. . -_.,,,,,,_, ‘U'V '9. . . . I. ° “' . . I . ,I _. ‘ ‘ o o o. offiolaa A. . .'- - ‘ ' -o c‘.. '. " ‘ .’ -d'~.I o - .- . I o. I 0 . . ‘ . I 0 . Ia q I'4-4I -I....‘..._.' . _ .. _ .I’II 0‘ vI. lfiot'..:’... _ II'_ I -. . ... s. . , . ‘ ' "' 4 ' - w- a. ' . ' I - . v . I I . 0 .Q - . c I ' I . . . , O ..‘.,'- - .- ‘-'I . '-O. ‘. ‘p 5-. . I I c . . . . ' . ‘.I_ " ' .“' 50-. O _ . c I a . _ ‘ . ' ' 'f- -‘-Iv‘lo. ’ . ‘ ‘ n I .. I ‘ n _ . ' ' "“ "' - 1' a ---‘-_n ‘A- M ‘4 1 '4. I, . . . A.» L I B R A R Y Michigan Static University " "f pw,~_ p ““1 11 «UR-m BINDERS H ' ""‘""" not Illf‘llfCIH ‘: LW‘E 1‘7 {0 ABSTRACT PUEBLA: MEXICO'S COTTON TEXTILE CENTER BY Paul M. Lamb Puebla is the cotton textile center of Mexico. Yet there seems to be no outstanding rationale for Puebla's continued dominant position. Identified negative factors seem to outweigh positive ones, but for almost four and one-half centuries, Puebla has remained Mexico's primary cotton textile center. Three wars, plus numerous factional struggles, almost destroyed the cotton textile industry of Puebla. Each time it emerged from the ruins stronger and more viable than before. In brief, Puebla's cotton textile industry was ignored by Spanish mercantilists, nearly destroyed by the emerging Mexican nationalists, put out of production by agressors from the United States, devastated by French invaders, and finally ruined by Mexican revolutionaries. Despite these setbacks, and despite challenges from other areas, Puebla remained the primary cotton textile center. Unquestionably the area is physically well suited for spinning cotton fibers into cloth. Rainfall is relatively abundant, averaging a little more than thirty-two inches annually. Humidity is comfortably Paul M. Lamb consistent, but above 30 percent, which is important for spinning cotton thread. Temperatures, too, although diurnal variations may be as great as 30°F, are pleasant at an annual average near 63°F. The panorama is little short of spectacular. But none of these are adequate to overcome Puebla's apparent lack of other positive factors. The focus of this thesis was to determine why Puebla became the cotton textile center of Mexico, to determine whether or not Puebla is still the cotton textile center of Mexico, and to gain insight relative to potential future trends of the Mexican cotton textile industry. Findings of the study clearly demonstrate that Puebla is the cotton textile center. Some contributing factors are: 1. An adequate water supply _ 2. Location near a traditional indigenous cotton textile center 3. Strong cultural ties that pre-date conquest In addition, some changes are suggested to promote Puebla's leadership. Among these are: 1. An aggressive merchandising policy 2. Integration of cotton textile industries producing at less than an optimum capacity 3. Industryawide planning for the area h. The retraining of personnel displaced by automatic machinery A positive statement that Puebla will remain the cotton textile center of Mexico is unwarranted. Nevertheless, the persistence of Puebla as the major producing area for all of Mexico's cotton textile industry, plus the strong attachment by Puebla's population to the area, implies the likelihood that it will not be easily displaced within the forseeable future. PUEBLA: MEXICO'S COTTON TEXTILE CENTER By Paul M. Lamb A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Geography 1972 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My debt to numerous individuals who aided in the completion of this thesis is great. Merely to enumerate those most recently helpful would require many pages of names. But, among them all a few stand out for their efforts on my behalf. Without the aid of Sr. Gabino Islas Gonzalez, industrial investigator for the Bank of Mexico, field work would have been much more difficult. On more than one occasion his advice and assistance proved invaluable. Dra-Silvana Levi de Lopez and her husband Lic. Alberto Lopez Santoyo welcomed me into their home, introduced me to numerous helpful people, furnished many hours of beneficial criticism, and untiringly drove me about central Mexico. I am doubly indebted to these wonderful people for they proved to be friends as well as advisors. Many institutions also provided help. Among these are the University of Mexico, University of the Americas, University of Puebla, Pan American Institute of Geography and History, and the Bank of Mexico. A unique relationship develops between a student and his advisor. For both of us the experience was trying, and at times frustrating. A less patient man than Dr. C. W. Minkel would long since have turned to more productive pursuits. ii Beyond these, however, I am especially grateful to the mule, an animal both intractable and intransigent, without whose example this thesis would never have been finished. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER I. II. III. IV. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . The Problem . . . . . . Objective . . . . . . . . The Study Area . . . . . Procedure . . . . . . Findings of the Study . . PHYSICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Physical Features . . . . Terrain . . . . . . . Climate . . . . . . . . Historical Background . . Pre-conquest . . . . . Colonial . . . . . . . Post-Independence . . . RAW MATERIALS . . . . . . . Early Supply Regions . Present Supply Regions . POWER 0 O O O O O O O O O 0 Manual Power . . . . . Water Power . . . . . . . Hydroelectric Power . . TECHNOLOGY . . . . . . . Pre-Spanish Technology . Technology of the Interim Modern Technology . . . . Period, iv 1521-1831 PAGE vi vii l—‘ F‘F‘ cw~\o.. 0.! It..|l|..|||.l.ooou :30 .2303N can nnnnnnnnnnn Icon :30 5.02.. .6 lllllllllllll .omeo.e. .0..:ou.n OK“ IIIIIIIIIIIIIIII 50:0...— £ot12.‘ n.— llllllllll 4.000 9:35; 3.3.5.0 0 V n.— IIIIIIII .ooou «:39; .0..:oU.« OJ? IIIIIIIIIII .oOOU umunuOt {.502; Ziogm 20.0: on 20303603.. 29:00 thuzaur . 8:3: .... u OFF? MW 36 harvesting practices as long as there is a ready market for their current product. It is prObable that purchasing practices by factories demanding cleaner, longer staple cotton will have much more effect than complaints voiced in the hope that the cotton will be upgraded. In summary, cotton is grown in all parts of Mexico. At the present time, the better quality cotton is Obtained from.the Laguna District near Torre6n. But, the quantity from this area has diminished since 1950, and Laguna is no longer the primary cotton growing region of Mexico. Although textile factory administrators are not happy with foreign material in the packs, nor with the length of cotton fiber, it is prObable that little change will occur until the ready market for the poorer grade product is considerably reduced. There is, at present, no textile buyers association with power to enforce quality control in the purchase of raw material. Probably little change will take place in upgrading raw material until purchasers refuse to buy the uncleaned cotton from primary sources. The cotton processed in Puebla is purchased from all sections of Mexico, although the greatest quantities come from the northern part of the country. Very little cotton is imported for use in Puebla's textile mills. CHAPTER IV POWER Power is no longer restricted solely to man's muscles or those of domesticated animals. It is true that in some regions of the world, power is still limited to sinews and thews. Rarely, however, is this the sole source of energy. From the first use of club or rock, which may represent an initial domain beyond his muscles, man has reached the point where nuclear energy is leashed to his needs. In a somewhat similar analog, although less spectacular, the fabrication of cotton textiles has moved from the manual to highly mechanized processing. Although the step from harvesting wild cotton, perhaps merely as a pad upon which to sleep, to Spinning into threads for cord, later still for cloth, is conjectural, spinning and weaving are early accom- plishments. Spinning is a task easily performed while walking. Indians of South America spun thread while walking even before the Spaniards arrived.1 The Indians of Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia still spin thread in this way.2 Since spinning is so readily performed, it 1Garcilaso de la Vega. The Royal Commentaries of the Inca, ed. Alain Gheerbrant (THE INCAS), trans., Maria Jalas. (New York: The Orion Press, Inc., 1961), p. 138. 2Philip Ainsworth Means. Ancient Civilizations of the Andes. (New York: Gordian Press, 196A), p. A00. 37 38 is probable that this task was often continued by migratory populations. This same method.may well have been employed by the indigenous popu- lation of Mexico. The nimble fingers of the human animal were the first power source used in the processing of cotton into thread. Manual Power Thread has many uses. Its manufacture is not necessarily only an immediate step to weaving cloth, and man has, in fact, found other uses for thread such as for the repair of skins, to make nets, or in the production of footwear. The original incentive may have been based upon the method used for making baskets. It probably was not a deliberate attempt to produce large quantities for clothing that is responsible for the first manufacture of cloth. Whatever the rationale, the primary power source was the human hand. One needs but to visit a handicraft display to see the intricate ‘work and cunning designs made by hand. The simplest weaving patterns require a skill difficult to describe. Variations may demand hours of patient endeavor which can be technically delineated by pages of complicated analysis that in no way assures reproduction. Numerous factors must be considered. The type of fiber selected may be responsible for the use to which it is put. It may be the use which, in turn, is responsible for the selection of a particular fiber. Such seemingly innocent human variables as motor skills, age, sex, and right- or left-handedness must also be considered. 39 A common device for weaving is the backstrap loom.sti11 used by Indian populations in some parts of South America.3 Although fairly Simple in construction and operation (see Figures 11 and 12), it produced designs that were fantastic in their fine detail. Many materials in addition to cotton, such as rabbit fur, feathers, gold and silver, were woven into the cloth.)4 Cloth a yard or more in width and up to eighteen feet long was woven on the backstrap loom. One description of the loom is given by Victor W. von Hagen, who wrote; "the backstrap loom had a horizontal rod that attached to a post or tree. The warp was then fastened to the lower wooden rod, which had a thick hemp cord that went around the ample rump of the woman weaver."S His description concisely indicates that women only used this type of loom. Other types of looms were also employed. Of these, the vertical loom was usually Operated by men. The others were Operated by women and young girls. The backstrap loom, along with the vertical and horizontal variations remained in use as the most practical even after the conquest by the Spaniards. Little change occurred until the nineteenth century. 3Tehuacén, Vol. 2, p. 191. See also Victor W. von Hagen. The Ancient Kingdoms of the Sun. (London: Thames and Hudson, 1962), p. 191. thid., p. A9. 5Ibid., p. 1A8. FIGURE 11 Aztec Goddess Xochiquetzal Working at a Backstrap Loom FIGURE 12 Indian Woman Working at a Backstrap Loom Al Water Power " were in "Water—powered pounding mills for fulling . . . operation in Europe at the beginning of the tenth century A.D. But. few innovations were turned to spinning and weaving much before the eighteenth century, when one invention followed rapidly after another. An important step was the invention of the power-loom by Edmund Cartwright. Cartwright was a country clergyman turned inventor and is credited as the first to conceive the idea of applying machinery to weaving. Between 1785 and 1797, in addition to the power loom which was improved and developed into the modern machine, his fertile mind gave birth to a weaving mill, wool—combing machine, and an alcohol engine. Two types of wheel were used (See Figures 13 and 1A) to transfer water-power by way of a cog wheel to mill machines. These are the float-board and over-shot wheels sometimes referred to as the breast- mill and bucket. Where the velocity of the water passing beside the mill is slow the float—board wheel is generally chosen. Speed from the slowly turning wheel may be increased by using a greater number of cogs on the cog-wheel. An over-shot wheel requires a smaller quantity of water but must be used where there is a significant fall. It is often used where streams run swift and shallow. Water is diverted to mill-dams. The stored water is let out by means of a sluice which 6Lyn White, Jr., "Medieval Uses of Air", Scientific American, (92‘100)9 August, 19709 P' 95- A3 terminates above the over-shot wheel. When power is not needed, the sluice may be shut off by lowering the penstock. Excess water is carried away from the dam by either a spillway (when the dam is located a short distance from the stream) or an over-spill (when the dam is interposed across the stream). Both types of mill wheel were used to generate power for Puebla's early cotton textile mills. But the float-board, although exceedingly ‘well suited to heavy grinding, was displaced by the over-shot wheel because of the type of water supply most readily available. Irrespective of the wheel used, water power tied mills to locations along streams or where a sluice was employed nearby. In some instances mills were at some distance from pOpulation centers, where the most desirable sites had already been pre-empted for other uses. A partial response to isolation was the construction of massive, high—roofed buildings surrounded by protective walls. Where production of both thread and cloth took place the two operations were usually kept separate. Also, warehousing of raw materials was seperate from the fabricating area. Generally a colony of workers lived nearby, often in company housing built on company land. An analogy might be made to early frontier forts of the United States. Although the primary reason for existence was dissimilar, a similar need for protection and self-preservation existed. The forts served to protect settlers taming a frontier from an indigenous population that resented the invasion of its territory. The fort like mills served an identical function, except that it was for protection during a AA period of extensive political turmoil and unrest. One result of bringing workers to the mill was that colonies were formed. Many of these are readily identifiable today. Little change occurred until the twentieth century, well after hydroelectric power became available. Massive buildings were still constructed after 1910. Isolation continued and water-power was often the primary driving force for mills. Although water-power was at times converted to electric-power, this has been generally practical only since World War II. Hydroelectric Power Electricity as a power source dominates modern industry. It is readily transported, easily modified to meet special conditions, may be used at any time, and works tirelessly. More important, the cost of electric power compares favorably with that of any other power source. The use of electricity makes it possible for industry to locate almost anywhere. Initially, electric-power was generated from water resources. These are still the most prominent. However, a comparison of electric- power generated for Puebla de Zaragosa and the Federal District illus- trates the extent to which other methods of generation have been introduced (see Table 3). The only recent development in the production of electric-power not shown is the use of atomic energy. These data clearly demonstrate Puebla's electric—power dominance over the Federal District. It should not be forgotten that the State of Mexico, surrounding the Federal District on three sides is also an excellent electric- A5 power source. And Mexico City, which occupies the major portion of the Federal District as well as part of the State of Mexico, draws power from the latter and other nearby areas, including Puebla. TABLE 3 GENERATION OF ELECTRICITY IN THE FEDERAL DISTRICT AND PUEBLA, 1960 AND 1967 Area and Date Hydraulic Thermala Total (KW) (KW) Federal District: 1960 2,760 16A,00A 166,76A 1967 1.360 195.207 196.567 Puebla: 1960 2A3.658 A8.7A9 292.397 1967 AAA,A37 52,205 A96,6A2 aIncludes generation by combustion and gas. Source: Estados Unidos de México, Secretarfa de Industria y Comercio, Direcci6n General Estadistica. Anuario estadistico de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, 1960-1961 and 1966—1967. México, D.F.: Tellares Gréficos de la Naci6n, 1963 and 1969. Puebla has adequate power for the present and foreseeable future, most of it generated by water. In contrast, more than 99 percent of the electricity generated for the Federal District is from sources other than water. CHAPTER V TECHNOLOGY Use of the word "technology" is widespread. A popular under- standing views it as synonymous with machines, for example automobiles, ships and airplanes, and the development of photography, television, computers, printing and many more. This view is not incorrect, merely incomplete. Technology is spectacular in success. It is proudly touted as a savior by some and as an invidious slave-maker by others. Failures, such as the perpetual motion machine, are waggishly laughed away. Yet, both failures and successes are a part of technology. In a real sense, all aspects of man's attempts to satisfy his requirements are manifestations of technology. Pre-Spanish Technology Sixteenth century Mexico was in no way a barren waste. It was a land occupied by several SOphistocated social units acting and interacting among and between themselves. An elaborate bureaucratic government prevailed. Structured statuses with well—defined privileges, duties and powers supported, and in turn were supported by, the governing force. War and the techniques develOped to prosecute it represent one facet of technology, 2,5, weapons and body-armor. Both massive and monolithic architecture were practiced. Trade took place A6 A7 over long distances and included such items as washed gold, quetzal feathers, cocoa and cloth. Tenochtitlén may have been one of the largest cities in the world in the sixteenth century, with a population of more than a quarter—million.l Nearby, Teotihuacén, a fallen empire little more than a zone of admired structures to the rulers of Tenochtitlén, is estimated to have heldswaywover more than a million inhabitants and to have been a city of 100,000.2 Cholula, a vassel state of the Aztecs, may also have had a pOpulation of 100,000.3 One description portrays Cholula as rich, solidly built, with more than four hundred lofty towers. Outlying areas were irrigated, and its inhabitants were well dressed in fine clothes made of cotton.Ll Cholula was also called a cotton textile center by the Spaniards. Although spinning and weaving were well developed, power was manual. But,so impressed.were the conquerors by the results of 1Gordon R. Willey, An Introduction to American Archeaolggy, Vol. 1, North and Middle America, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice—Hall, Inc., 1966, p. 157. 2Ibid., p. 11A and William T. Sanders and Barbara J. Price, Mesoamerica, New York: Random House, 1968, p. 31, 208. 3 ., Ibid., p. 208. "Peter Martyr, De orbo novo, Francisco Augustus MacNull, trans., London: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1912, p. 83. See also LHDAM, p. AA and Sanders and Price, Mesoamerica, p. lA5-151. A8 Cholula's spinning and weaving artisans that an entire ship was filled with their products and returned to Carlos V as representative of the 5 indigenous population's production. Technology of the Interim Period, 1521-1831 It is necessary to understand the social atmosphere to recognize how it contributed to maintaining a stability that neither desired nor encouraged innovative technological change. Although it seems Obvious from a current vantage point that the pOpulation of Mexico represented a skilled and capable civilization, much of the Spanish colonial policy was based upon the presumed inca— pacity of the Indians. An assumption of childlike characteristics, which prevented the natives from learning the complex economic system of the Spaniards, was fabricated upon false premises which gave birth to the repartamiento,encomienda, and debt peonage. Although unfounded, theSe assumptions so tenaciously adhered to were superimposed with such determination that debt peonage survived into the early twentieth century and was partially responsible for embittered relations between labor and capital. Because technology was sparingly applied to the textile industry, very little change in the manner of spinning and weaving occurred prior to Independence. Even so, the Puebla area dominated in the production of cotton textiles despite apparent lack of interest by SLHDAM, p. AA, and Sanders and Price, Mesoamerica, p. lA5-151. A9 the Spaniards in promoting the cotton textile industry of Mexico. Fine quality was possible, but the usual product was coarse and used almost exclusively by non-Europeans. Little attention was given to improving the source material, and imports were often unreliable due to transportation costs, confiscatign or unavailability. Yet, the textile industry grew in spite of problems, rather than because of any determined effort on the part of the Spaniards. "Of the three hundred years that Mexico was a colony, no historical evidence exists to demonstrate Spain's special interest in cultivating and exploiting cotton."6 Soon after their conquest of Mexico, the Spaniards founded the city of Puebla de los Angeles less than twelve miles from Cholula. Native weaving, with no change of technology, was transferred to the new city where the only innovation introduced by the Spaniards was congestion. Many weavers were brought together in almost airless, ill-lighted rooms to produce textiles. Quantity at first increased, but quality was almost lost. In the textile industry, at least, very little technology was brought to Puebla other than that employed in constructing the buildings where the spinning and weaving took place. LHDAM, p. 1A2, "De los 300 afios que vivi6 México como Colonia, no hay dato hist6rico que recuerde se haya algodonero [sic], por los conquistadores." 50 Modern Technology Modern technology began about the time of Mexico's independence from Spain, and the introduction of water-powered.machinery marks the primary technological advance of the nineteenth century. Although some innovation began soon after Edmund Cartwright's invention of the power loom late in the eighteenth century and the rapid application of water—power to spinning and weaving early in the nineteenth century, modern technology applied to the cotton textile industry occurred in Mexico after 1830. The first modern cotton textile factory was the Constancia Mexicana, which opened in 1835 at Puebla. By 18A3 more than 35 percent of Mexico's water—powered cotton textile factories in operation were in or near the city of Puebla. Water-power remained the primary source of Puebla's cotton textile industry until the twentieth century. A few cotton textile factories introduced electric-power late in the nineteenth century. But, because only the major ones had the resources to install large generating plants, its use was not wide- spread. For those plants where a central generator was in operation, numerous Shaft and pulley devices were installed with belts to Operate the machinery. With power machinery, during a period of relative political calm, the cotton textile industry used technological gains brought to Mexico from Europe and the United States to increase productive capacity to a point of almost meeting domestic needs. 51 Beginning in the 19A0‘s new mills employing modern machinery were constructed. Old mills were converted to electric-power. Because of obsolete machinery, even though the quantity increased, quality suffered. Machinery constructed to operate with water-power, although converted to electric-power, was less and less able to compete with new all-electric machines. Since WOrld War II high-speed cleaning, packing, carding, spinning, weaving and other automatic and semi-automatic cotton textile industrial machinery has been introduced (See Figures 15—22). Highly automated mills are capable of producing higher quality textiles more rapidly than the older converted mills. Some of the largest mills in Mexico, unable to compete, are now out of business. The mix in Puebla runs the gamut from textile mills with machinery installed before the turn of the century, and still operating, to those put into operation within the past five years. The latter, with thirty employees and running at less than full capacity, often produce more than older mills with as many as 150 employees. Although modern machinery is imported from such diverse countries as the United States, England, France, Portugal, Italy and Czechoslovakia, much of it is now manufactured in Mexico. Toyoda of Mexico produces almost one-half of the new machinery. OCAROE .mfinosa .o>mam OOmOm map ea o0flxofi .maposm .o>mpm ommmm .ozmxzpcd mo emnmumm mo mapmpm one so ocmmmq map CH .ocmm5uqd we steeped mo mfiumnu a f. .l» wa mm50wm ma mmbmym 1“. r. '81} crww. .nnnr 53 FIGURE 17 Cleaning Preparation FIGURE 18 Packer 5A ,1" ~43?” .é-' / FIGURE 19 Carding pr '2’. ‘5} _ "- 0L. 0 0 q ‘ \\ WU \\\\\ \\\\\ \ \. \u“ \... \ .‘c FIGURE 20 Reprocessing 55 9‘ ' w“, a... “a. ’ «OMMIOOII' ‘O...I.OOO o - ..I|. . . ' I I l ” / '// \ i“ ‘> FIGURE 21 Loom -—— “I, ‘ a----‘AA‘~g.v--~a— A ‘7 " FIGURE 22 Sizing Drum CHAPTER VI TRANSPORTATION Land transportation throughout pre-conquest Mexico was confined to foot travel and litters borne by humans. Although the wheel was known, as evidenced by its use on clay toys, no archeological discovery indicates that it was ever put to more practical use. Since draft animals were unknown, foot travel was the connective of commerce. But travelers were not forced to blaze new pathways for each trip, because trails were well known and routes well marked throughout all of the settled area. Regular paths connecting Central Mexico with other parts of Middle America, the coasts, and the north were also well known and.marked. Some broad highways existed. These connected major ceremonial centers, and some extended to a distance of seventy miles.l Shorter roadways served major population centers, radiating to and from market places. Such carefully prepared roads were not common because primary travel between areas was on foot. 1J. E. S. Thompson, The Rise and Fall of Maya Civilization, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 195A, p. 66f» 56 57 It is safe to assume that factors in addition to the shipment of goods contributed to Cholula's reputation as a textile center. The praise for Cholula's textiles by the invading Spaniards may be cited as an indication of the quality of cotton products. Movement of Cholula's cotton textiles was probably associated with market days and people coming to the city for trade, rather than by traders from the city going out to the surrounding countryside. Animal Transport Cortes landed his men and horses at the harbor of San Juan de Ulloa in 1519. In a relatively short span of time the horse spread until its wild descendents roamed the mountains and plains of western North America. The aborigines' initial reaction of fear and bewilder- ment was replaced by exploitation. Although horses originally belonged only to the Spanish conquistadores and their descendents, it soon became impossible to keep them out of the hands of the natives. More important than the horse for relieving the burdensome loads carried by human convoys was the mule. Although somewhat intransigent, mules became the primary movers of goods, and the call of the muleteer became common. So important was the mule to trade in Mexico that without it commerce would have floundered. As late as the 1850's, more than three centuries after the arrival of the conquerors, "the arriero [muleteer] served as the instrument for the small commercial interchange then going on."2 2Cumberland, Mexico, p. 160. 58 Without the mule Puebla's cotton textile industry might well have languished. Crude cotton is extremely bulky and difficult to transport long distances by human carriers. Since the mule is able to carry relatively heavy loads over difficult terrain, it was the primary mover of the raw material for the cotton textile mills until late in the nineteenth century. During the difficult period imme- diately following independence from Spain, the mule was practically the only means of transporting supplies to keep the textile mills of Puebla in Operation, while :in Guadalajara the mills were forced to produce for local consumption only because raw material brought in, even by muleback, was too expensive. Highways "Mexico will add more than 50 percent of its highway network during the next five years . . . . plans call for construction of 31,000 kilometers (about 20,000 miles) of highways during the remaining five years of the administration of President Luis Echaverria . . . ."3 Even so, hundreds of small villages remain isolated. Baja California Sur territory does not have an all-weather highway connection to the north, and much of interior Oaxaca and Chiapas are without satisfactory roads. Nevertheless, nearly all primary highways converge upon the capital. As a result, it is almost a necessity to drive through Mexico City when travelling from one part of Mexico to another. Nor is this a recent development in Mexico. 3Times of the Americas, July 1A, 1971, Vol. XV, No. 27, p. 7, Col. 3. ‘55 59 During the colonial period mine-roads were marked out, but though well guarded and secure they were uncomfortable and poorly maintained. "The roads in general were so miserable and so scarce that most materials moved by pack train rather than wagon. The transpor- tation system.was so ineffectual, . . . [that] in some regions corn would go begging . . . while less than 100 miles away the poor could not afford to buy it . . . . Every road leading to the mines had its towns surrounded by agricultural or pastoral activities."h Even during this period the presence of roads had a positive effect upon land use. But in the three hundred years of Spanish control, "the Spanish Crown . . . did almost nothing for road construction."5 Independence brought little change. The only roads worthy of the name connected Veracruz, via Puebla, with Mexico City. Although highly successful toll roads, they were abandoned between Hidalgo's unsuccessful revolt in 1810 and 1829 when Guerrero's short-lived term of office began. Only intermittent attention was given to highway construction, and in 1928 less than A00 miles of roads were in exis- tence. Of this total, 162 miles were all-weather roadways and approxi- mately the same mileage was paved. Since 1928 Mexico's highway mileage has more than doubled each decade to a total exceeding A3,000 miles by 1970. Broad super-highways hCumberland, Mexico, p. 9A. 5Ibid., p. 155. 6O connect the capital with Guadalajara, Veracruz, and other cities of central Mexico. Others are under construction so that eventually a network of four-lane highways will connect the cities of the north with central and southern Mexico. But, all roads still lead to Mexico City. One of the fine highways of Mexico connects Puebla with Mexico City. .Much of the raw material presently used by the cotton textile mills is brought in by truck. It is the most flexible method for transporting bulky cotton bales to the mills. Even when brought to Puebla by train, final shipment is generally by truck because only the largest cotton textile mills have railroad spurs. The majority rely upon truck transportation to bring raw material to the plant and to distribute finished cotton goods. Railroads "In 1837, amid great enthusiasm and glowing oratory, the govern- ment let the first concession for a railroad to connect Veracruz and Mexico City."6 Santa Anna granted a new concession for the same route five years later because nothing had been done. After three miles, and seven years, the contract was again concelled, after which the State of Veracruz took over and Opened the first rail line in 1850. By 1860 only fifteen miles of railroad existed in all of Mexico. Construction began initially at Veracruz, where twelve miles extended from the port 6Ibid., p. 162. 61 inland. Three miles were in Mexico City. In 1880 some A00 miles of railroad were in operation. The primary route connected Veracruz and Mexico City via Tlaxcala, where (at Calpulalpan) a feeder line tied in from Puebla. Toluca and Cuautla tied in near Mexico City and Jalapa Enriquez, north of Veracruz, was also connected by rail to the main line. Except for the trans-isthmian railroad across the Tehuantepec, east-west networks were not completed until after 1910. Cities less than 100 miles apart were connected only through the United States, forcing long and expensive shipment by rail or the use of pack animals which might take equally as long and were at times even less reliable. Since no direct connection existed, commercial intercourse was ignored. Even now some areas are connected only by way of circuitous north-south railroad lines or graded highways that are sometimes closed. It was not until the years 19A5-1950 that Mexico began rebuilding its railroads to one standard guage. Prior to this time multi-guage service forced expensive rehandling. By 1956 good rail service became available, completing the crucial task of tying the nation together. Progressive rail management and accelerating highway construction are eliminating pockets of isolation and helping to create a national market economy. Puebla's rail shipments must still move far northward via Calpulalpan or south and then north through Cuautla to Mexico City. From Veracruz, railroads connect at Calpulalpan or extend northwest to 62 Jalapa Enriquez, then southwest to Puebla. All crude cotton Shipped by rail must come through the capital city, unless it is brought to Veracruz by ship and freighted from there to Puebla. Water Transport Canoes and boats plied the waters of Lake Texcoco, bringing produce to Tenochtitlén from the surrounding areas. Probably lakes Zumpango, Joltoca, Xochimilco and Chalco also served for transporting goods, and rivers, where possible, undoubtedly aided in the movement of produce. Since none of the waterways connected to the coastal area without the interference of natural barriers to navigation, nor were they extensive enough to permit the development of large trade areas, they helped the local trade without contributing significantly as a means for transporting large commercial shipments. Until independence, sea commerce was by law limited to trade with Spain and consisted primarily of precious metals extracted from the mines. But independence brought no commercial panacea to the new country. Since internal industry was practically non-existent except for mining, almost all machinery for the fledgling industries came from Europe to Veracruz where it was dismantled and packed overland. Because of an ardent protectionist policy, international trade was extremely slow to develop. Puebla imported crude cotton through the port at Veracruz. Without raw material from the United States during the early years 63 following independence it is doubtful whether the cotton textile industry would have survived. Imported cotton remained important until well into the twentieth century when Mexico became self— sufficient in production. Although some Special long staple cotton is still purchased from overseas, almost all of Puebla's raw cotton is now grown in Mexico. Air Transport Air transportation to and from Puebla is not well develOped. Although there is an airport in Puebla it is located near the military base and utilized primarily by the armed forces. Charters may be arranged, but no regular passenger service is in Operation. Air service does not contribute Significantly to the cotton textile industry at the present time. Summagy Transportation of goods, although well develOped, was primarily by human convoys until well after the conquest. Pack animals intro- duced by the conquerors of Mexico served only to change the burdens from human to animal without greatly improving existing paths and trails, and as late as the mid-nineteenth century movement of goods was laborious, circuitous, and expensive over poorly develOped roads that were illemarked and often the target of local brigands. Because of natural barriers, internal water transportation never became a significant factor for the movement of produce. Only relatively 6A recently have good overland road and rail transporation networks been developed. The mule brought raw material to the mills of Puebla for processing and also first permitted the wide dissemination of finished goods. Today, the ubiquitous truck has replaced the mule and moves both the raw material to the mills and finished products to all parts of Mexico. Since neither rail, water, nor air transport is well developed in Puebla, the importance of the truck should not be under- estimated. CHAPTER VII MARKETS "Markets are a good index to the principal products of a region. Most Mexican markets . . . have not changed greatly from pre-Hispanic times . . . ."1 Although they have been supplemented by goods from Europe and Asia, those items most in evidence are related to indigenous products with a long history of use. Internal Markets Pearls from the Gulf of California, shells from the Pacific, quetzal feathers from Central America and copper from northern Nfichigan all contributed to the pre-historic trade of Central Mexico. Cacao beans, in addition to furnishing a comestible, also functioned as a medium of exchange. Tribute from satellite areas increased both the variety and volume of useful items brought to the Aztecs. Cotton and cotton cloth were among the main tribute items furnished the .Aztecs by conquered peoples. Cholula, noted for fine cloth, furnished much of the cotton .material used by the Aztecs. The Cholultecas owed allegiance to lHugh C. Cutler and Thomas W. Whitaker, "Cucurbits from the Tehuacén Caves," The Prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley, Douglas S. Byers, General Editor, Volifil, Environment and Substance, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967, p. 218. 65 66 Central Mexico because they were conquered from there. Tribute, in the form of cloth woven from thread spun at Cholula, commonly adorned the Aztec nobles. Cholula's production of cotton cloth resulted from a long tradition of spinning and weaving in the territory under its control. Occupation levels from Coscatlén Cave, in the Valley of Tehuacan, have permitted almost complete reconstruction of the chronology of the life and activity of the people of this area for 12,000 years. At approximately 7,000 BP domesticated plants such as corn, squash, beans, chili, gourds and cotton began, and those tools and implements associated with such domestication laid the foundation for a more sedentary life- style. Numerous fibres and yarns found i£_§itu_provide evidence of a developing spinning and weaving tradition carried forward in the surrounding area. There is little doubt that the immediate precursors of the Cholultecas were skilled in the arts of cotton textile fabri- cation for at least a millenia before the arrival of Cortes.2 Although fine textiles were also traded from Oaxaca, and by the Huastecans and the Tarascans, the colonial and modern development of Mexico's cotton textile industry concentrated in the Puebla area. Puebla has been the focal point not because it was the prehistoric 2Irmgard W. Johnson, "Textiles," Byers, Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 191- 226 inc. 67 textile center, but simply because subsequent development continued the tradition of spinning and weaving begun in Cholula. Historical Trade "When Cortez first visited the market at Tlaltelolco [he] saw the vendors of herbs and medicinal plants . . . Passing on, he encoun— tered a section devoted exclusively to clothing--some of it beautifully embrodered—-and to materials from which clothing could be fashioned; here lay heaps of cotton textiles, . . . the coarser textiles made from the fibres of various maguey—like plants, the tanned and untanned skins of animals, and occasionally a rare piece of textile made from 3 animal hair." Tlaltelolco, Tenochtitlén's rival in central Mexico, was roughly analogous to an industrial center, with raw materials supplied from outlying areas. Although goods and produce flowed into the Aztec's home territory at the time of its conquest and for a time thereafter, colonial policy soon reduced this flow to a trickle and eliminated certain trade items altogether. Almost from the moment Cortés set foot on Mexican soil, mineral wealth (especially gold and Silver) lured him and those who accompanied him, blinding them to all else. Small deposits exploited at Taxco whetted appetites. But, even the failure of Coronado's expeditions to locate the fabulous seven Cities of Cibola failed to deter the adventurers. Finally, in 15A6 Juan de Tolosa, with native help, discovered a vast deposit of low-grade but exploitable ore, and the 3Cumberland, Mexico, p. 3A. 68 subsequent swarming miners and mine operators built the city of Zaca- tecas at the foot of La Bufa. Thus began extraction of the primary export and, although more than 500 districts eventually contributed their precious ore to Spain's coffers, more than 90 percent came from only thirteen.h Spain exercised tight mon0polistic control of all trade. Mining occupied the pre-eminent position while cotton, indigenous to Mexico and serving as the common clothing fibre for the pre-conquest population, deteriorated to such an extent that the entire colony failed to produce enough to maintain its stumbling textile industry despite a population decline. The Spanish market was supplied from Venezuela, where soil and topography made cotton culture more attractive. Central Mexico, indeed all of Mexico's thriving internal markets, were divided into self-sufficient enclaves each striving to survive. ". . . Mexican colonial output presents a dismal picture . . . Cotton, paper, cacao and distilled beverages, all of which could have been produced in Mexico at less cost . . ."5 accounted for almost 75 percent of all imports. Such cotton textile manufacture as survived did so more as an accident than from any deliberate policy attributable to the conquerers. "Guanajato, Catorce, Zacatecas, Real de Monte, Balafios, Guarisamey, Sombrerete, Taxco, BatOpilas, Zamapan Fresnillo, Ramos, and Parral. 5Ibid., p. 105. 69 Current Trade Mexico City, with a metrOpolitan pOpulation approaching 8,000,000, draws marketable goods from every section of the country. The city is the lure for business, the destination for produce and the seat of government. Mexico City dominates Mexico and the life of the nation, yet the cotton textile center is Puebla, the historical focus for the spinning, weaving and finishing of cotton products. Puebla's raw material is drawn from the north, especially Tamaulipas, but the warm Pacific coastal areas of Oaxaca and Chiapas, and Veracruz along the Gulf, also furnish some cotton. Other areas, too, supply raw material to be finished in Puebla. Although some cotton is imported, the bulk is grown in Mexico. The preferred source remains the Laguna District, around Torre6n, because of its better quality and longer staple. Nevertheless, present sources vary considerably. Although Puebla markets cotton goods to all of the nation, most of the medium to large mills have warehouses in Mexico City for distribution there. Approximately 23 percent, by volume, is distributed in the capital city. Warehouses are also maintained in other major interior cities, as well as in Veracruz where supplies are accumulated and prepared for shipment overseas. 70 External Markets The pre-Hispanic settlers of central Mexico, an expansion-minded peOple, occupied themselves by extending and securing their own borders. The greatest export may well have been their fighting ability rather than any products. They were consumers of tribute goods from conquered peOples, as well as from unconquered neighbors. Spanish Policy Spain's dedication to mercantilism led to a welter of regulations, most of them restrictive, that stimulated little in the way of sound economic develOpment. Trade between the colonies flowed through Spanish hands, bringing little profit to the primary producer. Although Mexico occupied the premier trading position among the colonies during the colonial period, Mexican industry scarely got off the ground because of the monopolistic practices of Spanish merchants who fought any local colonial manufacturing development. The only exception within private industry to these monopolistic practices was the textile industry of Puebla, Guadalajara, and Querétaro, where some 5,000 laborers produced textiles valued at 1,800,000 pesos. Yet, not enough was produced to meet the clothing needs of the Mexican market, even when supplemented with the cheaper textiles from thousands of native looms. The textile industry that furnished the first five shiploads of fine cloth to Spain was, under colonial policy, unable to clothe the reduced pOpulation of Mexico. 71 "Exports always exceeded imports . . . PreciOUS.metals accounted for about three-quarters of the total export value . . ."6 The extractive industry so dominated that everything else came in last, and on the eve of Mexican independence it was almost the only develOped exporting segment of the economy. However, "marching armies, roving bands, and fleeing citizenry . . . devastated the colonial economy upon which the new nation was to be founded."7 By 1822 gold and silver production scarcely reached A0 percent of pre-independence totals. Mexican Poligy Rhetoric to the contrary, Mexican policy was little more than one staggering attempt after another to stabilize a national government. The struggle for independence left the country in precarious financial straits without a firm base upon which to rebuild. Fleeing peninsulares took their capital with them. Since this was often in the form of silver coin and plate, their flight removed the circulating medium. The economy was paralyzed. The cotton-textile industry, which could not supply colonial needs, produced less than half its pre-independence output. Shipments of cotton over almost non-existent roads, or roads and trails under constant £flflxuflc,came to a complete stop, and although import restric- tions encouraged domestic textile production it never met domestic demands. 6Ibid., p. 105. 7Ibid., p. 130, 72 Raw cotton brought as much as fifty cents per pound, yet for lack of adequate transportation the economic feasibility of production was limited to haciendas near the textile mills of Guadalajara and Puebla. Even so, much of Puebla's industry operated on raw cotton packed in from Veracruz that had been imported from the United States, where cotton sold for fifteen cents a pound. By 1868, transporting raw material from coastal regions added so much to costs that the textile industry of Guadalajara faltered and was forced into producing only for local markets. Mexico's entire export pattern attests to the lack of any real industrialization for almost A00 years. Decendents of the conquerors in the early twentieth century were still dreaming of El Dorado, and minerals still dominated. An interregnum of utter chaos followed. During the bitter second revolution, 1911-192A, the most spectacular growth attained took place in the national debt. For the third time in less than 100 years, Puebla's cotton textile mills were destroyed or reduced to ineffective arbitrary production. Any export that had developed ceased to exist. And, until World War II progress was almost capricious. The interruption of supply lines throughout the world caused by the Second WOrld War actually gave impetus to the cotton textile industry in Puebla. However, with the end of war came a need for readjustment that was not forthcoming, and even though inertia carried high productivity into the decade