PARTEMPATMN PATTERNS AND { SGCiAL M"??? U DES 0F REORGANIZED LATER BAY. SAINTS ' Thesis ft}? the game of 5%.- A. , MECHEGAR STATE UHEVERSETY PHEUP BEAN FATRiCK 1973 ”I. T5nN "' ‘aiiius'a‘v ‘=’ HBAG & SONS’ 800K BINDERY 2H5: _ 9mm amoms a"; it “‘alli II . J-‘Wfi" NOV 2 72011 022 if: 12 ABSTRACT PARTICIPATION PATTERNS AND SOCIAL ATTITUHES OF REORGANIZED LATTER DAY SAINTS BY Philip Dean Patrick This study of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints replicates the central aspects of a study of the United Church of Christ done in 1964 by Campbell and Fukuyama. The data used in the present analysis have their source in a larger study of higher education done by the RLDS church in 1969. The basic hypothesis For both Campbell and Fukuyama and this study was that, "Different church participation orientations have different consequences for behavior and attitudes on social issues." The means of testing the hypothesis was to construct indices of church participation patterns; Organizational Involvement, Devotional Orientation and Belief Orientation, and using them as intervening variables between the independent variables of age, sex, education and socio-economic class and questions on race, tolerance and federal government activity. The theory For applying the participation indices is one of deprivation - privilege. Members who are categorized as Philip Dean Patrick privileged were expected to show attitudes that would reinforce their position in society and members categorized as deprived were expected to show attitudes that seek compensation for their lack of position. In addition to the basic hypothesis, this study had two hypothe— ses of expected differences between the two church samples. (1) The correlations between the church participation indices and social attitudes would be stronger for the Latter Day Saints then the United Church sample. (2) The correlations between the independent variables and both the church participation indices and the social attitudes would be stronger for the United Church group then the Latter Day Saint group. Both studies are only designed to show patterns of responses and use only simple tables of correlations to check for these patterns. The results in the present study as well as the Campbell and Fukuyama study show that the church participation indices can be used as meaningful intervening variables to measure church members' social attitudes. For the expected differences between the two church groups, the correlations between the church participation indices and the social attitudes were stronger fer the Latter Day Saints; but the correlations using the independent variables showed no consistent pattern of difference. PARTICIPATION PATTERNS AND SOCIAL ATTITUDES OF REORGANIZED LATTER DAY SAINTS By Philip Dean Patrick A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1973 This one is for my wife Setsuko Ho Ho ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my church, the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints for letting me have the data on which this study is based and also Mel Kalish for writing the computer program. Several others have helped me at various stages; but fer both his patience and encouragement, Dr. Fred Waisanen rates a special thank you from me. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 The Campbell and Fukuyama Study and hypotheses This Reorganized Latter Day Saint study, hypotheses and design 2. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RLDS SAMPLE . . . . 7 3. RESULTS AND COMPARISONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLE CORRELATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Age Sex Education Index of Socio—economic Class 4. CHURCH PARTICIPATION INDICES AND THE SOCIAL ATTITUDE QUESTIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . l6 Negro rights to equal treatment Integrated Neighborhood Guaranteed Minimum Income 5. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 LIST OF REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 APPENDIX A RLDS TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 B QUESTIONS USED FROM THE RLDS HIGHER EDUCATION QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . . . . . 32 C GENERAL QUESTIONS SELECTED FROM THE RLDS HIGHER EDUCATION QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . . . 37 iv LIST OF TABLES TABLE Page 1. Age related to the church participation indices . . . . 10 2. Sex related to the church participation indices . . . . 10 3. Education related to the church participation indices . 13 4. Socio-economic class related to the church participation indices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l3 5. Age related to the church participation indices and social attitude questions by numbers and percentages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 6. Sex related to the church participation indices and social attitude questions by numbers and percentages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 7. Education related to the church participation indices and social attitude questions by numbers and percentages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 8. Index of Socio-economic Class related to the church participation indices and social attitude questions by numbers and percentages . . . . . . . . 29 9. Index of Organizational Involvement related to social attitude questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 10. Index of Belief Orientation related to social attitude questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 11. Index of Devotional Orientation related to social attitude questions 31 INTRODUCTION In 1970, Campbell and Fukuyama reported in their book (Campbell and Fukuyama, 1970) the results of a 1964 survey of the membership of the United Church of Christ. Their central concern was the influence of the church upon the social attitudes of its members. The Campbell-Fukuyama data are sourced in responses to a mailed questionnaire. A total of 8,549 usable questionnaires were returned, representing a 40 percent response. The basic questions of the United Church of Christ study were two: (1) Under the conditions of differentiation, is there any signi- ficant diversity in forms of church participation other than the diversity that reflects closely the forms of cultural diversity? (2) Can one discern any conscious or unconscious consequences of the diversity of forms of church participation that are not "ex- plained" by the cultural diversity underlying it? The specific hypotheses of the Campbell-Fukuyama study were as follows: 1. Differences in an individual's social situation result in different modes of religious orientation and social outlook. 1a. Privileged social groups will choose religious orientations which reflect the dominant values of the American culture and groups experiencing some form of social deprivation l 2 will choose religious orientations which compensate in some way for the social deprivations. 2. Participation in religious organizations is a phenomenon which can be meaningfully described along at least four dimensions: organizational, religious knowledge, belief and devotional orientations. V 2a. Privileged social groups will choose organizational and religious knowledge orientations to religion, while socially deprived groups will choose belief and devotional orientations. 3. Different church participation orientations have different consequences for behavior and attitudes on social issues. The first two hypotheses and their subhypotheses are derived from other religious studies. The objective was to check the United Church of Christ membership for degree of agreement with previous findings in this area before testing the third hypothesis on partici- pation and attitudes. The two subhypotheses introduce the theory that is used throughout the study to test for differences in church members participation and social attitudes. This theory is grounded in the idea that people attend church for one of two reasons; to gain reinforcement for their position in the society or to get compensa- tion for their lack of position. They make a simple division of privileged vs. deprived church members and define the privileged members as those who are young, male, have higher education and socio- economic class, greater organizational involvement and religious knowledge, lower belief and devotional orientation and show social attitudes that are more tolerant and accepting of social change. 3 Campbell and Fukuyama's broader interest was to establish a means of testing all United States churches and, therefbre, they wanted to use broad hypotheses and use the United Church of Christ sample as one test of all the possible denominations in the U.S. There was, of course, a major interest, related to funding source, in helping the United Church of Christ toward a fuller understanding of the needs and interests upon which its programs are based. The present research involves a replication of some central aspects of the Campbell-Fukuyama study, using data from a survey of the membership of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. In the RLDS survey, the church wanted to know what the membership felt its involvement in higher education should be. The survey was a major segment of a study done and presented at the April, 1970, church world conference. The results are based upon a questionnaire returned by nearly 1,000 members out of 2,300 mailed. This total includes several sub—samples: a random sample of Graceland College (the church-sponsored college) alumni, all of the ChurCh's full-time ministers, and any member who was a teacher at whatever level. For this research it was decided to use only the random sample of members, which provided 206 usable questionnaires. There were several expectations of how the Reorganized Latter Day Saints would compare with the United ChurCh of Christ Group. Several items contribute to these expectations. The RLDS church is small, with 200,000 members scattered around the world, although primary strength is in the Midwest United States. The membership has a high percentage of rural or recent rural background. The sample in this 4 study had nearly 60% raised in a rural setting and 25% presently living in a rural setting. Since the RLDS church gathered together in the 1850's from among those who did not follow Brigham Young to Utah, it has always been forced to identify itself as distinct from the Utah Mormons. When the average RLDS member explains his church to others, he usually finds that they know a little about the Mormon church, especially its his- torical ties to polygamy and Utah location. The RLDS member, there- fore, generally starts from a "defensive” position, having to explain how he is a Latter Day Saint but not a "Mormon". Added to this feel— ing for the RLDS member is the history of persecution of Latter Day Saintism, especially while Joseph Smith was alive. A high percentage of the membership is born into the church. Recruiting new members is not pursued and most new members, other than children of the church, are people who marry into a church family. Educated people and ideas and, especially, theologically educated priesthood are not accepted within the church. With this background, the expectation was that the RLDS church would show a more distinct influence upon its members than was the case for the UCC sample of Campbell and Fukuyama. The Reorganized group was expected to be more homogeneous than the UCC group. We anticipated that mean educational achievement level would be lower, as would social class. On all of the church partici- pation indices, we expected that they would show higher scores. In regard to social attitudes we expected that they would show a great? er tendency towards responses indicative of social deprivation. CHURCH INDEPENDENT PARTICIPATION SOCIAL VARIABLES PATTERN ATTITUDES INDICES , SEX ; ORGANIZATIONAL NEGRO RIGHTS i AGE INVOLVEMENT GUARANTEED EDUCATION ------: DEVOTIONAL ---------- INCOME i SOCIO- ECONOMIC ORIENTATION 5 INTEGRATED I CLASS 3 BELIEF ORIENTA- 3 NEIGHBORHOOD ‘ : TION 7 I l The above diagram provides a conceptual framework for discussion of the differences that were expected between the two church groups. The church participation patterns, are, in effect, being tested as intervening variables to find, first, whether they reinforce the independent variables or in any way make a difference. The expecta- tion was that the Reorganized group would show differences in all three linkages from what had been found for the UCC group, In re- gard to correlations between the independent variables and the church participation indices and also social attitudes, we expected that the RLDS group's relationships would not be as strong as the UCC group, but that they would 5 till be similar. We expected the biggest differences in regard to the effect of church participation patterns upon social attitudes. All three indices were expected to show a stronger correlation fer the RLDS group than fer the UCC group. All of the expectations were predicated upon the idea of a general sense of deprivation fer members of the RLDS church. The parts of the UCC study that could be replicated included the feur independent variables: mic class index made up of occupation and income. participation indices used in the UCC study, one, age, sex, Of the four church the Index of education and a socio-econo- 6 Religious Knowledge, could not be replicated. The other three UCC participation indices could be approximated. The Index of Organiza- tional Involvement included items on church attendance, contribu- tions and various church related activities. Appendix B has all the RLDS questions used to approximate the United Church of Christ indices. The indices of belief and devotion were not as easy to approx- imate. The UCC Index of Devotional Orientation used three questions to measure degree of devotion and the RLDS questionnaire included only two questions that were judged appropriate. One, "Private prayer is one of the most important activities of my daily life.", fits very well. The other, "The basic concern of the church member ought to be to prepare himself for celestial glory.", fits well but only for Latter Day Saints. (In Latter Day Saintism, heaven is stratified and "Celestial" is the highest heaven.) In the Belief Orientation Index, several questions that are specific to Latter Day Saintism were used. Although we recognized that the United Church indices were measuring more general Christian belief and devotion orientations than would be true of the RLDS indices, we felt there was sufficient commonality to justify the comparison. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RLDS SAMPLE In comparison with the United Church of Christ sample, the Reorganized Latter Day Saints group is a little younger, median age being 42 vs. 45 for the United Church sample. The RLDS group is pre- dominantly middle class, 76% vs. 56% in the two middle class groups. Although the RLDS group has a larger percentage in the upper middle group than the UCC group, on the whole the RLDS sample is lower and can be characterized as middle class. Like the UCC sample the typical RLDS respondent is married, has children and holds a white collar job. The average RLDS member earns approximately $10,000 a year, compared to the UCC average of $8,100 in 1964. Compared to the UCC sample, the RLDS members have less education, with slightly over half of flhem not having gone beyond high school. The UCC group had 61% with some schooling beyond high school and 18% of the total with post-graduate work vs. only 2% for the RLDS. The RLDS sample has a slightly higher percentage of females, but is similar in marital status categories with the larger U.S. popula- tion. The sample members are relatively immobile, as measured by time lived in present residence. In the RLDS group, 55% had not moved in the past 5 years and another 23% had moved just once. The UCC group had 63% living in the same home 5 years or more and another 12% three to five years. In terms of education and socio-economic class, the RLDS group 7 8 is not only lower but also more homogeneous than the UCC group. In education the RLDS group had 92% of its people in the range of some high school to college graduate, while the UCC group had 70% in this range. Also in the range 9th grade through high school graduate the RLDS had 46% as compared to 27% for the UCC group. Additionally the UCC group had about 62% with some education beyond high school while the RLDS group had 49%. In the Index of Socio-economic Class the RLDS members had only % lower and 19% upper while the UCC members had 13% and 31%, respec- tively. The difference in the upper level is mostly in terms of occupation, as the UCC sample had 40% in professional, technical or managerial categories. In the two lower and upper middle class groups, the RLDS had 76% to 56% for the UCC group. In the occupation scaling for the RLDS sample, there is some degree of distortion towards the two middle class groups. The occupation question used allowed "housewife" to be given as an occupation without finding out the head of household occupation. The result was 72 answers of house- wife. In combining occupation and income into the socio-economic class index as shown in Appendix 8, all housewives have been counted as either upper or lower middle class depending on income. Despite this classification problem, it does appear that the UCC sample has a higher mean SES, but the RLDS group is more homogeneous in regard to social class. RESULTS AND COMPARISONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLE CORRELATIONS Each of the independent variables--age, sex, education, and the Index of Socio-economic Class--were run against the three Church participation indices and the three social attitude questions. The results are in the tables in Appendix A. be Age shows a positive relationship in all three of the church participation indices fer the RLDS members. It is particularly strong in the Index of Belief Orientation with a difference of 30% between the percentage of the young and the old scoring high. While the directionality is not that strong on the other two indices, it is, nevertheless, positive, with relatively high involvement and high devotion. Both the Index of Belief Orientation and the Index of Devotional Orientation show a stronger positive tendency fer the RLDS members than was the case for the UCC members. For both of the church groups, the Index of Organizational Involvement shows interesting results. Fukuyama and Campbell had expected an age difference between the pattern for "activity" and the pattern fer "belief". While belief and devotion where expected to be fUnc- tions of age, involvement was not. Those who are in their "prime of life", i.e., 35-49 years old, were expected to have the greatest organizational involvement; this was true of the UCC group. 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The UCC study reports that educational achievement was related positively to the two indices of civil rights and social acceptance. "A clear case of the privileged being more concerned about civil issues." (p.154). Similarly, education had a modest, but not very pronounced, positive correlation with attitude toward federal activity. For the RLDS members, the comparable responses Show a curious mixture, along with some reversal from the UCC findings between education and social attitude. On the question of equal treatment for Negroes, there is a negative correlation with educational achievement. In the case of the Integrated Neighborhood question, both educational groups show agreement with living in an integrated neighborhood; but higher education tends towards stronger agreement. The percentages for the higher educational achievement group jump from 44% on the equal treatment question to 60% on the integrated neighborhood question. Compared with this mixture on the two racial questions, the Guaranteed Minimum Income question shows both educational groups against it. Higher educational achievement is again stronger in disagreement. Irrespective of the fact that educational achievement shows some reversal from the UCC study on the two racial questions, one must conclude that the relationships are so confounded by the income difference as to make it impossible to make defensible com— parisons using the present analytic mode. In summary, for the RLDS group the data on educational achievement 15 and church participation indices show a clear pattern, but the issues are reversed and mixed between education and the social at- titude questions. Index of Socio-economic Class The UCC study found very little difference between the education and class variables in correlation with the church participation indices and the social attitude indices. The only difference was that the socio-economic index is more strongly related to all three of the church participation indices than education is. For the RLDS group this pattern holds true except on the Guaranteed Minimum Income question. On the two questions of Negro rights and integration, there is a tendency for the upper class category to be much more in favor of equal treatment and social acceptance. How- ever, there is a reversal on the Guaranteed Minimum Income question with the lower class category being in favor of it and the upper class being strongly against it. In summary, the independent variable correlations with the church participation indices and the social attitude questions for the RLDS members have tended, on an overall basis, to agree with the findings in the UCC study. Both sets of findings tend to be consistent with deprivation theory. The special case of the data on the Guaranteed Minimum Income question will be discussed later. CHURCH PARTICIPATION INDICES AND THE SOCIAL ATTITUDE QUESTIONS 1. Negro Rights to Equal Treatment "Negroes have to earn their right to equal treatment." Low involvement people tended to agree with this statement as did high scorers on both the Index of Belief Orientation and the Index of Devotional Orientation. The predicted pattern in the UCC study was that organizational involvement should relate positively with equal treatment and that both Belief Orientation and Devotional Orientation should relate negatively with equal treatment. The data of the present study are supportive of this expectation. Those who scored high in belief and/or devotion were most inclined to believe that the Negro should "earn his Rights", while the high organizational involvement group was more in favor of giving the Negro equal treatment, rather than making him earn it. In the RLDS group, the hypothesis was supported; in the UCC study, there was one exception, i.e., the Index of Devotional Orientation was positively related to both the Index of Civil Rights and the Index of Social Acceptance. 2. Integrated Neighborhood A similar pattern was hypothesized for social acceptance, and the UCC study had the same results with the Devotional Orientation being the exception. The question, "All other things being equal, 16 17 I would prefer to live in an integrated neighborhood with whites, blacks, and others", was used as the RLDS equivalent to the UCC Index of Social Acceptance. The only distinction that this question showed, with the exception of its relation to the Index of Devo- tional Orientation, was a variance on the degree of agreement. For the four independent variables and both the organizational involvement and belief orientation indices, the range in all groups was from 55% to 66% agreement. For the two indices on involvement and belief there was almost no difference, with scores of 59% and 60% on organizational involvement and 58% and 61% on the belief index. The only exception in all of the associations with the Integration Question was the high devotion group. All other corre- lations, including the independent variables, ranged from 55% to 66% agreement with living in an integrated neighborhood; but the small group in the high devotion category have 55% disagreeing. 3. Guaranteed Minimum Income In the Federal Activity area, the UCC study hypothesis was that higher organizational involvement would be associated with higher federal activity and both higher belief and devotion orien— tations would be associated with lower federal activity. For the UCC study indices none of the expectations was supported. Their organizational involvement and belief indices did not show any association either way, and the association between devotion and federal activity was positive rather than negative. "The U.S. needs a guaranteed minimum income for all families.", 18 was the only question out of the RLDS questionnaire that could be used as an approximation of the UCC Index of Federal Activity. All three of the RLDS church participation indices showed the op- posite association from the UCC prediction. The Index of Organiza- tional Involvement was eSpecially strong in its negative relation- ship, and in all the correlations of the Independent Variables with this question only the Index of Socio-economic Class had a stronger correlation value. The fact is that as an approximation of the UCC Index of Federal Activity, this question has been reversed in every correla- tion from the UCC hypothesis. At the same time it has done the best job of providing a distinction between all of the various privileged- deprived categories. While the UCC hypothesis was that the privi— leged categories would support federal actiVity, we find the exact opposite in every single correlation with this question. The older members, females, lower education and socio-economic class, low organizational involvement and high belief and devotion orientations were the categories that supported a guaranteed minimum income. In summary, the data show the deprived supporting an issue that would directly benefit them while the privileged oppose a policy that would presumably cut into their advantaged status. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Campbell and Fukuyama defend the privilege-deprivation hypotheses as follows: If our hypothesis on privilege and deprivation has any merit, we should find that older persons, females, persons of lower education, those with lower index of socio-economic class scores...should have a tendency to View issues in one way. And in contrast, younger people, males, the more highly educated, those with higher Index of Socio-economic class scores...should tend to view issues in a different way. (p. 130) Each of the independent variables has, in turn, been examined for its relation to each of the church participation indices and to each of the social attitude questions. Additionally, the three participation indices were each examined in relation to the three social attitude questions. While both church studies have upheld the privilege-deprivation hypothesis, two questions of comparison remain.‘ Did the hypothesis stand differently between the two groups as had been hypothesized and did the Reorganized Latter Day Saint group show any more of a tendency to answer in a deprived pattern? For this study, the hypotheses were that, (l) the three church participation indices would show a stronger correlation with the three social attitude areas than had been true for the United Church of Christ group, and (2) that the correlations between the independent variables and, firstly, the church participation indices and, se- condly, the social attitudes would be stronger fer the United Church 19 20 of Christ. The independent variable correlations show mixed results. Individual "independent variable" correlations show each group as sometimes stronger and sometimes weaker, with the total results standing about even in the effect that the independent variables have upon the indices and social attitudes. They do not have a lesser effect for the Latter Day Saint group. The other half of the hypothesis was upheld. The correlations for the church participation indices with social attitudes proved to be stronger for the Latter Day Saints. In fact, all three indices appear to have had a stronger correlation. This cannot be stated positively as some of the results were summarized in the United church study without being shown in tables. The factors that pro- duced the hypothesis stemmed from the difference in social position of the two churches involved in the studies. It was felt that the total commitment and effect of the church would be stronger upon the individual member of the lower positioned church. While the independent variables did not make a difference between the two groups, the crucial element is the church participation and their relations to social attitudes. On all three indices, the Latter Day Saints show a tendency to score higher than the United church members. Organizational involvement is particularly strong for the Latter Day Saints. The overall strength of the church's hold upon its members should be comparable on this basis. Clearly, then, the "hold upon" or commitment of the Latter Day Saint is stronger. From this conclusion the expectation would again be that the relations 21 between church participation and social attitudes would be stronger for the church that appeared to have stronger ties with its members. This is indeed the case for these two churches. It would be inter- esting to see if the same relations held true for other churches. The hypotheses of the Campbell-Fukuyama study have all been supported in this study and the hypothesis that the RLDS group would show a greater deprivation pattern has also held up. The socially differentiated Reorganized groups do show different modes of religious orientation and social attitudes, with the three church participation indices providing the means of measuring these differ- ences. Variations in these indices are related to differences in social attitudes. The comparison of these two church groups shows that not only do the different indices demonstrate that different religious or- ientations can be measured, and that there is a basic difference between the churches, e.g., by privilege-deprivation; but addition— ally, that even though these differences appear, the total comparison lends credence to the idea that the churches of America are by and large more alike than different. Some specific differences have been evident in the results. Campbell and Fukuyama had supposed that less privileged churches would have a higher percentage of members scoring high on the two indices of belief and devotion; but said nothing about any expected difference in organizational involvement. The actual differences were the greatest in the Involvement Index. The RLDS group had a total of 68% scoring high on involvement compared to only 39% for 22 the UCC sample. The indication from the big difference is that the RLDS member who is not highly involved in church activities is more disaffected from the church than a similar member of the United church with the result that he may be less inclined to answer a church-sponsored questionnaire like that used in this study. Campbell and Fukuyama acknowledged bias in their sample. The people who feel closer to the church will be more inclined to answer a church survey questionnaire; but they excused this bias because the study was to measure participation patterns of those who participate. This bias is probably stronger in the RLDS sample, but does not necessarily damage the results. The importance is not the total amount of involvement but the differences in involvement between various catagories, e.g., age groups, and differences be- tween the high and low involvement groups in social attitudes. We indicated earlier a need of saying more about the differences that the sex variable showed in its correlations. The UCC members evidenced little difference between the sexes on Church participation patterns and social attitude. The RLDS members, on the other hand, had only one question, Living In An Integrated Neighborhood, on which there was only a slight difference between the sexes. There appears to be evidence here of the different statuses of the two Churches and, perhaps, the roles of women within these different status levels. It may very well be that in the upper middle and class membership levels that the UCC represents, there is little sense of deprivation among the women; but the lower middle class RLDS women do show definite differences in the correlations of this study. 23 The final consideration in summarizing the results and com- parisons of these two studies is the crucial question of compara- bility. Were the questions and indices that were of necessity dif- ferent in the RLDS survey measuring the same variables at issue in the UCC study? The decision that the research could proceed with potentially profitable results rests primarily with the researcher, but only after he had consulted with several different people whose areas of "expertise" ranged from sociology to sociology of religion, members of the Reorganized church and members of the Utah Mermon church. The final decision of comparability rests in analyzing the data from the two studies. Going on the assumption that the totality of comparisons between the two Church groups shows a pattern decidely upon the side of similarities, an overall consistency of results in the data comparison would serve as support, although not proof, for the comparability of the two studies. The final judgement of this researcher is that the consistency and even the differences as al- ready discussed lend strength to the Reorganized study having measured the same basic church participation patterns and social attitudes. A final decision could only rest with a more exact replicative study done on another random sample of the Reorganized Latter Day Saints. Because this study was taken from a questionnaire that was not designed for the purpose of the study and had to use questions that could only approximate the United Church questions, there is room to doubt the accuracy of its results in regard to comparison with the UCC study. The results do indicate, however, that a further 24 study would be profitable. Short of doing a new study, another profitable possibility would be a ferther analysis of the remaining subsamples of the total gathered in the original RLDS survey. These are special groups of teachers, students, alumni, lay pastors and full-time ministers. Campbell and Fukuyama conclude that their group of United Church of Christ people is a conservative group. "From the pattern of responses to the policy questions and the questions concerning the church's relation to policy issues, one does not see the sample population as a very dynamic group dedicated to social change." (p.111). The same has to be said for this group of Reorganized Latter Day Saints. Even on the question that they gave the most support to, Living In An Integrated Neighborhood, only 59% were in favor of it. If these two church samples are indicative of religion in the United States, the church in America will not be leading the way in finding solutions to social problems and bringing about the "better life" for its members or the society at large. L IST OF REFERENCES LIST OF REFERENCES MAJOR REFERENCE Campbell, Thomas C., and Yoshio Fukuyama. The Fragmented Layman An Empirical study of Lay Attitudes. Philadelphia: Pilgrim Press. 1970. GENERAL REFERENCES Demerath, III, N. J. Social Class in American Protestantism. Chicago: Rand McNally. 1965. Glock, Charles Y., Benjamin R. Ringer, and Earl R. Babbie. Te Com- fort and to Challenge. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1967. Glock, Charles Y., and Rodney Stark. Religion and Society in Tension. Chicago: Rand McNally. 1965. Herberg, Will. Protestant-Catholic-Jew. Garden City, New York: Doubleday. 1960. Lenski, Gerhard. The Religious Factor. Garden City, New York: Doubleday. 1961. Schroeder, W. Widick, and Victor Obenhaus. Religion in American Culture. New York: The Free Press. 1964. Wilson, Bryan R. Religion in Secular Society. London: C. A. Watts and Co. Ltd. 1966. 25 APPENDICES APPENDIX A RLDS TABLES 26 n S on o 9. B n S E a 8 S t. on E IN a. w ne>o A. H mm 3. 0 mm me o S a. 3 mm 2 3. an S __ 3 3.3 o we on we em m on no we om oH mm mm mo mm mm . nova: _ w moz eenm< oonmm moz oonm< eonmm moz eenm< eenmm can: seq can: en: :04 awn: 304 mu< , -mna -mna -mnn omH ooH Hon ooommommonz mzcqu ommnzo S r mo H mm mm M mN me 0 mm mm ow mm oH on mN me on mwnmm L mu o we on w mm mm m um me mm ow 5 mm mm nv _ mm mm __ W W has oomuz moz oonm< oenmm moz oenw< eonmm moz oenw< oenmm can: 304 awn: fin: 304 awn: 304 mu< -mno -mno -mna omH oaH HoH coozmommonz mzouzn ammnzmm non mm ww 4m wm ww 0m ms on 0N Hm wm me on mmm4 mo mn