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ABSTRACT
CONVERSION AND ACCULTURATION OF URBAN
CHRISTIANS IN NORTHERN INDIA

By Wise B. Joseph

The acculturation processes resulting from the impinge-
ment of Western cultures upon the small non—Western societies
of the world are among the most challenging and complex areas
of dynamic cultural phenomena studied by anthr0pologists.
Despite careful observation and study of many acculturation
situations in scattered parts of the world, anthropologists
have given little attention to the acculturation process
resulting from religious change and contact with European and
American Christian missionaries.

This study is a preliminary attempt to delineate the
process of Conversion and Acculturation of Indian Christians
in urban northern India. It points out how the cultural
patterns of urban Christians differ from the traditional cul—
tural patterns of people in the North Indian state of Uttar
Pradesh. The author traces the cultural variants carried by
the Christians and shows how this diversity is a result of
conversion. The study also reveals how a small group of peOple,
‘by ad0pting the Western form of Christianity as its religion

and.by coming into continued and prolonged contact with Western

Wise B, Joseph

missionaries, builds up an extensive Western outlook.

Conversion in this study is considered as the exchanging
allegiance to one religious community for allegiance to another
community, Conversion is regarded as meeting individual needs
and group circumstances. The study, thus also examines why
some segments of the population (mostly Untouchables) accepted
Christian conversion and others did not. It also eXplains
why Untouchables, who were mostly attracted to accept Christian
baptism in the wake of Christian mission activities, are averse
to it at the present time.

Society and culture in Uttar Pradesh is discussed as a
background to'acculturation. To trace the process of conver—
sion, the situation of contact with Western missionaries, and
the Western form of Christianity, the history of conversion
has been briefly described. In order to delineate aspects of
acculturation, the need dispositions of the converts and their
present cultural patterns have been explained. Through these
descriptions, the study gives a picture of the variety of
changes which have taken place in the cultural traditions of
the converts as a result of Christian conversion and contact
'with Western missionaries. Aspects of the conversion to
Christianity of the Uttar Pradesh and Syrian Christians in

Kerala provide a comparative dimension to the study in terms

Wise B, Joseph

of differences in kind and degree of acculturation. The
methodological approach is afforded by the cultural historical

and historical functional schools of ethnology.

CONVERSION AND ACCULTURATION OF URBAN
CHRISTIANS IN NORTHERN INDIA

by

Wise B. Joseph

A.THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Anthropology

1965

 

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The fledgling work of any writer is likely to be a meagre
achievement in comparison to the professional knowledge and
assistance imparted to him. This treatise is no exception.

The training and enthusiasm that serve as basis for this study
came from many quarters.

To his teachers, the author owes his training in anthro—
pology. He, however, especially acknowledges indebtedness to
his major professor, Dr. Ralph W. Nicholas, whose ready accep—
tance of the tOpic for research, creative support and generous
guidance led to the completion of this study. Sincere thanks
are also due to other members of the committee, Dr. Seymour
Parker and Dr. John D. Donoghue whose help and directions were
invaluable.

The author is thankful to the Rev. Warren J. Day of the
Peoples' Church, East Lansing, Michigan and to the Rev. James
P. Alter, Director, Christian Retreat and Study Center, Dehra
Dun, India for providing him with very useful literature per-
taining to the tOpic, for continued interest and encouragement
'which were a great assistance in pursuing the present study

and most helpful in stimulating author's thoughts about the

problem.

ii

Thanks are also due to fellow graduate students for
useful discussions on the tOpic.

An especial note of thanks goes to Miss Margaret Flory,
Secretary, Commission on Ecumenical Mission and Relations of
the United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. and to Miss
Madeline Brown, Librarian of the United Presbyterian Mission
Library at the Inter—Church Center, New York, for being very
kind in making available to the author numerous mission reports
and other pertinent literature.

Though encouragement and assistance have come from
various sources, the author alone is responsible for the end

product presented here.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

LIST OF TABLES .

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ll

0 O O O O O O O O O U C C O O O C O O 0 V1

ILLUSTRATION . . Vii

Chapter
I.

II.

III.

IV.

INTRODUCTION . .

Background

The Idea of Conversion and Concept of
Acculturation

The Problem

Scope and Methodology

SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN UTTAR PRADESH . . . . . . 22

Background

The PeOple and Religion
Caste and Outcaste
Ideologies and Customs

THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN CONVERSION IN UTTAR
PMDESH O O O O I O O I O O O O O O O O C O O O 5 9

History of Christian Missions in Uttar Pradesh
Background of the Converts

Situations of Contact Between Converts and
Western Culture

ASPECTS OF ACCULTURATION . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

Conscious attempt to Westernize
Cultural Patterns of Converts
Extent of Acculturation

SYRIAN CHRISTIANS , 12 0

Background
Cultural Patterns

iv

Chapter Page
VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . l3l

LISTOFREFERENCES..................135

LIST OF TABLES

1961 CensuS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Number per 10,000 of Population . . . . .

Distribution of Christians by Districts in
Uttar Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Indian Christians in Wards
of LucknOW. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Proportion of the Hindus and Muslims to
Indian Christians in Wards. . . . . . . .

vi

Page
28

30

68

104

105

ILLUSTRATION

1. Sketch Map of the City of Lucknow Page
Showing the Municipal Wards . . . . . . . . . . . . 106

Vii

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Background

The Idea of Conversion and
Concept of Acculturation
The Problem

Scope and Methodology

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Background

The geographical discoveries emanating from areas of
EurOpean settlement since the end of the fifteenth century,
and the growing hegemony of Western Europe over the globe
accelerated the meeting of civilizations. In this meeting,
Christian missionary activities, with their imprint of Western
culture, percolated in various societies of non-Western world.
The dream of a Christian world which slumbered in the memory
of the West, since its own conversion, gave fervor to Christian
missionaries' desire to spread the word of the Christian god
among the heathen. Since the fifteenth century the contact
of Christian missionaries and missions with natives in non-
Western societies has increased continuously. In this human
drama, Asia, Africa and Latin America were most affected., In
all the Latin American countires, Christianity has survived
the revolutions and became the dominant religion of the new
regimes. In Asia and Africa, members in some segments of
pOpulation changed their religious affiliation and entered the
Christian ranks. In India "the great bulk of adherents came

into the group in the latter half of the nineteenth and early

twentieth century, especially in the so-called ‘mass movements'
'when most members (chiefly Untouchables) entered the Christian
ranks." (Schermerhorn 1962: 498, cf. Pickett 1933: 27).
Examining this historiczdevelOpment we are confronted
with two questions: Why do persons in some segments of a
population change their religious affiliation and others do
not? How does the religious change impinge upon the cultural
traditions of the converts? These questions ask for explanation.
Although missionaries have given accounts of their acti-
vities in scattered non-Western societies, they have given
little attention to these questions. Hylep writes, "The great
part of the materials, especially the writings of the Christian
and Missionary Alliance, manifest only a single minded convic-
tion: that our sole obligation is to proclaim the gospel with
a view to conversion." (Hyslop 1964: 459). Social scientists
have also neglected the study of Christian groups in non-Western
societies. For the first decades of the twentieth century
anthr0pological observers did not have the dynamic view which
‘would make the problem of Christian conversion interesting.
.About fifty years ago, the communities anthrOpologists studied

'were often almost isolated from the civilized world. In those

days

The anthithesis between the apparently un—progressive
primitive and self-consciously develOping man was so

strong that the anthropologist tended to assume too
easily that he was dealing with static conditions.
Even where some radical change in the social institu-
tions of a people could not be passed over . . . the
anthrOpologist was apt to take a retrospective, even
nostalgic, point of View. He was more concerned with
what had been lost than with the positive implications
of the change. (Firth 1956: 80-81).

As the twentieth century has progressed anthrOpologists
have noticed that ”a meeting, an encounter, of the different
cultural and religious worlds is inevitable" (Kraemer 1960: 11).
The annihilation of distance with the introduction of Modern
western technology has brought cultures and religions all over
the world into closer contact with one another than ever before.
In this process, anthropologists have taken a more dynamic view
of culture and religion. They have realized that cultural and
religious groups react to contacts with other cultures and
religious groups, and to the working of its own institutions.
Thus, "a peOple's culture is, by definition, their traditional
'heritage, but nevertheless their organized activities, their
'beliefs, their social structure and their artifacts are con-
stantly subject to change" (Richards 1959: 373).

Avowedly, a paaple's culture is subject to change under

(mantact with different cultures. In order to determine the

cniltural change, anthrOpologists have laid the path for an

 

 

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objective study of variety and change in cultural traditions.
In the present study, reactions of some segments of the pOpu-
lation in Uttar Pradesh, while in contact with Western Christian
missions have been delineated in the light of the variety and
changes occurring as a result, in their cultural tradition.
Hence,a study of a Christian group using this anthropological
approach, provides some answers to the two nodal problems
stated earlier. Norbeck writes, "Of special interest among

the newer trends is (an) . . . interest in the nature of reli-
gious change” (Norbeck 1964: 222). ”Changes in the religious
sphere have given . . . important . . . insights on the general
process of cultural change" (Lessa and VOgt 1962: 453).

In the present study an attempt has been made to delineate
some functions of religious conversion and the processes of
acculturation resulting from conversion. It describes in broad
outline, the acculturation process resulting from Christian
conversion and the impingement of EurOpean and American missions
upon the Christian converts of northern India.

Since terminology is an essential tool in research, and
terms must be as clear as possible, a discussion of the "idea

of conversion" and "concept of acculturation" might be helpful

before going further.

The Idea of Conversion and Concept of Acculturation

Scholars of religion have found that religious ideas
help in the struggle for existence. Accounts of primitive
religion vividly document religion as an instrument to over-
come the perils and to satisfy the needs of life. An interest-
ing description of the dependence of hunting peoples like the
North American Indians, on spiritual powers is found in the
works of anthropologists like I. O. Dorsey, F. Boas and Ruth
Benedict. Thus writes Herskovits: "Man everywhere uses reli-
gion to find and maintain himself in the scheme of things"
(Herskovits 1964: 361). Undoubtedly, like many other aSpects
of social organization, religion is commonly conceived as
possessing an inherent fixity (Howells 1962: 251). ”In fact,
however, it is not exempt from the law of change, but such
change is gradual and is not liable to be considerable unless
new needs or new cultural contacts arise" (Nock 1961: 2).
Frankfort, Schauss, Linton, Barber, Hill, Slotkin, Belshaw,
Herskovits and Geertz have discussed how religious change takes
place in various simple societies (Lessa and Vogt 1958: 453-
512).

But these works explain the cultural phenomenon of
"religious change" and do not give any insight into the indi-
vidual phenomenon of "conversion” with which we are concerned

here.

Idea of Conversion:

In order to understand the individual phenomenon of
conversion, we will have to review the two opposite poles of
man's religious history. On the one side, there are religions
of tradition, which are the systems of religious Observances
of social units. They are indigenous and have grown up among
the very social groups they serve. They do not commend their
own tradition to others. Hinduism and Judaism are good examples
of such religions of tradition. On the other side, we have
prophetic religions. They are founded on the historical figures
of great personal force, like Jesus, Mohammed, or Buddha. They
are "imperialistic, going out to bring into the fold others
than those peOple among whom they grew up" (Howells 1962: 5).
They have a message and sufficient vitality to carry it abroad.
They create in men the deeper needs which they claim to fulfill.

Acts xvi 30 represents the jailer at Thessalonica as saying
to Paul and Silas 'What must I do to be saved?', but this

is in a story told from the Christian point of View. If
such a man used phraseoloqy of this sort, he could have
meant only 'What am I to do in order to avoid any unpleasant
consequences of the situation created by this earthquake'
(Nock 1961: 9).

If an individual turns deliberately from a tradition or
peity generally held and characteristic of his society, to

another it may be called "conversion."

Whereas Hinduism is a religion of toleration and non—
proselytization, Christianity, Islam and Buddhism are prosely-
tizing religions. Radhakrishnan in his famous treatise,

'Eastern Religions and Western Thought' cites the views of
great Hindu leaders as follows:

Ramakrsna experimented with different faiths, tested them
in his own person to find out what is of enduring worth
in them. He meditated on the Quran and practised the
prescribed rites. He studied Christianity, and lived
like a Christian anchorite. Buddha, Christ, and Krsna,
he declared, were forms of the Supreme and they are not
all. The monks of the Ramakrsna Order join in any wor-
ship which is pure and noble and celebrate the birthdays
of Krsna, Christ and Buddha. Ram Mohan Roy instructs
that the Brahmo Samaj should be a universal house of
prayer Open to all men without distinction of caste or
colour, race or nation. Over the door of Santiniketan,
the home of the Tagores, runs an inscription not only
'In this place no image is to be adored,‘ but also 'And
no man's faith is to be deSpised'. Gandhi says: 'If I
were asked to define the Hindu creed, I should simply
say: Search after truth through non—violent means.

 

 

 

 

He wrote . . . in the Harijan: I believe in the Bible

as I believe in the Gita. I regard all the great faiths

of the world as equally true with my own. (Radhakrishnan

1959: 312—313).

These views indicate that Hinduism is a religion of

toleration and the idea of conversion does not occur in
Hinduism. Frequently books on Hindu religion and philosophy
also show that it is not a proselytizing religion. Interestingly

enough, it is not wholly true. The following remarks of Srinivas

reveal that it has been a proselytizing religion:

It is frequently said by apologists and reformers that
Hinduism is not a proselytizing religion like Christianity
and Islam. This again is not strictly true. Besides the
Buddhists and Jains, the Lingayats, who began as a militant
reformist sect in the South in the twelfth century A. D.
secured converts from all castes from the Brahmin to the
Untouchable in the early days of their history.

***

Conversion when it occurs in Hinduism is an indirect or
'backdoor' affair, spread over decades if not centuries,
and affects entire groups and not individuals. (I am
aware that some Brahmin and Lingayat monasteries have
converted individuals as well as groups of peOple, and
that the Arya Samajists believe in conversion).

***

It is true that Hindus do not try to convert Christians
or Muslims, but in a sense conversion is going on all the
time within Hinduism. The lower castes and tribal people
have been undergoing Sanskritization all the time, and
sects, Brahminical and non-Brahminical and Vaishnavite
and Shaivite, have actively sought converts. Persecution
for religious views and practices has not been unknown.

***

Hinduism does not convert people in the overt way in which
Christianity and Islam do, but this does not mean that
there is no conversion in it. In the past, alien groups
such as the Scythians, Parthians, White Huns, Yeu-chi and
many others have been absorbed into the Hindu fold, and

it is not unlikely that even alien individuals were able
to become Hindus.

***

Quite apart from Sanskritization, many Hindu sects did

Openly try to convert.

(Srinivas 1962: 132, 106-107, 133, 153-154, 154).
Nevertheless, Hinduism is considered a non-proselytizing

religion, for there is no formal mechanism for the conversion

of individual non-Hindus. "This is partly due to the caste

10

system, as without membership in a caste a man has no place in
society--he cannot find a bride, he cannot confer a recognizable
status on his children, and he has no rules with which to regu-
late his relations with others" (Srinivas 1962: 154).

By conversion, theologians generally mean the reorien-
tation of the soul of an individual. In Buddhist philosophy
conversion means entering a new way of deliverance from evil
and suffering. Christian theologians commonly view conversion
as coming into the Christian fold and in the Kingdom of God by
baptism. According to Moslem theology, conversion is a sub-

1
mission to three articles of Moslem faith: iman or doctrine,

=1

ibadat or religious duty, and ihsan or right conduct (Noss
1960: 698).

Theologians usually regard the cause of conversion as
a quest for truth and a realization that the old was wrong and
the new is right. On the other hand, some psychologists hold
that conversion is ”caused by a type of temporary neurotic
condition, resolution of which results in the establishment of
a 'new life'” (Stanley 1964: 60). Other definitions also
emphasize this a5pect (Johnson 1959: 117; James 1929: 186;
Benson 1960: 496). .

A definition of conversion acceptable to anthropologists

is "the exchanging of allegiance to one religious community for

11

allegiance to another." (The term 'religious community' has
been used here in the pOpular sense of a religious group. The
common idea in contemporary Indian thought about a religious
community is based on religious identity and social exclusive-
ness). They have shown that a basis of conversion is to meet
individual and group circumstances.

Among the Mundas and Oraons of Chota Nagpur in India, for

example, there had been anti-landlord rebellions since

the second half of the eighteenth century, eSpecially in

1820 and 1830. Christian missions arrived around the

mid-century, and peOple flocked to join them, in order

to gather new strength to offer fresh resistance to the

aggressiveness of their alien landlords" (Worsley 1957:

245).
Sangree in his study of Bantu Tiriki found that those anta-
gonized by and excluded from Tiriki age groups joined the
mission church for alternative affiliation and status——Tiriki
women accepted Christian conversion to escape the drudgery of
brewing beer for their uncongenial husbands (Sangree 1957).
Stone has observed in a case study of Negro folk community in
River Island that personal and cultural goals are served by
the religious eXperience of conversion. One who experiences
conversion (which is signalized by visions) secures membership
in church (because membership in church is solely through con-

version) and impresses people and satisfies family wishes (Stone

1962: 329—348). Firth says, "With many of the peasantry of

12

Oceania or Africa conversion has been not so much a search for
a better way of life as a search for a way of getting a better
living" (Firth 1956: 108—109). These brief statements give

a very general indication of how idea of conversion is used
in contemporary anthropological research.

Concept of Acculturation:

In order to define the meaning of the concept of accul-
turation, the Social Science Research Council appointed a
committee to delimit the phenomena related to this concept.
This committee put forth the following definition: ”Accultu-
ration comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of
individuals having different cultures come into continuous
first hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original
cultural patterns of either or both groups" (Redfield, Linton
and Herskovits 1936: 149). In the same memorandum the authors
draw attention to the difference between the concepts of Accul-
turation, Cultural change, Assimilation and Diffusion. Accul-
turation is only an aspect of culture change; assimilation may
be a phase of acculturation. Diffusion, though occurring in
all instances of acculturation, also takes place in types of
contact which are not "first hand".

In this study, emphasis is laid on the concept of accul-

turation and assimilation. The study deals with the prolonged

13

first hand contact between Christian population of Uttar Pradesh
in north India and selected groups from another pOpulation——
Western missionaries. The effects of contact between foreign
missionaries and Indian Christians are assessed in the light

of the present way of life of these Christians.

The rate of acculturation and assimilation of the
receiving group, according to Linton, is a function of the
relative ease with which the foreign cultural element can be
perceived by the receiving group. Therefore, it logically
follows that elements of technology used by the donor group
will be accepted far more rapidly and readily than the abstract
cultural elements of the social organization and value orienta—
tions of the donor group. Generally elements of technology
give immediate economic and social advantages and so will be
adapted quickly.

There are different situations in which acculturation
occurs; these are related to the types of contact situation.
Herskovits has described three situations: first, where elements
of culture are forced on a peOple, or where acceptance is volun-
tary; second, where no social or political inequality exists
between groups; in the third, there may be three alternatives:
where there is political but not social dominance; where domi-

nance is both political and social; and where social superiority

14

of one group over another is recognized without there being
political dominance (Herskovits 1964: 533). Undoubtedly,
political and social dominance are factors in accelerating or
retarding cultural change. Where superiority of one group is
recognized, a desire for uniformity with the superior group
acts as a powerful force to assimilate the customs of the domi-
nant group. Kroeber has contended that ”much human acculturation
has been voluntary” (Kroeber 1948: 343). Furthermore, the
factors most likely to function in the adoption or rejection

of a cultural element once perceived, according to Linton are
curiosity, a desire for novelty and advantage, a desire for
prestige and finally the utility and compatibility of the
element with the pre—existing culture. If these factors are
found, the receiving group would voluntarily accept and con-
form to elements of the culture of the conor group. According

to Spiro, in the American situation, acculturation is an
exclusive function of the group's desire . . . for accultura—
tion" (Spiro 1955: 1240).

This, too, is a study of voluntary acculturation. In
the process of change following first hand contact between
western missionaries and Christians of Uttar Pradesh, the
question to be examined is: How far has assimilation of cul-

tural elements of Christian missionaries been consciously furthered

by the converts themselves?

15

The Problem

 

There are, in any civilization, clearly differentiated
groups which 'carry' variants of a common tradition. In
India these variants are differentiated according to caste
and class; religious communities; linguistic and regional
groupings, age, sex and family history; tribal, peasant
and urban levels of cultural development (Singer 1958: 193).

One of the sects with which we are concerned in this study, is
of urban north Indian Christians. Contemporary Indian Christians
are second, third, or fourth generation. The great bulk of

them have Untouchable ancestors. Pickett mentions in 'Christian
Mass Movements in India' that in the United Provinces (now

Uttar Pradesh) members of depressed castes mostly Sweepers,

Doms, Chamars and a group of the Mazhabi Sikh were converted
(Pickett 1933: 51, 53). Pickett also mentions that Mazhabi;Sikh
before conversion were professional thieves, but after conver-
sion they improved their reputation. About the Christian groups,
converted from Untouchables he further comments: "Out of some
of these groups individuals have emerged and gone forward
rapidly to surmount obstacles of illiteracy, insanitary living
conditions, poverty, and social oppression" (Pickett 1933: 336).
These statements show that membership in north Indian Christian
community cuts across several scheduled castes and that it is

a relevant unit for the study of social mobility and of

"modernizing".

16

This study aims, in the first place, to outline in brief
the kind of society from which Christian converts came and
something of the cultural traditions which they brought with
them into Christianity. It has been said earlier that the
great bulk of adherents came to the group in the latter half
of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, when most mem—
bers (chiefly Untouchables) entered the Christian ranks. Thus,
this study aims to show, in the second place, the factors which
attracted the Untouchables and low caste persons to embrace
Christianity in the latter half of the nineteenth and early
twentieth century, and the factors which have made them averse
to conversion since then, deSpite the fact that they still
rank lowest in the caste hierarchy of Uttar Pradesh. Further-
more, the study is aimed to point out in the third place, the
process and extent of acculturation that has taken place in
the urban north Indian Christian Community.

The three aims are interconnected, and they throw light
on the main problem of this thesis.

In delineating the social and cultural picture of the
society from which converts came, the study falls within the
Sphere of ethnography, in unravelling the historical aSpect of
conversion, it comes under cultural history and in revealing
the trends of acculturation, it comes within the orbit of cul—

tural dynamics.

17

Scope and Methodology

 

The study is confined to Uttar Pradesh, the most pOpu-
lous State Of India. Until mutiny Of 1857, the major portion
Of the province, called Oudh, was under Muslim rule. Oudh was
annexed by the British in 1857.

The present pOpulation of Indian Christians in Uttar
Pradesh is 101,641 out of which 59,348 are urban and 42,293
are rural (India 1963: iii, 36). Most Of the Indian Christians
are descendants Of converts who entered the Christian ranks in
the Christian Mass Movements Of later nineteenth and during
the first three decades Of the twentieth century. The increase
and decrease of Christian pOpulation in Uttar Pradesh is well
marked. The Christians were only 48,000 in 1881. They kept
on increasing at each census till their figure reached 208,000
in 1931. Their number fell to 163,000 in 1941 and further to
124,000 in 1951 (India 1953: 20). It has further fallen.to
101,641 in 1961 (India 1963: iii). The large increase in their
number between 1881 and 1931 is indicative Of the great rate
Of conversion. This aspect provides an Opportunity to inves—
tigate the factors making conversion attractive and repulsive
in time perspective.‘

The history Of conversion and many decades' contact of

Of converts with Western missions create an occasion Of

18

acculturation. The cultural patterns Of urban Christians Of
Uttar Pradesh lend themselves well to demonstrating the pro-
cess Of acculturation and assimilation.

The investigation is confined to urban dwelling
Christians in Uttar Pradesh. The choice to study only urban
Christians is made on two bases: One, the contact situation--
The contemporary urban Christians in Uttar Pradesh are des-
cendants Of earlier converts, who were mostly recruited to
the Christian fold from rural scheduled casts. During the
"Christian Mass Movements," converts were brought into the
mission chpounds or walled areas surrounding missionary's
bungalow in the cities. Most Of the mission statunu;ana
churches Of the Western style are located in cities. Within
the urban situation, the Christians come in regular contact
with Western missionaries and Western forms Of religious or-
ganization. Besides, the Christian 'enclaves' that are well
distinguishable within the ambit of urban centers, portray the
group life Of the Christians. In each locale, the Christian
group clearly presents a picture of westernization resulting
firom.contact with Western missions and from an attempt to chan-
neJJize their own culture which is different from other groups.

In contrast, the rural Christians don't come in continued

'filrst hand' contact with Western missionaries. Moreover, the

19

rural society being far more knit and homogeneous, the rural
Christians have less Opportunity to deviate from their tradi-
tional rural way Of life. Thus, the rural Christians demon—3
strate few of the results of the process of acculturation
resulting from conversion.

Two, preponderance Of Christians in urban centers. A
large number Of Christian population in Uttar Pradesh is con-
stituted Of urban dwelling Christians. Thus, confining the
study to urban Christians gives a greater representation of
Christian pOpulation in Uttar Pradesh.

Furthermore, as a member Of the urban Christian com-
munity of Uttar Pradesh, the auther is able to speak of
Christian acculturation on the basis Of personal eXperience
rather than from the standpoint Of an outside Observer.

One Of the aSpects Of conversion, seen in thié'studya
is acculturation Of the convert. By accepting conversion to
Christianity, the convert comes in continued contact with the
‘Western type of religious organization, with Western missions
and with Christian institutions run on Western patterns. All
these result in the contact of the convert with the Western
wayr Of life. The convert finds some economic and social ad-
vantage and meets some of his life problems by adOpting the

W881:ern way Of life. Thus, one Of the functions Of conversion

20

as discussed in this study, is acculturation.

In order to examine the acculturation Of urban Christians
in Uttar Pradesh, first the background Of the converts has been
studied, second the situation Of their contact with Western
ways Of life has been noted, and lastly their cultural patterns
have been described. This will help in tracing out the variants
Of cultural traditions that are carried by the urban Christians
of Uttar Pradesh. The study has been bases upon the methodo-
logical approach afforded by the cultural-historical school
Of ethnology. The cultural-historical approach helps to
analyse, how the present social structure and Western outlook
Of urban Christians is a result of the acculturation process
resulting from the religious change and contact with Western
missionaries. It also helps to visualize the change in the
cultural traditions Of the converts in time persPective.
Furthermore, it aids in examining how these changes have passed
from earlier converts to their contemporary descendants. Many
sources have been tapped for gathering the material., Some Of
the available accounts of the Christian missions in Uttar
.Rnadesh and written works on Indian Christians during the last
and present centruy have been utilized. The quantitative data
has loeen procured from Census reports, mission reports and

from other works available on Uttar Pradesh Christians.

21

Various mission publications, newspaper articles, and statis-
tical information on education, widow marriage, occupation and
residential enclaves, etc., have aided in unveiling the aspects
Of acculturation.. The author's personal experience and ob—
servations have helped him in sorting out and utilizing data.
The author has had to pick and choose, collect and select

both for the sake Of avoiding conjecture and for a scientific
analysis. The anthropologist, as a scientist, may not take
part in the battle of creeds and rituals.

A brief comparison of Indian.Christians Of Uttar Pradesh
with Syrian Christians Of Kerala has also been added to the
study. The Objective Of comparison has been to ascertain how
the two groups Of Christians differ in the extent and degree
Of acculturation.

NO matter what the angle of attack on our problem,
neither conversion nor acculturation takes place in a vacuum;
these come about in a social setting. Therefore, this thesis

begins with a discussion Of society and Culture in Uttar Pradesh.

CHAPTER II
SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN UTTAR PRADESH

Background

The Pe0p1e and Religion
Caste and Outcaste
Ideologies and Customs

23

CHAPTER II

SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN UTTAR PRADESH

Background

Uttar Pradesh lies between north latitude 230 52' and
31° 18' and east longitude 77° 3' and 84° 39' in Northern India.
Its boundary in the north runs with the Nepal and Tibet in the
Himalayas, on the west and southwest are the States of Himachal
Pradesh and Punjab, Delhi, Rajasthan and on the south, States
of Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. It consists mainly Of a vast
alluvial plain, well irrigated by the river Ganges and its
tributaries. This region was known in classical times as

Aryavarta, the land Of Aryans. Before Muslim rule this region

 

had several Hindu princely states. In the year 1194, the

Slave King, Qutub-ud—Din Aibak, defeated the Ruler Of Kanauj
and added the domain Of Kanauj to his kingdom, the Delhi
Sultanate. This conquest brought the plains from Meerut to
Banaras--almost the entire present area Of Uttar Pradesh——
under Muslim rule. From that time until the Mutiny, the major
FKHTtion Of the province remained under Muslim rule. After
.MUIxiny in 1857, with the annexation Of Oudh, the whole province
can“; under British rule and was known as the United Provinces

Of Agra and Oudh. In 1949, the three princely states, Rampur,

24

Tehri Garhwal and Benaras were merged into the province and in
January 1950, on the inauguration Of the new Constitution of
the Indian Republic, the province was named Uttar Pradesh.

The historical continuity Of culture in Uttar Pradesh
is traced from prehistoric times. Basham writes: "The land
between the Ganges and its great tributary river Jamna, has
always been the heart of India. Here, in the region once known
as Aryavarta, the land of Aryans, her classical culture was
formed" (Basham 1959: 2). The following extract from 1931
census Of United Provinces of Agra and Oudh also conveys its

cultural continuity:

Archaeological discoveries have revealed the existence

in the Punjab and the confines Of Sind of a highly de—
veloped urban civilization which extended eastwards
towards, perhaps into the territory Of the United Provinces.
Every urban community depends on extensive agriculture and
on trade. Indus civilization with its magnificent develop-
ment of arts and crafts, with relations on the one side
with its enterprizing neighbours in Sumeria and on the
other with the territories to the east, must have exerted
profound influence on the political, social and economic
organization of the whole Of Northern India. If this

view be accepted or allowed even in part, it will be clear
that the historical continuity Of culture in Northern India
must be reckoned with and that the United Provinces in
particular must be expected to survive features in the
social, political and economic order Which date back to

the order associated with the Temple State. Here, tOO if
anywhere in India, will there be evidence Of contact with
other cultures, for on the eastern borders set by edict

and regardless Of nature and the historical distributions—-
are folk allied in speech with the Austric family whose
traces are found in the Himalayas as far west as sacred
Simla itself, and the mingling Of stocks from Mongoloid

i

ll)

()

25

areas filtering in through different passes in small num-

bers with stocks from the south, and the passage of enter-

prise from the west along the river routes mark the United

Provinces an area Of development by constant contact. Here

we have developed urban communities on sites which must

have been used for many long centuries because distinguished

by natural advantage; we have village communities self-

sufficient and self-maintaining; we have tribal communities
with their settled order and distinctive institutions

(United Provinces, Part I 1933: 541-542).

From the above, it rsclear that Uttar Pradesh has an
ancient and more or less continuous urban social and cultural
tradition. Huntington has shown that historical traditions
and cultural ideologies, though not visible on the surface are
nonetheless inexorable forces in shaping the destiny Of a group.
They exert their silent influence in a subtle but demonstrable
manner (cf. Huntington 1945: Chapt. 1).

Therefore, Muslims who entered Uttar Pradesh, and the
subsequent Muslim converts from.among the Hindus and Untouchables,
not only acquired a great deal from the traditional culture but
their social organization remained largely subjected to local
conditions. But the two cultures Of Muslims and Hindus were
capable of equal potentialities, each of the cultures acquired
some Of the characteristics or cultural traits from the other
and there developed in some regions of Uttar Pradesh, a common

and synthetic culture. Hence, the society and culture in Uttar

Pradesh has a historical continuity and is based on cultural

26

traditions formulated centuries ago. There is no doubt that
“every culture is a precipitate Of history" (Kroeber and
Kluckhohn 1963: 312); so contemporary society and culture

in Uttar Pradesh is the result of its many centuries' history.

Uttar Pradesh has an important position in the cultural
history of Northern India. Here, in this region the classical
culture of Aryans took its firm and final roots. The most
fertile districts Of northern India and the vehicle of its
commerce and civilization developed along its most sacred river
Ganges which has been a source Of blessing and Mother of life
for many Hindus. Here was the abode of Rama and Krsna, incar—
nations of god Visnu. Vaisnavism, the dominant sect of Hinduism
in north India, had its birth in Uttar Pradesh. The Mahabharata
and the Ramayana, the two great epics Of Hindus, originated
from this region. Thus, Uttar Pradesh is the heart of Hinduism
in Northern India.

Uttar Pradesh is the most populous state in India. Its
present area is 113,654 square miles and its pOpulation accor-
ding to 1961 census is 73,746,401. Its density of population
is 649 persons per square mile. It has fifty-four districts
and two hundred-seventy-five towns. Out Of the present total
pOpulation Of the state, 64,266,506 are rural and 9,479,895

are urban dwellers (India 1963: 36). During 1901-1961 the

27

pOpulation Of the State increased 51.7 percent. The increase
of pOpulation in rural area in this period is 49.1 percent and
in Urban area 76.3 percent (India 1963: 133), that is, during
the past sixty years there has been a considerable migration
of rural pOpulation to urban centers.

In 1931 (which is an important date, for by then, the
great bulk Of Christian converts, with whom we are concerned
in this study, had been made) the pOpulation Of the United
Provinces Of Agra and Oudh was 49,614,833 and the density Of
pOpulation was 442 persons to the square mile. At the census
of 1931, out of every thousand persons in the province, 112
were urbanand 800 were rural. Thus the large proportion Of
the pOpulation of the state has always been constituted of
rural people.

It is important to note, in connection with the distri—
bution Of pOpulation in rural and urban areas Of the State,
that in any region with a profound majority Of one religion,
persons of other religions reside mainly in towns. This is
because minorities do not feel at home in rural conditions,
especially when religious feeling runs high and the bulk of
the pOpulation is illiterate. This fact is evident from the

census of 1961, as is shown in the table below:

Winfiumwu‘ZuoHHV ~ AV‘. - ‘ .I-N ‘n‘ <.\.

28

Akm-sm

wNm
mm

one

 

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awn.ons omm.m~o.w Nmo.km mam.cmm.mn mm~.~¢ mkH.o
km“.mw~ awo.wwk.os on.~NH m~m.~m¢«~o Hwo.HoH nam.~H

 

w

 

 

 
 

 

 

sxwm mBHHmnz magma mapcwm mamauawusu. muwwsovnm

"mmmum Oman: pom amass OH maw>wa GOHwHHOH sumo cw maomuom mo Hmnapz

mDmZMU Home

maw.a~¢.m "can“:

son.oo~.so "Hausa

Ho¢.o¢m.m~ «HquH

smopmum “mun:

xH mgm<H

29

The PeOple and Religion

 

The population Of Uttar-Pradesh includes descendants Of
many pre-Aryan or pre—Dravidian aboriginals and tribes who
have, during the course of many centuries, been incorporated
into the Hindu social system. The Ahir, Dom, and Dosadh Of
Uttar Pradesh are examples Of such a transformation of abori—
gines into Hindu castes (Imperial Gazetteer of India 1907: 314).
During Muslim invasions and rule, many Hindus and Untouchables
accepted conversion to Islam and the present Muslims of Uttar
Pradesh have largely Hindu ancestors. Likewise, the Indian
Christians Of Uttar Pradesh owe their existence to conversion
from Hindu, Muslim, Untouchable and tribal families.

During the British rule Hindi and Urdu both had claims
to the stutus Of a lingua franca in Uttar Pradesh. Since
independence, Hindi is considered the lingua franca. There
are many dialects of Hindi used in different regions of rural
Uttar Pradesh. In cities a hybrid tongue called Hindustani
is commonly used in daily intercourse.

There are adherents Of Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism,
Christianity, Buddhism, and Jainism in the State. Like most
other States Of India, the main religion Of Uttar Pradesh is
Hinduism. Its adherents constitute 85% Of the total pOpu-

lation Of the State. According to the Census Of 1961, Hindus

30

are 62,437,313; Muslims 10,788,089; Sikh 283,737; Christians
101,641, Buddhists 12,893 and Jains 122,108 (India 1963:ii—v).
The following table gives a bird's eye view of their pOpu;

lation from 1881 to 1951:

TABLE I I

Number per 104000 of population
1951 1941 1931 1921 1911 1901 1891 1881

Hindus 8,505 8,367 8,436 8,492 8,505 8,520 8,586 8,596
Muslims 1,428 1,543 1,498 1,446 1,439 1,438 1,382 1,374
SikhS' 31 42 10 3 3 3 2 1
Christians 20 29 42 44 37 21 12 11
Buddhists : 1 1 _ _ - _ - _
JainS‘ 15 18 14 15 16 18 18 18

(India 1953: 19)

.From the above table we notice that in 1951, for the first time
since 1881 Hindus showed a rise in proportion to the total
pOpulation. Their pOpulation, which was nearly 86 percent in
1881, had been gradually declining and Stood a low Of less than
84 percent in 1941. It started rising from 1951 as we notice
in the past two decennial census. The decline Of Hindu pOpu—
lation from 1881 to 1941 was the result Of conversion of Hindus
tO Christianity and Sikhism and .due to the higher rate Of in-

crease Of pOpulation among the Muslims. The increase between

 

’6
~v

OI.

in

31

1941 and 1951"is due principally to the exodus of Muslims to
Pakistan and to the reversion to Hinduism of the 'imperfectly
converted' Sikhs and Christians? (India 1953:19).

Sikhs show a great increase from 1931 onward. The
number of Sikhs in Uttar Pradesh was about 11,000 in 1891.
It increased to about 15,000 in 1911 and remained steady up
to 1921. In 1931 it rose to over 46,000 and in 1941 the
number registered an even greater increase to 233,000 as a
result Of proselytizing activities mainly in the ROhilkhand,
Agra, and Meerut divisions. In 1951 their number had.falIen
to 198,000.

The Christians kept on increasing at each census till
1931 when there were 208,000. Their figure fell to 163,000
in 1941, to 124,000 in 1951, and further to 101,641 in 1961.
The main cause Of these reductions is the reversion to their
original religion Of"imperfect1y converted” persons and decline
in conversion activities. From 1881 to 1931 an appreciable
number Of Hindus, Muslims and Untouchables accepted Christianity.

Since the bulk Of Indian Christians in Uttar Pradesh
trace their background from Hinduism, it is important and rele-
vant to discuss briefly Hinduism. Besides, the unity and con-
tinuity Of Indian civilization and culture rest upon Hinduism.

The tenets of Hinduism, Hindu institutions and ideologies

32

weigh heavily upon the social order and way Of life of Indians.
Therefore, society and culture in Uttar Pradesh cannot be under-
stood without a discussion of Hinduism.

There are some difficulties in the way Of understanding
a religion as amorphous and complex as Hinduism. Hinduism
lacks a "church" and a clearly defined body Of dogma. There-
fore, it is difficult to define Hinduism because "there are
no beliefs or institutions which are common to all Hindus, and
which mark them Off from others" (Srinivas 1962: 149—150).

Frequently, studies Of Hinduism focus on scriptural
texts with very little mention Of the reality and totality Of
religious activity. Hindu scholars and intellectual leaders
conceive Of Hinduism as a philosophic tradition based on
scriptural texts. They exclude from its ambit all non-philo-
sophic traditions, such as supernatural theories Of disease
causation, shamanism, spirit possession, evil eye, etc. Other
scholars have made a dichotomy Of "Hinduism" (or its earlier
form "Brahamanism") and "Popular Hinduism." Under POpular
Hinduism, they imply that Sanskritic and philosophical tra—
ditions are unpOpular. Some social scientists such as Redfield,
Singer, and Srinivas have suggested that there are Great and
Little Traditions within Hinduism. By Great Tradition, they

mean the literate religious tradition, embodied in or derived

33

from Sanskrit works. In the Little Tradition they include the
local religious practices and festivals, which have more limited
regional pr lpcal distribution. But from the anthrOpologist's
point of View, such dichotomies do not explain all the religious
beliefs and practices Of those who call themselves Hindus.
(Tribal people, many Of whom were formerly called "animists,"
are now Often included under Hinduism). .”Religion, in the
anthrOpologist's view, takes in the whole Of a peOple's belief
and practice toward the supernatural, that is toward their
concepts Of all that is beyond man's power and mundane knowledge"
(Mandelbaum 1960: 5). According to this broad view, Hinduism
includes the religious ideas from the transcendent ethics of
scriptures to the propitiation Of bothersome spirits. Thus
Kitagawa remarks: ”In a sense, Hinduism is nothing more than
a generic term for a family of diverse religious tendencies,
from.magical, superstitious animism to lofty, abstract philo-
sophical systems" (Kitagawa 1960: 104).

A broad view Of Hinduism has been taken in this study.
A large majority Of peOple in Uttar Pradesh live in rural
areas. From these rural Hindus have ccme a large number Of
converts in the Christian fold. Therefore, it is pertinent

to examine village Hinduism as is found in Uttar Pradesh.

.--

 

34

The philOSOphical tradition of Hinduism which is observed
by Hindus in country side is based on various Puramas and two

epics, Mahabharata and Ramayana. Hindus in Uttar Pradesh

 

generally belong to Vaisnavite sect. Rama, the incarnation of

 

Visnu, is a popular deity. The major festivals such as Holi,

Diwali, Dasahra and Janmastami, which have precedents in

 

 

Sanskritic scriptures and epics are Observed by all Hindus.

 

Along with these, some festivals are observed which have no
connection with the Great Tradition. These festivals are of
local origin. Marriott has Observed in his study of village
Kishan Garhi in Uttar Pradesh that out of 19 festivals Of
Kishan Garhi four have no evident Sanskrit names or rationale
(Marriott 1955: 193). Several deities are also worshipped to
get relief from sickness, evil spirits, misfortunes, etc.
Misfortunes and other ill-effects are not supposed tO be re-
moved by worshipping high god Visnu and his many avatars.
Although members Of low caste and Untouchables believe strongly
in local deities, the higher castes, who are presumably know-
ledgeable about philoSOphic Hinduism, also participate in the
local traditions and festivals. Women Of high castes commonly
participate in rituals to the local deities which are not
exalted in scriptures. The people in the countryside are

mostly illiterate and lack an understanding Of the philOSOphic

~r

*4

l I)

”I,
‘4-4\

Av
V.

111

35

traditions Of Hinduism, but Hinduism provides a link between

all aspects Of their culture and way Of life. Hindu institu-
tions, rituals, festivals, Observances, customs regulate their
social life and fulfill their economic, social and psychological
needs (Opler 1959: 226).

Undoubtedly, under the aegis Of religion people serve
many purposes. In village, the worship Of the protective god—
lings; disease goddesses, and other life cycle ceremonies of
village Hindus awake courage and hope in areas of life where
uncertainty and anxiety are most prevalent. When an individual
or a family eXperiences chronic difficulties, misfortunes or
illness, village Shaman or Bhagat is approached. Such anxieties
are more distinct with low castes and Untouchables who have
economic and social disadvantages. When Christian missions
came to the villages in Uttar Pradesh and provided services
for some Of the purposes which protective godlings, disease
goddesses, Bhagats and Shamans served, many Hindus and Untouchables .
were attracted toward them to fulfill their immediate needs and
comforts. Thus the missionary provided the alternative services
at many instances which the village Bhagat or village Shaman
provided. William and Charlotte Wiser have thus written their

experiences in Karimpur, a village near Agra in Uttar Pradesh:

36

"They know that when the village prescriber can do nothing more
for a sick child, or a Spirit controller fails to cure a buffalo
they can fall back on us to secure prOper help"(William and
Charlotte Wiser 1964: 13).

It is not the author's intention to go into details of
Hindu myth and dogma. Suffice it to say that Hinduism possesses
"three characteristics: first, a doctrine of radical immanence
(pantheism) which finds God in everything; second, a tendency
toward tolerant syncretism, which allows it to incorporate
almost any ritual or deity into its own system; and third, a
complex conception of individual destiny, contained in the doc-
trine Of Karma, reincarnation, and moksha“ (Prabhu 1963: 6).
These concepts are generally known to all Hindus in Uttar Pradesh
but their interpretation are at times different from people to
people. "Hindus generally believe that the soul is eternal but
is bound by the law Of Karma (action) to the world of matter,
which it can only escape after Spiritual progress through an
endless series Of birth" (Yarrow 1964: 200). There are different
views about release (Moksha) from transmigration in different
Hindu sects. On the basis of Kolenda's study of Sweepers of
Khalapur village, in Uttar Pradesh, it can be surmised that lower
caste Hindus and Untouchables give different interpretation to

the Karma theory and reject its Sanskritic interpretation (Kolenda

37

1964: 71—81). Risley remarked on the philosophic tradition:

Thses ideas are not the monopoly Of the learned; they
are shared in a great measure by the man in the street.
If you talk to a fairly intelligent Hindu peasant about
Paramatma, Karma, Maya, Mukti, and so forth, you will find
as soon as he gets over his surprise at your interest in
such matters, that the terms are familiar to him, and that
he has formed a rough theory of their bearing on his own
future (Risley 1915: 244).

 

Though the concepts of Hinduism are not common to all
Hundus, yet, "the Hindu way of life," Hindu institutions and
customs identify the adherents of this amorphous religion.

TO quote Srinivas, ”While it is not possible to define a Hindu,
it is not very difficult to identify a person as Hindu”
(Srinivas 1962: 150).

Under such circumstances, it can further be postulated,
without entering into detailed analysis of creeds, that the
simple doctrines Of Christianity might have attracted some.
caste Hindus to accept Christian conversion.

The few aSpects of Hinduism that we have discussed thus
far would remain incomplete without a discussion Of the Hindu
caste system and the ideas regarding pollution and purity.
These two cardinal aspects of Hinduism have been described un-

der the rubric Of Caste and Outcaste.

.1—

Q‘

1 fl

38

Caste and Outcaste

 

The caste system is sometimes termed the Hindu phen-
omenon. "The structural basis Of Hinduism is the caste
system" (Srinivas 1952: 212). The word 'caste' has been de-

rived from the Portuguese 'casta'--race or tribe. Basham

writes:

When the Portuguese came to India in the 16th century
they found the Hindu community divided into many separate
groups, which they called Castas, meaning tribes, clans,
or families. The name stuck, and became the usual word
Of the Hindu social group' (Basham 1959: 148).

Unfortunately, there is very little trustworthy account
regarding the origin of Caste.

According to orthodox Hindu belief, mentioned for the
first time in the Rigvedic hymn Purushasukta the four
varnas or orders formed the limbs Of primeval man (Purusha),
who was victim in the divine sacrifice which produced the
cosmos, The Brahmins emerged from his mouth, Kshatriyas
frOm hiS'arms, Vaishyas frOm his thighs and Sudras from
his feet. The Untouchable castes find no mention in the
hymn (Srinivas 1962: 150-151).

 

 

Certain Hindu thrological ideas such as rebirth (Samsara), the
idea that the deeds done by an individual determine his po-
sition in his next birth (Karma),papa (sin), punya (merit),
moksha (Salvation), and dharma (morality) are intimately re—
lated to the caste system. The idea of Karma teaches a Hindu
taht he is born into a particular caste because of certain

actions he performed in a previous life (janma). Birth in a

39

particular caste is considered an index Of a soul's progress
toward God. Dharma, the total body Of moral and religious
rules, is to some extent identified with the duties of one's
caste. Thus caste is the most peculiar religious and social
product Of Hinduism.

According to Hindu belief, of the four major yagnagj
the tOp three, the Brahmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaishyas are
divided from the fourth, Sudras by a crucial line: they are
assumed to be "twice born," whereas the Sudras are not. The
function Of Sudras was to serve the upper twice born caste
members. Sudras are forbidden to share in knowledge Of the
holy writings or any Of the benefits Of the religion. Out—
side, and below these four castes is the fifth main division,
or the fifth rank-—the Untouchables. ”that is part of the
Hindu hierarchy Of castes and yet stands quite outside the
Hindu system” (Isaacs 1964: 60).

According to Manusmriti,

The Untouchables were set Off as peOple whose touch was
supposed, literally, to pollute, and elaborate regulations
were established governing the conditions Of their separa-
tion from the rest Of the people. Untouchables were Hindus
who were kept outside the Hindu pale while their lives re—
mained governed to a remarkable extent by Hindu sanctions
rules (Isaacs 1964: 61).

It is true that there are conditions within Hinduism

fixing permissible contact between high order and low, but the

. ‘4‘... . .-

 

 

{U
:3
Q;

4O

Untouchables were placed beyond all touch at all times.
It is this Untouchability, according to the noted Indian
scholar, G. S. Ghurye, that marks the Hindu caste system
from all others, past or present. Set apart to perform
needed but ritually impure functions, the Untouchables
also performed that peculiarly useful function in any
society of occupying the bottom, that bottom of the
bottom where mere lowliness—-such as that suffered by
the Sudras--was underpinned by a condition that was
clearly sub-human. This was hard on those elected to be
the sub-human but helpful to the Sudras, no doubt, and
to everybody else on up the line (Isaacs 1964: 27).

Much has been written on the Indian caste system and
there is hardly any aSpect Of this phenomenon which remains
untouched. Hutton claimed that he has compiled a list of
more than five thousand published works on the matter (Hutton
1951: ix). However, for the purpose of this study we would
discuss only the definition, the outstanding features Of caste,
and the various castes that exist in Uttar Pradesh.

For a long time the Hindu leaders and scholars ”Have
tried to perceive the complex facts Of the caste system in
terms Of varna" (Scrinivas 1962: 7). But this view is fallacious
and.the caste system does not fit into the varna-frame. The
changing pattern Of the Indian social life and the changing
:mode Of economic activities has necessitated a new look at the
‘whOle problem of defining a present—day Indian caste. F. G.

Bailey has attempted to give a sociological definition Of caste.

Ike'begins by finding four referents of caste: (1) Varna: Varnas

41

are not groups but categories. TO take Varna as caste is wrong.
All castes do not come under Varna identification. Muslims
and tribal groups do not come under Varna. (2) Caste catego-
ries: These are aggregates of persons, usually in the same
linguistic region, usually with the same traditional occupation
and sometimes with the same caste names. But caste groups are
different from caste categories. The Ahirs living in Behar do
not marry Ahirs of Rajasthan. (3) Caste associations: In
few regions, they satisfy certain modern functions. They
function as welfare and improvement associations and they act
as political interest-groups. (4) Caste as Jati: Bailey
holds that Jati is the main sociological referent Of the word
'caste'. He says, "(Jati) meeting all the criteria suggested
by Nadel for the recognition of social stratification. These
groups were exhaustive, since everyone belonged tO a caste:
They were exclusive, since no one belonged to morethan one
caste. Caste were groups, in that members not only had common
attributes but interacted with one another in a way that they
interacted with no member Of another group. The castes were
ranked, and finally they were organically related so as to
form a system.

A recruitment is by birth into the caste. Everyone, in

normal circumstances is born into one or another caste and stays

42

in it for life."

Bailey further points out three aSpects Of caste activi—
ties: (1) There are those activities which segregate castes
from one another and define them as distinct groups. In
a village the difference of caste is to some extent marked
by residential segregation, each of the larger castes at least,
and always the Untouchables, having their ward or street.

(2) Interdependence Of castes: This rests on division
of labor. First, there are tasks which can be performed by
only one caste. Secondly, castes form a system because each
caste has a differential access tO political power. There is
concentration Of force in the hands Of one caste.

(3) The third aspect Of caste activities is hierarchy.
Hierarchy of arrangement is directly dependent on economic and
political power. (Bailey 1963).

On the basis Of above concepts Bailey considers two
common kind Of definitions Of Caste: Caste as rigid social
stratification: Under this definition caste is seen as social
class system. The rank is ascribed at birth. There is no role
for personal achievement. Mobility is not existent.

Caste as religious phenomenon: Dumond and Pocock hold
that in the caste system we have to do with religious ideas

connected with purity. They suggest that the caste system

43

becomes clear when we realize that it is related to religious
conceptions and these religious conceptions are apprehended by
purity. It is above all the religious ideas rather than eco—
nomic values that establish the rank of each group. But on

the basis of empirical evidence we can say that economic values
change rank. The caste which has no financial means to stop
polution can't elevate in rank.

However, for the purpose Of our discussion we would
follow the definition of caste as given in Indian Census Re-
port of 1911: A caste is

an endagamous group or collection Of such groups bearing

a common name and having the same traditional Occupations,
who are so linked together by these and other ties, such
as the tradition of a common origin and the possession Of
the same tutelary deity, and the same social status, cere—
monial Observances and family priests, that they regard
themselves and are regarded by others as forming a single
homogeneous community (Indian Census Report 1911: 367).

The outstanding features Of the caste system may
briefly be described as follows: Firstly, those belonging to
it may marry only within the limits of their own caste;

secondly they eat only such food as has been prepared by a

member of the same caste or--in accordance with carefully pre-
scribed rules—-Of a recognized higher caste; thirdly, they
believe themselves to be polluted through contact with, and

sometimes even through the approach Of, members of a lower

44

caste, and restore their Levitical purity by means of elaborate
ablutions and other ceremonies; fourthly they are bound by
heredity to one occupation and one form Of religion and are
expelled from the caste if they change their religion. Be-
sides these fundamental characteristics, recent studies on
caste system have shwon that castes are inter-dependent, yet
they are generally dissatisfied with their position in the
social hierarchy. This is evident from the remarks Of Turner
in Census of India 1931 for the United Provinces of Agra and
Oudh: "The Opportunity of the Census was seized by all but the
highest castes to press for recognition Of social class to se-
cure if possible, a step upwards in the social ladder" (Census
Of India 1931 United Provinces Of Agra and Oudh: 529).

In Uttar Pradesh, the highest caste are in the order of
Brahman, Ksatriya or Rajput and Vaish. Brahman are Khattris
who claim Rajput descent. Below them are Banias who are
merchants, and Halwai, confectioner who are placed in a high
grade of purity. Further come those castes from the hands of
some or all members a high caste Hindu can accept water. They
are Gujar, who keep cattle, sell milk and butter; Ahi£_who are
also cowherds; Kurmi or Kunbi and the Mali_and Kachhi who grow
vegetables. Below these are a group Of castes whom the ortho—

dox Hindus may not touch but from whose hands water can be

45

drunk. They are Bhars, Banjaras, Tharus. Lower to these are

 

Kalwar who distill liquor, Teli or Oilman. Below these come
Chamars, carriers of dead cattle and leather tanner. The last
two groups in the social scale whom no Hindu will touch are

Dhanuk, Dosadh, Kori and Pasi and the lowest are Bhangi,

 

sweeper and 29m! scavanger.

There are also some castes which are engaged with
village industries. The highest in the list are perhaps those
connected with metals. The §222£J goldsmith, and those who
make COpper utensils. Lghag, smith, and Barhai, carpenter are
in a grade lower to goldsmith and COppersmith. In the second
lower grade come Kumahar or potter and weaver. The thbi-Or
washerman who washes foul linen and eSpecially of women at
parturition is considered as Untouchable and of no estimation.

The population Of scheduled caste is 15,399,881 of
which 14,332,181 live in rural areas and 1,067,700 in urban
(India 1961: 99).

'Muslim society is also divided into castes. According
to the census returns Of 1931, the following are the major
Muslim castes which have been arranged by Ansari in the follow-
ing order:

I. Ashraf: Sayyad
Shaikh

Mughal
Pathan

46

II. ... ... Muslim Rajput

III. Clean Occupational Castes: Julaha - weaver
Darzi - tailor
Qassab - butcher

Nai or Hajjam - barber
Kabariya or Kunjra -

greengrocer

Mirasi - musician

Kumhar — potter

Manihar - bracelet—maker

Dhuniya - cottoncarder

Faqir - beggar

Teli — Oilpresser

Dhobi - washerman

Gaddi - grazier, milk-

man

IV. Unclean Castes: Bhangi - sweeper

Thus we notice,

in both caste systems that of the Hindu and that Of the
Muslim, the ideal castes are those which are at the top.
Among Hindus these are the Brahmans while among Muslims
these are Ashraf. The lower ranks in both the systems,
instead Of getting nearer to their parallel caste ranks,
almost always looked upward in the social scale. The
Brahmans have always been the ideal for all the lower
Hindu ranks; the Ashraf, on the other hand, dominated

the thoughts Of the lower Muslim strata (Ansari 1960: 67).

In conclusion, we may say that the foundations of caste
system lay in social distance, vertical as well as horizontal.
IEach.group (caste) is an exclusive social unit which almost
always looks upward in the social scale——toward the ideal top-
ranking castes. A low caste Hindu attempts to give up his
traditional practices and to acquire those Of the higher Hindu

4castes; a low caste Muslim has always higher castes as his ideal.

47

According to accepted theories of social distance, if
there is great hatred between two groups (castes), they prefer
to avoid each other (Ogburn and Nimkoff 1950: 266). It may
therefore be surmised that the need for a rise in society and
for avoiding the pressures of high castes, persons in the
lower castes and Untouchables accepted conversions to Islam,
Christianity and now to Buddhism.

A word in passing need to be mentioned about certain
ideas regarding pollution and purity. The ideas regarding
pollution and purity are cardinal to Hinduism. There are
no doubt differences between the various regions and castes
win the rules regarding pollution, but everywhere they cover
a large sector Of life. Intercaste relations are governed by
ideas Of pollution. There are many kinds Of restrictions be—
tween castes--on the free acceptance of food and drink, on
intermarriage and sex relations, on touching or going near a
member of another caste, etc., and they all relate to pol-
lution. It is this notion Of pollution in Hinduism which
for many centuries kept the outcastes and Untouchables under
subjection Of high castes. Before the concerted efforts Of
humanitarian leaders such as Gandhi and Ambedkar and before
the Act Of 1949 for the abolition of Untouchability, the

economic, social and cultural condition of these outcastes

48

was very deplorable.

Aside from the discussion of the caste and outcaste,
a description Of ideologies, institutions and way Of life Of
the peOple is necessary to complete the picture of society

and culture in Uttar Pradesh.

49

Ideolggies and customs

 

Hinduism and the caste system have reacted to major
social forces during the past few centuries. The Renaissance
Of Hinduism has resulted many reforms in the Hindu social
order. Contact with Islam and with Christianity--from which
it is not easy tO separate contact with British-~produced a
revolution in Hinduism. Sikhism and the Arya Samaj in North
India develOped as a counter—challenge to Islam. Christianity
as the conversion Of Hindus to the Christian religion further
gave vigor to the Arya Samaj movement. Many members Of the
Jat caste embraced Sikhism and some Untouchable Chamars also
entered the Sikh group in Uttar Pradesh. As a result Of Arya
Samaj activities, during the past few decades, however, some
Christian converts returned to their original castes. The
outcaste reform movements and Untouchability Act have Opened
Opportunities among depressed castes for education, employment
and for an improved social intercourse with other castes. In—
dustrial development has led the Untouchables to find job
Opportunities in urban factories; high caste and low caste
work together in factories. The changes which are taking place,
since Independence, in the three chief carriers of tradition—-
village, caste and joint family--might affect Hinduism and

society tO a considerable extent in times to come.

50

Despite change, there has always remained a tendency to
recover and reinterpret India's traditional culture. In such
circumstances it is important to visualize the basic con—
ditioning factors that ruled not only the earlier [phases of
Indian culture and civilization, but have gone so deep into
the social psychology Of Indians that they continue to dominate
their life and conduct, in a large measure, even to this day.

The Hindu Dharma-Sastra and other scriptural literature Of

 

the Hindus deals with what ought tO be the way Of life of an
individual. Most Of these basic ideas have been very widely
held by all Hindus—~the high caste as well as the low caste,
the rich as well as the poor, the learned as well as the lay,
the village folk as well as the urban dwellers.

The Hindu doctrines Of varna, asrama, karma and maya

 

convey that the keynote in life is the renunciation Of the
material. This idea is more characteristic Of ancient than
of modern India. With the achievement Of Independence, the
interest in revival Of India's traditional culture has become
strong. The revival has affected Uttar Pradesh tOO.

Since the present study deals with conversion and accul-
turation Of Christians which occurred during a long period of
time, we would confine ourselves to some major customs and

ideologies which have continued in the society. Also, since

51

most Of the converts of the Christian mass movements of the
closing nineteenth and early twentieth century came from rural
Untouchables, we would lay stress more on the way of life Of
those rural Untouchables.

The peasantSl houses are made of mud or wattle and dab.
The doors are of rudest kind and the roof was sometimes
thatched, sometimes tiled, sometimes formed of beams resting
on walls which supported a layer of hardened clay. The huts
Of the Untouchable are still ruder. The roof may be covered
with straw, reeds, or sugar cane leaves resting on light
rafters or bamboos. There is generally no wooden door. They
usually offer no facilities for the isolation Of the sexes.
The Untouchables, Chamars and Bhangis, live outside the village
site. The work of women among the Untouchables in rural areas
may be divided into three classes: independent labor, work
which is supplementary to the husband's and, lastly, that which
is common to both sexes. The Chamars traditionally remove the
dead cattle, tan leather, and make shoes, but principally they
work as laborers in the fields. The Bhangi sweepers and DOms,
besides removing night soil and cleaning the villages and
towns, make the coarse bamboo matting, fans and basketry.

The low castes and Untouchables traditionally depend

for their livelihoods on the Jajmani system. At each harvest

52

the landlord or cultivator gives a certain amount of grain to
members of low and Untouchable castes. Some Of the low caste
and Untouchable peOple who have migrated tO urban centers now
work in industrial plants but a great many Chamars still work
as shoe repairers, shoe makers, tanners and laborers. Sweepers
work as scavangers. Although the idea regarding pollution
by the touch of these Untouchables is not rigid in urban
Uttar Pradesh, the Spirit Of untouchability still prevails.
Even in the city, the touch Of a Sweeper or Dom, is abhored.
In the villages contact with Untouchables is still strictly
avoided. Untouchables have their own priests; the village
Brahmans priests do not serve for them. If they make a sac-
rifice to some deity of the higher tradition they give their
offering to the priest and not directly to the diety in the
temple or shrine.

The joint family is the fundamental unit Of society and
a significant institution. The joint family system is also
prevalent among Muslims. In general the joint family consists
Of members of three or four generations, joined together on
the basis Of common ancestry and property. It comprises of
parents and children, (unmarried daughters) brothers and step-
brothers and unmarried sisters, sons' wives and their children

and sometimes descendants and collaterals up to many

53

generations recognizing the patriarchal authority Of the eldest
male member, and sharing the same hearth, roof and family re-
sources. The sons earning commonly goes to the family coffers
and if the son is unemployed he is supported by the family
purse. The classical Hindu joint~family system is based on
Grihya-Sutras which not only prescribe ceremonies and rituals
for building a house but dictate the concept Of joint family.
The psycholOgical bond between the members of the joint
family is so strong that kinship relationship is put above all
other relationships in loyalty and support. The rural joint-
family fulfills most of the SO-called primary and secondary
functions. The economic, social, psychological and physical
needs of the individuals are fulfilled within the family. In
a way, it is both a unit Of production and consumption. The
family provides the function of socialization and education of
the children. In most cases the father trains the son for his
occupation. The daughters help their mothers and other women-
folk in looking after the household work. The rural joint
family also provides sucurity to the aged and widows. Widows
continue to live in husbands family after his death.

The customs of marriage differ from caste to caste and

between Hindus and Muslims. According to Hindu religion,

54

. . .vivah (marriage) is in essence a ritual and a for-
mality, Of course very important through which an indib'”
vidual has tO go, to be able to start his or her life in
the Grihasthasrama, i.e. the householder's life. The
meaning of vivah refers mainly to the ceremony Of
'carrying away' the bride to the house Of the bridegroom
(vi+vah=to carry). But the term has long since come to
be applied to the whole of the wedlock ceremony (Prabhu
1963: 148-9).

”Among the Hindus, vivaha (marriage) is generally con-
sidered as Obligatory for every person" (Prabhu 1963: 149).
Generally, particular care is taken tO marry maidens. NO
sooner a girl attains puberty, her parents lOOszorward to
marry her soon. The same concept applies to Muslims too.
This may be a cause Of early marriages in Indian society.
Due tO such reasons, romantic marriages are not found and the
sole responsibility to choose the mate for the girls rests upon
parents and other relatives. Even today, in cities there are
mostly arranged marriages.

In many castes and especially among country people,
“the essential thing is that the marriage ceremong should be
performed:after it is over, the girl remains in her father's
home and does not go to her husband's tO live with him until
she attains puberty” (O'Malley 1932: 91). The child marriage
Restraint Act Of 1929 (popularly known as the Sarda Act) has

made marriage of boys under eighteen and Of girls under four—

teen illegal, but this has not prevented such marriages.

55

Furthermore, the rules of endogamy and eXOgamy are very
rigid in Hindu marriages. The endogamy rule states that
marriage must be with a member of the Same jati. The rule of
exogamy relates to gotra, pravara and sapinda. These rules Of
exogamy have undergone certain changes and modifications yet
they are important in marriageability among the high caste
Hindus. Gotra denotes herd, family or the clan. The gotra of
a family is said to be named after the rishi-ancestor who
founded the family in the immemorial past. The rule per-
taining to gotra in Hindu marriage according to the Grihya-
Sutras and the Dharma—Sastras is "that no man shall marry a
maiden from within his own gotra" (Prabhu 1963: 155). Parvara‘
means ”the list Of ancestors” and the pravara rule dictates
that "a man shall not marry a woman who can be traced from
any Of the ancestors as mentioned in his pravara” (Prabhu 1963:
156). Sapinda means that ”a person shall not marry a woman
who is a sapinda on his mother's side, up to the sixth degree
in ascending or descending line; this means that sapinda
relationship ceases to exist with the seventh degree in as-
cending or descending line between two individuals with
reference to their maternal relatives” (Prabhu 1963: 155).

High caste Hindu marriages depend not only upon

gotra, parvara and sapinda, but also upon astrological

56

calculations and horoscopes. Such rules are not found among
Muslims. Sometimes cross or even parallel cousin marriages
are preferred among muslims. But as we have already said
before, "the social life of many Muslim groups is honeycombed
with Hindu customs and Observances"(Titus 1959: 175), so in
Muslim marriages especially in Uttar Pradesh villages, Mus—
lims follow customs and rituals customary to the group in
which they or their ancestors belonged before conversion.

In fact in matters of inheritance, dowry and the like Muslims
follow rules to a large extent similar to Hindus (Titus 1959:
175).

Another important thing in Hindu marriage custom is
the dowry. Though the dowry system and the prohibition Of
widow marriage have been removed by law, they still function
in the society Of Uttar Pradesh. Large amounts are paid to
the bridegroom's father by the bride's father. Though widow
marriage is permitted by many low castes, but the couple must
frequently Obtain permission of the caste council, which gives
its cOnsent only after it has considered the propriety or
advisability Of the marriage. Some low castes have tended to
give up widow marriage in imitation of the high castes. In
some low castes levirate is also found; i.e. the widow marries

a brother of her deceased husband (O'Malley 1932: 93).

57

It is not possible to discuss in detail the various
customs, rituals and taboos of Hindus and Muslims from whom
converts came to the Christian fold. However, the life Of a
Hindu, and in a less degree that Of a Muslim, is regulated
by a code Of ritual Observances, which are the chief part of
his religion.

It is also important to note that Hindus generally
give preference to a son over a daughter. "The birth of a
son is said tO enable one to Obtain moksa" (Prabhu 1963: 149).
The position Of a wife in a Hindu family is considered to be
lower than that Of a husband. Prabhu writes: "AS a wife wo—
man has to subject herself to the authority Of her husband.”
She has to Obey her husband and pay respects to all the elders
in the family. She will eat only after the husband has eaten.

Before closing an account of society and culture in
Uttar Pradesh, a brief discussion Of food habits Of the peOple
is deemed necessary to complete the picture. "The orthodox
Hindu regards the eating of certain kinds Of food as some-
thing more than the means of Obtaining sustenance or Of satis-
fying the appetite" (O'Malley 1932: 103). Food in the Hindu
home is almost a sacrament to be celebrated with due ritual.
”It is hedged round by restrictions as to the way in which it

should be prepared and the company in which it should be eaten”

58

(O'Malley 1932: 103). Aside from such restrictions, there are
certain unwritten laws and traditions as to the kinds of food
which may properly be eaten. Some birds and animals are too
sacred to be killed or eaten. High Caste Hindus, except the
martial Rajput and Jat castes, do not eat meat. Though food
habits have changed in recent decades and some high caste
Hindus have started eating meat and eggs although beef is still
taboo. The low caste and Untouchables eat meat and even beef
but they will not kill an ox or a cow, but merely eat the

meat Of those which have died a natural death. Vaishnavas

of Uttar Pradesh are strict vegetarians and abjure intoxi—
cating liquor. Muslims eat meat, beef but do not take pork
and liquor.

In sum we may say that society and culture in Uttar
Pradesh has a unity and continuity with Indian civilization
and is based on distinctive Hindu values. City life is under-
going rapid change and its influence is gradually being felt
in the villages where traditional ways and values are still
preeminent. Educated people Of the higher social strata r
readily adopt elements of Western culture, but the poor and
Untouchables are still submerged in their Old poverty and

poor social status.

CHAPTER III
THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN CONVERSION IN UTTAR PRADESH

History Of Christian Missions in Uttar Pradesh
Background of the Converts

Situations Of Contact Between Converts and
Western Culture

CHAPTER III

THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN CONVERSION IN UTTAR PRADESH

History Of Christian Missions in Uttar Pradesh

 

Unlike Hinduism, both Christianity and Islam are pro—
selytizing religions, which spread in India by the conversion
Of Hindus. While the first real contact of Islam with Hinduism
occurred just at the close Of the tenth century Of our era, the
beginning of Christianity in India goes far back in the fourth
and fifth decades of the first century A. D. "The history of
Christianity in India begins with the establishment of the
Syrian Church in Malabar, which claims . . . to have been
founded by the Apostle St. Thomas . . ." (The Imperial Gazetter
of India 1907: 441; cf. Richter 1908: 27—32; cf. Thomas 1954:
12; cf. Panikkar 1963: 47; cf. Kroeber 1948: 433). Whatever
the truth about St. Thomas, there is little doubt that from
at least the sixth century, there were scattered groups of
Christians in India and a community Of Christians in Kerala
(Spear 1963: 31). The writings Of the Egyptian and Arabian
traders, and the inscriptions on the tablets found in South
India and deciphered by English and German Indologists, document
this fact (cf. Richter 1908: 30—35).

These early Indian Christians lived in isolation until

60

61

the arrival of the Portuguese in the fifteenth century. The
Portuguese started a conversion movement in Goa to strengthen
their colonial power. But it was of very little importance.
In fact, missionaries from abroad were the most influential
agents Of the Spread Of Christianity in India and for its in—
roads on Hinduism.

The history Of Christian missions in Uttar Pradesh may
be divided into four epochs. The first period which ended
with the Mutiny Of 1857. The second period which Opened in
1857 (when British Crown took over direct rule of India) ended
in 1881, when the mission policy changed. ”Up to 1881 no
serious attempt was made by the missionary societies to work
among the depressed classes in the villages“ (Bhatty 1938: 7).
The third period falls between 1881 and 1930s. The fourth
period begins from 1941 onwards. Thus a description Of the
Christian missions and their activities in these time positions
'would aptly delineate the salient aspects Of conversion in
Uttar Pradesh.

Period ending 1857: The Jesuits who had in their ambi-
tious plan the conversion Of the whole world, did not confine
their activities to south India. During the Mogul period, the
tublerance and indifference Of Akbar and his successors permitted

the fbundation Of Catholic missions in northern India. By the

62

close Of the eighteenth century, Roman Catholic missionaries

succeeded in making Sporadic conversions in some districts Of
Uttar Pradesh, especially in Agra and Lucknow (cf. Thomas 1954:
105-149; cf. Jardar 1949: 23). But the real history of missions
in Uttar Pradesh begins with the nineteenth century, when several
Protestant missions entered in various districts Of Uttar Pradesh.
In 1814 the ban on Christian missionaries was removed, Opening
doors for European and American missionaries. Prior to this,

as a reason of British East India Company's policy to preserve
the indigenous institutions as far as possible, the earlier
Christian missionaries were Opposed by the British Trades,

who drew lucrative profits from pilgrim taxes at Hindu and
Muslim shrines. The success of the early missionaries was
handicapped by lack Of funds, and, what was worse, by the poor
example Of European Christians in India (Thomas 1954: 153).

The missionary societies that had organized in Europe
and America were zealously sending their missionaries to
proclaim the gospel in all the parts of India. Within the
first three decades Of the nineteenth century, missionaries
of various European missions and of the American Board had
started laboring in Uttar Pradesh. London missionaries started
their activities at various stations on the banks Of the Ganges,

as far up as Mirzapur. Baptist missionaries established

63

themselves in Banares, Chunar, Agra, and Mathura. Missionaries
from the General Assembly Of Presbyterian Church in the United
States of America and also the Reformed Presbyterian Church
began their labors in Saharanpur, Fatehgarh, Farrukhabad,
Mainpuri, Agra and Allahabad. Missionaries of the Wesleyan
Society also established themselves in several districts of
Uttar Pradesh. (Campbell 1852: 32-33).

In contrast to the early Catholic missions, which gave
greater importance to formal conversion, the Protestant missions
in Uttar Pradesh were more concerned with the dissemination Of
Christian knowledge. They gave greater importance to street
preaching, circulation Of the Bible and pamphlets and humani-
tarian work (cf. Thomas 1954—186).

In the beginning, Christian missionaries concentrated
mainly on persons Of high caste Hindu and Muslim families who
lived in cities. Some Hindus and Muslims Of the upper social
strata accepted conversion. The attraction and zeal for the
new religion which they considered superior to the réfigion Of
their forefathers was a reason for their conversion (Bhatty
1938: 2).

A little later many children and families, who were
rendered orphan and destitute owing to the repeated outbreak

of famines, enteres the Christian ranks. Missions established

64

orphanages for them at Fatehgarh, Agra, Mirzapur and other
places (Bhatty 1938: 2). Along with this, missions established
schools and printing press and other small industrial plants
in order to give education, and support to these orphans and
destitutes (Bhatty 1938: 3).

In 1835, British Officialdom introduced English system
of education, following Macaulay's recommendations, which
Opened Christian literature to many Indians who went to edu-
cational institutions. It gave Opportunities tO missionaries
to present gospel to many Indians. The beginnings Of evange—
lism in India brought some converts. In 1844 British Opened
the entire Indian Civil Service (except 750 highest positions)
to English-speaking Indians, without distinction of race or
creed. Christians educated in mission schools get good positions.
This attracted some Indians toward Christian mission schools to
attain English education for the new Opportunities in the British
administration. Although many conversions were made through
these schools, there was a substantial dissemination Of Christian
teaching through this medium.

This early wave Of conversion did not last long. Western
education and the religious inspiration Of Christianity made
the intellectuals look for "the secret of new life in the

neglected portion Of their own religious heritage" (Spear 1963:

65

183). Many educated Hindus and Muslims started Opposing the
activities Of the missionaries. As a result, not many converts
were made from high caste Hindu or Muslim families and the
progress Of the early Christian missions came to a halt.

Period 1857 to 1881: In 1857 the great Mutiny took
place. Both European and Indian Christians suffered, especially
in the North (Thomas 1954: 192). But the mutiny did not cause
any serious setback tO the work of the missionaries. After
1857 when the Crown took over direct rule Of India, Queen
Victoria stated a policy Of benevolent neutrality toward all
Indian religions; soon the temples and mosques in British hands
were relinquished to Hindu and Muslim corporations. "Since
the Christians had shown themselves loyal to their English
rulers during the uprising, it then became natural for gover—
nors and viceroys to Show them increasing favor without the
same anxiety about Hindu disapproval. The firm position Of the
British raj gave a halo effect to Western ways, Christians who
adopted them in increasing numbers found their status elevated
in the eyes Of many educated Indians" (Schermerhorn 1962).

These factors began to attract the attention of lower
(Haste persons. "Very soon after the Methodist EpiSCOpal Church
<1pened.work at Moradabad in the United Provinces in 1858, a

grrNJp Of Mazhabi Sikhs, from a village twenty miles distant

66

presented themselves as candidates for Christian instruction
and baptism" (Pickett 1933: 51). Bishop James M. Thoburn says,
"these Mazhabi Sikhs were professional thieves. They were in
constant difficulty with the police" (Thoburn, BishOp James M.,
India and Malaysia: New York The Methodist Book Concern 1896).
They probably accepted conversion both in order tO get higher
status as Christians, and to get some protection from the
police. "In 1859 several young men of the Sweeper caste were
converted in Budaon District." (Pickett 1933: 51). These
converts came as individuals or as families. By 1871 many
such groups had begun to ask for baptism. (Bhatty 1938: 7).
Famines Occurred at frequent intervals from 1840 to
1881. A famine Of intense severity occurred in 1865-67 when
18,000 square miles and 47,500,000 peOple were seriously
affected. Due to this famine a large number Of orphans were
brought into the Christian orphanages. Another famine occurred
in 1873-74 and still another in 1876-78. Millions were rendered
homeless and orphans. These orphans and homeless had no alter-
native but to ask for places in the Christian orphanages. They
all thus entered the Christian ranks. Apart from the earlier
converts from higher castes, these groups constituted the bulk

of the then Christians.

67

By 1881, the Christian population, including Anglo—
Indians and EurOpeans, was 74,673. Most Of the missions and
their activities were confined to cities. The steeples Of the
churches built and maintained on Western pattern could easily
be seen in most of the cities. The converts also lived in
urban areas. These converts, whether in orphanages or in
cities, were in regular contact with the missionaries who
administered the mission work, taught in schools, supervised
the orphanages, preached in churches and streets and managed
the industrial plants. Although actual figures Of the increase
in Christian pOpulation between 1857 and 1881 are not available,
it is probable that the number of Christians might have increased
between 1871 and 1881. Throughout India, between 1872 and 1901,
the Christian pOpulation doubled—-from an aggregate Of one and
a half million to nearly three million (Imperial Gazetter Of
India 1907: 445). On this basis it can be assumed that between
1871 and 1881, an increase in the number Of conversions did
take place in Uttar Pradesh. This increase, furthermore was
due tO the number Of conversions from depressed classes. Thus,
about 1881 these groups started coming into the Church (Bhatty
1938: 7).

Period 1881-1931: Until the year 1881 the number Of

Christians in Uttar Pradesh was not very great. But during

68

1891 to 1931 a very rapid increase took place in the number Of
Christians. The following Census figures show how rapid growth

was during the fifty years:

1881 ... 47,673
1891 ... 58,518
1901 ... 102,955
1911 ... 179,694
1921 ... 203,179
1931 ... 207,879

(From Census Of India 1931, United Provinces Of Agra and Onah)

TABLE III

Distribution of Christians by Districts in Uttar Pradesh

1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931
Agra 4,997 4,758 5,522 7,229 6,818 8,905
Allahabad 6,079 5,933 6,814 7,055 6,873 7,451
Muttra 338 846 2,262 8,992 6,087 5,675
Cawnpore 3,200 3,036 4,414 5,224 5,929 5,395
Dehra Dun 2,025 2,743 3,134 5,036 5,606 4,820
Farukhabad 826 828 1,128 2,548 3,016 4,246
Mainpuri 146 132 353 2,395 2,935 3,919
Saharanpur 1,793 1,974 2,972 5,548 5,479 3,656
Gorakhpur 993 1,176 1,443 1,608 853 2,365
Benaras 1,768 1,364 1,597 1,930 1,857 2,356
Almora 2,393 1,601 1,427 3,315 1,652 2,556
Shahajahanpur 1,408 1,328 1,863 3,954 1,845

3,455

TABLE III Continued

Pilibhit
Fyzabad
NainiTal
Etawah
Moradabad
Aligarh
Meerut
Badaun
Bareilly
Lucknow
Etah

Bulandshahr

Muzafarnagar

18
1,294
11
158
1,877
289
4,063
309
23
6,280
117
115

54

365
1,254
23
134
3,307
465
5,435
2,581
50
5,769
520
210

127

69

1,296
1,502
1,417
245
6,103
5,055
12,202
6,116
56
7,297
4,365
4,528

1,402

(From Census of India 1931).

2,085
1,911
2,413
693
17,023
1,147
18,242
11,298
115
8,660
11,077

10,111

2,583

1,426
1,426
2,443
1,242
16,716
15,120
31,119
13,136
135
7,530
12,030
12,411

6,415

1,807
1,754
1,630

22,836

18,250

16,909

15,461

13,804
9,772
9,356

13,500

10,156

' The percentage increase in each of the main religions during the

fifty years is also shows as below:

70'

Religion Percentage Variation
1881-1931

All religions +10.6

Brahmanic Hindu +6.7

Muslim +21.3 ’

Arya They were not separately

tabulated in 1881.

Christian +330.l
Jain -15.0
Sikh +l,176.l

(From Census Of India 1931 U.P. Part I, p. 497).

This rapid increase in Christian pOpulation between
1881 and 1931 is attributed to the.phange in policy Of the
missions (Bhatty l938:6). From 1881 onwards they concentrated
their evangelization activities to the depressed classes in.

the villages. "When their failure with the higher classes be-
came more and more evident, they diverted their activities to
the conversion of the Untouchables and lower castes“ (Panikkan
1964:49). Towards the close Of the nineteenth century, the
concept Of the 'White manfis burden,‘ to use Kipling's phrase,
prompted the British officials in India tO improve the living
conditions Of the Indians. Roads, Railways, public health,.'

education, canal systems and social reforms were develOped.

Railways and roads made the rural areas accessible for

71

missionaries. "During this period oriental scholarship ad—
vanced in Europe and both missionaries and savants began to
take a lively interest in the religious and secular literature
of India.and as a result a better appreciation of Hindus and
Muslims began tO gain ground among Europeans" (Thomas 1954:
197). With a better understanding of the Hindus and the needs
of the masses, greater stress was laid by the missionaries on
Christian work. They started dispensaries, hOSpitals, leper
asylums, widow homes and other activities to help poor and to
improve the lot Of the women and depressed classes.

In 1909 British recognized a series of special claims
made by'religious, caste; and other separate groupingSL'
This process gave the leaders Of such minority groups (also
to missionaries) access to positions Of prominence and
authority in the civil service, the army, the railways, the
communication system, the universities and the provincial
councils. Christians trained in Mission Schools achieved
higher literacy rates (in English) than most other groups
and under the communal policy gained mahy high-ranking
posts? (Schermerhorn 1962).

Thus,

...new converts came to the faith from the peasantry at

the lowest end Of the caste hierarchy--illiterate, landless,
poor and servile. The European missionary or priest be-
came a magical figure who could not only bring assurance

Of supernatural salvation but also deliverance from hunger,
poverty, and exploitation. Most Of all, he brought sym-
pathy for the plight of the outcaste--a feature as rare

as it was unexpected" (Schermerhorn 1962).

The missionary's preaching and conversion activities

created an increased discontent among the Untouchables who

72

remained Hindus and very clearly Observed the social rise of
others who had been converted. As a result,many discontented
Untouchables sought for conversion. This was quite normal in
the light what Barnett has said, "The disgruntled, the mal-
adjusted, the frustrated and the incompetent are preeminently
the acceptors Of cultural innovations" (Barnett 1941: 171).

The new converts from the depressed castes were re-
moved to the mission compounds or walled areas surrounding the
church or bungalow of the missionary. They were given new
Christian names by the missionaries--"a symbol of security to
set (them) Off from the surrounding Hindu community" (Schermer—
horn 1962). They were provided simple jobs by the missionaries
or in the institutions and industrial plants Opened by them.
They were given instructions in religion and their children
were given Opportunities to achieve education in mission
schools. In some sense, "the missionary became the 'father and
mother' and in the early stages not only provided, but was ex-
pected tO provide food, clothing, job, education, and medical
care” (Schermerhorn 1962).

These situations Of security and prestige extended by
the missionaries to the converts, attracted the Untouchables
in large numbers, sometimes a whole village, caste, large family

clan or tribe, to accept baptism. It was an Opportunity for

73

them to satisfy their material needs, to get some relief from
the attitude of the higher castes toward them, and tO rise in
the social hierarchy all at the same time. During these years,
in order to keep up with the needs Of the converts and to con—
tinue mass movements, the missionaries directed more and more
appeals to the Churches in Europe and America to provide ever
increasing funds to support schools, orphanages, hospitals,
agriculture training centers, industrial institutions, and
Churches in India. Appeals were also made for personnel, and
the additional requirements Of the staff, directors, supervisors,
doctors, nurses and other professionals were met from abroad.
Only the intermediate and lower positions were filled from

the ranks Of the Indian Christians. Therefore, the economic
power of the mission sending countries was a great factor in
supporting the work Of missions. (Davis 1939: 1).

Under such circumstances, large groups Of Untouchables
were converted to Christianity during this epoch Of mission
work in Uttar Pradesh. A rise of 330 percent in the Christian
population during 1881 to 1931 was caused due to coming in Of
large converts from Bhangi, Dom, Chamar and Mazhbhi Sikh castes.

Period 1941 onwards: Beginning with the 1930's, a series
of crises befell the Christian missions and their activities

Of conversion. The economic depression in America and Europe

74

in 1930's brought severe reductions in the funds allotted to
missions for their evangelical and other humanitarian purposes.
Many institutions closed their doors while still more reduced
staff, lowered salaries and decreased their services. This

had a direct effect on the activities of missions and con-
version. Many converts could not get support from the missions,
lost jobs, left the mission compounds, homes and orphanages.
They were thrown back on direct contacts with village and their
Old meanial professions, their lot became unhappy, many left
the services Of the Church. Some returned to their original
castes. Many villages were left without ecclesiastical leader-
ship. Missionary efforts to make converts in the villages

were hampered. Therefore converts could not be made in the
same number as before.

On the other hand, by this time the various Hindu re-
form movements had gained momentum. The Arya Samaj vehemently
Opposed Christian missionary activities. Aryas made attempts
to induce Christian converts from Hinduism to return to their
former religion (Turner in Census Of India 1931, U. P. p. 501).
The various caste sabhas made attempts to improve the social
conditions Of the respective depressed castes. As the Arya
Samaj rose in importance, educational, social and other acti-

vities like those of Christians were started by them. The Samaj

75

began to permit the remarriage Of widows, a practice which was
finally adopted by some orthodox Hindus as well. Thus as
Thomas says, "The Arya Samaj not only started large-scale con—
versions tO Hinduism but vigorously combated the proselytizing
activities Of Christians and Muslims” (Thomas 1954: 222).

Two other important factors impinged upon the activities
Of the missionaries. Gandhi's fast and newly launched campaign
for the removal of untouchability had a far-reaching effect on
the conversion Of Untouchables. The movement to abolish caste
and to improve the social conditions Of the Untouchables brought
new changes in the life and ways of Untouchables. Some changes
also took place in the religious beliefs Of the lower castes.
The lower castes and Untouchables began to give greater atten—
tion on the gods Of the Great Tradition. (A detailed account
Of this change starting from 1931 is given in Census Of India
1931, U. P., Part I in Appendix E.)

The upsurgeof national sentiments under the leadership
Of Gandhi and other Congress leaders also affected the mis-
sionary activities. "The anomalous condition Of Indian
nationalism in the 1940's deepened a number of internal divi—
sions within the Christian Community, making it more vulnerable
to outside attack. There was tendency among Hindus and Muslims

to look upon Indian Christians as denationalised and drawing

76

inspiration from EurOpe and EurOpean missionaries. After the
death of the Extremists' greatest leader, Tilak, in 1920, the
Congress had come under Gandhi's uniquely effective control.
Gandhi's Independence movement was in a larger sense an appeal
to peasant population in India's 700,000 villages which helped
in awakening masses to the concept Of democracy. Since the
Christians were somewhat less than wholehearted in their sup-
port Of this movement due to the influence Of missionaries,
who were pro-British or at least had a neutral attitude.
Christians were taunted: ”They are not true Indians.” Thus
in the eyes Of many Indians, Christian missionaries and their
benevolent activities began to take on a new color.

World War II proved to be an added blow. Many mission-
aries left the mission stations and the repkcements were
severely restricted. Industrialization in urban centers began
to increase rapidly. Migration from villages to urban areas
Opened ways for Untouchables to find earning avenues in urban
industries.

The movement Of resurgent Hinduism, the desire for
national unity, and the example Of the organization and solida-
rity Of Christian community, created among the educated classes
the idea Of a Hindu community. There are other factors behind

the development Of communal feelings among both Hindus and

77

Muslims, but the point is that due to the growth Of communal
sentiments, Christians began to find difficulties in employ-
ment, specifically in non-Christian institutions (Bhatty 1938:
19). The missionaries who were once influential lost much of
their importance. (Bhatty 1938: 14).

After Independence and the partition of India and
Pakistan in 1947, the Constitution of the newly independent
India, in 1949 legally abolished Untouchability. The Untouch—
ables became members Of the unhampered majority. While com-
munal feelings did exist under the British rule, after British
control ceased, these feelings became much more pronounced.
"Long nursed grievances mushroomed into demands for revenge,
and although the Muslims received the lion's share, Christians
were the target for much of its deflected forces as well"
(Schermerhorn 1962). These develOpments not only revealed
various prejudices against Christians, but restricted mission—
ary activities and conversions. Conversion was regarded as a
kind Of anti—national act. Even today, the Untouchables whose
economic and social condition has not markedly improved, have
become averse toward Christianity. Many benevolent services
which Christian missions extended are being provided by govern-
ment, religious and other private organizations. Today, special

legislation Of the government makes available many special

78

benefits (including scholarships) to Harijans (Untouchables).
On the other hand, the urban influences have resulted in
"Traditionalization" as well as "Modernization" Of Untouchables.
The Untouchables who live in cities or who visit cities, are
becoming "Sanskritized," finding new meanings for themselves
in the tenets of the Great Tradition of Hinduism. (Cohn 1963:
53—77).

In conclusion, it can be said that various religious,
economic, social and political developments Of the epoch from
1941 to the present have created a situation unfavorable for
conversion. Hence each census from 1941 onward shows a de-
cline in the Christian pOpulation Of Uttar Pradesh. Since
Independence, the evangelical activities Of the missionaries
and Christian church have been curbed. The number of mission-
aries has been considerably reduced and the Christian church
which develOped among the earlier converts has been labelled
Indian, and provides for the Spiritual communal, social and

cultural needs of the Christians.

79

Background Of the Converts

 

We have noticed from the history of Christian missions
that in the initial stages Of mission activities in Uttar
Pradesh, converts were drawn mainly from high caste Hindu and
Muslim families Of the upper social strata. A little later,
children and families who were rendered orphan and destitute
Owing to the repeated outbreak of famines, entered the
Christian fold. Lastly, the bulk Of the adherents came into
the Christian ranks from Untouchables (Bhatty 1938: 2, 7).

The contemporary Christians in Uttar Pradesh (leaving
aside those who have immigrated from other states) are thus
descendants of these three groups. It is quite likely that
the orphans and destitutes who became Christians belonged to
the lower economic and social strata. Thus only a small number
of early converts came from prosperous high caste Hindu and
Muslim families; most converts were Untouchables before accept-
ing Christian baptism. Furthermore, it appears that only a
very small number Of high caste Muslims entered the Christian
fold. Joardar has shown in his study Of Lucknow Christians,
that 81 percent Of the converts in Lucknow are of Hindu origin.
He also says that if tribal peOple are taken as a lower branch
of Hinduism the percentage would be still higher (Joarder 1949:

457). Thus, not many converts came from Muslim background.

80

A few reasons for the small number Of Muslim converts
may be advanced: First, Christianity and Islam are close to
one another in ethical values. Second, there is a deep-seated
conviction among Muslims Of the superiority of Islam and all
that it represents. It gives the "conviction that Islam is
the last, the crowning revelation Of Allah through the'Seal
(or Last) of the PrOphets', Mohammad the 'Best Of the PrOphets',
the founder Of 'the best of all Communities'” (Kraemer 1960:
107). Third, Muslims lived for a long time in sullen aloof-
ness from British and Western system Of education--treated the
British rule as a curse--carried the idea that the other books
of Revelation (kitab) were corrupted. This kept them not only
far from British administrators and Western education but also
from missionaries and their prOpagation. It was Sir Sayyid
Ahmad Khan (d. 1898) who after the Mutiny launched a reforma-
tion movement among Muslims. This directed Muslims toward
Western education and employment in the British bureacracy,
as well as chaning their attitudes toward other religions.

The high caste Hindus and Muslims, who in the earlier
years Of mission work in Uttar Pradesh had embraced Christi-
anity, were those who had been most influenced by Western
culture and thought. Some Of them became Christians being im—

pressed by Christian ethics. Some held positions in the British

81

government and accepted conversion to gain favor Of their

masters.

However, here we are concerned with delineating the eco-
nomic and social background Of these two groups, high caste
Hindus and Muslims and low and Untouchable castes as this
background is relevant in understanding the change that took
place after their conversion and contact with Western mission—
aries.

Hindus and Muslims Of the upper social strata: Almost
all Of the high caste Hindus and Muslims who accepted con-
version in the early days Of mission work in Uttar Pradesh be-
longed tO the cities. They were landowners, teachers and
writers, traders and businessmen and occupied important posi-
tions in the British government. They were educated and
economically well-tO-do. They lived in large houses, were
rigid in cultural traditions, and believed in pomp and show.
They kept their women in seclusion and did not allow them to
work out Of doors.

The Untouchables and low castes: A large majority of
converts came from this group. Most Of them lived in the
countryside. They characteristically lived on sites outside
villages. Most of them were Charmars, Bhangi and Doms. "The

castes within which Christian mass movements have taken place

82

are, with few exceptions, very poor" (Pickett 1933: 89). Their
economic and social status was fixed by their birth in the
given caste. Wiser states in his famous work The Hindu Jajmani
System that in a Hindu village in North India, each indivi-
dual has a fixed economic and social status, established by
his birth in a given caste. Although specific data about their
income and family eXpense are not available, but it is evident
that they depend mostly on income in kind which they received
from their landlords in form Of grain under Jajmani system.
Their money income is very low. The Untouchables raised fowls,
pigs and earned a little cash by selling these and other goods
such as bamboo.£ans, baskets, shoes and other leather goods.
They sometimes owned plots from one third Of an acre tO three
acres in size under what is known as Khidmat-maufi which means
free from revenue payments in consideration Of service. In
most cases these lands were granted to the ancestors of those
who held them (mostly Sweeper castes) (Pickett 1933: 108).

Some Untouchables, especially Chamars, were made to do com-
pulsory labor. Landowners, the police, petty Officials, and
bullies in the higher castes used to compel weak members of
the depressed classes to work for them either without pay or

at less than the prevailing rates of pay. These forms Of com-

pulsory labor caused other damage beside loss Of wages; they

83

exercised a corroding influence upon the victims' self—respect
and faith in the possibility Of improving their condition. Be—
sides, under the jajmani system, they were bound to an economic
and social status that was in many reSpects, oppressive. The
Sweepers earned their living by cleaning cesspools and privies,
but at times they were in prolonged unemployment, which was
even worse. The Sweeper family in return for their services,
received stale bread every day from every family for which

they had worked. When their well-tO-do jajmans had feasts on
festivals and other occasions, they received food Of a quality
_that they were never able to buy or prepare in their homes.

The Sweeper women who worked as midwives or basketmakers re—
ceived little extra income in goods from their jajmans. In
such circumstances the Untouchables were generally under-
nourished.

The Untouchables had many social disabilities which
were the outgrowth Of the idea that they are unclean. Workers
in raw leather along with scavengers were everywhere accounted
unclean, because they worked with the bodies Of dead animals
and with human excreta. Leaving aside Hindus and Muslims who
treated the Untouchables as not worthy Of contact, the British
army Officers also hesitated to employ members Of the sweeper

caste as cook. Some sweepers, in order to seek employment

84

with British Officers, conveniently called themselves as
Christians (Pickett 1933: 62).

The social disabilities Of Untouchables begin with
residential segregation. Castes accounted unclean were res-
tricted to areas allotted tO them at one edge Of, or a little
apart from, the village. Their closest neighbours were gener-
ally lowest Of the ”clean castes." They could not rent or
build houses where the "clean Hindu castes” lived. They had
severe restrictions Of buying and selling. They had tO stand
outside the shop or at a distance from the seller. The seller
would throw the commodity on the street from where the Un-
touchable would pick up or would throw to him from a distance.
They were discriminated as buyers: they must wait, standing
Off to one side, until customers Of other castes have completed
their purchases. They could not go up tO examine the commodity
as others did. Merchants Often took advantage Of this dis-
ability and sold them inferior or damaged goods at high prices.
Once they touched an article, it was contaminated and could
not be returned. These restrictions are still generally and
severely enforced against Sweepers in Uttar Pradesh.

Another disability applied to them, was restrictions
as sellers of food products. Those who kept cattle, could not

sell milk or milk products to other castes. The Untouchables

85

had service deprivations. The washermen, barbers who served
other castes did not serve the Untouchables, especially
sweepers. The Hindu seamster sewed for the Untouchable only

if the cloth was given by the merchant, without the Untouchable
putting his hand upon it.

Few disabilities of Untouchables were as harsh as the
refusal to draw water from village wells used by other castes.
Even Chamars and Sweepers in Uttar Pradesh did not share wells.
The Untouchables were nowhere provided with school privileges.
They were not expected to learn to read. The dominant Hindu
and Muslim high castes on the other hand enforced attitudes
of inferiority upon them. As members of Untouchable classes
they‘were eXpected tO follow a code Of behavior which restricted
them to do anything which would raise them above their appointed
station in life. He was not supposed to dress in a style su-
perior to that Of his status nor his wife was supposed to
adorn herself with ornaments after the fashion Of the high
caste women. His house should not be bigger or better than
other caste peOple of the village. He was not supposed to
own land and cultivate independently. He was not supposed to
take any new remunerative services except those which were
customary. In short, to be an Untouchable was to undergo all

sorts of humiliations, inconveniences,and Oppressions.

86

Some Of these disabilities still persist with Untouch-
ables more especially with Sweepers despite numerous legis—
lations and reform movements. In considering the aspects of
conversion and acculturation. The sociO-economic background
Of the bulk of the converts is to be kept in view to trace the
changes that have taken place in their economic, social and
cultural patterns. The same has been touched in the next

chapter on aspects of acculturation.

87

Situations of contact between converts and Western culture
The history Of Christian missions and conversion shows
clearly that Western missionaries were the most influential
agents of the spread Of Christianity in Uttar Pradesh as in
other parts Of India. It is true that missionaries did not
make India more than a temporary home; with few exceptions,
they came for a few years and were replaced by others from
Europe or America. This provided the Christian converts with

regular and prolonged Opportunities of contact with Western

missionaries.

For the most part, however nineteenth century missionaries
were not merely other-worldly and apocalyptic, but were narrowly
ethnocentric. They did not bring with them only the message
Of the Christian god, but western ideas and western way Of life.

It is not a coincidence that the greatest mission-sending
nations have also been the nations possessing the greatest
store Of material resources and the highest standards Of
living. This circumstance has exerted an incalculable in-
fluence upon the growth Of the younger churches and the
nature Of the Christian movement that has arisen in their
lands. The financial strength which supports the evange-
listic purpose Of the Older churches not only has made it
possible to send tens Of thousands Of missionaries to the
non-Christian countries, but has enabled them to be main-

tained in countries of low economic levels on a scale Of
living, housing and expenditure approximating to that Of
their homelands.
***

The financial resources Of the West have made it possible

for mission programmes and institutions to be planned upon

a Western scale Of values and standards.
* * *

88

The missionary begins his work in the new field as a
creature of an alien environment, with alien point of view,
assumptions and standards. The conception Of the church
he has come to develOp inheres in his Western environment.
It is difficult for him to visualize any other type Of
church--building organization, polity, program or maintenance
-—than that in which he has been trained. (Davis 1939: 1,
2! 37).

The mission houses with all the material elements brought
from the West showed a new mode of life that was Western. Even
the religious organization of the Indian Christians, from the
very inception Of mission work, has been a faithful reproduction
of the Western practices. The type of Christian societies and
institutions which prevail in EurOpe and America have been
almost bodily transplanted on the soil Of Uttar Pradesh. The
church with its slanting roof, and tapering steeple, the cross
_surlounting it, the nave, aisle, altar, vestry, pews and even
cushions for kneeling are visible symbols of the Western church.
The hymns are not only Western in spirit and composition but
they are given to the Indian Christians in the originalrhythm
and meter through the medium Of Urdu and Hindi. They are
again, sung in the Western tune to the accompaniment Of Western
music poured out by the pealing organ. The prayers are Offered
in the same Western fashion, peOple are asked to come to the

altar in the same manner as in the Western countries. The

bread and wine at the time of the Mass, Eucharist or Communion

89

are served in the same fashion as they are done in Europe and
America. The curate, rector, deacon, archdeacon, bishOp and
archbishop or the elder, presbyter or moderator or the pastor,
district superintendent, bishOp, annual conference and general
conference-—in fact the entire hierarchy Of WeStern Christian
organization has been reproduced by the Christian missions in
Uttar Pradesh.

It is needless to cite the critical remarks Of the
Indian leaders about the Western nature Of Christian missions.
However, the above facts amply support the fact that entering
the Christian ranks meant a continuing contact with Western
missionaries and thereby, with a Western way of life.

Such contacts occurred through various circumstances
and in varied situations. In the early stages of the mission
activities, when high caste Hindus and Muslims from upper
social strata accepted conversions, they lived for weeks with
missionaries. The reasons were evident. The mission houses
stood for security. When missionaries first came to the cities
in Uttar Pradesh, they chose to live near the British Officers
with whom they fraternized. When the ban on missionaries was
removed, large grants of land near the British Officers' houses
were made to the missionaries by the government. The Munici—

palities gave the missionary institutions lower rates for water

90

and electricity. It is no wonder that mission property grew
to enormous size under such conditions. Thus the mission
house was a kind of a fort for the new convert to save him in
the early days of his conversion from the hard criticisms and
pressures Of the neighboring Hindus and Muslims.

Living for several weeks with missionaries after baptism
was intended to be a source Of Christian fellowship for the new
convert, to impart to him the deeper truths Of the faith, and
to make him firm in his baptism. In some instances where only
one or few members Of a large joint family, attracted by the
teachings Of new religion, were converted, they were then not
accepted by their family. Also, returning to their Theathen'
environment" just after accepting baptism was considered
dangerous for the new convert. The early high caste Hindu
and Muslim converts were generally educated, belonged to the
upper socioeconomic strata, and occupied high positions in the
government or were traders or teachers. By having them stay
in their mission houses for many days after their baptism,
missionaries tried to establish congenial relations between
themselves and the natives. Hindus did not like to associate
with the beef-eating Westerners; Muslims avoided them as pork-

eaters.

91

When the orphans and destitutes of the repeated famines
were brought to the Christian orphanages, they came into
regular contact with missionaries, who supervised the orphanages,
taught in schools, preached in churches, and managed the indus-
trial plants. Most Of the orphan girls were trained by mis—
sionary women. They were shown how to fix the drawing and
dining rooms, do the bed, plan a meal, wash dishes, stitch
dresses, and even polish furniture. In some cases, young men
converts were married to such girls.

When the bulk of the converts began tO come from
Untouchable castes a new situation Of contact arose. To re-
move the new convert from ostracism or persecution in their
own villages,~cOnvertS-were Often moved into.mission compounds,
the walled areas surrounding a church or bungalow, and pro;
vided with simple jobs. This segregating process Of "mission
compound living" brought the converts into an isolated social
system. Being cut Off from the social and occupational ties
of his former village, and his Old skills turned unuseable
the low-caste convert became completely dependent on the mis-
sionary. Many of these converts worked as servants for the
missionaries. The missionary became the "father and mother"
and was expected to provide food, clothing, jobs, education,

and medical care. The missionaries who directed more and more

92

appeals to the Christian Churches in Eunpe and America for
funds, not only received support in money but in consumer
goods to help the converts. Thus, the converts kept them-
selves in frequent contact with the missionaries and were
regularly given consumer goods for their needs. Living in
the mission compound or walled areas surrounding the mis-
sionary's bungalow made the convert acquainted with the Wes-
tern style Of living. The missionary's dress, food, his mission
house with solid Western styled furniture, Spacious roominess,
flowing gardens outside, the motor car in the garage attached
to it, many time—saving devices and many gadgets brought from
the West, were perceived day after day by the convert.

Church worship also provided the converts with situ—
ations in which he came in contact with the missionaries and
Western type Of church organization. The converts heard the
good word from the missionary for an hour or two but they
really got acquainted with the western ideas, Western reli-
gious organization, and Western order of worship which had
been duplicated in the Uttar Pradesh churches.

In mission schools, children Of the converts were taught
Bible along with other subjects. The manager, principal, and
some teachers were Western missionaries. The whole environment

of the school, its discipline, its maintenance was done according

93

to the style of European schools. In church as well as in
schools, the teachings Of Christianity develOped in the con-
verts a sense Of equality—-that all men are created equal--
which was alien to them while they were within the pale of
Hindu social organization.

To sum up, it can be said that the religious change
placed the Christian converts in situations wherein he found
himself in contact over a long period with Western missionaries
and their culture. How have these contacts impinged upon the
life and ways of urban Christians in Uttar Pradesh? The next

chapter deals with this question.

CHAPTER IV
ASPECTS OF ACCULTURATION

Conscious attempt to Westernize
Cultural Patterns Of Converts

Extent of Acculturation

CHAPTER IV

ASPECTS OF ACCULTURATION

Conscious attempt to Westernize

The Christian converts who came from amongst Hindus,
Muslims and in large numbers, from Untouchables, were fused
into a homogeneous community through the activities Of the
Christian missions and the religious organization Of the
Christian faith. The earlier converts and their descendants
consciously acquired cultural patterns akin to the Western
culture Of the missionaries. The contemporary ChriStians in
Uttar Pradesh, thus form a homogeneous community with a
cultural pattern divergent in many respects from that of the
traditional culture Of other members Of the society.

The contact with Western missionaries and the religious
organization Of the converts based on a Western pattern have
contributed a great deal toward the formation of these cultural
patterns. They have adopted many traits Of the Western culture.
What has led them to assimilate the material elements Of
missionaries' culture? This demands some explanation. Anth—
ropological Observers have noticed the disorganizational
effects Of missionary enterprise in certain civilizations and
simple societies (see, for example, Buck 1939; JunOd 1935:
213-228) but have given little importance to factors which

95

96

induce a group of converts to assimilate into the way Of life
of the missionaries. In the following lines an attempt has
been made to trace the circumstances which led the converts to
adOpt the cultural traits of Western missionaries.

In the last chapter we;have sketched the contact

situations between earlyrconverts:and Western misSions. In1

the initial stages, when the early convertsflivedrfor many
weeks with the Western missionaries in their homes or when
during repeated famines, the orphans and destitutes were
carried to mission orphanages, the phase Of acculturation that
may be called 'guided acculturation.I Immediately after,

came another phase when the converts consciously borrowed the
cultural traits Of the missionaries. It was due tO certain
personal need dispositions Of the converts.

Need dispositions,...are tendencies to orient and act
with respect to Objects in certain manners and to expect
certain consequences from these actions....it is a ten-
dency to orient and select with an eye to the future, as
well as with an eye tO immediate gratification (Parsons
and Shils 1951: 114, 115).

RapOport has shown in his study Of ”Changing Navaho Religious
Values” that need diSpositions are correlated with value shift.
He has analyzed the changing cultural forms Of Navaho re-

sulting from the contact Of Christian missions in terms Of

need dispositions (RapOport 1954).

97

The need dispositions Of the Christian converts in
Uttar Pardesh resulted in assimilating the way of life of
the Western missionaries. The following need dispositions
have been selected to trace the process Of conscious accul—

turation:

1. Need for identification with the dominant
(White and Western missionary) group

2 Need for affiliation

3. Need for economic dependency on Western
missionaries

4. Need for new identity
5. Need for recognition

6. Need for prestige

1. Need for identification with the dominant (White and
Western missionary) group: Before 1844 no Indian was allowed
in the bureaucracy}, but when the British Opened the Indian
Civil Service to English-Speaking Indians, "without distinc-

tion of race or creed,’ new Opportunities arose for the
Christians. After the mutiny of 1857, when the crown took
over the direct rule of India, governors and viceroys began
to show Christians increasing favor, since Christians had

remained loyal to their English rulers during the uprising.

SO, the Christians became increasingly attached to the colonial

98

power. The firm position of the British raj created a halo
effect for Western ways, therefore, the earlier converts

who came from high caste Hindu and Muslim families adOpted
the material elements of the Western missionaries' culture.
They desired to identify themselves with the British. They
were educated, had good economic means and some won high
positions in the British Officialdom. An increasing number
of them found their status elevated in the eyes Of many edu—
cated Indians.

2. Need for affiliation:. The religious organization of the
Indian Christians was based on Western patterns. The earlier
high caste converts had already adopted many traits Of the
Western missionaries. The latter converts who entered the
Christian fold by accepting baptism, realised that in order
to affiliate with the Christian community they had to fuse
into the Western way Of life, which had already been adopted
by the earlier converts. As Joardar has said Of the Lucknow
Christian, ”Conversion to him [meant] acceptance of Western
style Of living" (Joardar 1949: 111). Joardar received the
following replies from some Of his respondants when he asked
why the members Of Indian Christian community westernized their

style of life:

99

We adOpted the religion of the Western people. In
accepting the religion we adopted the Western mode Of
living. We found that we could not live up to the ex-
pectation Of the Western missionaries if we did not
practices what they practiced.

We found that Christianity was the religion Of the
dominant people Of the world, the British and the
Americans. We accepted the religion Of the people who
enjoyed great prestige. We adOpted the mode Of the
Western peOple for the sake of prestige.

We adopted the Western mode Of living because we found
it reasonable and intellectually satisfying.

We westernized our life and attitude for three reasons:
1) it was profitable, 2) it looked honorable to us, and
3) it was significant and symbolic of our new mode Of life
as Christians. PeOple knew us at sight when we dressed
as Europeans. And we enjoyed at the instance Of the
missionaries to advertise our distinctiveness. We felt
also that we stood to gain by it. And we kept up the
difference.

Christianity came from the West with Western mission—
aries who enjoyed enormous prestige as representatives
of a powerful and dominant civilization. The acceptance
Of the religion as well as the mode Of their living brought
prestige, profit a sense Of newness and fashion tO the
imitating Indian Christians. It was also symbolic Of
their new way Of life. (Joardar 1949: 460—462).

These statements support that the need for affiliation.
with the Western religion directed the converts tO adopt the
mode of Western living.

3. Need for economic dependency on Western missionaries: The
earlier converts who entered the Christian ranks depended on

Western missionaries not only for the spiritual needs, but for

economic and social needs also. As Schermerhorn states, ”The

100

missionary became the 'father and mother'” (Schermerhorn 1962).
This factor of dependency led the new convert to COpy the
missionary's mode of life. To quote again from one Of Joadar's
reSpondents:

We came to Christianity for abundant life. The mission-
aries who came to us spoke Of freedom, freedom from the
tyranny Of landlords, freedom from want, and freedom from
fear. They told us of joyous living and economic uplift.
They said they would provide free education to our chil-
dren and free medical treatment to the people who fell
ill (Joardar 1949: 446).

In order to gain favors from the missionary, the convert
adopted the mode of life desired by the missionary—~this was
similar to the missionary's way Of living. He accepted the
Western ways Of marriage ceremonies, social organization and
religious performances.

4. Need for new identity: Most Of the converts came from
among the Untouchables. Becoming converted, they acquired a
new identity. In order to retain this new identity they
assimilated the Western way Of life. They had to keep up

a difference between them and other non-converted Untouchables
and also between them and other caste peOple Of the society.
Westernization helped them to achieve this distinctness.

5. Need for recognition: In order to be recognized as a

Christian, the convert took a Christian name sometimes from

the Bible and sometimes the missionary gave his name or the

101

name of scme other missionary at the time Of his baptism.
He also imitated the way of life Of a missionary which was
associated with Christian culture. Joardar writes:
In the early days Of the missions when a man came to
accept Christianity he usually came and lived in the
spacious mission compound. He was asked to burn the
bridge behind him and come apart from his family. He
was told to give up all his Old traditions and customs
and to follow Christian behavior in their place. The
convert had no other Christian ideal before him beside
the missionary. SO he modelled his social behavior on
'that of the Western missionary . . . . The imitation of
Christ was thus consummated in the imitation Of the mis—
sionary life (Joardar 1949: 301).
TO be recognized as a Christian within the Christian com-
munity and amidst non—Christians was to lead a Western way
of life which was symbolic tO Christianity.
6. Need for Prestige: Most of the converts who came from
Untouchables were victims Of supression before their conver-
sion. They had lowest economic and social status. Socially
they were segregated from caste Hindus and Muslims. When
they accepted baptism and received help, security, equality
and free social intercourse with missionaries and other
Christians they developed megalomania for prestige. This
prestige they found could be Obtained by adOpting the Western
way Of life. They began to dress like Western missionaries,

to keep their homes on the pattern Of missionary homes and

tried to COpy everything that was Western. Since Western ways

102

were given higher prestige, their status was raised and they
could mix with people on equal terms. They were even given
prestige in the eyes of high caste non—Christians.

Thus, these need dispositions developed an integrated
cultural pattern which the subsequent generations Of Christians
in Uttar Pradesh have reduplicated. Although some changes
have taken place during the past few decades, many elements
of Western culture are still given great importance. The
Western mode of life has become a pattern phenomenon. This
develOpment can be seen in the light Of the following anthro-
pological concepts:

Every cultural group, however primitive, tends to channel
its own culture building or to elaborate or re-duplicate
in building up its trait complexes. Anthropologists have
come to regard this channelizing as pattern phenomena
(Wissler 1923: 188).

A culture like an individual is a more or less consistent
pattern Of thought and action. Within each culture there
come into being characteristic purposes not necessarily
shared by other types Of society. In Obedience to these
each people further and further consolidate its experience
and in proportion to the urgency Of the drives the hetero-

geneous items Of behavior take more and more congruous
shape (Ruth Benedict 1934: 46).

103

Cultural Patterns of Christians

As a result of conversion and prolonged contact with
Western missionaries and Western religious organization, the
Christian converts adOpted many elements of the culture of
the dominant group (Western missionaries). The contemporary
urban Christians of Utter Pradesh, who are descendants of
earlier converts, form a community having cultural exclusive-
ness and carrying variants of Hindu traditional culture of
Uttar Pradesh. Kroeber says, ”Through being born into a
society, every individual is also born into a culture. This
culture molds him and he participates in it" (Kroeber 1948:
288).

The configuration of the culture of urban Christian
community in Uttar Pradesh is based upon an extensively Western
outlook. The Western outlook which the earlier converts
develOped through contact with Western missionaries, by adOpt-
ing the Western form of Christianity as their religion and by
securing preferential economic treatment under the British
rule, has become a sort of a 'theme' with the urban Christians
of Uttar Pradesh. The theme is the major assumption on which
a culture is based.

However, in order to examine the aspects of acculturation

and to determine the variants of traditionalczulture that urban

104

Christians of Uttar Pradesh carry, we would visualize the
cultural patterns of Christians.

Residential patterns: We have seen in Tables I and 11
(Chapter II) that a majority of Christians in Uttar Pradesh
live in towns and cities. The earlier converts were taken to
mission compounds or walled areas surrounding the missionary's
bungalow. They were thus segregated from other Hindus and
Muslims. The Christians have kept up this tendency of living
in 'enclaves'. In a sense the Christians live side by side.
Joardar has shown in his study of Lucknow Christians that a
larger proportion of Lucknow Christians live in Ganeshganj
and Hazratganj wards. The tables given below show clearly the
preponderence of Christians in certain wards of Lucknow:

TABLE IV

Distribution of Indian Christians
in wards of Lucknow:

Wards: Number of Indian
Christians
Daulatganj 23
Saadatganj 4O
Chowk 134
Yahiyaganj 215
Wazirganj 986
Ganeshganj 2,465
Hazratganj 2,089
Hasanganj 596

(Joanhn'l94l:30).

105

Table V

Proportion of the Hindus and Muslims
to Indian Christians in Wards:

Indian Indian
Wards Hindus Christians Muslims Christians
per 1000 per 1000
Daulatganj 34,400 0.06 27,167 0.04
Saadatganj 36,012 0.07 28,432 0.05
Chowk 39,217 0.29 29,569 0.21
Yahiyaganj 32,015 0.60 29,659 0.58
Wazirganj 30,121 2.85 27,437 2.55
Ganeshganj 62,217 4.02 7,431 0.50
Hazratganj 50,117 5.00 19,848 2.00
Hasanganj 26,002 0.50 12,628 0.22
Total 310,101 2.00 181,017 3.60

(Joafihr 1949:32)
Bhatty has shown that a great number of Christian families in
Allahabad are distributed in Muirabad, Muthiganj and in areas
surrounding mission schools. (Bhatty 1946: 3). The author
has also observed the tendency of Christians to live in en-
claves in other large cities of Uttar Pradesh. Generally, the
wards or localities (mohallas) where Christians have congregated
in large numbers are those where missionaries earlier acquired
extensive areas of land and after meeting their needs for insti—
tutional purposes gave land to Christians on lease. Besides,
wherever there is a group of Christians in a city owning resi-
dential buildings, there is a tendency on the part of non-owning
or immigrant families to rent houses in that neighborhood

(Bhatty 1946: 4).

106

Sketch Map of the City of Lucknow
Showing the Municipal Wards

DAULATGANJ

HASANGANJ

,/
/

 

CHOWK

"4%,

   

I
J O | g . . I ’ ‘
.

YAHIYAGANJ

 

Notified Area

,X . CANTONMENTS \\

Scale: One inch is equal
to one mile
(Joardar 1949: 31)

107

The following news extract from The Indian Daily Telegraph,
an English Daily, on housing conditions in Capital city of Luck-
now is worth noticing:

The best sections of Lucknow belong geOgraphically to

the local government. The Government House where His
Excellency the governor of the province resides in winter,
the commissioner of Lucknow Division's bungalow, the
Deputy Commissioner house, the city Magistrate's resi-
dence, the courts, the General Post office and the
Secretariat occupy the best sites in the city. The next
best portions are in the hands of Western missionaries.
The mission Schools and colleges with large grounds
around them are well-known sections of the city. The
missionary preachers and teachers live in large houses
in the open and uncongested parts of Lucknow (The Indian
Daily Telegraph 1924 Nov. 6: p. 5).

This statement made forty years ago is true today--
Mission compounds and Churches are located in the best areas
of the cities. The urban Christians in Uttar Pradesh have a
tendency to live in areas where there is a large majority of
Christians. This helps them to keep their identity and dis-
tinction among their non—Christian neighbors. They have c0pied
their religious leaders--missionaries, who lived close to
British officials with whom they fraternized.

The urban Christians in Uttar Pradesh have borrowed the
elements of technology of the dominant culture. The walls
of the Hindu homes are often covered with lithographs of gods

and goddesses, whereas Christian homes have photographs of

weddings, children, etc. They most frequently use porcelain

108

and china for eating, glassware for drinking and aluminum
vessels for cooking. They have furniture in their homes. Even
in poor homes, the use of table and chairs is common. Those

who are well-to-do display their Westernization by lavish expen—
diture on furniture and household articles. They try to main-
tain their homes in a fashion similar to that of the Western
missionaries.

The breakfast and afternoon tea so common in urban
Christian homes are entirely Western in conception, ingredients
and execution. The urban Christians of Uttar Pradesh eat four
times a day. The meal is taken with the whole family together.
Husband and wife eat together at the same table in middle and
upper class families. Besides the use of meat, fish and eggs,
some families eat canned food too. In his study of Lucknow
Christians, Joadar has found out that 217 families out of 868
in Lucknow used canned food in at least one—fourth of their
meals. (Joardar 1949: 122).

Urban Christians dress in a partially Western way. Men
usually wear Western—style trousers and shirts; women wear
Indian sarees and blouses, but with western—style undergarments.
Children are also clad in Western fashion. Girls wear frocks
and boys short pants or trousers with shirts. The use of suits

and ties is also very common among upper middle class and

109

well—to-do Christians. Joardar has found out that in Lucknow,
Christians have 30 percent more clothing and shoes than non—
Christians in the corresponding economic group (Joardar 1949:
151).

Literacy and Occupation: We have to examine literacy
figures among urban Christians of Uttar Pradesh, keeping in
View the fact that the bulk of the converts entered the Christian
fold from Untouchables and depressed classes who were not sup-
posed to read or write. The figures of literacy among Christians
from 1931 onward show that they have made much progress toward
literacy. According to census of 1931, the average number of
literates per mile in United Provinces was 47; in a ratio of
80 males to 10 females. Christians show 156 literate males to
148 literate females. Among Indian Christians in the 15-20 age
group, prOportions of literate males and females were almost
equal. This was due to direct efforts of missionaries. In
contrast to the general pOpulation, many Indian Christians
were literate in English. (Census of India, United Provinces
1931: 446, 447, 459, 463, 466).

In the City of Lucknow, Joardar found that two—thirds
of the Indian Christians were literate in 1941; the all-India
figure for literacy in the same year was 14 per hundred. The

converts who entered Christian ranks in large numbers till 1931

110

showed greater interest in education and especially in acquiring
knowledge of English. The educated urban Christians of Uttar
Pradesh generally converse in English, prefer reading English
newspapers and English novels. Even lower groups of Christians
converse with a Sprinkling of English in Hindustani. The
lectures delivered constantly by Western missionaries and
tourists, the services in English in some churches, and the
Opportunities of meeting and talking with Western missionaries
induce the educated Christians to make themselves proficient

in English.

The men in the urban Christian community of Uttar Pradesh
take educational service, secretarial work, religious work,
railway work, executive and medical service, technical work
and as unskilled laborers. Women find employment in education,
domestic service and nursing. Till some years ago nursing as
a profession was abhored by Hindu and Muslim women, but Indian
Christian women flock to this occupation. Most Hindus and
Muslims think that it is not prOper for a woman to work outside
her home. But the same idea does not prevail among urban
Christians of Uttar Pradesh.

Family and marriage: Social and cultural forces impinge
upon family organization. The teachings of the Christian faith

and the contact with missionaries have heavily influenced the

111

family organization of Christians. In the earlier stages of
missionary activities, where an entire family entered the
Christian rank ,the family organization continued as a joint
family system instead of a nuclear family system. In a joint
family system, a large number of men, their spouses and child—
ren lived and ate tOgether.. The bOnd between them was cemented
by kinship and through patrilineal descent. Several brothers
and cousins lived together under patriarchal authority of a
common ancester whose age inSpired veneration and whose ex—
perience of the world and religion drew cooperation and
obedience. Later, when many orphans and destitutes and other
individual converts came to Christian fold, they formed nu-
clear families. Usually, individual converts were not allowed
membership in their non—Christian joint family after their
conversion. They entirely got out of the old joint family and
lived by themselves without sending their earnings to the
patriarchal purse or receiving anything from it. The indi-
vidual converts found their Spiritual, emotional, material

and social needs satisfied by depending on missionaries. The
missionaries, in a sense, served the same needs of the con-
verts which the joint family previously had served. The converted
couples followed the pattern of missionaries. They developed

a more positive attitude to small—unit families. Thus, the

112

nuclear family pattern is common with urban Christians of Utter

Pradesh. A married man and woman with their offSprings, although

‘in individual cases one or more additional person, reside together.
Through contact with missionaries a whole set of new ideas

and values passed to Christian converts. The urban Christians

of Uttar Pradesh do not consider rules of exogamy when planning

marriage. They also do not depend on astrological calculations

or horosc0pes in the selection of marriage partners or to fix

nuptial dates. The selection of the bride and bridegroom does

not, therefore, follow the traditional customs prevalent with

Hindus and Muslims. Generally the consent of the bride and

bridegroom is sought before marriage. Joardar has found that

86 percent of 832 Christian marriages in Lucknow showed that

they were celebrated with some consent of the bride and bride-

groom (Joardar 1949: 83). In most cases where the marriage

is arranged by the guardians, courtship in‘a subdued form takes

place after bethrothal. The young man is allowed to go out

with the girl to church functions, club meetings, cinemas, and

parties. If the young man comes to call, he is allowed to

visit the girl. Thus, prenuptial meetings are not at all frowned

on among Christians in Uttar Pradesh. The young girls are

allowed to go out of doors and participate the same way as boys.

113

Christians are not necessarily required to marry. If
a girl does not marry neither she nor her parents are ordinarily
criticized. Likewise, romantic marriages are not disrespected.
Young men and women meet on equal terms, and have many Oppor-
tunities for free selection of marriage partners. In some
cases, Christian girls, who have freedom of movement and employ-
ment find husbands outside the community. Joardar has found
that the types of girls who marry outside the community are
those belonging either to highest or lowest economic group
(Joardar 1949: 92). Christian girls, being more polished in
social relations having fewer restriction on social intercourse
prove attractive to many non-Christian boys.

Marriage among Christians takes place in the church.

The marriage customs of Christians are entirely Western. The
white costumes, white flowers, the ring and the wedding march,
the reception and tea party as well as the signing of the
Church register are all strictly followed by the Christians.

In Christian homes the Hindu traiditional concept of
motherhood is not strictly followed. Modern educated Christian
women have considerably deviated from the Hindu traditional
path, by limiting her family and sometimes by having no family
at all. In Christian homes, the old preference for boys (as

is found in traditional non-Christian families) does not hold

114

a place. Boys and girls are equally preferred. Girls are not
kept in seclusion on attaining adolescence as in Hindu and
Muslim homes.

The Christian schools, dormitories, Sunday Schools and
the social life of the Christian enclaves fulfill some of the
functions of socialization. Therefore, the role of parents
and grandparent in the socialization of the children is
lessened among Christians as compared to Hindus and Muslims.
The greater freedom, dormitory life and a craze for distinction
among others develop an independent outlook among children and
the traditional emphasis so prevalent among Hindus regarding
respect and dedication to parents has lost its significance
in Christian homes.

Christians differ from Hindus and Muslims in their
amusements and diversions. Western music and dancing, stamp
collecting, autograph collecting, hunting and birthday parties
are common among Christians. Christians do not feel much
attraction for Indian classical dance or music.

The Christians bury their dead in graveyards the same
way as Westerners do. They do not worship the dead or idols
nor perform rituals for purification after the disposal of the
dead body. Astrology, magic, sorcery and witchcraft are also

not prevalent among urban Christians.

115

There are no taboos on eating some kinds of food such
as beef, fowl, pork or meat of the hunted animal. There are
also no rituals and taboos at the time of birth of the child,
or on menstruating women or for attending church.

The Christians also have a higher marriage age than
non-Christians. Joardar has shown in his study of Lucknow
Christians that the average age of brides is 20 years and
three months and of bridegrooms is 25 years and two months
(Joardar 1949: 85). Marriage age, at least for women, is much
lower among non—Christians. Though figures on the average age
of brides and bridegrooms in other cities of Uttar Pradesh are
not available, it can be surmised on the basis of the findings
of Joardar that this average age is the common pattern among
Christians in Uttar Pradesh.

The annual rate of natural increase in the Christians
is very low, which suggests that Christians limit their families
by using contraceptives. Joardar has compared the fertility

rates of ten communities of Lucknow as follows:

Rate of Fertility-

Community young couples since 1934
Indian Christians 1.6
Anglo Indians 2.6

Europeans 2.5

116

Community Rate of Fertility-
young couples since 1934
Bengali 3.1
Hindu Kashnivri 2.8
Khattri 3.6
Pabari 3.2
Shia 3.4
Muslims Sunni 3.6
Sikh 3.4

(deduced from Joardar 1949: 351)

This picture of fertility in capital of Uttar Pradesh
suggests that fertility is affected by the larger use of
contraceptives.

The well-to-do Christians in cities of Uttar Pradesh
have also started to use electric cooking ranges, automobiles
and other time-saving devices.

0n the basis of the foregone description of the social
and cultural patterns of urban Christians in Uttar Pradesh,
it is apparent that the Christians have taken a Western look.
This has been due to Christians borrowing the elements of
Western culture with their contact with Western missionaries

and as a result of their religious change.

117

Extent of Acculturation

 

In order to examine the degree of acculturation of urban
Christians in Uttar Pradesh we have divided the group into two
socio-economic levels: (1) Upper level, including business-
men, government officials, doctors and teachers. (2) Lower
level, including factory workers, domestic servants and petty
clerks.

Upper level: In this group the Christians have adop-

 

ted many elements of social organization and value orientation
along with the elements of the technology of the donor group.
Their economic and social positions in the community have
afforded them the privilege to livelike,Westerners. During
the British raj, Western mode of living and practice of Western
values helped them to acquire good positions of employment and
raised their status much higher in the eyes of other Indians.
Since Christians' privileged position has changed in indepen-
dent India, they are given a lowered status by the Hindus.

In order to keep up their higher status at least in the
Christian community, they cling to Western ways and Western
values. Their Western way of life also helps them to gain
.popularity and position in Church organization. It helps them

in keeping contacts with the few missionaries who still work

in missions. 0n the one hand, their distinguished and distinct

118

position is fading out in the whole society; on the other,
they are maintaining it within the congregation by continuing
Western mode of life.

Lower level: In this group the Christians have adopted

 

mostly the elements of technology of the donor group. In

doing so they find their status higher as compared to members
of other castes in the same level. The Western dress, smoking
and drinking, hunting, keeping their homes on somewhat Western
fashion give them identity and distinction. During the earlier
stages, when a large number of the lower socio-economic level
converts entered the Christian ranks, through 'Christian mass
movements', they were generally dependent upon missionaries

for their economic and material need. They did not embrace
Christianity because they were impressed by the ethical values
of Christianity and value orientations of the Western mission—l
aries but because of the economic and social advantages which
were attached. They cared less for adopting the elements of
social organization and value orientations of the missionaries
for they realized that by c0pying the Western dress and other
material elements of the Western missionary's culture, they
were in a position to conceal their origin and achieve a

higher status in the society. Thus, they did‘ not adopt the

social organization and values of the missionaries to that

119

extent as the upper level group members did. "Christians from
Harijan families are still considered Harijan by many if not
most Hindus" (Schermerhorn 1962) in contemporary society.
The lower level Christians, though they carry themselves in
Western way to distinguish themselves from other low caste
groups, yet they also follow some of the traditional rituals
and customs of Hindus. Some believe in Evil Eye, celebrate
some Hindu festivals and observe a few rituals of marriage and
birth similar to Hindus. Since thflr dependence on Christian
missions has ceased, some have returned to their traditional
professions.

In sum, the Christians of upper level have assimilated
the Western elements of technology and social organization to

a greater degree than lower level Christians.

CHAPTER V
SYRIAN CHRISTIANS

Background

Cultural Patterns

CHAPTER V

SYRIAN CHRISTIANS

Background

 

As a comparison, for the basis of understanding, how
acculturation process has occurred in two Christian groups,

a brief discussion of the social structure of Syrian Christians
has been introduced here. We have chosen Syrian Christians

for two Special reasons: They are Christian group recruited
on the soil of India; they have also been recruited from the
lower strata of the community through the efforts of Western
missionaries. Thus Syrian Christians provide a case analogous
to that of the Uttar Pradesh Christains.

Syrian Christians form a large community in Kerala (con—
stituted of Travancore, Cochin and Malabar) on the West coast
of India. Tradition traces the founding of Syrian Christian
Community in the first century A.D. from St. Thomas, whose
martyred remains are supposed to be buried in Mylepore, near
Madras (Ayyar 1936: l; Devanandan 1963: 30). Some scholars,
however, hold that they came into being in 345 A.D. when a
merchant fleet of four hundred men under the leadership of
Thomas of Cana and a bishop consecrated by the Patriarch of

Antioch came to Malabar and settled there (Rae 1892: 7-8).

121

122

Whatever be the truth about St. Thomas or the origin of Syrian
Christians, it is most important to note that the first con-
verts were all drawn from the Brahmans (Ayyar 1936: 34, 235).
who were reinforced by the advent of the four hundred Syrians.
In the 8th century when the Nestorians grew into importance in
Iraq and Persia, some of their missionaries visited the West
coast of India and reconverted (some or all of) the Syrian
Christians to the Nestorian heresy (Richards 1928: 56-57).

In the 16th century, the first European nation which had inter-
course with Syrian Christians was Portugal (Rae 1892: Preface).
When Portuguese became powerful on the West coast of India,
they won back many Syrian Christians into the Roman Church

(Day 1863: 56-57). The Portuguese started a conversion move-
ment to strengthen their colonial power. They baptised a large
number of Untouchables in Malabar. The Dutch ousted the
Portuguese from their maritime supremacy in the Indian ocean,
they allowed the Syrian Christians to get a new bishop from
the ancient see of Antioch. But as the see of Antioch was
then Jacobean, the Syrian Christians who accepted the new
bishop sent by the Patriarch of Antioch became likewise Jaco-
bite in this organization. In the 19th century Anglican
missions came to help the Jacobeans and converted many of them

to their form of worship. The new group seceded to form a

123

group of their own. In doctrinal matters the Syrian Christians

are divided into ten sects. "Ethnically, the Syrian Christians
are now one and the same people and the various divisions
among them are based on the differences in the religious be-
liefs or doctrinal changes” (Ayyer 1936:60).

It is not important to go into details of their sects
or doctrinal matters for the purpose of the present discussion.
What is important to note is that many Catholic and Protes-
tant missionaries have labored to recruit Christians. William

Grooke mentions in the introduction of Ayyer's AnthrOpology

 

of the Syrian Christians:

From the point of view of ethnology the Syrian and other
allied churches don't form a race. They have sprung from
converts recruited, as a rule, from the lower strata of the
community, rather than from the higher classes, such as
Brahmans and Nayars, who are less susceptible of missionary
efforts (Ayyer 1936: ix).

Cultural Patterns
According to Census of India, 1961, there are 3,587,365
Christians in Kerala. Their percentage to total pOpulation

is 21.22 (India 1963: iii). The following table gives the

idea of their growth during the fifty years from 1901 to 1951:

Percentage of the Syrian Christians to the Total Population

year percent year percent
1951 32.0 . 1921 28.9
1941 31.6 1911 26.2

1931 30.8 1901 23.8 (India 1953:27)

124

After 1951 the Christian population shows a deCline. Between
1951 and 1961 it decreased from 32 percent to 21 percent of
the total population. There seem to be several reasons for
this decline. With the merger of the states with the Indian
Republic in 1951 the missionaries no longer retained the pri-
vileged position they had under the rule of the princes. The
Untouchability offence Act of 1955 eased the disabilities to
which the Untouchables were formerly subjected. As a rule

the incidence of conversion decreased. Besides, the lower

marriage age prevalent among Syrian Christians which had been

the cause of the high rate of fertility among them (India 1953:

28) was curbed by the marriage Act and by social reforms coming
in the wake of the merger of the states.

The Syrian Christians of Cochin and Travancore have
been all along and even now a very flourishing community.
Their prOSperity is mainly due to the religious tolerance
of the native government and the protection and patronage
of the early Hindu rulers of the two States as evidenced
by the c0pper plate grants granted by one of the Perumals
of Kerala (Ayyar 1936: 54).

The Syrian Christians in former times had a high po-
sition. The rulers of land conferred on them high privileges.
They were among the "noble" races of Malabar. and had the
privilege of being called by no other name than that of the

"sons of the king." Nayars who were a military clan regarded

tflmmtas brethren. They were mostly merchants trading with

125

foreign countries on a large scale, and were directly under
the king and were not subject to local chiefs. They enjoyed
almost a status equal to the rulers (Ayyar 1936: 51-55).
These facts show that Christians had a high status before
Portuguese started conversion in Kerala. It is because of
theseltraditionaleassociations and privileges fihat Syrian
Christians kept themselves tied with the native customs and
traditions. Even today, Syrian Christians have not given up
many of their traditional Hindu customs. "Scratch a Syrian
Christian and you will find in him a Hindu" is a common ob—
servation among Hindus.

There is a racial difference between northern and
southern Christians of Malabar. . .the two do not inter-
marry. Each despise the other. . .there is thus a tenéz
dency to form new sects as among the Hindu castes (Ayyar
1936: 204).

Among Syrian Christians as among Hindus, early marriage
is looked upon with favor. The dowry is prevalent among
Christians. Sometimes a marriage engagement is broken off
because the bride's parents are unable to meet the demands
of the bridegroom's friends, or the marriage takes the form
of an auction, the bridegroom being handed over to the highest
bidder, as in the higher Hindu castes. Although in recent

times some reforms have been made, yet dowry is still a con-

sideration for marriage relations.

126

Many ancient Hindu customs no longer prevail among the
Syrian Christians but a sufficient number survive to indicate
the sources from which they have been derived. Thus a pandal
or shed, possibly the survival of an ancient custom of marry—
ing under the shade of a sacred tree, is erected and decorated
in front of the bride's house. On the night before the wedding
the bride is bathed, partly as a fertility rite, (water being
a well-known promoter of fertility) and partly to remove any
pollution which might have been communicated to her, before
the marriage rite is performed. During the marriage ceremony,
an amulet, always used in Hindu marriages, is blessed by the
priest, who hands it over to the bridegroom, and he ties it
round his wife's neck. The marriage badge is not to be re—
moved as long as the wearer remains a wife. The bride is
veiled as a protection against the Evil Eye. When the married
couple leaves the church, a bellmetal lamp with a metal handle
is lighted in front of them as they advance with a View to
scaring away evil Spirits. The discharge of fireworks for
driving away the evil Spirits is another distinctive Hindu
rite followed by these Christians. Also, the bride's palms
and feet are painted with Henna leaves, a sexual stimulation
used to promote fertility and also as a protection against

demons. This again is common to Hindus. The Hindu bride's

127

necklet is often among the Christians replaced by manikantha
containing one hundred and fifty—three beads.

As regards the:menstruation.tabu, it is common among
the Syrian Christians, as is customary among the Hindus, that
the women in their period should be secluded for three days
during which time they are not allowed to enter the family
kitchen, the pollution being removed by bathing on the fourth
day. The Jacobites do not allow the menstruating women to
attend the Church services.

At childbirth the women attending the mother are held
to be impure and are obliged to purify themselves by anointing
their bodies with coconut oil followed by a bath. The mother
herself is considered unclean for fifteen days when she is
bathed and the lying-in room purified.

Jacobite mourners are under a pollution after a death
and fast till the funerary rites are performed and masses said
for the soul of the deceased. The rite is performed on the
eleventh, fifteenth and twenty—first day as in the case of
Hindus.

Astrology, magic, sorcery and witchcraft are still
practiced. Some sections have their horoscopes prepared for
their infant children and even make offerings in Hindu temples.

Auspicious days are selected for starting important undertakings.

128

Oaths are taken on Hindu deities. Elaborate rules are provided
for the interpretation of dreams (Ayyar 1936: xi, xii).
In the selection of sites for houses and about the
details of the structure the Syrian Christians conform to
a certain extent to the Hindu style. A separate name for
each house with a compound is current among them. The
domestic utensils are more or less of the same kind as
used by other Hindus (Ayyar 1936: 59—60).

In dress, language and in food habits the Syrian
Christians do not differ much from local Hindus. The Syrian
Christians are highly educated, as a group they have perhaps
the largest percentage of University degree holders in India
(India Census Report 1931 Vol. I III: 356).

From the discussion of the cultural patterns of Syrian
Christians, we notice that they have not given up their Hindu
heredity in spite of their reconversion and contact with Western

missionaries. In the nineteenth century, the Anglican missions

came to help the Jacobeans and converted many of them to their

 

form of worship. The subsequent converts of the nineteenth
and twentieth century, made by the Church of England and American
Baptist Missions have also not given up many of their traditional
Hindu customs.

A contrast between the Syrian Christians and urban Uttar
Pradesh Christians, the Syrian Christians have borrowed minimum

the cultural elements of the Western missionaries. This is

129

because of two factors: (1) Difference in the background of
the two reference groups, and (2) difference in the contact
situations.

1. Difference in the background of the two reference groups:
The Syrian Christians have been all along a flourishing com—
munity. They had high social position and were at par with
high caste Hindus. When they accepted reconversion on the
arrival of British and American missions, they tried to keep

up their Hindu customs and traditions in order to maintain
their reSpect and privileged position in the eyes of their
non—Christian neighbors. Besides, they did not depend on
British and American missions for their economic and social
needs. They adopted the religious organization of the mission-
aries which they considered was Significant. On the other hand,
converts in Uttar Pradesh came from among the Untouchables and
low castes. They had a very low economic and social status.
They depended on missions for their economic needs. They
adopted most of the elements of technology of the missionary's
culture for they noticed that by doing so they could eleVate
their social position.

Contact Situations: The Syrian Christians were economically
and socially well—off. They were not taken to the mission com-

pounds after their reconversion. Their contact with British

130

and American missionaries was confined to the religious acti-
vities. In contrast, the converts in Uttar Pradesh were taken
to the mission compounds where they came in frequent and close
contacts with the Western missionaries. Their dependence on
Western missions in the early days of conversion also brought
them in much closer contact with missionaries. The closer
contact with missionaries and the desire to raise their social
status, led them to develop the cultural patterns different
from those caste groups from which they originally came. In
channelizing their cultural patterns they adopted many of the
cultural elements of the Western missionaries.

The difference in the degree of acculturation of Syrian
Christians and Uttar Pradesh Christians also becomes clear in
the light of the following remarks of Herskovits:

Contact, therefore, can result in minimum borrowing, with
or without external pressure, or it can range to almost
complete acceptance of the ways of life of another peOple.
In any given case, the aSpectS of culture that are trans-
mitted or the transfer of the sanctions of an older custom
to a new cultural form are the result of particular histo-
rical circumstances which influence the psychological

motivations underlying the selectivity that comes into
play (Herskovits 1964: 539).

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

It may be recalled that the main problem of this study
is, "In what way is conversion into Christianity a cause for
changes in cultural traditions of urban Christians in Uttar
Pradesh?” To investigate this problem, society and culture
in Uttar Pradesh were discussed, history of conversion was
traced, and aspects of acculturation of the Christian converts
were examined.

Culture in Uttar Pradesh has a unity and continuity
with the traditional culture of India. This unity and con—
tinuity is based on Hinduism. The social structure, social
organization and way of life of the people in Uttar Pradesh
is governed by Hindu religion. A large majority of Untouch-
ables who accepted Christian conversion desired to get out of
the social organization based on Hinduism, under which they
had no identity of their own and no Openings for their economic
and social improvement. Conversion was a means of economic
and social mobility.

The majority of Christian converts in Uttar Pradesh
were Untouchables. Conversion not only raised their social

status in the eye of Indians, but their dependency upon Western

132

133

missionaries provided them new resources for better living.

A large number of converts was made up to the 1930's. The
Situation changed afterwards due to social and political rea-
sons. The reform movements, the Hindu renaisance movement,
the Arya Samaj, caste sabhas, changes in the religious ob-
servances of low castes, and the upsurge of nationalism
checked the drawing of converts from Hindus and Muslims. Con-
versions are now pretty much a thing of the past, the churches
are concentrating on consolidation rather than on eXpanSion.
The preferential position which the Christian enjoyed under
British rule has also changed. In many circles, Christians
are looked upon as Harijans (Untouchables).

From the description of society and culture and from
the historical retrospect of conversion, the aspects of accul-
turation of the Christian converts, resulting from contact
with Western missionaries became evident. The Christians iden-
tified Christianity with Western culture. In adOpting the
Western mode of living they found their social status higher.
This voluntary acculturation took place amongst them as a
result of need dispositions. The converts consciously bor—
rowed the elements of technology of the Western culture. The
Christians of upper level have adOpted the cultural elements

of social organization and vaule orientation of the Western

134

missionaries. The lower groups of Christians have adopted
mostly the dress, names and religious organization of the
Western pattern.

The contrast between Syrian Christians and Uttar Pradesh
Christians shows that Uttar Pradesh Christians have adopted
the cultural elements of the Western missionaries to a greater
degree than the Syrian Christians. This is due to the dif-
ference in contact situations of Syrian Christians, who did
not have at all the same kind of reference group, as the urban
Uttar Pradesh Christians.

Thus much of Westernization that took place was volun-
tary among Christians of Uttar Pradesh. It is because of the
Western way of life of Christians that they carry that Christi-
anity is considered.foreigm in India. "Both Islam and
Christianity entered India as proselytizing religions, gaining
most of their adherents from among Hindu and poor depressed
classes. Yet in the eyes of perhaps most Indians today, Islam
is regarded as more indigenous while Christianity is con-

sidered foreign (Schermerhorn 1962).

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