PLANNED SOCED~CU2LTURAL C!~{ANGE W A
BRITISH HONDURAN FiSfiWG VILLAGE

Thesis for the Degree of M. A.
Mme-mm STATE UNIVERSITY
DAV-ED GEORGE LORD
19237

finals
LIBRA R Y

Michigan 93C
Universiv y

 

ABSTRACT

PLANNED SOCIO-CULTURAL CHANGE IN A

BRITISH HONDURAN FISHING VILLAGE

By

David George Lord

The problem investigated in this thesis is the successful,
planned socio-cultural change in San Pedro Village, Ambergris
Cay, British Honduras. Planned change, the result of thoughtful
and logical deliberations of a centralized developmental agency,
has often been rejected or resisted by a prospective host com-
munity. San Pedro did not, however, reject the innovation of
cooperative lobstering activity, and it was my concern to under-
stand how this particular planned change came to be successful.

The technique of participant observation was employed in
the study of this problem. The technique involved residence in
the subject community, interacting with village residents, entering
into village activities, and scrutinizing the social, cultural,
and environmental situation of the village.

Data consisted of census figures, inventories of material
possessions, and interviews with villagers on the various aspects
of village life. Interviews were synthesized to form composite
statements on various subjects, and these were then recorded in
the light of total impressions being formed of village life.
Informants included special interviewees (selected on the basis

of their importance in San Pedro), casual acquaintances, and

 

David George Lord

individuals who were situationally convenient as sources of
information.

On the basis of my brief study (June to August, 1966) I
came to the conclusion that success was achieved in San Pedro
because traditional subsistence activities and economic arrange-
ments were not disturbed or disrupted by change to cooperative
lobstering. The technological and social organizational base
already existing in San Pedro did not have to be modified in
order to accomodate lobstering, nor did organization and tech-
nology in any way hamper implementation of lobstering. Further-
more, the success of lobstering was fairly well assured by virtue
of an abundant resource base and outside capital being offered to
San Pedranos for construction of a locally owned and operated
processing plant. In the former case, lobsters were not dif-
ficult to obtain. In the latter case, the processing plant,
which was built with no risk at all to villagers' funds, yielded
relatively large profits to San Pedranos and at the same time
eradicated several of the features which had been distasteful
to villagers (such as dependence on and interference from out-
siders). These findings indicate, then, the importance of
ecology in the success of planned change in San Pedro. The
adjustment which San Pedranos had achieved with their environ-
ment, and the ramifications of this adaptation throughout the
total socio-cultural nexus of San Pedrano life, were not altered
by planned change. The adaptation did not have to be modified
to accomodate cooperative lobstering, and in fact appears to

have lent itself to the easy acceptance of change in San Pedro.

PLANNED SOCIO-CULTURAL CHANGE IN A

BRITISH HONDURAN FISHING VILLAGE

By

David George Lord

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Anthropology

1967

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Special thanks are due to Drs. Joseph Spielberg, John
Donoghue, and Ralph Nicholas of the Department of Anthropology
at Michigan State University for their patient direction in

the composition of this thesis, and their even more patient

tutelage prior to its preparation.

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CONTENTS

Introduction
A. Rationale for Study in British Honduras
B. Basis of the Thesis Topic
C. Choice of a Village
D. Collection of Data
E. Thesis
F. Strategy of the Thesis
Chapter I Perspective
A. Introduction
B. Location, Topography and Climate
C. Flora and Fauna
D. Human Population
E. Language and Literacy
F. Beginnings of San Pedro
G. 1893 to 1963: A Period of Stagnation
H. 1963 to the Present
I. Summary
Chapter II Maritime Economy
A. Introduction
B. Offshore Lobstering
C. Inshore Lobstering
D. Other Fishing Activity
E. The Cooperative
F. The Work Cycle
G. Summary
Chapter III Non-Maritime Economy
A. Introduction
B. Local Enterprises
C. Other Economic Activity
D. Summary
Chapter IV Family and Residence Patterns
A. Introduction
B. Family Patterns
C. Relationships Between Family Members
D. Residence Patterns and Land Tenure
E. Summary
Chapter V Community Organization
A. Introduction
B. Social Structure
1. Residential Groups
2. Formal Sodalities
a. Economic
b. Religious
c. Political
Informal Sodalities
Respect and Authority
Class in San Pedro
C. Summary

U'l-P‘KAJ

 

Chapter VI World View

A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
F.

Introduction

The San Pedrano in Relationship to Nature
The San Pedrano in Relationship to God
The San Pedrano in Relationship to Man
Community Identity

Summary

Chapter VII Community and Nation

A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
F.
G.

Introduction

Communication and Transportation Links
Taxation and Community Projects

School at San Pedro

Law and Justice

Political Parties and Movements
Summary

Chapter VIII Assessment and Conclusions

A.
B.
C.

Introduction
Summation of Findings
Epilogue: The Present and The Future

References Cited
Selected Bibliography

102
102
103
105
110
116

118
118
121
122
124
127
129

131
131
147
153

15

INTRODUCTION

RATIONALE FOR STUDY IN BRITISH HONDURAS

The small country of British Honduras (only 8,866 square
miles in area) is the solitary holdout of British colonialism
and sole possessor of non-Latin culture in Middle America today.
Carved from the heavily wooded southern part of the Yucatan
Peninsula, British Honduras first attracted the attention of
Englishmen-~sailors and entrepreneurs-~in the middle of the
Seventeenth century. Logwood and mahogany brought high prices
in the Old World, and this unpopulated area near the Gulf of
Honduras was rewarding to those who would risk an unhealthy
climate and the rigors of lumbering for the wealth represented
by the vast stands of timber. Gradually communities sprang up
along the river networks used to transport logs from the back
country to the sea. Attempts by the Spanish to dislodge the
"intruders" were never wholly successful, and ultimately the
sparse population of sylvan reapers came to constitute a colony
of the British Empire. As Guatemala, Hexico, and the other
Spanish colonies in the New World gained their independence,
British Honduras remained under the Crown; in 1968, however, it
will be her turn to attain the status of an independent polity.

The birth of an independent British Honduras, or "Belize",
gives rise to myriad questions. It is important for already
vital and animated governments to know "practical" things: such

as how Belize will get along with its neighbors; or how much

financial aid it may seek from the Bother Country or elsewhere,
for example. Answers to these and other questions have far
reaching effects on the making of foreign policy, the signing
of treaties, and like matters of international scope. Questions
and answers from this quarter derive their importance from the
smallness of the twentieth-century world. Communication and
transportation networks link nations and peoples to the degree
that economic, social, or political activities on one side of
the globe are registered and reacted to on the other side with
the greatest alacrity; "correct" reactions are hypothetically
based on adequate knowledge of situations and conditions extent
elsewhere--in fact, everywhere.

But, there are also strictly academic questions generated
by creation of Belize, questions emanating from men curious to
know how other men, within this politico-territorial entity,
behave under certain conditions and in specific situations.
Concern here is anthropological rather than diplomatic, and
questions posed within this framework may be solely for the
increase of general knowledge and understanding of the country,
or to obtain insight into a definite "problem". By "problem"

I mean a socio-cultural phenomenon such as, for example, why
inhabitants of Seine Bight (a small village in southern British
Honduras) support the government whereas people in another
village may not; or what effect economic activity in Placentia
(a fishing village) may have on its community organization.

Interest in questions such as these drew me to British Honduras

_3-

in June of 1966. At that time very little had been written

about the peoples and cultures flound there, and the existing
literature (Gann; 1918; Thompson; 1930, 1931; Fancourt, 185M,
for example) dealt either with archaeology, general ethnology,

or merely adventurers' experiences. Inasmuch as little anthro-
p010gical work had been done in British Honduras, it would be
possible to increase general knowledge of the country and its
people by conducting a study there; moreover, the total condition
of British Honduras would enable probing at some depth into any

one of a number of "problems" (as defined above).

Basis of the Thesis Topic

British Honduras is unique in Middle America by virtue
of the colonial status and the British cultural influence which
it demonstrates. It is likewise the only country in Riddle
America whose existence is threatened by two relatively gigantic
neighbors namely, Hexico and Guatemala. Guatemalan irredentism
is, in point of fact, a major stumbling block in creation of
Belize. British Honduras is not so unique when considered as
another emerging nation; that is, one which is not self suffi-
cient, and is underdeveloped (by Western standards) in terms
of educated populous, technology, and general standards of
living. In actuality British Honduras shares many features
common to emerging nations throughout the world: it lacks
trained personnel to fill demanding positions in both the pub-

lic and private sectors of national life; adequate public works,

educational facilities, and transportation and communication
systems to serve the people are absent; most importantly, a
viable economic base from which a new country could survive
and prosper does not yet exist.

To date, only small amounts of sugar, citrus, and forest
products are exported from British Honduras (there are no min-
eral resources so far as is presently known). Practicing large-
scale agriculture appears to be the only way in which British
Honduras can feed its population (a sparse 120,000) and obtain
the imports necessary for continued existence according to a
United Nation's survey. The Government conceives of the national
situation as one which ipso facto calls for action on its Part
to change present conditions which either impede or do not con-
tribute to national development, and action seems to be effi-
cacious only in terms of long range plans. It (Government)
has been encouraging plantation agriculture, the influx of
foreign investors, and any economic ventures which conceivably
might reward the country and its people. Certain changes
deemed necessary by Government to effect desired ends must,
perhaps, be imposed on a resisting society, yet other changes
may find ready acceptance and popularity by that same society.
The question arising from acceptance or rejection of planned
change is bipartite; how does it come to be that some changes
are socially abbetted while others are hindered; and, what
actually happens in a community and to a community where planned

change is attempted.

-5-

Hy primary interest, then, was in the phenomenon of socio-
cultural change in particular areas where that change was
effected through some sort of logical, thoughtful plan designed
and nurtured by a central agency working to coordinate planned
changes in numerous areas. More specifically, I wished to know
"why" planned change was accepted in whole or in part, and what
residual effect such planning might have. It was to answer the
immediately preceding questions that I directed my study during
the summer of 1966. Due to the paucity of time, efforts were
necessarily focused on a single community rather than British

Honduras generally.

Choice of a Village

Having searched for a suitable community in which to work,
my attention was ultimately drawn to San Pedro Village on
Ambergris Cay (=island). San Pedro satisfied the prime cri-
terion for study of planned change since villagers had been
induced to switch from independent to cooperative fishing
(fishing and other types of cooperatives are an important facet
of Governmental deveIOpment plans for British Honduras). Like-
wise, several secondary features made this community desirable
as a site for investigation: San Pedro was characterized by
mainland informants as the most rapidly "progressing" of fishing
communities in the country; the ethnic composition was different
from the bulk of mainland populations; San Pedranos were sup-

posedly almost entirely dependent on the sea for their livelihood;

and its island location tended to isolate, or at the very
least, insulate, San Pedro from the rest of British Honduras.
These features were attractive insofar as it would be possible
to ascertain the British Honduran concept of "progress" by
"seeing" it, so to speak in San Pedro. Ethnic composition
might, by virtue of a particular heritage of social institu-
tions, norms, and values, have a peculiar effect on the differ-
ential acceptance or rejection of development plans, and on the
direction of change in San Pedro. The ecological situation of
the village might make some development plans totally impractical
if, for example, no means of deriving subsistence were possible,
other than fishing (in other words, precluding agricultural or
some other type of develOpment). Finally, many anthrOpological
studies have been conducted §§_i§ subject communities existed
in empirical isolation from all other communities. This pro-
cedure has been followed for analytical purposes, and is based
on the assumption that a community (however this entity is
operationally defined) may be more thoroughly and/or "easily"
inspected without reference to its surroundings. San Pedro
Village could most certainly be considered analytically isolated,
but I wished to see how close, in fact, the island village came
to being empirically isolated, and what effect, if any, this
had on the problem I wished to study.

Personnel in the Social Development Department in Belize,
through whom governmental plans are activated in British Hon-

duran communities, could not explain apparent success of the

San Pedro venture. The most they could say was that coopera-
tive fishing by the island dwellers had resulted in much
improved living conditions for San Pedranos, and that the
government was increasingly interested in the village. Peace
Corps volunteers from the United States had, in fact, been
sent to San Pedro to stimulate use of English and in other
ways help bring the hitherto isolated community into full

participation in national life.

Collection of Data

Descriptive material forming the basis of this thesis
derives from field research executed by participant observation
which involved residing in the subject community, interacting
with its inhabitants, and taking part in San Pedrano activities
as much as possible. Several techniques were employed in elic-
iting data: formal interviews, wherein specific questions were
posed to key informants and occasional informants alike, and
conversation was guided until the desired information had been
obtained; informal interviews, during which key and occasional
informants were allowed to talk without any guidance of the
conversation; notation of conversation and other behavior of
villagers in a wide range of play and work situations; and a
schedule of questions directed to members of each household
for the purpose of obtaining a census, house count and inventory
of material goods owned by San Pedranos. Other sources of infor-
mation were the village police blotter and fishing cooperative

records.

Key informants were those figures in the community who
had been identified by villagers, and mainland informants who
were familiar with the village, as being important to the
functioning of San Pedro. These included: members of the
Village Council, Church Committee, and Cooperative Board;
governmental functionaries in San Pedro (police constable,
nurse and headmaster); merchants and barkeepers; the priest;
and several of the job specialists, including workers at the
fishing cooperative plant. Occasional informants were those
acquaintances who were situationally employed (for example at
parties and in bars) as sources of information. Contact with
these occasional informants was less intense than with key
figures and they were not visited periodically as were key
informants. In addition, interviews were held with the Ameri-
can backer of the fishing cooperative who had advanced money
for construction of plant facilities; the representative of
the American firm engaged in developing Ambergris Cay for
tourism; the two Peace Corps volunteers: one of the former
land magnates in San Pedro; and whatever visitors came to San
Pedro.

In order to establish the governmental conception of San
Pedro as part of British Honduras and ascertain as clear a
picture of government as possible, its plans and problems, a
large number of directed interviews were conducted with indi-
viduals in Belize City: the manager of Anglican primary schools

in the colony; the Minister of Education; director of the Social

Development Department; the government Karine Biologist; spokesmen
for the two political parties; the Premier and Public Information
Officer; Inspector of Cooperatives; representatives of Belize
Rural North and Belize South electoral constituencies; and others.
I originally envisioned doing an ethnographic community
study wherein data would ultimately be organized around the focal
point of the fishing cooperative, and the finished product would
be somewhat on the order of volumes published in the well known
Spindler series of anthropological monographs. I did not intend
to either "prove" or "disprove" any postulate or set of postu-
lates regarding planned socio-cultural change or any other "pro-
blem". Field work techniques listed above (such as structured
interviews) were therefore adapted so that I might gain as com-
plete a view of San Pedro Village as possible in the fixed amount
of time available for study. To be specific, a good deal of
impressionism was utilized in my data collecting and, subsequently
in reporting my findings. At the close of each days' work I
recorded all that had transpired during that day by abstractin.
the numerous verbal and non-verbal behaviors of the villagers to
formulate composite statements on various aspects of San Pedrano
life. An ethnography of San Pedro was duly drafted and submitted
to my guidance committee for appraisal. The result of this
appraisal brought to light some definite propositions regarding
the success of cooperative fishing in San Pedro which could be
discussed in terms of my ethnography. The propositions listed

below are therefore derived from what was to be primarily

- 10 _

descriptive material and for this reason I must emphasize the

obvious; namely, that variant interpretation of my material,

or a replication of my study, may well be difficult since no

concrete elements can be inspected for their soundness (such

as actual statements of the villagers) or perhaps replicated

by another visitor to San Pedro.

Thesis

Success of planned socio-cultural change in San Pedro

Village could conceivably be explained by three primary fac-

tors:

1)

Further:

2)

3)

Cooperative lobster fishing is merely the ampli-
fication of an already existing mode of economic
activity. That is: exploitation of marine re-
sources did not require any basic changes in the

life style and organization of San Pedranos since
marine resources are abundant and can be obtained
through implementation of technology and organization
already present in the village.

The likelihood of continued, successful, cooperative
fishing in San Pedro is enhanced by the fact that

a processing plant is locally owned and operated
which eliminates external interference in most
situations, and

the fact that villagers did not have to jeopardize
their own capital, initially, to finance the building
and equipping of this plant made possible its initial,
perhaps tentative, acceptance in the first place.

Strategy of the Thesis

The following pages are the result of a community study

undertaken in San Pedro between June and August, 1966. Data

are arranged in an ethnography, which constitutes the bulk of

-11-

the thesis, and a concluding chapter which draws on the preceding
descriptive material to speak directly to the point of the study.
The beginning of the thesis attempts to give perspective to the
natural environment, population, and history of San Pedro Village
and Ambergris Cay. The succeeding chapters deal with the social
and cultural dimensions of the total community of San Pedro;
maritime and non-maritime economy; family and residence patterns;
community organization; San Pedro as part of British Honduras;
and world view of the San Pedranos.

Chapter divisions are designed to preserve as much as
possible the wholeness of the community as it appeared empiri-
cally--a complex network of functionally interdependent, inter-
related, and highly integrated "parts"--yet at the same time
avoid reducing the thesis to a hodgepodge of discreet facts
unthoughtfully lumped under meaningless chapter titles. Finally,
given the background provided in the ethnography, the antecedents
and consequences of planned change in San Pedro are discussed.
The focus here is on the overt and covert differences which now
obtain in the villages as contrasted with conditions before the
catalyst for change was introduced, i.e. cooperative fishing.
While notice is duly given to the more obvious physical changes
in San Pedro, more value is placed on the "hidden" changes within
institutions. Although some attempt is made to include motives
and other psychological factors involved in the change phenomenon,
no psychological research per se was done, and material in this

area is, admittedly, subjective. Moreover, in view of the short

-12..

time (five years) during which the old life style has been
altered, much of the discussion in Chapter 8 is phrased in
terms of the direction which change appears to be taking, and

the ultimate result if that course is pursued.

- 13 _

CHAPTER I
PERSPECTIVE
Introduction
This chapter deals with the natural and human resources

of San Pedro Village and its surrounding area. The inventory
of topographical, climatological, floral and faunal features
illustrates what San Pedranos‘ have to work with or against in
interacting with their natural environment. It also illustrates
the natural base which the Government had to consider in for-
mulating developmental plans for San Pedro. Human resources
are dealt with in a description of the village population and
a brief history of San Pedro which extends from its origin up
until the time of this study. The object here is to provide
insight into the contemporary community by reference to the
’socio-cultural heritage of its inhabitants. Emphasis is placed
on influences from the mainland and the nature of subsistence
activities which San Pedranos chose to pursue. It is, likewise,
the context wherein Government had to introduce planned socio-

cultural change.

Location; Topography and Climate
Thirty-six miles northeast of Belize City lies Ambergris
Cay, first of a chain of islands parelleling the entire British
Honduran coast. Geographically the cay is part of the Chetumal
Peninsula and, geologically, it is an extension of the larger
Yucatan Peninsula. Having a post Pliocene, perhaps Oligocene,

limestone base (Edwards, 1957. pg- 39). Ambergris is twenty-

-14..

seven miles long from tip to tip, and five miles wide at its
broadest point. On the east and south it is bordered by the
Caribbean Sea, on the west by Chetumel Bay, and on the north

by a river (Booa Bacalar Chico) which has cut through the
Chetumal Peninsula to connect Chetumal Bay with the Sea. The
near-sea-level island exhibits soil types ranging from yellow

or white sand along its perimeter to a relatively thin layer

of dark, fertile loam or humus in the interior which is sup-
portive of dense bush. Sandy areas are continually being re-
plenished, or cut away, by sea action, and the more fertile
soils are supplemented by decomposing vegetable matter, in

turn undermined by the percolating effect of rain escaping
through the porous rocky base. Throughout the island are numerous
small ponds formed by rain water collecting in pot-holes which
have been eaten into the limestone. In the northern part of the
cay is a large fresh-water lagoon, coming very near the seacoast
at Reef Point, not far from where the barrier reef touches the
island. This reef (second in size only to the Great Barrier
Reef near Australia, I am told) parallels much of the British
Honduran coast and near Ambergris Cay roughly delineates the
point where shallow water (extending between the reef and shore
of the island) becomes deep with a sudden drOpoff of the sea
floor. Two large saltwater lagoons-~in places nothing more than
mangrove swamps--are located on the western side of the island,
providing anchorage and fishing grounds for shallow-draft vessels.

Of these, the southernmost lagoon is connected to the Caribbean

- 15 _

by a winding river (nameless, to my knowledge) and thus allows
passage not only from one side of the island to the other, but
also into Chetumal Bay to which the lagoon is likewise connected.
It is this lagoon which offers some shelter for fishing craft
if a hurricamashould strike.

By virtue of its geographical position, Ambergris enjoys
a sub-tropical climate, tempered somewhat by tradewinds. North,
Northeast, and East winds appear to be especially effective in
ridding the coasts of insect pests, and an East wind is especially
desirable for travel either to or from the British Honduran
mainland. Temperature ranges from an infrequent chill of around
60 degrees F. during the North American winter, to around 90
degrees F. during July and August. From December to February
the weather is described as "cool" and "pleasant" with occasional
rain showers. March to Ray is dry and comparatively warm, giving
way in June to a "rainy season" which lasts until August. August
and September are months of the second "dry season" when rain
decreases appreciably and temperatures, as noted above, tend to
be higher than during the other seasons of the year. Rainfall
for the full seasonal cycle is approximately 50 to 60 inches
(Edwards, 1957, pg. 55). differentially distributed as implied
by the terms "rainy season" and "dry season". Unfortunately
for Ambergris, and all British Honduras, is the fact that they
lie in the path of hurricanes which originate in and/or traverse
the Caribbean between August and October. The mainland has on

more than one occasion suffered loss of life and great property

-16..

damage from this quarter (see Poey; 1855). But Ambergris Cay

has escaped without fatalities since the late 1930's.

Flora and Fauna

Just as Ambergris Cay shares many climatic and topographical
features characteristic of Yucatan, so too it has a similar
floral and faunal inventory, modified only by the island setting
or the hand of man. Lining the coasts of Ambergris Cay are large
coconut palms which have been set out either as cocals (coconut
plantations) or purely for ornamentation. In the former case,
absentee owner-planters employ laborers to keep the ordered rows
of trees free from undergrowth and to harvest and husk the nuts.
In the latter case, developers from the United States utilize
palms to create a stereotyped tropical island image for Ambergris
and thus attract tourists or people who are seeking a congenial
place to which they can retire. Cocals range in size from a
fraction of an acre to thirty or more acres, and are generally
restricted to the perimeter of the island due to the difficulty
of clearing "bush" and keeping it cut back. "Bush" consists of
scrub-type shrubs growing from five to six feet in height,
creeping and hanging vines, patches of coarse grasses ranging
from two to five feet in height, and trees of various subtropical
genera. The bush, which covers perhaps 75% to 803 of the island,
is a great tangle of heat and moisture retaining plant matter,
providing excellent cover for iguanas, boa constrictors, scorpions,
bush hogs, deer, quails, tiger-like felines, alligators, racoons,

a myriad of bird species; and, of course, flies and mosquitoes.

-17..

Human Population

Human occupation of the island is very sparse, only 850
or so people inhabiting the whole cay. The population density
is thus approximately 6.3 per square mile versus 10.2 per square
mile reported for all British Honduras (Ranpower Assessment
Report; 1964, ffpg. 8). Ninety-three percent of the 850 (or
793 people) are concentrated in the island's one and only village,
San Pedro. The remainder live and work in the various cocals
or work projects (land clearing and house building, for example)
of those attempting to develop the island for tourists or who
themselves have retired to Ambergris.

San Pedro Village is located on the eastern side of Ambergris
Cay, roughly six miles from the southern tip of the island.
Nestled between the Caribbean Sea on its front, a lagoon at its
back, and private land holdings on either side, the village and
its 793 people take up only 3h.4 acres of land. Kore than 80$
of the villagers are mestizos, descended from Yucatecan peOples
who migrated to Ambergris Cay. The other 20% of the population
is composed of Creole and Carib peoples who are either placed
by Government in the village to perform certain tasks (keep the
peace; head the village school; and operate the infirmary) or
have been hired by the fishing cooperative to maintain mechanical
equipment at the co-op plant, or are simply, fishing folk them-
selves. Present, therefore, in the village are elements of nearly
all ethnic groups characteristic of British Honduras' population:

mestizos (Kaya Indian-European mixtures); Carib (Negro-Carib

-18..

Indian mixtures); Creole (Negro-European mixtures); and Creole-
mestizo mixtures. Carib-mestizo mixtures, found on the mainland,
are not present in the village.

Generally speaking, the village population can be charac-
terized as "young" in that approximately 40% of the San Pedranos
are school age or under (that is, infants to age 15), 45 to 50%
are between 15 and 45, and remainder range in age from late
forties to early eighties. Figures available for village births
and deaths cover only a two year period (more extensive records
held by the Government were unavailable) as recorded in the
police blotter, but combining these figures with family histories
it was possible to estimate an annual birth rate of 37.8 per
thousand, and death rate of 2.5 per thousand for the last five
to ten years. Both of these figures are lower than those reported
for the country, namely 46.3 and 8.4 respectively (Eanpower
Assessment Report; 196k, ffpg. 8). There are no statistics on
immigration or emmigration for San Pedro, but villagers told me
that there is frequent coming and going of individuals taking
their holidays in the village or visiting friends and relatives,
for extended periods, who reside in San Pedro. Likewise, San
Pedranos occasionally leave the village to visit friends or
relatives in other locales, sometimes for periods of a week or
more. I am told that variation in total population from perma-

nent emmigration or immigration is not very great, however.

- 19 -

Language and Literacy

Given the ethnic composition of the village (80% mestizo)
it is not surprising that Spanish is the language most widely
spoken in San Pedro. Learned solely through the socialization
process, Spanish is characteristically spoken in the home, in
play groups, in small group interaction, in church services,
and certain formal situations such as business meetings where
only villagers are present.

English, the country's official language, is taught in
the village school and all subjects are taught in that language.
Use of English in non-classroom situations is largely restricted
to formal meetings where government representatives are present,
or in conversing with tourists who come to the village.

A third language, Creole, is also found in San Pedro.
Creole developed in the West Indies as a hyberdized language
(LePage, 1958, pg. 55) composed of English, Spanish, Dutch,
French, and African vocabulary, and was brought to British Hon-
duras with the importation of slaves. As noted, Creole is also
the label used to refer to a particular ethnic group (largest
in British Honduras), but language and ethnic group are not
necessarily coterminus i.e., populations other than Creole also
speak this patois. Creole tends to be the least formal, least
used of the three languages in San Pedro. It is largely restricted
to use by Creole families in conversing with other family members.
A number of Creole words and phrases are known and used by Spanish

speaking mestizos, but Creole language outside of Creole families

- 20 -

is usually heard only in a joking or play context. Presence
of the language is apparently explained by two factors: vil-
lagers being influenced by mainlanders in commercial and social
interaction; and five or so Creole families living in San Pedro.

I was told by one informant, holder of a masters degree in
Romance languages, that he detected "quite a number" of Haya
words in village speech pertaining to the sea and names of various
fishes. He did not give any examples however. Several village
men, some of whom had been chicleros (gatherers of sap from the
sapodilla tree which is then used in chewing gum), living in
the Mexican and Guatemalan bush, claimed to be able to speak a
dialect of Faya fluently.

As might logically be expected from the above inventory,
San Pedranos (generally) are at the very least bilingual, and
in some cases trilingual. Arising from this situation is a
capacity possessed by many villagers to switch rapidly from one
language to another, and more than once I overheard conversa-
tions beginning in Spanish and ending in English. There has
likewise been a good deal of vocabulary borrowing from one lan-
guage to another. In the event that villagers professed in-
ability to speak English (which happened several times in my
interviewing) closer query showed that they could often under-
stand the language but declined to speak it because they were
"afraid of making mistakes".

With regard to literacy, perhaps 80 to 90% of adult San

Pedranos can read and write Spanish and English. Villagers are

_ 21 _

voracious readers of Spanish-language Westerns and magazines
featuring stories on sensational crimes, love stories and the
like. Writing letters or reports in English or Spanish is
sometimes difficult for them, both in spelling and clear use
of grammar, and the results are occasionally confusing to both
themselves and to outsiders. Creole is not, to my knowledge,

either written or read in the village.

Beginnings of San Pedro

The history of San Pedro Village is a relatively short
one in comparison to that of Yucatan or other nearby areas.
Natives agree that the oldest of them was born in San Pedro,
and that their parents and perhaps grandparents were likewise
residents of the village. t is also agreed that most villagers
are descended from people who had lived in Yucatan and come
to Ambergris Cay to escape the "devolution". Fr. Robert
Raszkowski, Jesuit visiting pastor to San Pedro, told me that
there is record of the Church being in San Pedro since 1860,
and probably since around 1840--an institution brought by
settlers of the village and not the result of missionizing
activity. This scanty information, taken altOgether, leads to
some interesting interpolations when measured against facts
presented by Nelson Reed in his book on the Caste War of Yucatan.
Indeed, it would appear that the "Revolution" mentioned by infor-
mants in San Pedro is the sameCaste War which wrecked havoc in

Yucatan from 1847 until the beginning of the Twentieth Century.

Briefly, in 18M? Kaya Indians of Yucatan rose in rebellion
against the Spanish and Ladinos (Europeanized mestizos) who
dominated the politics of the Peninsula and exploited the indig-
enous population. The revolt against de facto feudal masters
had the properties of both guerrilla and conventional warfare,
and for a time went totally against the enemies of the Indians.
The extreme sanguineousness of the revolt led to an equal and
opposite reaction by those attacked, and the Indians were forced
to flee to the southern part of Yucatan where they held out in
the forests until the forces of attrition and constant harassment
finally led to their submission. During the prolonged period of
warfare, thousands of lives were lost on either side, and there
were significant relocations of peoples to avoid being caught
in the maelstrom. San Pedro might have been settled or founded
by some of these evacuees (if the "revolt" mentioned by San
Pedranos is actually the Caste War of Yucatan).

<Xactly which side settlers may have been on during the
Caste War is unanswerable. Certainly the vast majority of
surnames in the village are Spanish, which indicates perhaps
that they were Ladinos. But it is equally possible that they
were simply indios (i.e., Maya Indians) or non-Europeanized
mestizos who had taken surnames from their rulers. In addition,
there are a number of surnames which are most definitely Kaya:
Cocom, the name of a Kaya family once ruling all Yucatan from
hayapan; Chan, the Mayan word for "little"; Tzul, which more
than likely derives from the Kayan "dzul" which means white,

or white man, for example. Although I have no examples, the

- 23 -

possible presence of haya words for fishes (noted above) might
indicate, perhaps, a century-old link between villagers and
ancestral Indian populations of Yucatan.

On the 8th July, 1893, a treaty between Nexico and Great
Britain--establishing the boundary between Mexico and British
Honduras--settled Ambergris Cay on the British. Prior to that
time Ambergris was part of the state of Yucatan and, later,
Quintana Roo (Humphreys, 1961, pg. 148). The importance of
the date is that it serves as a breaking point in describing
the history of the village; the point when San Pedranos turn
towards the southwest for direction rather than Hexico.

To summarize briefly, sometime between 1847 and 1860 San
Pedro was settled by Kexican nationals who were, at least
partly, of Maya Indian origin. Many questions regarding this
settlement must remain unanswered, however, due to lack of
historical records. It is not known what life style settlers
possessed; not even if these people were fishermen. Likewise,
it is unknown whether the site had previously been occupied,
or why San Pedranos chose to settle so far down the coast
(twenty miles from Boca Bacalar Chico which separates Ambergris

Cay from the kexican mainland).

1893 to 1263: A Period of Stagnation
The passing of Ambergris Cay from one jurisdiction to
another in 1893 was undoubtedly noted by San Pedranos to some
extent. But the machinations of Hexican and British governments

became matters of personal concern to the villagers when Queen

-24..

Victoria made land grantS'm3"outside" families, longtime main-
land residents of British Honduras. The new owners of San
Pedro were not slow in setting out coconut palms in a series
of plantations up and down the island from the village and in
recruiting San Pedranos as cocal workers. For their work, San
Pedranos were paid a cash wage. But such wages must not have
been much since villagers and mainlanders alike characterize
San Pedranos of that period as the "poorest of the poor".
Nonetheless, from this wage San Pedranos were required to pay
a yearly rental on the land they occupied in the village (to
prevent obtaining common law right to property occupied for a
specific period of time), or allowed to purchase the property
if they should so desire. Earnings were so low that purchase
was actually out of the question for most men, they were too
involved in existing at the bare subsistence level. Adding to
the hopelessness of land tenure (as villagers saw it) was the
fact that no written agreements existed for those who did try
to purchase land on time payments, and some lots were sold more
than once as a consequence. A few villagers were relatively
well off; either owning and operating freight boats or running
small-scale shops in the village. Their number was few, however.
San Pedro was out of the mainstream of activities taking
place in Belize and on the mainland during this period, but
fishermen going to markets or merchants buying produce forged
some links between the village and greater British Honduras.

Government had established a police constabulary in San Pedro

- 25 _

to keep peace locally, and the Roman Catholic Church established
a primary school in the village.

With the exception of a short period in the 1930's when
it had a resident pastor, San Pedro had a priest who visited
once a month or so to minister to the Roman Catholic congrega-
tion. Occasionally a tourist or adventurer would sail into
village waters and stay briefly in San Pedro. Communication
or influence via these links had little or no effect on moving
San Pedro from its stagnating position, but by 1963 the village
I have cursorily described was about to disappear dramatically

and suddenly through the impetus of planned change.

1963 to the Present

During the last years of the preceding period, speculators
from the United States and British Honduras were attracted to
Ambergris Cay as a potential vacation spot for fishing enthu-
siasts, sun bathers, and people who simply wished to escape
commercialized resort areas. At approximately the same time,
British Honduras received self-government and began development
of its resources preparatory to eventual independence. the
former circumstance may, perhaps, be considered as an important
factor in emphasizing to villagers themselves the extremely low
standard of living in San Pedro. Land speculators purchased
property almost adjacent to the southern boundary of the village
and it seemed likely to at least some villagers, so I was told,
that speculators might possibly be interested in buying village

land as well. Since most of San Pedro was owned by the same

two families (the land-grant families mentioned above) which

had already sold land to American "outsiders", it was not
impossible that the land lords of San Pedro would not hesitate

to alienate village land as well. If San Pedranos bought up

the village then it would be possible to regulate who indeed
would be permitted to hold land within the community. Villagers
were no more able at this time to buy land than they had been
since the inception of San Pedro. A possible solution to the
predicament of wanting to buy land but being too poor to do so
was presented to the San Pedranos. According to the present
Village Council chairman, he and several other villagers prOposed
that the Government be petitioned to buy San Pedro and then resell
land to its residents on long term contracts. The proposal was
first resisted by some San Pedranos on the grounds that it was
"anti-American" but opponents of this measure subsequently
acquiesced. (She importance of this particular segment of
village history will not be elaborated here, but in succeeding
chapters it will be referred to as an important period of "pre-
conditioning" before introduction of planned socio-cultura
change). While villagers were seeking a favor from the Govern-

ient on one hand, the Government, apparently, was seeking a

2‘5

favor from villagers, also. Developmental planning agencies
wished to establish a cooperative fishery in San Pedro, and it

may well be that through a mutual give and take with villagers

C—r

i was possible for both parties to achieve their goals. Whether

the Government consented to buy village land if San Pedranos

would form a cooperative cannot be substantiated, but certainly
by 1963 land had been bought as requested by San Pedranos and

a fishing cooperative had been established. Three years later
San Pedranos were some of the wealthier inhabitants of British
Honduras. The life and condition of San Pedro during these
years (1963-1966) is essentially the same as was found at the
time of this study. In the following pages I will give an
account of these conditions and expand on the apparent solution

of the problems besetting this community.

3123713"

   

From a description of the natural environment and from
figures on demography and landownership for San Pedro, it can
be seen that there are few alternatives for exploiting the
environment aside from fishing. Neither small-scale nor plan-
tation agriculture are possible for San Pedranos since they do
not own land outside their diminutive village and local owner-
ship of village land is itself a recent phenomenon. In addition,
soil is poor and the range of crops which could be grown on
Ambergris would necessarily be limited. Developing the village
and its environs by the villagers, themselves, for tourism is
again precluded by the lack of land available.

Since amplifying maritime activity seemed to be the only
avenue of development open for San Pedro, the British Honduran
Government set about initiating cooperative fishing for lobsters.

Cooperation and lobstering are changes in traditional modes of

- 28 -

maritime exploitation, but they differ from fishing activities
of the San Pedranos in degree rather than in kind.

Finally, a number of factors were a work which facilitated
introduction of cooperative fishing in San Pedro. First, resi-
dents of San Pedro existed in a state of relative poverty which
was underscored by land tenancy problems. Secondly, the Govern-
mental proposal to form a fishing cooperative was viewed as a
possible solution to the financial problems of the villagers
(and at the same time assist Governmental development plans for
British Honduras). Apparently these factors were coincident
so that a reciprocity of sorts could arise between the village
and Government with the resultant formation of a fishing coop-
erative. The plan to solve the local problems of San Pedro and
in some measure solve the national problems as well, seems to

be working successfully.

l
b.)
\O

I

CHAPTER II
KARITIfiE ECONOMY
Introduction

Dealing with the maritime economy in San Pedro, this
section is first of all concerned with the methods and tech-
niques involved in exploiting marine resources. Important to
this discussion is the function of the cooperative and coopera-
tion itself. Likewise noteworthy is the significance of fishing
in terms of the people and time involved in its pursuit. Entering
at the close of the chapter is a description of the work cycle
fashionedaround the taking of lobsters and in this description
lies the first implications of long-term lobstering for San
Pedranos; that is, what may be expected to happen to the supply
of lobsters over a period of several years.

There are several ways in which the importance of fishing
to San Pedro can be expressed. For example, there are approxi-
mately 135 families in San Pedro--comprising roughly the Eagt
number of households ("family" and "household" will be fully
defined later)--126 of which are headed by males, and fully two-
thirds of these male family heads are directly involved in fishing.
Put differently, of the total village population, roughly 60%
of the adult pOpulation catch or process marine products. With
this prefatory note, the following pages outline the nature of
the extremely significant maritime economy of San Pedro.

Maritime economic activity in San Pedro is bifurcated into
a concentration on c00perative lobstering, and a much less impor—

tant--generally interim--activity (between lobster seasons) which

_ 3o _

involves the taking of scale fishes, turtles, and conchs.
Lobstering itself is likewise divided betw en inshore fisher-
men (323 of the active fishing force), who stay within the

b.r

(D

rier reef, and offshore fisherr men who travel the d

(I)

ep waters
of the Cariboea n (685 of the active fishing force). Ranked in
cescencing order of importance--in terms of the number of people
involved--the various forms of fishing in San Pedro would be:
offshore lobstering; inshore lobstering; and "other" fis} ling
activity. This ra arcing is also generally cor re ct in terms of
the amount of money derived from the several types of fishing
(even though lobstering differences are not reflected in the
accounting of annual COOpel' ative inco:ne). Descriotion of actual
fishing techniq use will thus be in three seoarate sections; a
fourth section is devoted to the fishing cooperative itself

the hub of contemporary maritime economy in San Pedro), and

filally, the work cycle of villagers is described.

Offshore lobsterilig, not so much coriplica te d as it is
rigorous, is practiced by 79 San Pedranos using 40 of the 33
s counted in village waters. G:nerally it is undertaken
by crews of two to seven men, one of whom is own r and captain
of the boat from whicl they work. Crew members are often rela-
tives by blood or Merriamc but neither affinal nor conza -

guineal kinship aeoemt s to be the major consideration involved

in sel tion of boat crews. (Due to the intermarr age which

_ 31 -

inevitable that some kin ties obtain among crew members).

1

Friendship, abilit ty to work and get along well with one another
appears to be the najor consideration regardless of a kin rela-

tionship. There is no formal arrangement of men in the crew,

(

such as; first mate, second mate. Nor does the "captain"
(owner of the boat) seem to be particularly authoritarian in
operation of his boat. Consensus determines where the hen will
50 to fish. Crewmen alter »tely take turn at the tiller and
all men as “is when sails must be set, the boat tied up, and

other necessary operations. Fishermen, then, cooperate in all

aspects of the fishing trip from sharing equally in the work,
and expenses, to division of money from their catch. The cap-

tain, of course, gets the she set aside "for the boat".

“‘3
(D

Fishing boats are 24 to 27 feet lon5 sloops ("I e1coni

rigged", according to Ame1ican terminolO5y ) costing from $800

to $1,500 E.h. Kainsail and jib t1ansfocm wind into the (pri—
mary) motive force for the boats, and many boats a1 e also equippec
with outboaid motors @150 to $300 B.H.L host common is an ei5hteen-
horsepower mocel used on occasions when "wind power" fails, and
also to st eed up transport generally. These boats are const; uctec
in Gay Ca.lker (an island eleven miles southwest of Amber5ris)

r on the British Honduran mainland; built with as shallow a draft
as possible without endangering seaworthiness of the c1afts.
Gene rally, desig an of the boats p11ovides for a small forward hold
in the bow of the boat, a larger hold amidship which carries the

J— ‘1

watertight icebox uses for refrigeration, and an fter hold WfllCh

£5)

_ 32 _

an accomodate several passengers plus cargo. I did not note
either regular anchors or sea anchors on any of the fishing
boats. At the village, most of the men tie up either at a
dock, or more regularly to long palancas (poles) which are
gouged into the sea floor. The men themselves are equipped
with swimming runks, a rubber and glass facemask, rubber swim
fins (total cost $20 B.H.), and a short gaff approximately two
rand one half feet long. The final item in the technological
inventory of offshore fishermen is the cavuco (dory). This
canoedjluaboat-—once made from a dugout log but now plank con—

C‘

structed--is eight or more feet long, and propelled by poling,
paddling, or outboard motor. Prim rily a craft used for short
trips between a moored boat and the shore, for example, the
dory may be towed behind the fishing boat or carried right on
deck.

Fishing boats laden with ice, food, and drinking water,
proceed from San Pedro across the Barrier Reef some sixty miles
to places like Half koon Cay--near Lighthouse Reef on the extreme
eastern limits of British Honduran territory-~where"Rock" and
"Spiny" lobsters are found. Once located at a likely spot,
fishermen skin dive for lobsters continuously throughout the
daylight hours for the five to ten days which constitute a
fishing trip. Armed with the gaff, men propel themselves under-
water with the swim fins while searching through their facemasks
for lobsters. Once sighted, the prey is hooked and quickly

brou ht to the surface where it is dro 'ed on the boatdeck..
S

-33-

Fishermen rest briefly and then dive again while someone else
of the boat's Cl ew detaches the tail from the lobster, deguts
the tail, and pa as it in the icebox.

The methodology and echnology of 1"his type of fishing
is thus rat he r sisple, but the hardships of the work ,re appol rent
fishermen. ghe sun and salt water combine to bake
and harden the skin till it is like ark brown, almost black,
leather. There is no poss'bility of em shing off the brine of
a day's activity, there is only enough water in the supply barrels

for drinking. Zaere is no warm suprer--since few boats are

equipped with a stove or heater of aiy sort- —to conpensa te for
their herd work. _innec food, eaten cold, must rejuvenate fish-

rmen for the next day. Sleep is not refreshing for the men

since boats a1 e crowded, a wood deck is not very comfortable,

L.

and sunburn (at east a the start of the season when skin is

<1
(‘1
H
k:
(T
(i)
:3
0.
'w
t“:
V
*d

reclude very restful slumber. Che elements may

6

0

ans men cannot work and hurt tr to seek

(f
(D
’U
(D
I!
q
)
*1
U]
(D
('4
p.
O
H
5—’
t5
(0

(

shelter either in the tiny forward hold, or the larger, but

equally stuffy, after hold (both of which are probably somewhat

H
d
V
r-‘l

crowded with provisions for the Tntowai d weather nay
prevent progress from one fishing spot to another or back to

the villag;, anc a starless or moonless night may likewise stall
he fishermen who sail entirely without charts or com ass (anr
who likewise do not carry radio transmitters or running lights

as saiety measures). If fisherxen are near the village when

visibility is poor or there is no natural light at all, they

often send out one or two of their nurber in the dory to find
a breach in the Reef, and, with a small fleshli ght, guide the
1e shallows near Ambergris whe1e the fishing

11
“Cris.

crew ties up until morning and then deb

C.)

Inshore Lobsterine

 

Inshore lobster fishermen have a somewhat easier time than
their offshore counterparts and most of the 37 sen involved in
this activity will admit tha this is the reason which keeps
them from pursuing more lucrative offshore work. Crews range
from one to three, pos ibly four, men and it is probable that
men in these crews a:e either brothers or father and sons
(although other combinations exist also). Ihe cif ferelce in
crew composition may possibly be explained in terms of profit

L1

accrued from the two types of obstering, and technological-

operational expense. Inshore obstering is less lucrative but
the capital outlay for a skiff, motor, and lobster pots is far
less t1a the c at of a sail boat, actor, 8L0 the other equip-
ment used in offshore work. Likewise, inshore lobs ternen do
not have to bear the expense of maintaining tLGmSQleS for
several days at a time while out working. Whereas low invest-
ment-low return inshor e lobstering could be carried on by one
household (that is, a man and his son for crample) the cost of
offsh re lobstering could not, I believe, be bourne by one
household alone. Hence, offshore lobster fi hcr11n will look
do several Lousc holds for crew membeis but inshore lobster me

an stc 1y within the household when se king ind iyi uals with

 

-35-

whom to work. Rectangular lobster pots are used--made from
pimento wood, approximately three and one half feet long by
one and one half feet wide by one foot deep in :imensions. A
one way door in the slat—type box admits lobsters, but then
holds them live captives until boxes are retrieved. One man,

or a number of men together, may own sixty to almost two hundred
of these pots which cost $3 to $4 B.H. apiece for construction
naterials and which they themselves make. Pots are weighted

ones and jettisoned from a motor driven skiff, or sail-

CT

with S'
boat. A skiff (speedboat) is especially popular for this work
since it is fast, shall, and can be maneuvered by one man; fre-
quently they are powered by outboard actors of up to 35 horse-
power.

Ehe inshore lobsterman, clothed in swim trunks and a cap,
searches for a likely looking spot to sink his traps-~often near
a patch of seaweed or rocks. Retrieval involves locating the
pots by use of an underwater viewer--a box-like affair, one side
of which is glass, which permits search from the surface of the
water. Ehis is referred to as a catalejo in other places. If
traps are particularly elusive it may be necessary to conduct an
underwater search with facemask and fins. Once found, the pots
are hooked with a long gaff and brought to the surface where
they are balanced on the side of the boat while the catch is
removed. Lobsters are thrown to the floor (or bottom) of the

boat, and covered with wet burlap to keep them alive. After

resetting the pot, progress is made to the next spot and the

'1 "Nu

same procedure is repea ee. gne day's rounds having bee11
finishej, lobster tails are detached and ce Nu toes, ano
fisLe:1m an returns to San Pc.ct o. The volume of lo
obte inej by inshore lobster fishermen amounts to only a szall
frac otion of that brought in by offshore fishers, and it is this
quantitative ciffe:"ence (rathe: than a difference in the quality

of the tails brOLght in) that accounts for the great e1 profits

" "‘ I “‘ ' fl r“ ‘ rn 1—1 ° - 1‘ 1 —,.--
hLlCh a1e ea11ee by men wo1k1n3 oifsno1e.

Other Fishing Activity
Scale fishermcn fo1sake any form of loLster fishing in
orcei to follow a work schedule of their own choosing and expend
les ss eff01t still than inshore lobster fishermen. fheir excur-

n.

sions are not frequent or prolon3e: usually limited to one ca

A
(‘1

1

trips. Scale fis he 1m1en generally use the same type of boats as

are employee by offshore lobster fishermen, and boat crews are

0 N

usually of the same Size ans type as are found amongst inshore

O l 1-

lobster fishermen. Different from enythin3 founé in eit1e type
of lobstering activity, howevei , is the use of fishing nets.
Brag nets, manufactured by the fishermen themselves or perhaps
bouthten, are set out with cork buoys and then eithe1 rawled

1

slowly while being gathered in or simply cast out and recoveree

Tit“ anything which mi3ht have con 1e into their pet . Cork, inci-

:4

dently, is a gift of the sea since 103s of this material are

blown onto the eaches of San Pedro by Ecste ilies ane are scaven3efi

by the fishermen.

Anoth ner riethod of scale fish1n~ is the use of the fisa
tiap w hieh consists of net enclosures built in the water 1nd
into which fish may err. Poles are fixed deeply into the sea
befl in a circular or oval disposition and net is atta che: .
Loca tion is usually near a probable feefiin3 3roun:; near a

channel leaCiL3

the barrier

reef into sh alloxv water

near the villa3e; o: in a place w7.1e1e currents may drive fish.
Szaps are so cesi3nc6 as to afinit entrance but not exit, a th u3h

q
i”
. K1:

()1

I

not learn wha t construction or

meclanism made this pos ssible.

As noted above, crews ar- of the same type as those involvefl in
inshore lobste1in3; that is, they are usually compose: of men
from one househole.

In addition to lobster and various types of fish, conchs

and turtles are also obtained from the

usually a one or

two ran ope

Getting them is

5398.0

ration carried on from a skiff or

fiery. Conch need only be dived for, pulled from the sea floor
with the bai e hancm ans loaded on the boat. On shore, conch
are crackefi at the point where rusclc connects the animal to
its shell, fibres ar: me crerf , and the rest crawn out. Iurtles
are not so easy to catch and involve an element of danger due

to their
of the skiff, a
overboard so that he

grabs the
latte

r to

a companion on the

powerful snappin3 jaws. Us
fishermen tries to overtake his
will cone
top ans ase
animal to the

skiff comes along

in3
prey

up b-ehind the turtle.

and pushes downward
surface. Favin3 broken water,

side man turtle, an}

n.

passes a line around the heae and flippers of th— latter. Once

hauled on board, the turtle is trussed up and covered with wet

burlap whence it is carried to the village for butchering.
he3areless of the type of creature fished for, the bulk of

the catches mace by San Pedranos makes its way to the local fishin3

cooperative plant. Only two or three fishermen sell fish fresh

from the boat to local women, one man salts and d11ys fish to sell

in the villa a3e or in Belize. Turtle, shark, and barracuda are

usually consumed in the home of the man who took them.

The Cooperative

 

Caribena Producers Cooperative Society Limited, the fishing

Po

coo erative in San Pedro, was re—3 ste“ed in Belize Cit ty on i
la: ch, 19 63. For two years (1963-1965) members m rchandized

their produce in Belize throu3h fishing companies there until

C1-

San Pedro 30 its own plant facilities at the beginning of the
1965-66 lobster season. Approximately 160 people are listed

in the re3istry of cooperative members, not all of whom are

actual fishermen since membership is not limited solely to peo-
ple of this profession; or solely to San Pedranos for that :att :1 .
Fishe11.en, housewives, merchants, and busin ssmen who have bought
she1es in the society are all equal members of Carieena Producers,
though by far the fishermen have 3reater numbe—rs (1&8). It is

my unde erstandin3 that there is a distinction in the constitution

‘ —
anC. 119:. 33 ‘3': S

o the cooperative between members in good scandin
1.

who have simply bou3ht shares. I was unable to learn what this

distinction is, and I could not observe any sort of ‘ier;cn1 1al

'1’)
l

\J
\

— . 1.1 a "L‘ 1- v" .y,_‘ f\ ’ f . . ‘rr- 0‘ It - n ‘
Leatient of coooe:1 iwe menoers which niLht her: ineicatec
J—‘n -.- 5 --\ vnr" -. /-"‘ I “- . ‘ ‘ ‘. ‘1 Q’A ‘ Gr
tnet thcze wC e classes of hencersnip in he coope1at1 t. By
_ - 111 , 1 .I. ”I, 4.. .n ., :3 1 ., ., -

118 I ufifln that, as 1a1 as I COUlL asc e4te in, all members of

the co-op nae a toting p1" ivileg , all members were allow::d to

-, . q s 71-1 ' fi« a r- 1. 'u . .3 'r‘v q A '-
spcan on hatters refs" ing the coopeiative, anc all meaners
m... 1'—.- ,‘3 J-‘z- . .., . -. ' ,.. .0 _ 1 ., 1 11 3.1 _ .1 1
1:0;lv3e one sane price 10: line proeuce sold through the

H'

cooperative. an annual meet ng of the membership 3 held prior

to the oprnlin5 of tie new season, and, in the presence of Govern—
ment officials, report of finances is maée and new COOperativc

'1 :1 .p . a. A 2 .. -, ° 4.1 A. J. 1. A 1-
noaru o1f1ce1s are ~lectec. ne5ar in” the latter, seven L9H,

fl " . L“ "I ‘
1e‘s With te1ms of one yea1,

among tLeir number. Board members are usually from among
ne better fishermen in the cooperative and can generally be

" '1 4' ‘fl 1 1"1 ‘0 '3‘ 1" ‘ ~ ‘1 ‘. ' 4' fl ' 1
cna1acte'izee as sone 01 the more a1ticulate 01 can Ped1ano

‘4

V0
”C.

{.4

es. Populari‘y is important in getting elected. But the

hes into account what nominees have

E)

voting membership also t
previously done in the village and how electing a particular
person to the 1"052.1%" will be of benefit to the entire c00'eratife.
For example. a Llan w21o can "speal: well" will be a better board

me rber wt en it cones to dealing with DCocntnent of Coope :atives
officials than a man who does not speak well sirply bc,ause the

f rner will make known the wants ani tesires of coope1ative nen-
s anfi the la ter, perhaps, cannot. She Board is 1e sponsiblc

for such things as .ersonnel, policy makin5, and is inr”“nnul

.L

90
I":

: y

between'the membership” see both the Lepartnent f COOperatiV

ans the A1T481100n wholesaler through whom sea profiucts are mar-

in char5e of he office at the cooxerative where flisburse: ents

are mane ans recoris kept. Working personnel in the plant con-
sist of a head engineer and three assistant engineers who maintain
all mechanical equipment; two me n who eo‘11eavy work such as
lifting baskets of lobster tails etc.; a quality controller
(actually employed by the American wholesalers); and seventeen

e fish and lobsters.

cka5

teenQ 5e 5irls who clean, weigh and p

m

‘

All personnel except the heae engineer and quality controller
are local people who he re been hired to their positions on the
basis of their ability determined durin5 a trial period of one
to two weeks.

The physical plant of Caribena reducers is a corple:e of
four builein5s , foremost of wlic h is a two story rare building
where most oper tions take place. Divieed into a number of
areas, this latter structure houses an air-conditioned office

3

(unique in San Pedro) presiee

(W J

5 over by the two office worke?s
mentioned abox e; the work room which takes up most of the fir st
floor and extends the full two stories in hei5ht; two refrig-
erator rooms; and an area to house the apparatus which chills
the refrigerator rooms. The work area is floored with cement
ans equipped w th runnin5 water and industrial size fluorescent

lights. The room is bare of fixtures except for four lon5 work

tables, formed in a U-shape under the lights, a desk used by

.. [5,1 ..

the n(in,c;s, ane a rectahaular wooden tank of perhaps 250
to 300 cubic feet capacity where lobsters are immersed in wa er
until they can be processed.

-1e5am in“ the other three building: of the cor. plen, one of

I
~_) 9

these is a structure made with louveree walls where eiesel 5e1-

“ " ‘ I 1.’ "‘ J‘ ‘ “ ’ " 1‘ ‘ ' ". I . ' AV- 1 -
erators are kept.  rn"ee 53n:ra ore, pronuc1n5 unmarcs of 150

kilowatts of electricity, provifle the power to keep 11

the ice nakin5 nachine w

cesc ' ibed whicn is referred to as the "heaé en5ineer's house".
‘le roo: structure isprimar11y user as a radio
V

snack where the cooperatire's trans ceiver is locavec anfl from

whence 1 refri5 erator ship can be summoned whenever the coop-

(‘0

u,

erative has accumulatee enor5h car5o to warrant a stop.

The followin5 norra ally takes place XM1 never lobsters are
brought in to the cooperative. Fishernen tie up at the main
dock on the Caribbean facing side of the villa e and unload their

1

atch into wire oas lzets wh ich hole between 125 and 1

\n

O pou11Cs of
looster tails each. Baskets are transportec, two or :hree at a
t‘me, to the cooperative plant in the two eo-op owned jeeps.

There, each basket is sorted to ascertain how much of each catch

'3

( I

is first class (perfect, unbletish 3 lobster tails) or seconj
class (dark, blotchy, or otherwise inperfect lobster tails).

1'. - 1 .n A. 4.1 ' 1 .71 3.1 ‘ . . -. L. ..
:irst ans secono class lobsters are then "e15ne ane the respeetive

girls on the Diocessin
flake centein it is ful

is wrappsc in plastic
line “as alresfy rechc

1.4.

welsh
v

those weighing six, ei
into their own trays).

lu‘
‘

g. d
v-19

(303001

1 ten pounfi 2

*'AQ
4x Vt.)

filled b

l.’ —.
one ace

\

controlloi and the two

re collecting payment

"Tr‘,

o C 11.".pec. c ”.2; J c. o
of tL> Lalc l.olovees dips inc the Vat
t and b“in s ovt several nunxted weight
in buckets which are distrihuted to the
a lil . :erc es ch im all is cncckcj to

l; cleancc, tho litcle flippot—linc appcni_

of the tail are clippci off, and each tail

anfl tossed ongo a tiny. Ono mcnhar of the

~chcd each tail ant weigh: graficfi it (tails

for 3:9:plc, are 0"n into one gray,

ghb, ten ounces or whatever being Shpcratei
F islly c rdlxxrwi'boxr are fillec so

.1 -
l
\l

y with a partic and

hen placed in colfi sbossgc. The quality
male :Mthi :3 STS in “O“”” of this last

‘1'

(packaging) stcp, anfl likewise, the" assist 3 r s in placing
these boxes into la to? Garcons (holding perhaps fiVe of the
srqller boxes) for pick-up by the refrigo“at0“ sLi;. Once deliv-
ered to the ship, lobster tails TC taken to ths Unite? Sbscfs

wh re they ale cisfiributo‘ to consumers by the Albert Sea Foo?
C02pary of Chicago.

Unf 0“”unnuelv I was unsolo to wa,c11 one‘are-ion of fish
fillet, cogncfi fish, or conch, but I an “016 that tc-chniques
diffs: nly insofar as tho pc:c ulio: type of Karine arofiuce rs”
roqui:e it.

-143-

Processing and marketing fish are not the only activities
undertaken by the Cooperative, however. Caribena Producers
loans money directly to its members for various purposes, usually
"emergencies" which require quick and ready cash. Applications
for a loan are accepted by the Board and after due consideration
money is either loaned or denied the applicant. As far as I
could ascertain, these loans are non-interest bearing and are
usually repaid by withholding a portion of each payment for lob-
sters until the loan is cancelled. Likewise, the Cooperative
purchases various articles used by the fishermen and makes these
available to members at lower than retail prices paid in Belize.
Large articles, such as outboard motors, are usually bought
through the Co-op by the same payoff arrangement as is involved
with loans. Recently (in fact, initiated during my stay) the
Cooperative has undertaken the financing of qualified students
who could not afford to go to high school ordinarily. According
to the Cooperative budget, it appears that an educational fund
for Just such cases will be included in Cooperative accounts as
a regular practice. Finally, plans are currently being made
whereby the Cooperative will provide the entire village with
electricity produced by its generators. Details for this elec-
trification have not been worked out as yet.

Financing of the Cooperative, and its actual monetary
transactions, are sufficiently complicated to require abilities
and capabilities which none of the villagers presently possess.

Consequently, outside supervision and direction is necessary from

_ 44 -

the Government and also the American financier who originally
provided funds for building of the Cooperative. Supervision

by Government will be dealt with below. The gentleman who helped
San Pedro with capital to build the local plant complex, report-
edly. having extensive fishing interests all along the Central
American coast, advanced $100,000 B.H. to cover the cost of
machinery and other equipment, did this "as a favor to San Pedro
and British Honduras" according to the man himself. He is also
the link which San Pedro has with the U.S. market, and it is he
who pays the San Pedranos whatever price lobsters currently bring.
A portion of this pay is received as cash, and another goes to
operation of the plant and repayment of his initial loan. From
monies received, the Cooperative likewise manages to pay dividends
on shares, add to the reserve and education funds, and rebate a
certain amount of money (so many cents per poundcfl‘catch from the

previous season) to fishermen at the start of a new lobster season.

The Work Cycle

The yearly fishing cycle in San Pedro is a function of the
lobstering season which is established by the Government. By
this I mean simply that San Pedranos participate in maritime
exploitative activity according to a schedule established by
the Fisheries and Wildlife Department in Belize. This schedule
consists of two phases: the legal lobstering season which lasts
from 15 July until 15 March; and the "offseason" which lasts
from 15 March until 15 July. Starting with activities on the

opening day of a new lobster season, fishing crews have already

- h5 -

been chosen and the boats put into a good state of repair.
During the early dawn hours fishermen are already at work

trying to get off as quickly as possible. Provisions are stored
aboard the boats, and iceboxes are filled to capacity as quickly
as the jeeps can haul ice to the front dock. Soon the men are
all on their way to the various fishing grounds which past
experiences have shown to be worth the many hours of travel
often required before they are reached.

For the next eight months most of the San Pedrano fisher-
men will be travelling between the village and the fishing
grounds. The regularity and frequency with which these trips
are made varies considerably from one boat crew to another;
likewise, the duration of the fishing trips also varies. Of
twenty-two offshore fishing crews working during 1965, for
example, approximately half of the crews operated throughout
the entire season, making as many as sixteen different trips.
Several of the remaining crews went out only eight or nine
times, and one crew went out only three times. One reason for
the difference in the number of trips made may well be accounted
for in the size of the boat crew. There appears to be a direct
correlation between the number of men on a boat and the number
of times the boat goes out. This would reflect, I believe,
the purported arduousness of the work; a two man crew would
not be as productive on successive trips since with only two
men working, a greater amount of labor would fall to each man

than would befall a member of a five or six man crew. Smaller

-l+6-

crews would derive less profit, perhaps, than larger crews
(relatively speaking, that is) and a profit motive for continued
effort might not be as great as amongst larger crews. The dura-
tion of each fishing trip seems to correlate with the lateness

of the season and the number of times a boat has been out. Most
fishing crews start the season by staying out from seven to ten
days. As the season progresses men will remain for increasingly
longer periods of time in the village when they come in to deposit
their lobsters. Likewise as energy and enthusiasm flag, the time
spent at the fishing grounds decreases to four or five days or
less. Each take with the advance of the lobster season decreases
and the recompence for each trip is lowered concomitantly. By
15th March both man and lobster are fairly well done in, and
although it is reported that elsewhere there are violations of
the law, San Pedranos claim that eight months is sufficient
season for them and they therefore abide by the fixed dates.
Inshore lobster fishers are likewise obliged to cease their
operations and here again the decreased profit realized by San
Pedranos from each visit to their pots must make the legal end

of the season seem somewhat anticlimactic. In response to the
cessation of lobstering operations the cooperative plant gears
down to a slower pace of activity. Sporadically a few of the
girls may perhaps be called in to clean and prepare corned fish,
conch meat, or fish fillet but the number of man hours of work
required in the offseason are considerably fewer than during

the lobster season. Now begins the offseason activities of the

village.

-47..

From mid-March until mid-July, villagerslfive a "normal"
existence, that is, one which was characteristic of pre-lob-
stering days. When household expenses must be met the men go
out and fish or look for conchs. Corned fish and fish fillet,
made from red snapper, white snapper, parrot and other scale
fish species are sold through the Cooperative and are the main-
stay of village economy during the offseason. Fishing for these
creatures does not occupy a great deal of the San Pedranos' time,
however, and there are many opportunities to drink in the bars
or just relax.

By and large, the off-season is a time of relaxation, and
doing odd jobs around their homes. A new addition may be made
to the house, an entire house may be built, nets may be woven,
or weeds chopped.

In the latter part of May the fever of the approaching
season strikes San Pedranos and all up and down the beach men
draw up their boats for overhauling. Old paint is scraped off,
rotten boards replaced, and new coats of paint are applied.

Sails and rigging are looked to, perhaps the outboard motor is
given a tuneup, and iceboxes are repaired to insure watertight-
ness. With these major preparations made, the fishermen may take
time to paint and repair dories, skiffs, and perhaps their front
porch as long as paint is handy. Any new (or better) equipment,
plus food and other provisions, are bought with the money from

a loan or perhaps from the rebate on the previous year's earnings.
With everything set in order the men are ready for the start of a

new season and the beginning of another cycle.

-hg-

Summary

According to all reports the methods, techniques and tools
actually involved in fishing have not changed greatly since the
advent of cooperative lobstering in San Pedro except in terms
of a greater quantity of sailboats, skiffs, and outboard motors.
Several changes have been wrought by cooperation and these changes
are felt by virtually all villagers because of fishing's importance
in San Pedro. First, San Pedranos focus far more intensively on
taking lobsters than they did prior to cooperation when lobstering
took up a relatively small proportion of their time and energy.
Secondly, fishing trips now last for a longer period of time and
occur with greater frequency than in pre-cooperative days when
men may have gone out sporadically for only a day at a time.
Thirdly, there is a difference in the functioning of fishing
partners. By this I mean that prior to the advent of the coop-
erative a number of men, perhaps five, for example, worked as
fishing partners. But, it was not necessarily the case that all
five men would go out together on any given fishing excursion,
and it seems that on successive excursions various of the part-
ners would replace one another on the active fishing crew. Now,
however, it appears that all partners are present whenever the
boat goes out. Put simply, there is an increased frequency with
which fishing partners form into fishing 22l£§ wherein all part-
ners will be present for work activities. Finally, the fishermen
of San Pedro now merchandise their produce as one body; that is,

rather than trying to market each catch of each individual fishing

-49..

crew separately from all other catches, San Pedro's fishermen
combine their total production for a single release to the con-
sumer market.

The local cooperative plant in some ways shortens the periods
of absence from San Pedro since fishermen can spend some time at
home between trips, and it appears that all fishermen do, in fact,
relish being in the village with their friends and families.

Local processing of fish is much more profitable than taking fish
to companies in Belize City and handling the whole lobstering
process locally has undoubtedly enhanced the value of the fishing
cooperative in villagers' eyes.

Money for the cooperative plant came from outside San Pedro
and British Honduras alike. Whether the money was provided as a
favor or not, it remains that building the cooperative plant re-
quired no investment or sacrifice on the part of the community
or country. Greater profits obtained without any risk makes
cooperative activity a "what have we got to lose" proposition

which cannot be overlooked or passed up by San Pedranos.

- 5Q _

CHAPTER III
NON-MARITIME ECONOMY
Introduction
This chapter is devoted to the "non-maritime" economy of
San Pedro, but in actuality all gainful employment in the
village has its base in marine exploitation. The individuals
dealt with in the preceding chapter, fishermen and cooperative
plant workers, are the only San Pedranos who engage in activities
which directly tap wealth from the sea, but the individuals who
provide goods and services for fishermen and co-op workers are
paid with money earned from maritime activity. Thus, the dealers
in goods and services also receive benefits from the sea but in
an indirect way. Dividing the economics of San Pedro into two
separate sections is intended to emphasize the predominant impor-
tance of fishing to San Pedranos, and the following pages illus-
trate how fishing activity comes to effect virtually every inha-
bitant of the village, even though some people may be merchants,

carpenters, mechanics, domestics. or whatever.

Local Enterprises
San Pedrds trade and commercial activity center around
enterprises owned by eight men, all but one of whom is a resi-
dent of the village. The concerns involved include six general
stores, three bars, a cinema, a booth (called the "Saloon"),
somewhat like the refreshment stands found at parks and recrea-

tion areas in this country, and a freight service.

-51-

Except for one bar, enterprises are almost exclusively
family operated, employing the services--at least part-time--
of a total of 23 people, including the various owners. All
but two of the concerns are located in buildings also used as
residences.

General stores carry stocks of canned foods and liquids
(milk and orange juice), clothing and yard goods, tools, uten-
sils, toiletries, a limited variety of fresh vegetables, staples
such as flour, sugar, lard, tea, kerosene, and cigarettes. Very
little fresh meat is stocked by merchants except for frozen
chicken stored until sale in the Cooperative refrigerators and
very quickly bought up as villagers hasten to obtain this deli-
cacy for Sunday dinners. Four stores also carry a selection of
costume jewelry and other merchandise which does not ordinarily
turn over quickly but which is sometimes called for. With few
exceptions, merchants take charge of selecting and transporting
their own supplies from Belize City. If it should be incon-
venient, or the load surpasses the capacity of his boat, a mer-
chant may have another San Pedrano bring stock for his store;
barkeeps generally depend on one of the merchant boats or on
the local freight service to bring supplies from Belize for
their establishments. Obviously, from the last remark, not
all freighting contracts are given to the locally owned and
operated freight service. The one boat fleet is slow and the
owner does not follow a regular schedule since his secondary

function as a coconut retailer often keeps him in Belize City.

Having arrived in San Pedro, goods are set up on store
shelves to await purchase, and the wait is sometimes long since
business, usually, cannot be characterized as brisk, unless
fishermen are buying for a trip. During the latter stores are
literally cleaned out. Most purchases involve small quantities
of food bought just before mealtime, and perhaps consist of a
few cents worth of lard, flour, and rice, two or three potatoes
or onions and, occasionally, a can of meat or margarine.

Alcohol-—mainly "white rum" (distilled in Belize) and im-
ported rum and beer (from the West Indies. Holland and the U.S.)--
is the object which accounts for greatest spending in San Pedro.
Local bars are regularly depleted of large stores of drink through-
out the year.-

Clientel of the shops, bars, and cinema are almost exclu-
sively village residents. A "neighborhood" pattern of patronage
obtains in the case of shops, although shops elsewhere in the
village may be patronized regardless of proximity to ones house.
Transactions are strictly in cash--there is no barter in San
Pedro--but credit is extended by merchants and one of the bars.
This bar is busiest of the three largely because it does do
credit business.

Merchants usually keep fairly regular store hours from
perhaps 8 a.m. until as late as 9:30 or 10 p.m. when the lights
go out throughout San Pedro. Clerks carry on the business of
minding the stores and may at the same time engage in some

domestic activity until a customer disturbs them. Bars have

-53-

somewhat less regular hours. One bartender, for example, will
simply close up if there is no business; and another will close
any time he decides it would be more worthwhile to tend his
lobster pots. The third bar is also frequently closed, after
the midday meal when business is slow, usually for two or three
hours. Law requires that no liquor be sold after midnight and
that bars cannot open until midday on Sundays.

Two other minor sources of commercial activity exist in
San Pedro. Infrequently a boat comes from Xcalak, Mexico with
a cargo of bananas and other fruit to sell in San Pedro. Like-
wise, peddlers come to the village after the start of the
lobster season to sell ribbon and trinkets to the girls who

work at the Co-op or other San Pedranas.

Other Economic Activity

Local enterprise in San Pedro is not restricted to shops.
In numerous instances it is embodied in single individuals
who are skilled laborers or specialists who apply their trades
either full or part-time to make a living. Two men are car-
penters who work primarily at building houses or repairing them.
One of these men once built boats but has given up the practice
with his advancing age. Another man is a sail maker. Eight or
nine men are laborers, working in the village as longshoremen
or in one of the numerous cocals on the island; another is a
planter who owns his own cocal and two are mechanics who are
most frequently called on to repair outboard motors. I could

not find out how much each of these men earned at their various

 

_—
-54..

jobs, but some are paid daily wages and others are paid by

the individual chore that they do. Laborers, for example,

get $4 B.H. per day; cocal workers approximately $60 B.H. per
month. Bartenders are salaried and mechanics charge by the
job. In addition to these, there are the school headmaster
and the police constable, both of whom are paid by Government.
The headmaster is relatively well paid at $224 B.H. per month.
I do not know what salary the constable receives, but San
Pedranos told me that he supplements his income by taking a
portion of confiscated goods, such as venison which is shot
out of season.

Technology and various job skills found in San Pedro are
not generally so complex or sophisticated that a San Pedrano
cannot be a "jack of all trades". Given their capacity to do
various jobs, San Pedranos are usually the ones who take care
of maintenance chores such as housebuilding, painting, roofing,
making or repairing furniture, mending a water storage vat and
the like, around the home and (when paid) around the village;
such as chopping down weeds or roofing the community center..
It is not surprising, then, that men of the village, during
their lifetime or simply in the course of a year's work, will
engage in a number of activities aimed at making a living.
"Fishermen", for example, often occupy themselves in spare time,
or in the off season, with some other form of gainful work.

The same is likewise true of those involved in local enter-

prises and wage labor. One of the bartenders is also a part-time

-55..

fisherman. At least three of the merchants earn extra money

by chartering their boats for passenger or freight service.

Two of the fishermen are barbers. Both mechanics are part-
time fishermen and one of them is actually employed "full-time"
by an American speculator as a mechanic-trouble shooter. Six
or seven of the younger men-~amongst whomflarefishermen, laborers,
and an office worker at the Co-op--add to their regular income
by playing together as a band at village dances. One fisherman-
entrepreneur has taken advantage of the supply of block ice at
the Cooperative by selling syrup-flavored ice shavings to
children. There are also a number of San Pedranos who are
regarded by other villagers as specialists since they have
skills not possessed by every individual. For example, there
are three men who know how to set broken bones and are referred
to as "bone doctors". Another man knows how to cure Mal de 030
by use of an herb which he learned about from "an old Indian"
who once worked on Ambergris. (More description of Mal de ij
is given in Chapter VII). Still another man knows how to mas-
sage aching or strained muscles with "hot oils" (I could not
find out what these were made from) which cause the patient to
perspire and ultimately rid him of any pain or soreness. Inci-
dence of broken bones and Mal de Ojo are not common according
to the specialists; nor is massage called for very frequently.
Thus specialists actually spend a small proportion of their
time providing their particular services, and I was unable to
determine whether they are paid or in some way compensated for

their trouble.

- 56 _

For their part, women are somewhat confined to the domicile
by various household chores and thus often carry on gainful
activities which will not take them away from husband and children.
Two or three women make tortillas and other food to sell to fellow
villagers; one woman does washing occasionally if there is anyone
desiring this service; another provides meals for occasional visi-
tors or laborers in the village; and still another rents rooms to
vagrants who do not choose to stay in the American-owned hotel or
one of the privately owned cottages just outside the village. A
few women do engage in activity which requires attention being
directed outside the home: three of the local women are school
teachers; a woman works as cook-maid at the American-owned hotel;
and there are, of course, the seventeen girls who work at the
Co-op. Although two other San Pedranas (perhaps more) are quali-
fied as school teachers and have, in fact, taught for a time,
they no longer practice this profession due to families which
keep them busy at home. (The school, incidentally, is chronically
short of teachers because of the fact that women leave to take
care of their own children-~there are no professional baby
sitters in San Pedro-~and the one male school teacher left this

Lhe end of the 1965 school year to earn more money at

_..-

job at
the cooperative office»

In terms of domestic tasks executed by women, they are
handlers of household affairs and managers of household finances--
expenditures for food, clothing and other necessities are effected

by them and any savings accumulated by a man are usually the doing

-57..

of his wife. While doing these general tasks, wives of
several of the merchants clerk in their husbands' stores.

The full-time nurse in San Pedro, like the constable and
headmaster, comes from outside the community and is paid by
Government and UNESCO. Trained by the latter agency as a mid-
wife, and given training up to the H.N. degree by Belize General
Hospital, the nurse has supplanted the two aged San Pedranas
who once practiced midwifery in the village. She also adminis-
ters what amounts to first aid to anyone in need of medical atten-
tion. She likewise conducts "well baby clinics" (rudimentary
checks on the general health of village children brought to the
clinic) and assists the visiting doctor when he makes his monthly
call in the village. She informed me thatrmnrduties actually
take very little time due to the good health of San Pedranos
and she enumerated the only maladies she knew: namely, one
case of tuberculosis; one case of typhoid; one case of polio
(all three of which existed before her arrival in San Pedro a

year and a half ago); and several cases of measles and influenza.

Summary

Noted initially was the fact that in some way or another
all San Pedranos are involved in the exploitation of the sea.
The immediately preceding material illustrates the ways in which
some villagers indirectly capitalize on maritime activity and
these illustrations complément the account of maritime economic
practices. Maritime and non-maritime economic activity taken

together warrant analogy of San Pedro to a fish net. A tug at

 

——.
- 5g _

one point of the mesh ramifies throughout the entire networ‘

of meshes; and so too a change or interruption in fishing and
fishing related activities in San Pedro would be felt throughout
the entire community. Instituting cooperative fishing could not
help but effect all San Pedranos. Thus, the entire community
had interest in getting cooperation started and then making it

work once impetus for change had roused San Pedro's fishermen.

-59..

CMAPTEH IV
FAMILY arc RESIDENCE PATTERNS

Introduction

 

Discussion of family configurations points up the fact
that kinship, beyond the various family configurations encom-
passed in households, is not an organizing force in the village
at large. Cooperation has characteristically been confined
within the household units, and these traditional units are
the most fundamental and important ones in structuring activities
in San Pedro. In order for the Government to successfully inau-
gurate cooperative fishing in San Pedro, this tradition of
familism did not need to be altered and thus a potential obstacle
was averted (Foster, 1961: 1181; Banfield, 1958; Hubel, 1966:
232). There is also a description of land tenure and residence
patterns which shows how San Pedranos now meet the relatively
short supply of land (or the previous inability to buy prOperty)
and how, in general, they distribute themselves in the village.
The importance of the latter in facilitating the acceptance of
the cooperative is discussed further in the chapter on world

view.

Family Patterns
There are three patterns of family living in San Pedro:
the nuclear family, the extended family, and a modified extended
family. The nuclear family is composed of an adult male and

female who sexually cohabit and cooperate economically, along

_ 60 _

with their unmarried children; it is also a localized residential
unit in that its members all share the same house, room or what-
ever. The extended family is composed of a husband and wife
who have their unmarried children and some of their married
children, and their spouses, living with them. There may also
be grandchildren (offSpring of resident married children) in
this family configuration. It too is a residential unit. The
modified extended family has several permutations; it may con-
sist of grandparents and grandchildren; a husband and wife,
their offspring, and nieces or nephews of either spouse; or a
husband and wife, their children, and an unmarried brother or
sister of either spouse; or a husband and wife, their children,
and a parent of either spouse. These three types of families
are the chief groups found in the household.
There are also a number of idiosyncratic "family" units
in San Pedro which I feel are best handled under the residual
category of non-family households. By this term I mean simply
a situation wherein two or more individuals, who may not be
related to one another through kinship, occupy the same residence.
According to the configurations of family previously outlined
they are not family units at all, merely residential units.
Unfortunately it is not possible to give exact percent-
ages of households encompassing these various family types.
The reason for this is that family composition seems to be in
a constant state of flux. Relatives from within the village

move in with other villagers and thus change the various family

-61..

configurations of individual San Pedrano families. This may
also happen with relatives who normally live on the mainland.
Residence is usually temporary in these cases perhaps lasting
only a week or as much as several months, but some cases exist
where residence has been taken up permanently. Likewise, San
Pedranos who work at various projects elsewhere on Ambergris
Cay constantly come and go between the village and their work
sites, and this changes the actual census figures and makeup of
households in San Pedro from one time to another. Roughly
speaking, however, there are 136 family households and approxi-
mately fifteen non-family households. Of the family households,
my data show that approximately 70% encompass nuclear families

and the remainder are divided between the extended family-types.

Relationships Between Family Members

In spite of these various family arrangements, interaction
between individuals who stand in a certain relationship to one
another appears to be fairly standardized, although there are
discrepancies between ideal and real treatment.

The husband-wife relationship is generally one of con-
genial cooperation, both ideally and in reality, in the majority
of San Pedrano unions, which pervades all aspects of family
life. Husbands are acknowledged as the heads of their respec-
tive families; they expect, and are expected, to take the major
part of the financial burden of supporting their families but

ideally the husband and wife work together in this undertaking.

-62-

While a man is busy fishing or is otherwise occupied his wife

is doing her housework, caring for children, marketing for the
family, doing laundry and ironing, sewing and cooking. If her
husband is engaged in commerce the wife may divide her time
between house and store. Ideally the object of daily activity

is for the wife's work to complement that of the husband and

it appears to me that this ideal is approximated in reality.
Husbands, in addition to their gainful work, may also assist
their wives in such things as cooking, baking, and child care.
For example, it is not unusual to see fathers minding young
children as they play on the beach; and a man in the household
where I took deals during my stay in San Pedro frequently did
baking for the family. Women generally assist in management

of money, and exert a great deal of influence over its expend-
iture. It is expected that women will, in fact, be better at
saving money and "making it stretch" than men. Wives do, never-
theless, condone some drinking on the part of husbands, but only
to the point where the welfare of the family is not endangered.
If a man drinks up half his pay from a lobstering trip--as some
men do--there will likely be harsh words. In addition, it appears
as though San Pedranos are also permissive of husbands going to

a dance or movie without them. The wives will stay home with the
youngsters. On their part, women do little drinking or smoking,
but do engage in gambling which is a form of recreation as well
as a possible way in which to make a little extra household money.

Gambling, incidentally, is invariably in the form of buying

- 63 _

chances on the daily Boledo, or lottery run by the British hon-
duran Government or the weekly lottery sponsored by the Panamanian
Government. Occasionally a raffle is held for a cake or a like
thing and women also buy chances on these. Although there is
little public affection shown between a husband and wife (with
the exception of younger couples) neither are there public dis-
plays of anger or vexation. Private displays of anger seem to
be confined solely to verbal interchanges but I was told of two
families wherein husbands beat their wives. It is mutually
expected that there will be no extramarital flirtation or infi-
delity and such activity on the part of either spouse (from
reports of past occurrences) would lead to shouting and fighting,
and probable departure of one of the two.

t is now the general practice to seek formal marriage in
the Church, but a large number of unions (nearly 20$ of all
marriages in San Pedro) amongst villagers 30 years old or more
are common-law unions consumated simply by a man and woman living
together as husband and wife. Such cohabitation usually brings
a certain amount of "talk" at its inception, but no attempt is
made by fellow villagers to ostracize the couple or act differ-
ently towards them-~at least once the initial period of "talk"
is over. Children born to common-law unions are not stigmatised,
nor are "outside children" (children born out of wedlock, whose
parents do not even bother to live together). Women involved
in common-law marriage seem to be somewhat less active socially
than those married in the Church, and when interviewed do not

readily admit that they are married only under common law.

-6u-

As stated, mother and father share a good deal of the
responsibility of watching pre-school children-~when the father
is in the village-~and are Openly affectionate towards them.
School-aged children are involved in their studies for ten months
of the year and are not as much of a concern as their younger
brothers and sisters. Nonetheless, mother and father keep a
fairly close eye on the school age children and take an active
part in teaching their offspring the general skills they will
need as adults. kothers supervise girls in domestic activities
such as cooking and sewing, while fathers teach their sons how
to fish, repair nets, sail boats, and so forth. I do not know
to what extent parents may encourage their children in school
work (or help.them at various studies), but many, if not most,
parents desire high school education for their sons at least.

In non-scholastic endeavors, I heard neither discouragement
nor encouragement of children as they undertook various ventures.
Treatment of the unmarried offspring who remain in the father's
house is rather protective in the case of girls and fraught
with cool civility in the case of boys. Fathers are the ultimate
disciplinarians of their dependent children, but due to their
sporadic absence over a long period of time, discipline, affec-
tion, teaching of skills and other factors involved in the so—
cialization of offspring necessarily originate with mothers in
many San Pedrano families. Lobstering activity has made it
possible for young men to make a good living by working with

individuals who do not come from their own households. As a

-65-

result there seems to be a breakdown in intrafamilial coopera-
tion between males in San Pedrano households wherever the males
are involved in offshore lobstering. This is apparently true
because young men do not have to obey their elders either in

a work contex , or in the context of everyday family life since
they are economically independent of the household. Fathers are
frequently absent when disciplinary action is required, but even
if they are present and reprimand their sons all that the young
men have to do ii§move out of the father's household in order

to escape chastizement. Where the young men do not move out,
the fatner~son relationship is often strained since fathers
resent "ba‘" behavior in the boys, and boys are defensive lest

their fathers should say anything to them reaardin their behavior.

\J

m

There is generally a quiet affection between a mother and
son but sons often seem to treat their mothers in a condescending
manner, assuming that the women will alwars defer to their wishes
and will always be ready to minister to their needs. Boys do
not show disrespect or disdain for their mothers, as they often
do toward fathers; they simply seem to disregard their mothers
as being in no position to coerce them into doing something
which they do not wish to do. Likewise mothers are not capable
of forcing their sons to desist from behavior which the mothers
feel is bad.

Kore than anything else, these boys are condemned by older
males, and some females, for the heavy drinking indulged in. In

point of fact, boys merely imitate fathers and other male elders.

The inconsistancy of the older males in directing the younger
men to "straighten up" is readily apparent from statements of
the young men. Once boys have married, however, relations im-
prove with their parents, in some cases, even to the point of
being able to bring the new bride to the father's household.

The unmarried daughters are not a great problem for parents,
except when some flirtation may involve an undesirable youth.
daughters are, in fact, an asset to the household due to the
help they provide in caring for children and doing other domestic
work. It is not uncommon for a girl to bring her new husband
to live in her father's household. There she can continue to
assist her mother while waiting to take direction of her own
household.

Siblings at an early age are more or less responsible for
one another--older children watching the younger ones. Older
brothers and sisters often take it upon themselves to discipline
an "offending" youngster, but generally siblings of mixed ages
get along well. Frequently, play groups of seven to ten year-
olds, for example, gather for some game or other and are sur-
rounded by satellite groups of younger children who try to
participate but end up playing amongst their age mates.

Throughout school years, brothers and sisters, although in
different grades, may well be in the same room receiving vir-
tually the same instruction (through eavesdropping) and having
the same school mates. Around age fourteen, when dating begins,

it is not uncommon for two brothers of one family to court two

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1‘

ion d es not end with mar iage necessarily, but in the
case of sibling shOpbcepers it is evident that competition mav
in fact arise. Women after marriage maintain close conte.ct with

ist r., and often help one another in child care, for example.

(0
(0

('5

Brothers, too, maint ain conte ct through membership in th; same

be. crew, r psrhrps in aid in g one another build a house.
Ertenfed.ferilg'zm:nmxrs--e son-inelaw3 dgnwdiwer-in-lew,
niece, nephew, or gran ndc hild--when they are included in the

household, are apparently treated in exactly the some way as
basic family members would be treated, although relations be-
tween male sons-in-law and the lead of the household may be
more relaxed than between a father and son. A man and his son-
in-law (whether residin ng together or not) often fish together
and their relationship is generally a congenial one. The woman
of the house and daughters-in-law combine their energies to c:o
household chores; cooking and washing, for e: ample, are joint
projects. I do not have any records relating to the behavior
etween men and their daughters—in-law or between women and their
sons-in— aw. Brothers- and sisters-in—law often join together
in both work and play. Brothers-in—law may be members 0 the
same boat crew, for example, and if not coope we ting economically,
men will likely be drinking partners or share tne same circle of
friends. Sisters-in—law behave toward one another as sisters

would. Nieces and nephews relate to their cousins as if they

-68-

were all siblings, and to all appearances enjoy the same rela-

tionship with elders in the household as village children do

with their parents.

Land Tenure

‘31

Residence Patterns an

 

t3

he disposition of land in San Pedro Village is at first

very neat and specific insofar as well marked bound-

Ho

ins ect o

5

+4

H‘

t

H.

.s of resident al s s and distinct demarkation of village

(T)

H.
”3

ar
limits is concerned. The ravages of past hurricanes, oblitera-
ting or obscuring plot lines, and the purchasing of village land
by Government necessitated a survey of San Pedro approuimately
five years ago. At this time, 34.4 acres of land were laid out
into 26 blocks cut through by three north-south oriented streets
and five east-west streets. Residents of the village, who had
previously rented property, were allowed to petition Government
for a particular site and at the same time make arrangeaents for
extended payment. The result of such petitioning was the division
of 19 blocks into 159 lots. Of the remaining property, one block
was divided into five lots plus an undivided area, and six blocks
were left totally undivided and are presently owned either by the
British Honduran government or absentee landlords.

A second inspection of land tenure, where actual ownership,
occupance, and utilization of land are investigated, shows
considerable jumble and lack of clarity. A survey of ownership,
occupance, and utilization produced the following findings: 120

lets have identified owners; 15 lots are listed on a local map

(left in San Pedro after the Government survey) as owned, but
no one knows by whom; 21 lots are vacant with no owner listed;
8 lots are used for public purposes; one entire block is listed
as owned but no name is given; 3 undivided blocks had as many
as three names listed as owners of various portions of the blocks
(in square feet); two and a fraction Government lots were totally
vacant; and a fraction of a Government lot (shown to be unoccupied)
is the site of the village school.

Making an inventory of both land and buildings, I found that
many of the lots in San Pedro accomodate multiple dwellings.
Only 117 of the more than 160 lots have any sort of structure on
them--either public or private. One hundred fifty-three buildings
occupy these lots, of which 142 are private residences or semi-
residences (living quarters and a business being housed in the
same building). Since five houses are still abuilding (and two
or three are vacant) and only 109 lots actually contain private
residence structures, there are, in effect, 1.2 residence buildings
per lot. A number of reasons were given by San Pedranos to

explain the existence of multiple dwellings on a lot rather th

g,

Q)

,1
there being one residence for each parcel of land. One was that
the only remaining land is undesirable. Villagers have tended
to settle on the Caribbean facing side of the island, which is
free of bush (the lagoon facing side is not), is free of insects
since sea breezes sweep in from this direction, access to the
sea is readier, and most commercial establishments are located

there.

- 7O _

Another reason given was that allowing a son to build on
his father's property would make it easier for the son to set
up his own household since the son would not have to purchase
a lot. Since there does not appear to be a patrilocal residence
bias in San Pedro (or any particular preference regarding where
a new family will live for that matter) the latter reason seemed
only partially adequate to explain multiple dwellings on a single
lot. Further inspection of the data showed that it is sometimes
a son-in-law who builds on a man's lot, and that the relationship
existing between owner and builder does not follow a pattern for
the entire village i.e., it is not always the first son, first
married son, first son—in-law who builds a second structure.
In the final analysis it would seem that the building of plural
structures on a given plot of land arises simply through agree-
ment of two parties, in order for the second builder to establish
his own household.

In the cases where doubling up of residences has occurred
on a lot, no one could tell me who properly holds title to the
land, who has to pay taxes on it, who is responsible for purchase

payments, or what happens to the land and buildings when a house-

0

holder dies. Conceivably it would be possible, for er nple, for
a father to leave his own house, the house of a son, and the pro-
perty on which both sit to some heir other than the builder of

he second house. At present such a possibility is purely specu-

{—1.

lative due to the newness of land tenure as it now exists in San

Pedro, and villagers expressed no great concern over the lack of

_ 71 _

precedence to resolve such cases when they arise at some future
date.

Finally, there are twelve cases in San Pedro where brothers,
father and son(s), or mother and son have purchased lots side by
side or touching in some other way. Whether these arrangements
also existed before Government bought San Pedro or if they came
about only under the new land tenure system I do not know, nor
do I know whether the parties involved petitioned for their lots
on the basis of propinquity to specific relatives.

Residence is not the only use to which land and buildings
are put, as evidenced above in the inventories given. Nine
buildings, on the same number of lots, house various public
functionaries or are used for public functions: the police
station; fishing cooperative; community center; infirmary;
credit cooperative; Roman Catholic Church; Seventh Day Adventist
Church; the bishop's house (vacant residence of the Roman Catho-
lic bishop who administers San Pedro); and the school. Aside
from the uses already described, land in San Pedro is put to no
other service. There is absolutely no agriculture practiced
in the village, nor is there even a stray vegetable garden scat-
tered here or there. Given the size of the village it is per-
haps not surprising that agriculture is absent within village
limits; likewise absent is any deep attachment to "the soil".
Other than as a desirable location for building a house, land
has no particular value over and above any other chattel. Land

is disposed of through sale or bequest, and the only restriction

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governing disposition of property is that sale must be to a
villager in the case of property still owned by the British
Honduran government. This is to insure against non-villagers
alienating.1and, which was the object of San Pedranos origi-
nally petitioning the Government to buy San Pedro from land
holders who might sell to outsiders.

Having already accounted for the various edifaces in San
Pedro, t is appropriate here to describe the actual construc-
tion and furnishing of the buildings, including the sanitary
facilities and utilities employed by villagers. Residences
in San Pedro are largely of a plank and frame variety built
on pilings from one to eight feet off the surface of the
ground. This type of construction is particularly well suited
to the needs of the villagers for three reasons: being built
off the ground, houses are not as likely to be ravaged by the
vicissitudes of wind and water which can easily inundate the
low-lying, unprotected village (which happened as recently as
1961 with hurricane Hattie); elevated buildings allow the free
circulation of air round about them which helps offset the
sticky, heavy humidity of the climate; and crawling pests such
as scorpions, lizards, and cockroaches cannot gain entrance as
readily as into houses founded on the ground. Materials for
constructing these houses are obtained entirely from the main-
land where zinc or asbestos roofing, eaves troughing, and elec-
trical and plumbing fixtures and accessories can be purchased

in the various hardware or construction supply stores. Lumber

-73...

is more than abundant on the mainland from the extensive stands
of indigenous timber, amounting to one of the less expensive
tems involved in building. The method of construction is
relatively simple and a house 20' by 30' (roughly a medium
sized house) can be built by two men in a month--less, of course,
if work is steady and unpunctuated by fishing or other activity.
Pilings, the number depending on the size of the projected house,
are sunk deep into the ground and floor beams are bolted to them.
From this base the basic four walls of white pine rise, topped
by a gabled roof so that water will readily run off. Windows,
perhaps one per room, partitions to create the rooms, a porch,
and eaves troughing finish the house. Extras, such as electric
wiring or plumbing may be added now or later, but the basic
structure stands.

Still present in the village, although the minority of
the house types present, is the so-called "trash" house. (Dif-
ferent ownership of these is discussed in the next chapter.)
The term is a bit of native humor which has been corrupted from
"thatch", and indeed it is this material from which roofs of
this house type are made. Walls are built of sticks approxi-
mately 2" in diameter nailed vertically to well braced frames.
Both the palm fronds for thatch and the sticks (I was unable
to find out the name of the sapling-like "tree") are obtained
locally and are evidently free for the taking. As implied,
this style house was forerunner of the plank-frame type and

existed as the normal residence structure as far back as the

-74-

oldest villager can remember. Aside from the fact that thatch
must periodically be replaced, and the floor may only be of
tamped earth, these houses appear to be quite sturdy and element-
resisting structures, capable of being rendered nearly as "modern"
as those of plank by the mere addition of wood floors. Some of
the "trash" houses are also built on pilings, wired for elec-
tricity, etc., and they are bereft of glass window panes as are
most plank residences (glass, as well as plumbing and electrical
materials, is very costly throughout the colony and villagers
likewise do not want to obstruct cooling breezes). Host "trash"
houses now serve as cooking huts or utility sheds although some
are still used as residences.

Whether the old model "trash" house or the plank house now
popular with the villagers, residences have two or three, and as
many as six separate rooms. One room generally serves as a cooking
and dining area, another as a living room or parlor where guests
are entertained or where the family gathers to chat, and any
remaining rooms are dormitory spaces. Some houses have been built
on pilings of sufficient height to allow creation of a second, or
enlarged living area under the main house--planks need only be
added to the existing underpinnings. In many instances the under
part of a house serves as a place where women can do laundering
or as a general storage area; in one or two cases this open-air
space has been given a cement floor. Only forty-odd buildings
(of 153 in San Pedro) are wired for electricity provided by a

privately owned generator. Cost for the four-hour-per-day service

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(6:00 to 10:00 p.m. weekdays, till 11:00 p.m. on weekends) is
paid monthly at the rate of 80¢ B.H. per 40 watt bulb. Four
other places, the three bars and the American hotel, have per-
manent electrical service supplied by the generators at the
Cooperative. Cost in the latter cases could not be ascertained.
The small private generator, a 10 kw diesel, is only capable of
operating lights since voltage is set at 85 rather than the 110
necessary to operate most electric appliances. All other buildings
in San Pedro are lighted by kerosene lamps or, in a very few cases,
by lamps burning white gasoline.

The furnishings of residences is not extensive in San Pedro.
Kitchen-dining areas usually have a table and three or four
straight-backed chairs, an assortment of cooking utensils, dishes
and silverware, and either a stove or "fogon" for cooking. Ihe
"fogon" is an open fire of mangrove roots or coconut husks over
which women cook meals in pots and pans supported on angle iron
or some other type of metal frame. Stoves are run by kerosene
or, in a few cases, by butane gas. Roughly three quarters of
the households are now equipped with the latter type of cooking
apparatus as the older "fogon" is being phased out of existence.
Many houses also have a Dutch oven, which is placed either on
"fogon" or stove, in which bread and other food items can be
baked. Half a dozen butane, kerosene, or electric refrigerators
in the village provide what cold storage there is in San Pedro,

and three of these are located in the bars while two others are

in stores. Hence, the vast majority of villagers are without

-76-

refrigeration unless they wish to pay the Cooperative to have
perishables stored in its freezing rooms. It is also possible,
when there is surplus, to purchase ice from the Co-op to chill
drinks and other refreshments. Living rooms generally have two
or three straight-backed chairs, a small table topped by sea-
shells or photographs, perhaps a straight-backed settee, and
almost invariably the picture of Christ or a saint.on the wall.
Most homes are equipped with the multi-purpose hammock which
frequently serves as a divan or spare bed. Bedrooms usually

have a frame bed, perhaps a wardrobe, chest of drawers, or even
cardboard boxes for clothes storage, and again a hammock or two.
A number of houses have phonographs, sewing machines, and clothes
irons (run with white gasoline), and two of the villagers working
for Americans have relatively elegant furnishings--padded settees
etc.

Sanitary facilities are almost exclusively of the outdoor
variety although one or two of the houses do have indoor plumbing.
Water is obtained from one of three sources: hand-dug wells
within the confines of an individual's property (a good well
can be gotten by digging fifteen feet or so into the ground);
the community water supply contained in a 25,000 gallon vat
under the Community Center (filled by runoff of rain from the
roof); or privately owned vats which are likewise filled by
catching rain as it flows off the roof into eaves troughing and
thence to the container. Runoff water is used directly from

the vats for drinking, bathing, and cooking, and is not processed

in any way although the nurse has tried to get San Pedranos

to boil all water before it is consumed. Used by a few people
only, is a unique, and perhaps fourth source, namely, the swim-
ming pool just outside San Pedro which is one of the few remnants
of a pre-hurricane Hattie tourist resort. Pool and vats alike
can store a considerable supply of the fresh, soft water so
necessary to the villagers. but they are also the frequent final
resting place of lizards and other crawling or flying vermin.
There is little or no disease resulting from the water (or sani-
tation) facilities according to the local nurse.

Non-residential structures in San Pedro often manifest the
same features of construction (e.g., use of pilings) as living
quarters. The school, built by the government to serve an
auxillary function as hurricane shelter, has pilings of rein-
forced concrete, walls of cement block, and is without electri-
city (but is one of the few buildings in San Pedro with indoor
plumbing). Several classrooms accomodate the almost two hundred
youngsters enrolled in school and are of sufficient combined
size to allow community affairs being held there on occasion.
The Community Center is made of cement blocks and is actually
a two story building although half of what would be the ground
floor is missing by design. The lower story has a small office
(which may eventually be the center for transaction of village
business but is now vacant), and also shelters the community
water vat. The top story is composed of a large community hall

and three smaller rooms, (one of which is a bathroom) which

- 78 -

lately housed a volunteer couple from the United States Peace
Corps. The infirmary is built like any one of the new-style
houses in the village but is larger in size and has a floor
plan somewhat altered from that of residences so that examina-
tion space, dispensary, and in—patient sleeping space are pro-
vided. The Roman Catholic Church and police office are both
frame buildings with little distinctiveness about them other
than the high radio antenna rising at the latter and the sprawling
decrepitude of the former. The Adventist Church is also frame
built, a little box-like affair on pilings. One of the most
imposing of the village structures is a three story frame house
near the middle of San Pedro which is owned by one of the land
magnates who had owned much of the village land prior to 1963.
The ground floor is occupied by one of the village bars, and

the other two stories are the sometime residences of vacationers
in San Pedro. The owner is currently remodeling the entire
building as a club-hotel prior to being leased by a mainland
plane pilot who is hoping to attract Guatemalan tourists to

San Pedro instead of Cozumel off the Yucatan coast which cur-
rently gets their business. This building will have quite
superior plumbing and electrical service compared to the village
residences generally, and is far larger than the two story
American owned hotel which also boasts indoor bath facilities,
electricity, etc. The Cooperative building has previously been

described.

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Summary

In families where the male head is involved in offshore
lobstering intrafamilial cooperation is breaking down. Rather
than a father and his sons fishing together, there is a tendency
for fathers and sons respectively to turn to friends as fishing
partners. Wives necessarily carry on household activities with-
out help from their husbands.

Men are absent from San Pedro far more than they ever were
in scalefishing days-~a situation undesireable to males and
females alike, but which is unavoidable. The result is that
mothers in many families are increasingly the agents of social-
ization and emotional security. From this situation, discipline
of teenaged boys has become a problem to individual families
and to the whole village--one which apparently has no solution.
Solely responsible for children for days at a time while hus-
bands are out fishing, younger women are voicing desire to
limit their families so that they themselves will not "go crazy
taking care of kids", a desire not altogether approved of by
husbands although the reason for this could not be ascertained.
In addition, young boys must turn increasingly to their peer
group or to slightly older boys for training in the various
skills necessary to adult maledom. In general, there seems
to be more focus on the mother within the family, and on age-
mates of the same sex outside the family, with the latter taking

over some of the functions previously performed by the former.

The practice of doubling up residences on single parcels
of land is still widespread, but possibilities for perpetuating
this residence pattern are limited due to size and availability
of lots in the village. If sons continue to cause problems for
their parents it is likely that parents would disallow sons from
building on their land. Further implications from this latter
fact are numerous, such as prolonging bachelorhood since males
would have to save money to buy land in addition to accumulating
the cost of building a house before they could marry, but pre-
sently exist as pure speculations. Land tenure has slipped from

ts position as focus of community attention to consideration
from purely individual viewpoints.

In toto it would appear that establishing cooperative
fishing in San Pedro did not necessitate any reorganization of
families and "households". but continued offshore lobstering
is having unexpected, disruptive effects on a large number of

San Pedranos.

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CHAPTER V
COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION
Introduction

According to Service (1962: pg. 19ff) the social organiza-
tion of any given society is made up of the patterns of inter-
group relations plus the status system of that society.

Social groups are broken down into residential groups
(family, village, sometimes a state) and sodalities (non-resi-
dential associational groupings such as clans, secret societies).
Membership in the former is ascribed, usually by birth, whereas
membership in the latter is voluntary.

The status system is the general pattern of inter-rela-
tionships between individuals holding particular named positions
in a society (statuses) behaving according to the roles associated
with those statuses. Statuses may be achieved or ascribed in a
society, and an individual may hold a number of statuses of each
type.

The status system and social structure articulate with
one another through the actual statuses themselves. Some of
the statuses an individual may hold necessarily include him
in one or more residential groups or sodalities which may exist
in his society.

This section of the thesis is concerned with how social
structure contributes to the organization of San Pedro Village.
Organization is inspected to ascertain what change, if any,

cooperative fishing might require from San Pedro in order to

- 82 _

succeed, at least initially. Also of interest is what organ-
izational change, if any, has taken place in the last four years
through accomodating cooperative fishing.

Information was derived from key informants through directed
and non-directed interviews and a community genealogy which in-
cluded virtually all residents of San Pedro Village. But it
should be noted that I have placed total emphasis on social
structure rather than on the status system. The status system
is not, therefore, described. The reason for omitting so impor-
tant a thing as the status system (system of named social posi-
tions) of San Pedro is based primarily on the fact that I did
not remain in San Pedro long enough to gather the necessary
information. The examination of social structure, which would
deal specifically with the pattern of intergroup relations and
with group formation, would perhaps be more important than the
examination of the status system in giving insight into "why"
the fishing cooperative could succeed. The existence of such
a group as the fishing cooperative is crucial to this thesis
since one of the premises is that cooperation succeeded in
part because little or no organizational change (i.e., new group
formation or elimination of traditional groups) was necessary

in San Pedro for the cooperative to function.

§9cial Structure
Residential Groups
There are only two residential type groupings in San Pedro,

the family-—households and non-family-households. Family units

-83..

normally fall into three categories, as discussed above, con-

jugal, extended, and modified extended. The integrative basis

of these families is kinship, and they are all localized entities.

As in other communities, the function of the family unit is

procreation and rearing of children and internal economic coop-

eration to secure material necessities for the well being of

all its members. Non-family households are also localized and

their members cooperate economically, but the basis of integra-

tion may be mutual amicability or necessity rather than kinship.

Non-family households also differ from families in that they

are not self perpetuating, that is, new members are not produced.

Characteristically, non-family households exist only as long as

the life span of the two or more individuals conStituting them.
Each household configuration operates essentially as an

autonomous unit of production and consumption, except insofar

as fishing activity has produced cooperation with individuals

who come from outside the household. In a sense, therefore,

each San Pedrano household constitutes a nucleus of human beings

whose primary social and economic concern is for its own well

being. The integrative mechanisms which operate within house-

holds do not extend beyond the individual units to integrate

the entire population of San Pedro into one community. By virtue

of the traditional lack of community-wide integration, at least

where residential groups are concerned, villagers have tended

to operate solely in terms of their individual units with regard

to most basic functions. I was told by villagers that the only

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situations wherein the parochialism of household units is and
has been regularly transcended is (was) in fishing, and in so
called "crisis" situations. These situations include such
things as hurricanes, death, or serious illness, under which
circumstances San Pedranos readily offer help and ignore house-
hold boundaries for purposes of carrying on important, mutual
functions. The idea, then, of forming associational groups
based on corporate effort of individuals sharing a mutual goal
or interest is not new to San Pedro, but is perhaps a little
uncommon and in the past has occurred primarily in only two
particular contexts. Likewise, these groups being situational
would not necessarily have had a very long life span. By looking
at the groups which San Pedranos form, however, the carry over
from these groups to the fishing cooperative should be readily

apparent.

Formal Sodalities
Economic
First of the formal sodalities in San Pedro are those

which are basically economic--the various fishing crews and the
fishing cooperative. At least twenty-two sodalities are formed
by males when fishing activity is undertaken. Members, as
noted above, are frequently composed of friends, at least in
part, and hence transcend the confines of familism whenever
they fish collectively. Crew composition apparently remains
fairly consistant over time and most of the current crews are

said to have existed before cooperative fishing for lobsters

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began. The purpose of the crews is fairly clear cut: a number
of men join their labor, finances, and technology to obtain a
livelihood from exploiting the sea. The cooperation of at least
two men is a prerequisite of conducting fishing operations of
almost any type from a sailing boat. Likewise, two or more men
combining their efforts ought logically to derive greater income
from work than one man alone.

The fishing cooperative has more than 160 voluntary members
constituted of fishermen, and men and women in other occupations
as well. Affilliates come from virtually every family and house-
hold in San Pedro, thus the cooperative serves to horizontally
transect the entire community and bring village-wide interest
to bear on its operation. Actual maintenance of the fishing
cooperative obtains by virtue of the fact that all its members
are focussed on the economic advantage which the Cooperative
can afford in merchandising marine produce. The fishing coop-
erative is essentially a single purpose association, or so it
was intended at its inception. Subsidiary functions have accrued
to the organization since its inception but they remain essen-
tially economic ones. It has extended its activities to include
promotion of education through establishment of an educational
fund. Likewise, it is very soon to be the source of community-
wide continuous electrification of village streets and residences
and commercial centers. Thirdly it has made loan funds available
in a community where formal (that is institutionalized) lending
agencies are absent. Finally, the cooperative has even moved

into the realm of entertainment.

Established with the birth of the fishing cooperative is
an annual party given by the same for all San Pedranos. Some-
time in June or early July, before the opening of the lobster
season, the cooperative holds its election of officers, and
immediately afterwards the party commences. Alcoholic and soft
drinks, flavored ices, and a dance band are provided, costing
(in 1966) more that $1500 B.H. altogether.

The elected officers of the fishing cooperative constitute
a sodality within a sodality. The Board, as noted in Chapter
II, are elected from and by the members of Caribena Producers
for varying terms of office. By and large these men tend to be
relatively young and/or successful; and Board membership tends
to carry over rather consistently into involvement in village-
wide activities. In addition to governing general functioning
of the Cooperative (such as hiring and firing of personnel,
deciding on loans to members), the Board has been responsible
for most of the inovations in Caribena Producers. Although
ideas are contributed by other members, the "activist" Board
members are ultimately the individuals who convince the total
membership in general assembly of the worth of certain projects

such as, for example, establishment of the education fund.

Religious
The Roman Catholic parish constitutes a religious group
which includes, at least nominally, all but six or seven of the
villagers. Membership is voluntary except in the case of children

who become affiliated by virtue of parental action over which they

_ 87 -

have no control. Visited once a month by Fr. Raszkowski (except
during the summer when he lives in San Pedro), the mission does
not boast exceedingly large attendance at its services. Normally
men are conspicuously absent from mass. The bulk of the congre-
gation is made up of women and children. A number of villagers,
again women, are a core of the faithful worshipers and it is they
who see to it that the church is dusted and altar decorated, but
there is no formal organization of women such as an altar guild.
"Things just get done somehow" according to the priest. There
are also two or three women who know various prayers from memory
and occasionally lead other villagers in these when the priest
is absent.

Although the activities which take place out of the Church
have a religious guise, the function of most of these appears
to be something other than religious in nature. Mass for example,
is an opportunity for teenage girls to pretty themselves and
attend services as a social outing, necessarily walking past
young village males on the way to church. Weddings and baptisms
are diversions or recreation for many villagers. Weddings are
"open", the whole village is invited to the ceremony and to the
reception afterwards. At the reception--paid for by the groom's
parents and held anywhere there is sufficient room--beer and soft
drinks are in abundance and a band provides music for dancing;
drinking and dancing will last until long after dark and some
attendants may make an all night spree of it. Baptisms are much

smaller affairs. Parents are not present for the ceremony--

godparents are left in charge of the child during the same--
but usually are busy at home preparing for a party after the
christening is finished. Godparents, the priest, a few close
friends and relatives are invited to gather for beer, cake,
and other appetizers. hoderate drinking and conversation last
for two or three hours and the affair is finished.

Like the co—op, the Church is a sodality which contains
an administrative sodality within it, namely the Church com-
nflttee. This committee is composed of seven members elected
from and by the parish plus the Village Council chairman who
was invited by these people to assist in the group's functioning.
The Council chairman is also on the Co-op Board, and one other
man on the Church committee also holds a position on the
village council. Ostensibly, the raison d'etre of the Church
Committee is to organize efforts to raise money to build a new
church (costing an estimated 310,000 B.H.). Under the aegis
of the Church Committee, bazaars, dances, or the two in combina-
tion are held periodically throughout the year; proceeds from
these ventures go to the Building Fund. Likewise, the one
religious celebration of the year, St. Peter's Bay (29 June),
and the religiously inspired but virtually secular celebration
of Carnival (just prior to Lent) are organized by the Church
Committee--again as a means for raising money. In point of
fact, the Church Comm ttee operates as one of the few organiza-
tions in San Pedro to provide periodic recreation and diversion
for villagers. Bazaars and dances are community-wide and ordinar-

ily attract the majority of village residents.

- 89 -

"Bazaar" is the name given by San Pedranos to the occasion
when food is sold at the plaza or near the church, or somewhere
near the dance which is often given simultaneously. Ingredients
for various dishes--rice, beans, and canned vegetable soup (used
almost directly from the can as a salad) are bought by San Pedranas,
prepared, and then donated to the church for sale at the bazaars.

A dance may be held at the plaza, Community Center, the school,
or virtually any place which has electricity and sufficient space
for numbers of people. Admission is charged to these dances but
little profit is realized from them since the band (usually local
musicians) must be paid, and cost of keeping the generator running
after its 10 or 11 p.m. shutoff time must be met--the greatest
money maker at one of these bazaar-dances is actually from the
sale of beer and rum.

Carnival is a time of dancing, partying, and drinking just
before the abstentions supposedly imposed by the Lenten season.
Costumes are worn by men, women, and children, parades and dances
are held in the streets and, I am told, there is a festive atmos-
phere far more pervasive than at any other time of the year.

St. Peter's Day is also a time for dances and parties, but
it is somewhat more restrained than Carnival celebrating and
includes several religious services as part of the occasion.

Hen arise early on St. Peter's Day to attend a 4 o'clock mass--
one of the few they go to during the year, in fact. At 8 o'clock
there is another mass for women and children whereupon the remain-

der of the day is spent in preparation for the evening's celebrations.

_ 90 -

Women prepare food for the bazaar, musicians practice for their
later performance, and men are busy drinking in the bars, as
they have been for two or three days previously. Late in the
afternoon, at a time announced by hammering on the bell near
the plaza, a procession is formed to carry the statue of St.
Peter around the village. The figure of the patron, carefully
decorated with flowers by the women, is bourne on a catafalque
by the men. A complete circuit of the village is made during
which prayers are said by a prayer leader and responses given
by the school children. After making the circuit, the marchers
return the figure of the saint to the church where more prayers
are said and the religious portion of the day's festivities come
to a close. A dance then follows along with a bazaar and the
sale of liquor. Proceeds from the celebrating go to the Building
Fund, as mentioned above.

The other religious group in San Pedro, that of the Seventh
Day Adventists, has a congregation of only six or seven people.
Those adhering to this faith are relatives of the missionary
family which came from the mainland to convert San Pedro, and
individuals from one or two other families. Activities of the
church are limited solely to religious services, and its effect

on San Pedro and its villagers is almost negligible.

Political
Political activity in San Pedro is embodied in one agency--
the Village Council. Seven men, elected for one year terms,

transact all business which has a direct bearing on the community

- 91 -

for example, handling petitions for land, making plans for
electrification of village streets on a twenty-four hour basis.
These men, like members of the Cooperative Board and Church
Committee, tend to be more "successful" than other villagers

and are concerned with total community welfare as well as that

of their respective family units. In addition to internally
governing San Pedro, the Village Council acts as a buffer between
the central government and villagers. Action of Government which
affects San Pedro, travels along bureaucratic lines until it
reaches the local level, namely the Village Council. Consequently,
Government does not act directly on San Pedranos and the full
complexity of being part of a national government does not impress
itself on villagers.

Hypothetically, then,the Council has power and authority
derived from its position in the national bureaucratic structure,
whose function is to carry on its administrative functioning.

In point of fact, however, the Village Council operates primarily
through personal influence of its members on fellow villagers.
Conversely, actions of the council are viewed by villagers, so

I am told, as arising by a process of personally influencing
individual Council members for "special favors" despite the fact
that the Council conceives of itself as representing all villagers.
Differential influence of villagers on council members results

in greater or lesser degrees of involvement in village government.
Thus, although the Council is held in high regard by villagers,

at least those interviewed, not all villagers conceive of Village

- 92 -

Government as working equally for all, and many villagers
withhold cooperation and provide criticism. Lack of involve-
ment carries over to the point that it is difficult to get
men who are willing to serve on the Council. Elections were
several months past due at the time of my departure and were

not immediately forthcoming.

Informal Sodalities

There are numerous groups in San Pedro which periodically
form for various purposes. Characteristically these are tempo-
rary, voluntary associations which cross-cut boundaries of the
household units.

The most obvious and frequent of these informal associa-
tions are the drinking groups formed by men and teenaged boys.
San Pedranos are known far and wide for their drinking habits,
and indeed men and boys can drink prodigious amounts of liquor--
although they do get drunk and disorderly as a result, or pass
out or get maudlin over an unrequited love. Most of the drinking
in San Pedro takes place during the offseason or during the
various village-wide celebrations, but even during the season
for lobsters—-perhaps when a boat has just come in from a trip--
fishermen go on sprees (also referred to as "going bleaching")
which can last for two or three days. Cost of the sprees in
many cases is ruinous for fishermen in the offseason when there
is no income to speak of and no savings to fall back on. Since
credit drinking is allowed in one bar at least, the net result

of offseason sprees is that income from the first few trips a

-93—

fisherman makes may have to go to pay off bar debts. During
the season while fishermen are in the village for a rest stop
more debts may be accrued or women may be hard pressed to ob-
tain part of their husbands' earnings for the household in
his hurry to pay outstanding accounts (or buy drinks for his
friends with ready cash). The law requiring bars to close

at twelve midnight is met punctually, but the more serious
drinkers lay in a supply of liquor for after hours and stay
out of doors round the clock while imbibing. If sleep over-
comes them in the middle of one of the streets during the
night, they lay down in the sand and doze; no one will molest
or rob them and there is little danger of becoming ill from
exposure to the elements unless it should rain. San Pedranos
are not "drunkards", however. In fact, there are only five
or six persons in the whole village who are "alcoholics",

and wastrels, by village definition.

From my observations it seems that most of the drinking
groups, which may number from two to five or six men each,
are frequently composed of the same men who work together on
the fishing boats. The similarity between the composition of
boat crews and drinking groups undoubtedly derives from the
fact that friendship and amicability draw certain men to one
another. This in turn probably has some connection with the
generalized relationship of the San Pedrano to fellow villagers
(dealt with at length in chapter VI) which may be viewed as one

of friendly rivalry. It seems likely that men join a particular

-94-

boat crew or drinking group simply because it is possible to
be more relaxed or less on the defensive (against verbal jests,
for example) than in some other crew or drinking group.

Women, too, periodically form voluntary groupings. Mothers
and daughters (or daughters—in-law), sisters (or sisters-in-law)
do a great deal of visiting back and forth. Likewise, San Pedranas
who live in the same general area visit one another frequently.
Time is spent conversing about children, what the men are doing,
and whatever is going on currently in the village.

Another topic of conversation is gambling (in the form of
lotteries) which involves a large number of the San Pedranas
and a few San Pedranos. Other than gossip or innocuous conver-
sation, the groups formed by women have little purpose. Occa-
sionally there is reciprocal work between mothers and daughters
or sisters such as child care.

Clearly, women's groups often arise because of kinship ties
or because of residential proximity, which is not necessarily
true of either the drinking groups or the boat crews formed by
the men. This might be interpreted to signify an attempt (un-
conscious, perhaps) of the women to preserve close relationships
which originated under circumstances when a woman and her daugh-
ter, for example, occupied the same household. On the other hand,
perpetuation of mother-daughter relationships, for example, may
be for purely pragmatic reasons wherein assistance is asked from
a closely related female by virtue of greater acquaintenceship,

making a refusal of help less likely, perhaps, than from a mere

-95-

neighbor. However this may be, it would seem that there is

a qualitative difference between the women's and men's groups;
namely, women's groups do not appear to serve in breaking down
familism through cutting across the boundaries of autonomous
household units. Ken's groups, to a certain extent, however,
do achieve transcendence over the boundaries of the household.

Frequent in their formation, but smaller in terms of
numbers of people involved, are groups which arise primarily
for a single purpose centered on recreation or diversion. For
example, more or less spontaneous parties of a few close friends
are a common diversion in the village. Equipped with a bottle
or two of rum, limes and soft drinks for mixers, a guitar, and
perhaps some lobster tail with tomato catsup and lime juice,
the group goes off to sing, drink and cavort. From groups
such as this, although not always from such a base, come sere-
naders who visit the homes of various girls and regale them
with songs. The spontaneous parties may last all night, or
perhaps for a day or two straight.

Housebuilding was once a community project in San Pedro,
or at least attracted cooperation of a significant part of the
male population. Similar to the "bees" familiar to American
frontier communities, building a new house was occasion for
merrymaking and partying. No longer a community project,
housebuilding is still the excuse for a party once the ediface
is completed, but only a small number of people are involved.
The new householder, or more often a few of his friends, will
buy beer and other refreshments for the party which may last

all night.

- 96 -

Respect and Authority

Wealth differences range from income of two or three
hundred to between two and three thousand British Honduran
dollars per year within the village population. Despite dif-
ferences in wealth of San Pedranos, there is little indication
from general behavior or most material possessions that these
differences do exist. Yet, it is the merchants and more pro-
ductive fishermen who tend to occugrpositions on the Village
Council, for example. Evidently villagers have confidence in
those who prosper and "get ahead", and they therefore place
these individuals in positions of authority in the expectation
that the same prosperity will be reflected back on the entire
village.

Respect (esteem) and authority (capacity to control men,
goods or services) can also be commanded, in a sense, by wealth-
ier San Pedranos; they are the individuals who can loan money
and extend credit, thus creating a circle of villagers who are
beholden to them and thereby merit at least outward respect in
conjunction with their admitted economic authority. Even
greater respect is held for the merchant who extends credit
when times are hard or for the lender of money who does not
charge interest or continually press for repayment. Although
authority may derive from money, respect comes only from the
manner in which one handles his money i.e., what he does with it.

Residents of San Pedro are a fairly homogeneous population

in terms of education. Most villagers have completed only primary

school and the academic knowledge of one villager is, there-
fore, not too different from that of another, although some

may have mastered aspects of that knowledge better than others.
Nonetheless, nearly all villagers voice respect for secondary
education, university training or whatever advanced learning

one can obtain beyond the primary level. San Pedranos desire
such schooling for children, for the benefits to be derived

from it. This appreciation is attested to, in part, by the

newly created educational fund in the Cooperative budget. Some
of the respect for education, and the expertise it can confer

in certain areas, is given grudgingly, however. In 1965, the
Cooperative plant was in need of a chief engineer--pay, $300 B.H.
per month. Some of the members claimed they knew as much as

any chief engineer, and reasoned that if they served in that
capacity the salary would stay in San Pedro rather than go to

an outsider. Problems arose with the refrigerator rooms which
these men could not repair, fish and lobster tails spoiled in

the heat and the Co-op incurred a loss of several thousand dol-
lars; a chief engineer was hired forthwith. Another example

is that of the office manager at the Cooperative, also a $300
B.H. per month position. A San Pedrano who had gone to high
school and evidently had some experience in office management
held this post until a short time before my visit. His departure
was made necessary in order to undertake further study outside
British Honduras whereupon he would return and resume his duties.

In the interim, instead of hiring a competent person, local boys

- 98 -

have tried to do the book keeping and so forth, but their
secondary education alone is not adequate to do the job.
Cooperative authorities in Belize City, as the result of the
auditor's report on the 1965-1966 books, insisted at the 1966
annual meeting (in San Pedro) that a qualified manager simply
had to be hired in their stead.

Finally, it should be emphasized that the respect which
does accrue to education comes about because villagers con-
ceive of learning as a way of having an easier life and make
more money by means other than physical labor. It does not
appear as though there is any great admiration for education
as an end in itself; nor does education automatically help or
hinder an individual in becoming an authority figure. The
account of social structure, status system, wealth, education,
respect and authority leads to the final point in description

of community organization in San Pedro--the "class" structure.

Class in San Pedro

Three distinctive strata or "classes" exist in San Pedro.
Foremost of these is a class composed of merchants, skilled
workers (mechanics for example), and the most productive of the
fishermen. These individuals tend to have a more stable income
throughout the year. They are in a position to loan money or
extend credit, and tend to be village "activists" i.e., are more
involved than other villagers in community-wide projects. fhey

attempt to stimulate interest in affairs which will profit all

San Pedranos. These individuals-~although not necessarily
educated beyond primary school--are the villagers most im-
pressed with higher education and are pressing their own off-
spring to go to high school and, in one or two cases, a univer-
sity. Individuals in this class tend to be given greater respect
and have greater authority than do other villagers.

A second class includes average fishermen and steadily
employed laborers or artisans. Less well to do than the first
class, people herein are still interested in community affairs
and bettering San Pedro but are not as vocal or involved.

Lowest on the scale are sporadic fishermen, day laborers,
and individuals who through age or infirmity are not able to
participate in lobstering. Earning perhaps only a few hundred
dollars per year, the people of this class tend to have fewer
material possessions and fewer conveniences. The men in this
class tend to be heavier drinkers than men in the other two
classes, and their women are more or less compelled to work--
making tortillas, for example--in order to keep some semblence
of solvency in household finances. People here tend to be the
least involved in community affairs, have the least respect
and authority. They appear to be the least concerned with
education.

San Pedranos seem to be conscious of the classes outlined
above as evidenced by statements such as "no one is better than
anyone else, but there are a lot of people worse off than I am".

Nonetheless, the classes are fairly amorphous due to the fact

- 100 -

that they seem to be based solely on wealth; the figurative
demarcations between classes may readily be transcended (except
in the case of the aged or infirm) by participating in lob-
stering or perhaps becoming a salaried employee of American
developers. After engaging in either of these activities for
perhaps only a year's time, an individual could move from one
class into the next higher class. Apparently this movement

has in fact taken place (referred to by villagers as "getting
ahead") but it appeared to me that the advantage for such move-
ment lays with young, physically fit men and men without a large

number of children.

Summary

The social organization of San Pedro Village is constituted
primarily of residential groupings; these groups encompass vir-
tually all villagers. A consequence of this situation is self-
perpetuating atomization of San Pedranos into autonomous house-
hold configurations. Associational groups (sodalities) do not
counter balance the parochial circumscription of residential
groups to allow extensive or prolonged interpersonal or inter-
famial cooperation let alone pan-community cooperative efforts.

In spite of a tradition of non-cooperation in most every
day activities, fishing and extraordinary situations--"crises"--
give rise to cooperative endeavors in San Pedro, sometimes
effected through community-wide associations. Just prior to
introduction of cooperative fishing in San Pedro, villagers

were in need of a favor from the Government (i.e., to have San

- 101 -

Pedro's land purchased from private holders and sold to vil-
lagers). Government wanted to introduce a cooperative in

San Pedro and it seems likely that through a bargaining process
each party achieved its goal. In the latter, or Governmental
case, I do not doubt that Government appealed to San Pedranos
to make use of the already existing fishing crews as a basis
for the growth of a cooperative which would necessarily involve
all San Pedranos. Here, then, would be the opportunity for San
Pedranos both to obtain control of their land and to raise the
standard of living without villagers having to undergo organi-
zational change insofar as work units were concerned, or, in

fact, in any other aspect of village organization.

- 102 -

CHAPIER VI
WORLD VIEW
Introduction
According to Redfield (1953: 85) the world view of a
people is "the way a people look outward upon the universe".
Likewise, "world view may be used to include the forms of
thought and the most comprehensive attitudes toward life"
(Redfield, 1953: 86). The intent of this chapter is to out-
line the world view peculiar to residents of San Pedro Village,
specifically in reference to Nature, God and Man. By illus-
trating the ideological context with which development planners
had to cope in initiating socio-cultural change, it will, per-
haps, be easier to understand the San Pedro situation. For
example, the section on the San Pedrano in relation to Man
should explicate earlier comments on the tendency of villagers
to operate primarily for the family unit, or how it comes to
be that there is a problem in getting leadership personnel for

the formal sodalities that came into existence.

The San Pedrano In Relationship to Nature
The facets of Nature which are of greatest importance to
San Pedranos are winds, rain, and the sea. All of these con-
cern villagers either as a source of survival or as a convenience:
the sea supplies food and a livelihood; winds are motive force
for the boats from which fishermen work and by which San Pedranos

most frequently transport themselves and supplies between mainland

-103-

and village; and rain is the prime source of potable water.
The sea and elements can be hostile or niggardly in providing
the things which villagers depend on them for. But whether
Nature operates positively or negatively San Pedranos impute
no supernaturalistic force or cause to it--other than as it
is part of God's Creation. Likewise, although villagers re-
spect the dangers and benefits of the elements, they do not
hold these latter in awe.

San Pedranos operate on Nature to the extent which their
knowledge and technology will allow; failure to achieve some
particular end because of incomplete knowledge or insufficient
technology elicits a matter-of-fact admission of the inadequacy
rather than laying blame to the supernatural. Equally probable
in the latter situation is a grudging resignation to the fact
that greater knowledge or better technology is not immediately
forthcoming. In general, Nature is simply something which must

be coped with in as realistic a way as possible.

The San Pedrano in Relation to God
All San Pedranos are at least nominally Christian; pre-
dominantly Catholic. Although the conception of God is par-
tially refracted by Catholic dogma, to San Pedranos the basic
belief in God is that He is a Being which is "there" somewhere,
and is to be respected, but not feared. Ihe overt ractice of
religion is performed regularly by only a handful of villagers,

and there is--from all reports—-very little or no family prayer

-1ou-

recitation of the rosary or the like. Whatever religious in-
struction there is comes from the school and the priest.
Although certain saints are held in higher regard than others,
there is l ttle or no supplicatory prayer to these, or the
Deity. St. Peter himself, patron of the village and of fisher-
men, receives very little overt reverence except in the cele-
bration of his feast day. There is, in fact, no religious
ceremonial practice surrounding so important a thing as fishing,
such as blessing of the boats and crews preparatory to opening
the lobster season. In effect, religion and the God-Man rela-
tionship are very individual, private matters which apparently
occupy little of the San Pedranos' thought and obviously take
very little of their time.

As far as I could learn, there are virtually no elements
of non-Christian belief or practice which might have survived
from a "pagan" Mayan past. fhe only evidence of "superstition"
amongst San Pedranos exists in limited belief in Mal de Ojo,
and ghosts. The former is a disorder which is not clearly
defined in my mind since I could find only two villagers who
would talk about it and their statements were very vague. It
seems, however, that parrots, and perhaps some human beings,
can cause sickness in children by merely looking at them.
Apparently the affliction (referred to as "having Ojo", or,
literally, "eye") is not consciously directed onto individuals
but is an accidental happening. The result is a withering,

debilitating sickness which may result in death. Hal de Ojo

- 105 _

in San Pedro differs from a similarly named phenomenon found

in other Latin American countries in that nowhere else does

it seemingly derive from parrots. Likewise, in other Latin
American countries Mal de Ojo supposedly has its basis in desire,
covetousness, or strong feeling (Rubel, 1962: 800).

San Pedranos apparently believe that a relative who died
quickly or who was abusive of his family in life may come back
to visit the living in spirit form. In the former case a visit
is inspired by virtue of the dead wishing to "say something to
me" but being unable to do so because of the rapidity with which
death over took them. In the latter case it would seem that
the dead wish to continue to intimidate their families as they
did in life; in order to avoid being visited by spirits, the
living will take care to keep the grave clean and neat and

otherwise try to appease the dead.

The San Pedrano in Relationship to Man

The San Pedrano view of people from outside the community
is not so much hostile or unfriendly--as mainlanders would have
one believe--as it is guarded and reserved. Used to coming into
face to face contact with one another in daily village inter-
action, motives and personalities of fellow villagers are more
or less known--not so with non-villagers. On several occasions
San Pedranos have been duped, they feel, because they themselves
did not know the people with whom they were dealing and/or the

motives underlying the behavior of the non-villagers. A case in

- 106 -

point is that of cooperative fishing operations prior to
establishing a processing plant in San Pedro. Fisherman
took their lobsters to Belize where they were processed and
then conveyed to various distributors. Processors in Belize,
with whom San Pedranos had a contract fixing the price of
lobsters paid to fishermen, supposedly made a "very large pro-
fit" which San Pedranos felt themselves entitled to, but lost,
because "we did not know what they were up to". Social control
which San Pedranos exert on one another--primarily through
"talk" or gossip—-is not effective on outsiders and villagers
cannot enforce "fair dealing"; hence the reserve which main-
landers interpret as unfriendliness.

Visitors to San Pedro--tourists and businessmen-~are
treated with friendly reserve and while money from those visi-
tors (for running errands) is welcome, a large influx of tourists
is viewed with alarm. San Pedranos, considering themselves a
highly moral people who are not given to impropriety or promis-
cuity, do not consider outsiders to be as highly principled as
themselves. Many villagers believe that values and mores--here-
tofore maintained by traditional means--will be perverted through
influence of outsiders. One self-styled ambassador of good will,
for example, and American, presented herself in San Pedro a year
or so before my arrival. With guitar and "brief" swim suit she
entered the bars--off limits to women by village custom--and sang
to the patrons. Her performance was repeated in the village

plaza, and very soon thereafter she was asked to leave. San

-107—

Pedranas did not think it would be good for the men or children
to be entertained in this improper manner, and in this specific
garb.

Also involved in the apparent reserve of San Pedranos is
desire not to attract attention to themselves as individuals,
not only in regard to outsiders, but also within the village
population. Speaking now specifically of the latter situation,
one San Pedrano told me that he was badly in need of corrective
lenses, but would not get any because people would make fun of
him. Only three or four villagers wear glasses in fact. There
were numerous cases where villagers refused to speak English in
my presence because they said they would be ashamed at making
mistakes. Still another example exists where women continue to
go swimming fully dressed; men, of course, wear swim suits in
their work, and a few teenaged girls own swim wear which they
use when no one will see them.but most women prefer to wear a
dress so they will not attract attention. Interestingly, the
girls who do have swim suits wear a blouse with their outfit
until entering the water, and don the blouse again before
leaving it.

The desire to remain unobtrusive produces difficulties
in getting people to fill leadership positions or take leader-
ship responsibilities. Few people wish to take a central spot
in activities because of the attention involved, and there is
also the uneasiness that if elected to some position or other

they will not be able to express themselves so that instructions

- 108 -

will be understood, or the intent of what they are saying
clearly conveyed. Ability to speak well and thus present the
villagers' case is a prime criterion for election to positions
that involve dealing with Government--as in the case of Coopera-
tive Board Chairman who will have to treat with officials in the
Fisheries and Wildlife Department. In part, the felt inability
to communicate clearly stems from the wide-spread use of Spanish
in San Pedro whereas English is the country's official language
and is the only language used when business is done with Govern-
ment in Belize. I was told that the primary goal of the Peace
Corps in San Pedro was simply to get villagers to use English
language and thus facilitate making San Pedro an integral part
of British Honduras through breaking down barriers to communica-
tion and understanding.

Desire to remain unobtrusive is only a partial explanation
of San Pedrano behavior and of their world view in regard to
fellow villagers. San Pedranos view other San Pedranos as
friendly rivals who are not to be allowed to physically or
otherwise dominate them or run their lives. In a sense indi-
vidual fishing crews are competitors with other crews for lob-
sters which are not in infinite supply given the technology used
to obtain them. Siblings or other relatives engaged in commerce
vie for the same consumer population. Men drinking together
in bars or in small gatherings out of doors frequently tease
one another in an attempt to obtain verbal dominance. Growing

out of this latter situation is the art of "one-upmanship"

_ 109 -

practiced by men and women alike; jokes told at ones expense
should be turned against the teller (humor involved in tnis
jesting would be described as "earthy" in this country, espe-
cially when translated into English). Reluctance to serve in
leadership positions--where performance of duties may be fraught
with mistakes, and an individual is the center of attention so
mistakes cannot be concealed--is explicable in terms of desire
to prevent taunts i.e., verbal domination against which one may
feel himself defenseless. Gossip, or "talk“ is an instrument
of social control illustrating the non-physical domination by
which villagers enforce acceptable behavior. Rivalry and the
concern with being made vulnerable to wagging tongues explains
the general paucity of collective activities in San Pedro,
where such activities would necessarily mean that someone would
be in a position of dominance through his coordinating of indi-
vidual efforts. Dislike of law as personified in the constable
(to be dealt with in Chapter VII) derives in large part from
villagers' dislike of being dominated. When the constable
tries to achieve or perpetuate dominion over San Pedranos through
the law, both (constable and the law) become distasteful.
Ideally words will resolve whatever conflicts might arise
between San Pedranos, however serious they may be, but this is
not to imply that villagers do not enjoy watching a fight or even
participating in one. On occasion, gossip or jest are not suf-
ficient to keep people in check or convey the feelings of one

villager to another. When this happens, meaning is graphically

- 110 -

illustrated in a fist fight. Onlookers view the hassle merely
as a diversion and it is expected that when the fight is fin-
ished there should be no grudge and feelings will be mended
rapidly.

In spite of rivalry and verbal dueling San Pedranos are
generous when on sprees and in "crisis" situations. If one is
celebrating, others present should also celebrate. If someone
needs help, then help is forthcoming from friends, relatives,

and even complete strangers.

Community Identity

According to villagers an individual who identifies him-
self (and is in turn identified by others) as a San Pedrano,
derives that identity by several different means. Being born
in the village makes one a San Pedrano. If ones parents are
San Pedranos so too is that individual. Moving to the village
and settling into its life style makes one a San Pedrano.
Spouses of San Pedranos achieve the same distinction through
m rriage. Removal of San Pedranos to other locales does not
eradicate the identity, and San Pedrano expatriates periodi-
cally visit the village--or are visited by other villagers--
in token of the never-to-be-lost distinction of being a San
Pedrano.

For villagers the foregoing criteria establish who belongs
0: does not belong to the community, but underlying these things

are factors which I believe serve to underscore the sense of

- 111 -

community identity in each San Pedrano. These factors are:
ethnic composition of San Pedro; geographic isolation; and
the nature of economic activity.

First, the basic population with which San Pedranos come
into contact is Creole, San Pedranos are mestizos. By virtue
of numbers and political and economic power, Creole mainlanders
have made residents of San Pedro a de facto ethnic minority.
Ethnic differences, and concomitant difference in language and
cultural traditions have tended to separate San Pedro from non-
mestizo communities, a separation which is in large part main-
tained by San Pedranos through their bias against "colored
people". Maintenance by San Pedranos of an ethnic barrier,
so to speak, causes them perforce to turn inwards, thus mag-
nifying whatever sense they already have of being a distinct
community.

Secondly, reference to any map of Central America should
amply illustrate the geographical separateness of San Pedro
from the rest of British Honduras and the other communities
which exist in the country. Because Ambergris Gay is not easy
to reach, it has not hosted an exceedingly large number of
visitors in the course of the history of its only village. A
relative lack of transportation and communication links with
the mainland--until recently--has placed San Pedro outside the
mainstream of national activity, and has thereby forced a large

measure of socio-psychological self sufficiency on the San

- 112 -

Pedranos. The feeling of actually being apart, in a physical
sense, has caused a circumscribed view of the world to the
extent that parameters of the world for many villagers do not
go far beyond San Pedro. This turns villagers inwards and
brings about intensification of their sense of community.

Finally, the economic activity of San Pedranos, I believe,
contributes to social and psychological isolation, at least
insofar as isolation from the mainland is concerned. Except
for a few staple food items and the few items of technology
necessary for fishing, San Pedranos traditionally got along by
themselves (however poorly this may have been). Cooperative
fishing did not appreciably change the situation described.

The technological change and the concomitant changes in know-
ledge and skill tied to the use of that technology was limited
to the processing plant, and in both cases San Pedranos were
not themselves effected since "outside" expertise was placed
in the village by the American backer of Caribena Producers.
No new ties to the mainland were required when cooperation
began, nor was it necessary from the village standpoint to
accentuate old ties.

Still further, economic activity is different in San Pedro
from most British Honduran communities, with the exception of
other insular or coastal fishing communities. The various pro-
blems revolving around maritime exploitation and a community
organization which has grown out of it (i.e., marine exploita-

tion) are qualitatively different from those problems and

_ 113 _

concerns of people involved in agriculture or other economic
activities. For example, the work cycle of agriculturalists
must necessarily function according to seasonal changes; there
may be a time for clearing land and planting, another time for
weeding or cultivation, and still another time for reaping.
There is no comparable seasonal regulation to fishing and there
is not, therefore, any "natural" breakdown of the calendrical
year into periods when fishermen would be forced to work or,
on the other hand, could remain idle (the fishing "season" is
a Government imposed unit of time). The resource base with
which fishermen and agriculturalists work is considerably
different. Agriculturalists usually have a certain, probably
fixed amount of land which they can work. Assuming that no
natural disaster, such as drought or flood, will effect his
crop, and that prolonged "careless" use of the soil has not
depleted the soil of nutrients necessary to crop growth, the
farmer can make a rough estimation of what his labors will
produce. fhe fisherman, however, cannot hazard so much as a
guess as to what he may bring in from one fishing trip let
alone a year's work. She productive fishing grounds of one
year may be barren the next; perverse changes in water currents
may take fish afield from where they had previously been. If
the farmer raises a good deal of surplus, too much to be pro-
fitably disposed of on the market, it is usually possible to
store that surplus either for his own use or for future sale

when market prices may be more favorable. The fisherman cannot,

-114-

in most cases, preserve his catch if the market is glutted or
is simply offering too low a price to compensate for the effort
expended in catching the fish. Likewise, he cannot preserve
marine produce for his own future use.

Ability to obtain subsistence locally, idiosyncratic pro-
blems arising within a maritime economy, and a life style
attuned to exploitation of the sea, provide a common denominator
for villagers, and bring the focus of San Pedrano attention on
themselves.

San Pedranos do not simply carry out daily activities and
maintain their island existence without some purpose. Collec-
tively they pursue what I shall refer to as the "good life".
Without oversimplifying, the San Pedrano conception of this
is quiet living wherein an individual may enjoy the society
of family and friends, punctuated with distractions and diver-
sity in routine so that the desired existence is not a boring
one. Families should be composed of well disciplined children,
and spouses who work together for the mutual benefit of all
concerned. Ideally, people will be self employed rather than
working for someone else. Industry should not follow an in-
flexible schedule--one must be able to relax when he or she
feels like it, and work is merely the means whereby it will
be possible to take things easy at some future date. there is
no particular merit in being a fisherman. fhe work, as it is
now pursued, is relatively hard when compared to that of pre-

lobstering days. Although there is some pride in the fact

-115...

that fishermen "can take it" (that is, the hardships of their
work), youngsters are encouraged to seek easier jobs usually
by attaining education higher than is offered in San Pedro or
acquiring a skill that would be useful and therefore lucrative.
Interference or impingement from "outside" San Pedro is
undesireable for the village and its residents since villagers
wish to tend to their own affairs;interaction with mainlanders
should be tolerated only insofar as it will satisfy local wants
and needs. This is not to say that assistance in money and
advice would not be welcome from outside sources, but San
Pedranos should be allowed to decide what use money will be
put to, and just what portions of the advice should be followed.
The ultimate goal of each villager is to be self sufficient
throughout his life but this goal is seldom realized because of
the tendency of San Pedranos to live only for the present. Vil-
lagers satisfy immediate wants and needs as they arise and do
not postpone relaxation or enjoyment for the time when they will
be physically incapable of economic productivity. In point of
fact, San Pedranos seem to operate on the assumption that it
is possible to "have ones cake and eat it too", which is to
say that they expend money in the present when it should be
conserved for the future, and they relax in their youth rather
than wait to relax in old age when they cannot work.
The concrete aspect of the "good life" that is, material
goods, utilities and services, is not extensive. San Pedranos

want a good house (a frame structure on pilings) With indoor

-116-

plumbing and sanitary facilities, and electricity. Variation
away from a seafood diet is desireable--especially if it is

in the form of meat and fruits. Women would like such things
as a refrigerator and washing machine to make housekeeping
easier. Men would like to own their own boat and outboard
motor. A more amiable police constable would be desireable
and many San Pedranos would like to be able to give their chil-

dren education beyond primary school.

Summary

San Pedranos view Nature and God in a matter-of-fact way,
neither flippantly nor with awe. Insofar as Man is concerned
there are two categories into which people fall, "they" or "we".
They, outsiders, are reacted to with caution or reserve because
their motives for behavior are unknown to San Pedranos, and
mechanisms which enforce socially acceptable behavior in the
village are ineffective with non-villagers. In regard to other
members of his community, the San Pedrano is constantly involved
in friendly rivalry with his or her fellows. This rivalry is
dynamically manifested in contests, usually verbal, to gain
mastery over others and at the same time avoid being mastered
by anyone. From this orientation self-perpetuating familism
is engendered amongst San Pedrano households. Familism, or
preoccupation with the welfare of ones family to the exclusion
of all other families, serves to segment San Pedrano society

and inhibit community-wide cooperative activity. Nonetheless,

-117-

while the operation of familism is duly emphasized, the exist-
ence of limited cooperative activity is not lost sight of.
From those areas where extrafamilial cooperation does exist

it is not difficult to extrapolate to formation of a fishing
cooperative. To reiterate a previous point, it would seem that
the desire of San Pedranos to have the Government buy village
land was a propitious coincidence with the Governmental desire
to establish cooperative fishing in San Pedro. Fortunate for
Government planning, the organization of San Pedro encompassed
basic units of cooperation which would lend themselves to
creating a fishing cooperative, and the world view of San
Pedranos was "flexible" enough to at least give cooperative

fishing a chance to "prove itself".

- 118 -

CHAPTER VII
COMMUNITY AND NATION
Introduction
The purpose of this chapter on community and nation is
to complement the preceding chapter of world view. Whereas
Chapter VI dealt primarily with the separateness of San Pedro,
especially in terms of socio-psychological separateness, this
chapter is concerned with the links that g9 exist between San
Pedro and mainland British Honduras. This section will, there-
fore, enumerate the channels of transportation and communication
whereby information, influence, and material goods reach San
Pedro and thereby illustrate the ways in which San Pedro is

necessarily involved in the national life of British Honduras.

Communication and Transportation Links
Communication between villagers and anyone outside San

Pedro is a relatively difficult or tedious proposition. There
are no telephone or telegraph links to San Pedro from outside
Ambergris Cay, nor do these facilities exist within the confines
of the island itself. Several radio transceivers do operate in
the village, but these are not for public use and are restricted
to police communications, calls between American speculators on
the mainland and their employees in the village, and messages
from the fishing cooperative to the mainland or the refrigerator
ship which comes to San Pedro. Emergencies are, of course,

handled by operators of these radio sets, but casual conversations

- 119 -

cannot take place between private parties. Mail is very irreg-
ular and undependable which means that private messages, news-
papers, and correspondence courses are invariably late or out
of date.

Lack of roads on the island or to the mainland is no
great problem to San Pedranos since there are only two or three
motor vehicles on the entire island and most travel can be accom-
plished by speedboat, sail boat or dory.

The shallow water separating Ambergris Cay from the main-
land is crisscrossed by well-known routes to Belize, Chetumal,
and various other locales within a thirty-five to forty mile
radius of the village which San Pedranos have cause to frequent
either for commercial reasons or purely for purposes of visiting
friends or relatives. Only the darkest night or stormiest
weather deters San Pedranos from plying these routes. Other
sea lanes stretching sixty to seventy miles or more are fol-
lowed across deep waters to fishing grounds. There were no
accounts given by informants of travel to the southern limits
of British Honduran territorial waters, but it is possible to
sail the full length of the country within the relative shelter
of the Barrier Reef. In actuality, however, many villagers
have travelled very little outside the village, or on the main-
land, although there are several who have gone on holiday to
various places in Mexico (Merida, Chetumal, and Xcalak for

example) or as far as the United States in a few cases.

- 120 -

Foreign newspapers entering British Honduras are few in
number, largely Florida papers flown in from Miami, and these
seldom reach San Pedro. Two dailies published in Belize City
(organs of the two political parties in the country) offer a
restricted view of world happenings to mainlanders and villagers
alike, but they are certainly easier to obtain on the mainland
than in the village. In fact, San Pedranos derive a large part
of their information on national and international affairs from
the various radio stations powerful enough to reach the trans-
istorized radios which almost every family owns. Villagers
ordinarily divide their listening attention between Radio Belize--
operated by Government--and Radio Chetumal beamed in from Mexico.
Radio Belize, which broadcasts both in Spanish and English,
offers musical, news, religious, and special programs, reruns
B.B.C. and Voice of America news, and throughout its fifteen
and a half hour day encourages its listeners to "...Unite and
work together to build an independent country of Belize in Cen-
tral America". Chetumal is turned to most frequently for music
and such serial programs as "Kaliman", a culture hero of sorts
similar to Superman in the United States.

In the absence of roads, and as an alternative to trans-
port by boat, air travel is possible to within a few hundred
feet of San Pedro, or to Basil Jones (site of an oil drilling
operation) about twenty miles north of the village. At these

two locations landing fields have been cleared in the bush which

will accomodate single engine aircraft--although the land is

- 121 -

rather rugged and neither field has a landing tower or lights.
Planes for charter in Belize frequently fly to the island to

pick up or deliver business men or tourists who have dealings
either in the village or at one of the development sites.

Another plane, owned by the husband of a San Padrana--an Ameri-
can who also owns a hotel in San Pedro—~can be chartered when-
ever his other commitments do not take him away from the village.
As yet, few of the local people utilize the flying services--

in part due to the cost involved ($30 B.H. round trip to Belize)--
but more and more of them, so I am told, voice a desire to employ
this faster means of transport which would cut the four hour boat

trip to Belize down to fifteen minutes of flying time.

Taxation and Communitqurojects

Whether San Pedranos like it or not, and most of those
interviewed did not, San Pedro is definitely a part of British
Honduras when it comes to paying taxes. Citizens of the country
are obliged to pay tax on their income and on property holdings
alike. Although I do not know what schedule may be used to
determine the tax an individual has to pay on his lot or on his
or her income, this yearly event causes a good deal of conster-
nation, I am told. One reason for the latter is that there is
no withholding of money from salaries or wages which is sent to
Government to apply against the total year's tax. Thus, villagers
may be faced with a bill and have no money to pay it. Likewise,
there is no office or bureau located in San Pedro where villagers

can pay taxes or make installments on the purchase of their land.

- 122 -

Benefitszfimmnmoneypmid.to Government can be seen in the per—
sons of the local teachers, nurse, and constable, but this is
apparently not enough to satisfy villagers--especially since
village projects, paid for by their taxes, are so slow in
reaching fruition.

The projects referred to include: complete twenty-four
hour electrification of village streets, and homes of villagers
who wish to purchase the facility; clearing all the bush at the
back of the village so that lot owners can build and unpurchased
lots will attract buyers; cutting of a fourth north-south street
for the village in the area to be cleared of bush; establishing
of a dieselene dump so that fuel for Cooperative generators can
be stored in bulk (brought to San Pedro by oil tanker) rather
than freighted in fifty gallon barrels; and dredging near the
village so that the lagoon will accomodate deeper draft vessels
than it presently does. All of these projects necessarily in-
volve Government help since villagers simply do not have the
money and equipment to accomplish them. Interest of villagers
is differentially invested in the projects so not all San Pedranos
are equally upset at their lack of completion. That the projects
exist, even in limbo, so to speak, does draw attention to the

fact that Government reaches to San Pedro.

School at San Pedro
The primary and secondary systems of education in British
Honduras are a synthesis of Church and State cooperation. Working

with Government, the various religious denominations in the

- 123 -

country--primarily Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, and
Nazarine—-have established parochial schools wherein the coun-
try's youth are educated. Law requires all citizens aged five
to fourteen years to attend school; currently 188 San Pedranos
are enrolled in school in compliance with this law. Each deno-
mination has a manager for its primary schools (I do not know
how secondary schools are controlled) who is responsible for
everything short of policy such as curriculum. The Government
determines the policy and furnishes the finances by which schools
are built and teachers paid. San Pedro, a predominantly Roman
Catholic community, has a primary school administered by r.
Ring in Belize City who reaches San Pedro via the headmaster in
terms of actual operation of the school such as teaching classes
and keeping the school in good repair. The ministry of education
and the various departments in it establish the sylabi around
whose contents San Pedro's teachers instruct pupils, preparing
them for graduation from primary school and for entrance exami-
nations to secondary school. The graduates from San Pedro's
primary school who have high enough grades, sit for exams in
Belize during the month of June each year. On the basis of their
performance, the students may be eligible to go to St. John's
College (for boys) or St. Catherine's Academy (for girls).
Insofar as obtaining funds for maintenance of school and
teachers are concerned, San Pedro is no different from any other

British Honduran community. This is also true of having a set

-124-

curriculum and having opportunities for students to take high

school entrance exams.

Law and Justice

The laws of British Honduras derive from two sources:
from the heritage of British Common Law brought by colonial
administrators and from the British Honduran legislature which
enacts laws to govern internal affairs of the colony. Common
law and local legislation alike are enforced by police con-
stables who operate under the executive branch of government
within the various communities of the country. Justice is meted
out by the judical branch of government which tries cases brought
before its various courts by the constabulary. In all of these
matters, in legislation, law, and justice, San Pedranos have
some part or interest.

In regard to legislation, San Pedro is part of Belize
Rural North electoral constituency which selects a represen-
tative to sit in the upper house (House of Representatives)
of the legislature. This individual and seventeen others
together comprise the House. In conjunction with the eight
man appointed Senate, the representatives meet to pass laws
for the country. San Pedranos are free to visit or write their
representative to offer advice or criticism and occasionally
villagers make use of this avenue to the Legislature. In turn
the representative makes infrequent visits to his island con-
stituents and on these occassions villagers can, and sometimes

do, approach him with advice or opinions on various matters.

- 125 -

Likewise, San Pedranos are free to visit the Premier or other
ministers to make known their wants or plead special cases in
the hopes that higher levels of the executive branch will, for
example, make good legislative promises. A visit to the Premier,
for example, is effected by simply making an appointment with
the Premier's secretary for a time when the head of Government
will be in his office. At the appointed time the visitor will
be ushered into the Premier‘s office, and the business which
prompted the visit will be discussed. According to informants,
San Pedranos have made such visits in the past in order to speed
up governmental working, specifically in cases where the legis-
lature promised to provide light poles and wiring for village
streets, out another street through the bush at the back of the
village, and do some dredging work for villagers just off shore
from San Pedro. The results of these visits is often disappointing,
so I am told, since even strong assurance from so high a figure
as the Premier does not mean that a project will be executed
forthwith.

Law is enforced in San Pedro by a resident police constable.
It is presupposed by his superiors that he will impartially and
conscientiously administer the laws of the land and offer pro-
tection and help for the villagers. In turn, villagers will
supposedly respect this symbol of authority and cooperate in
maintaining internal peace. Unfortunate for all concerned, the
idyllic situation expected by villagers, constable, and the con-

stable's superiors is not to be found. One of the very first

- 126 -

things I was to learn upon entering San Pedro was how poorly

the constable and residents got along with one another. On

the one hand San Pedranos told me the constable was unreason-
able, always threatening them with a court case if exuberance
during sprees was not held in check or occasional fights pre-
vented. The constable was characterized as unfriendly, un-
willing to drink with San Pedranos but accepting drinks from
visitors, especially Americans. The constable was also "crooked",
he would catch someone hunting deer out of season but instead

of imposing the $25 fine he would take a quarter of the deer
and let the hunter go free. The constable, on the other hand,
described villagers as resentful of authority, especially his,
flagrant in their violations of breach of the peace, unfriendly,
abusive and vindictive. He said it was necessary almost from
the start of his duty in San Pedro (a year and a half before

my arrival) to threaten prosecution for fighting or other mis-
demeanors. The occasions when he had sent San Pedranos to court
had not taught them a lesson, however, and they were more surly
than before. In addition he cited several cases when villagers
had carried out retaliation for his "vigilence". A pet rooster
of the constable had been hanged by the neck; also, sugar was
poured in his outboard motor. meports of village and mainland
informants alike indicate that the previous constable had had

no problems with San Pedranos and had gotten along well with
them. A racial explanation for the friction between police

and populous may be adequate since it is true that the Carib

constable is terrifically outnumbered by mestizo San Pedranos.

-127-

But it appears that the dislike of being dominated, referred

to previously, is truly at the base of police-villager problems.
The situation is aggravated, moreover, by the fact that the
constable is part of a generation of Carib civil servants which,
I am told, characteristically attempts to expand its limited
power and authority in individual community contexts so that
people like San Pedro's constable would come to have more in-
fluence than their actual status and role would warrant. In

the final analysis, it appears that San Pedranos are fully
respectful of national laws, but these are not administered

by a constabulary which is sensitive to personality idio-

syncracies of the villagers.

Political Parties and Movements

Two parties dominate the politics of British Honduras--
the National Independence Party and the People's United Party.
At present the latter has a majority of seats in the House of
,Hepresentatives and is hence the party which provides British
Honduras with premier and ministers and is the Government of
the country. The National Independence Party is the "loyal
opposition" which has so little voice or influence that "hin-
derance" might be more appropriate than "opposition". The
P.U.P. is descended from the party which led the struggle for
home rule in British Honduras and is now trying to achieve com-
plete independence for British Honduras in the Commonwealth.

"Hampering" attempts of the premier, at the head of the P.U.P.,

- 128 -

to bring about this independence is the N.I.P. The focus of
N.I.P. dissidence is not independence from Britain, but it is
widely believed by members of this party that the premier is
preparing to turn over British Honduras to Guatemala. (It
is a matter of record that British Honduras and Guatemala have
had a long-running dispute over the legitimacy of British Hon-
duras to exist at all). decent conferences in June of 1966,
ostensibly to discuss economic problems with Britain, were
supposedly a cover for the "sellout" of British Honduras to
Guatemala. The premier makes little comment about what actually
transpired, but while riots and strikes have been led by the
N.I.P. to force a complete account from the premier, they have
earned only epithets from the P.U.P. and no answer from Government.
San Pedranos take little notice at all while the N.I.P.
and P.U.P. heap insults and aspersions on one another. The
racist overtones of N.I.P. propaganda, appealing to the dominant
Creole population not to give in to the Indians of Guatemala,
does not rouse much interest amongst San Pedranos. The P.U.P.
has been slow when community projects for San Pedro are at
issue. Thus, from all observations, political parties and move-
ments seem to have little meaning for San Pedranos at this point
in time, and serve in only a very minor way to make San Pedro

a part of British Honduras.

-129...

Summary

Instituting cooperative fishing has served in several
ways to tie San Pedro to greater British Honduras-~some of
which are new, some merely intensified versions of older ties.

Communications and transportation have not been greatly
improved since the beginning of lobstering. Nonetheless,
there are more airplane stops made near San Pedro; more radio
receivers and skiffs are owned. By the plane service San
Pedranos are coming into somewhat greater contact with out-
siders who are generally monied people. Associating with them
has had some influence on villagers in terms of aspirations
for material goods. Hadios and speedboats have, respectively,
served to better inform villagers of mainland activities, and
shorten travel time to the mainland. Faster transport--
available by chartering a speedboat perhaps--encourages atten-
dance at meetings (a full day's work will not be lost) and
travel just to visit relatives in Belizecurdo a number of
other things. Radio is also important to inform villagers
of weather conditions, vital to San Pedranos who spend as much
time at sea as they do.

With Caribena Producers there has come greater interest
of Government in the island village, and increased influence
by Government on San Pedro. Cooperative activities bring the
island and mainland into closer contact through the Department
of Cooperatives, Cooperative Inspectors, government auditors,

and Fisheries and Wildlife Department. Other ties also obtain

-130-

between the Social Levelopment Office (which placed Peace Corps
Volunteers in the village) and San Pedro, brought about by
concern with bringing villagers into active participation in
national life. Treasury officials are attracted to San Pedro

by the land and income taxes which were virtually non-existant
prior to lobstering, and villagers, of course, are very aware
that the attraction must be mutual. Yet in spite of apparently
closer bonds between the village and the nation, it seems to me
that the connection is not on the order of what the Government
would truly like. By this I mean that San Pedranos interact

with the Government and mainland residents only when absolutely
necessary, for example when villagers need a favor or need
material goods and services not available locally. Likewise,
from the San Pedrano point of view the bargaining between the
Government and the village, which allowed creation of the fishing
cooperative, for example, reflects the type of relationship which
still exists between these two entities. That is, a transaction
between San Pedro and the Government is conceived of (by San
Pedranos) as effecting gnly the two entities of village and
Government. There are no ramifications for all of British Hon-
duras. Therefore, while there may be more ties between the
village and the nation, the role of San Pedro in British Honduran
national life is not an active one from the viewpoint or the
actions of San Pedranos; villagers are part of British Hon-

duras more or less by default.

-131-

CHAPTER VIII
ASSESSHENT AND CONCLUSIONS
Introduction
This chapter is designed to do three things: to summarize

the findings of the various descriptive chapters and tie these
findings to the thesis problem; to indicate what others have
had to say about socio-cultural change, specifically on the
points basic to the thesis; and, finally, to enumerate some of
the actual changes which have taken place in San Pedro and
present some predictions as to what will occur in San Pedro

if life and change proceed in the current directions.

Summation of Findings

Evaluation of San Pedro's environment would indicate that
there are few alternatives in exploiting that environment aside
from maritime activity. The lack of alternatives derives from
poor soil, lack of land, and the lack of capital or capacity
to create capital on the part of villagers. It would thus follow
that horticulture, small-scale or plantation agriculture, and
industry, are precluded insofar as San Pedro is concerned,
either as primary sources of livelihood or as secondary sources
conjoined with existing maritime activity. The deveIOpment of
Ambergris Cay for tourism is being organized and financed by
non-villagers; San Pedranos themselves could not undertake
development activity since, again, land and capital at their

disposal is insufficient to the requirements of the task.

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The Government, having come to the same conclusions, yet
desireous of raising the living standard in San Pedro, set about
amplification of already present patterns of economic activity.
Cooperative merchandising of produce had been successfully
initiated in various agricultural communities on the mainland;
fishing cooperatives were known to operate successfully in Nova
Scotia, the West Indies, and other areas. The Government, there-
fore, promoted cooperative fishing in San Pedro, directed not
toward scalefish, however, but towards lobsters. Although
greater income could be gotten for scalefish through cooperative
marketing than from independent ventures, the market for lobsters
was far more lucrative. Additionally, lobsters were in super-
abundance around Ambergris Cay and would apparently be rather
simple to catch. San Pedranos had been taking lobsters on a
limited scale, knew the techniques, and had the technology
necessary for increased operations.

The environment and means for exploiting it were favorable
for initiating cooperative fishing in San Pedro. The problem
for the Government was to get San Pedranos to accept it. The
Social Development Department, Department of Cooperatives, and
Fisheries and Wildlife Department worked collectively to intro-
duce cooperation to San Pedro. Initial attempts were unsuccessful
in San Pedro in spite of the fact that villagers viewed them-
selves as poor, benighted individuals, and in spite of the fact
that upwards of a dozen fishermen actually favored cooperative

lobstering. The reason for this rejection stems, I believe,

-133—

from the world view of San Pedranos with respect to the social
organization of the community. The village has traditionally
been organized around autonomous household groups. Character-
istically there have been few associational groups which cross-
cut San Pedro nor has there been extensive, long term cooperation
with persons outside residential units. This organizational
situation is tied to the San Pedrano dislike of being dominated
(necessary in any formal association where a particular goal is
to be achieved) and an equal dislike of having attention drawn
to oneself (obviously impossible to avoid if one is in a leader-
ship position). There was not, therefore, a tradition of coop-
eration, since on one hand followers could not be obtained who
would lay aside self interests and submit to some directive
authority, and on the other hand individuals could not be found
who would function as leaders due to an automatic rise to a
position of publicity. Yet, there is an important trait of

San Pedranos which acted as a foothold in the community, so

to speak, and this is the fact that villagers did cooperate

in many of their fishing activities.

There was also a combination of two "pre-conditioning"
factors which, I believe, provided a favorable context into
which cooperative fishing might be introduced. First of these
was the unmitigated poverty of the San Pedranos. Villagers
eked out a bare subsistence from the combined income obtained
through cocal work and fishing. From all reports, living con-

ditions were most uncomfortable for the villagers. Diet was

-1324...

limited to seafood and such staples as beans and rice. Thatch
and stick residences, while adequate protection against bad
weather, were often fouled with smoke from cooking fires, had
only d’rt for flooring, and were in other ways unpleasant.
Clothing was in short supply and was poor in quality. Other
material goods were limited primarily to tools; there were few
if any luxuries.

The second of the "pre-conditioners" was the land tenure
situation. During the late 1950's and early 1960's the Canadian
Land and Timber Company had become interested in Ambergris Cay
as a potential resort-retirement area. The sparsely populated,
subtropical Caribbean island was largely in the hands of two
families which also owned the village of San Pedro. Representa-
tives of Canadian Land and Timber (actually an American concern)
were able to purchase land from these families close to San Pedro
and began construction of cottages and other tourist facilities.
It was readily apparent to some of the villagers, specifically
men who were also interested in cooperative lobstering, that
village land was in jeopardy. Villagers had long been tenants
on "their" land, worked for their landlords in nearby cocals,
and were in no position to purchase lots due to the subsistence
level at which they existed. The men who viewed speculators as
a threat to San Pedro, hereafter referred to as "activists",
conveyed this same idea to other villagers although not without
some difficulties. These difficulties were twofold: it was

hard to convince other San Pedranos that there was a way in

-135—

which land could be rescued from outsiders; more importantly,
there was a problem in convincing villagers that they could
become land owners in their own right. The solution in the
first case, so activists thought, was to have Government buy
San Pedro from private holders and resell lots to the villagers
on land contracts. The solution in the second case was to go
along with governmental plans and enter into cooperative fishing.
Village activists and the Government combined efforts to con-
vince the rest of San Pedro's population that activist solutions
were "correct" and cooperative fishing should be tried, using
the land tenure situation and the poverty of San Pedro as levers.
The resultant bargaining between the village and the Government
produced an exchange whereby both parties achieved their goals,
at least initially. Village land was duly purchased and arrange-
ments were made for its sale to San Pedranos. Likewise, Caribena
Producers Society, Limited, was established as San Pedro's
fishing cooperative. This accounts for cooperation being given
a chance in San Pedro, but skirts the important point of the
thesis which deals with the continuation and success of Caribena
Producers.

Several points regarding continued success of the fishing
co-op must be reiterated here. San Pedranos have evidently
been fishing folk since the inception of the village. Included
in the repertoire of fishing techniques and in the inventory of
technology were foundations for cooperative lobstering. The

change to this mode of maritime exploitation was a very small

-136...

one actually. It required a slight alteration or amplification
in certain past behavior (focusing on the taking of lobsters
as opposed to scalefish; intensifying the aggregation of tra-
ditional fishing partners for fishing trips; increasing the
frequency and duration of fishing excursions) and acceptance
of only one truly innovative practice i.e., collective marketing
of produce rather than individual marketing. Underlying the
facility with which change to cooperative lobstering was accom-
plished is the fact that the resource itself is, and has been,
an abundant one. Although a legal lobstering season is set
up by the Government, the quota allotted to San Pedro is suf-
ficiently large as to in no way hamper the productive efforts
of the fishermen. In fact, San Pedranos did not achieve the
1965-1966 limit and the quota for 1966-1967 has even been
increased (at the same time with no substantial increase in
the number of fishermen).

The foregoing summary of descriptive material would seem
to support the major body of the thesis which states: the
success of planned socio-cultural change in San Pedro is explic-
able by the fact that cooperative lobster fishing is primarily
the amplification of an already existing mode of economic activity.
That is, exploitation of marine resources did not require any
basic changes in the life style and organization of San Pedranos
since marine resources are abundant and can be obtained through
implementation of technology and organization already present in

the village. It is also worthy of note that cooperative marketing

-137-

of produce, the one innovation in San Pedro, did not itself
produce drastic changes in village life. Although the structure
of the cooperative technically involved an hierarchy of statuses,
antithetical to the San Pedrano world view, the actual functioning
of the cooperative was so egalitarian as to camoflage the struc-
tural existence of subordinate-superordinate statuses. The
initial functioning of Caribena Producers was not, therefore,
inhibited by dominance- and authority-resisting San Pedranos.
There are two important corollary statements which also
must be taken into account in the discussion of cooperative
fishing in San Pedro. The first of these is: the likelihood
of continued, successful, cooperative fishing is enhanced by a
locally owned and Operated processing plant which eliminates
external interference in all but a very few cases. Cooperative
fishing was not devoid of hardships and certain drawbacks. The
work itself was more arduous and intense than what most San
Pedranos had been used to. Ken had to be absent from their
homes and families for longer periods of time and the produce
had to be taken to Belize for processing and merchandising prior
to the construction of a local processing plant right in San
Pedro. Physical hardshipscould be (and were) passed off with
prideful boasts that "we can take it". Absence from homes and
families could be (and were) rationalized by the fact that in-
creased income would be of great benefit to dependents back in
San Pedro. Furthermore, there was still a four month period

during the offseason when men could be home. Less pleasant than

-138-

either of the foregoing drawbacks, and one which could not be
rationalized, was the fact that during the season men perforce
had to spend time in Belize City between fishing trips. Much
of their pay was left in Belize City because it was there that
they bought supplies and paid for entertainment. Furthermore,
Mestizo islanders were not overly fond of "colored" Belizenos.
Most importantly, San Pedranos figured that processors were
making considerable profit ($40,000 B.H. in one case) that
rightfully belonged to them. Working for two years (1963 to
1965) under these conditions San Pedranos were dissatisfied with
the status quo.

Opportunely Mr. Adam Smith, a man wealthy in money, ex-
perienced in fishing of various types throughout Central America,
and kindly disposed towards San Pedro and British Honduras,
advanced money to the islanders for their own plant facilities
during this time. An interview with him brought out that
advancing money to San Pedro had been a simple act of altruism
and that their fishing activities per se were economically
inconsequential insofar as they would benefit him. However
this may be, San Pedranos did not have to make any sacrifice
whatsoever in order to obtain plant facilities. With the be-
ginning of the 1965-66 lobster season villagers had their own
processing plant which could not only care for marine produce
brought in by fishermen, but also make block ice necessary for
iceboxes on the fishing boats and generate electricity which

could be utilized within the community. With a local plant

-139-

San Pedranos necessarily return to the village at the end of
a fishing trip. There they can dispose of their catches, be
close to families and friends, buy supplies for the next trip
from the various merchants, and get ice. Income of the fisher-
men now stays within the community rather than being left on
the mainland where it will not benefit the villagers. The entire
fishing operation is now in the hands of San Pedranos. Villagers
can, in all but a few cases, go about their work without depen-
dence on or interference from outsiders. Although not all the
drawbacks of cooperative lobstering have been eradicated, much
of what was distasteful to San Pedranos has been positively
modified. The first corollary statement would appear to be
substantiated and it seems to me that the second corollary is
virtually a given. This second corollary states that: the
fact that villagers did not have to finance building and
equipping the plant themselves made its existence possible in
the first place.

San Pedranos entered into cooperative fishing with a
legacy of poverty. Even given two years (1963-1965) of increased
income through cooperation, San Pedranos were in no position
to finance plant facilities themselves. Lack of savings, or
capacity to produce the same, is tied to world view and the
conception of what is the "good life". Quite obviously the
"good life" in San Pedro is geared to the here and now, and as
such it acts as a built in curb to long range economic planning.

By this I mean that San Pedranos tend to spend any money they

-1uo-

earn as soon as they receive it rather than try to accumulate
savings. This being the case it is hardly likely that San
Pedranos could have put up the necessary capital to build the
processing plant, and it is, in fact, problematic whether there
was an agency in British Honduras at the time which could loan
$100,000 B.H. to a single community.

I would like to direct myself now to the matter of where
this particular study fits in with what has already been written
about planned socio-cultural change. The task of assessing where
this study fits is, however, a most difficult one when all the
ramifications of the change phenomenon are considered. Because
of the difficulties involved, I will make special reference to
a volume entitled What Accounts for Sociocultural Change authored
by Gilbert Kushner et al (1962). In this volume an attempt has
been made to order at least a portion of what has been written
on sociocultural change. According to the first eight pages of
Kushner's work, the various dealings with sociocultural change
are categorized primarily along the following lines. First,
change has been inspected in terms of the innovation involved.
Here the success of a change may depend on whether a new element
fits into an old context without disorganizing or disrupting
effects, or it may depend on familiarity of new customs to
existing customs. It may also be that an innovation is success-
ful if it is satisfying or rewarding to its receivers; it may
yield economic advantages through greater efficiency or greater

utility, or it may be rewarding in terms of prestige. Second,

-1Ln-

socio-cultural change has been inspected from the viewpoint
of the type of society in which the change occurs. According
to Kushner (1962:3) great emphasis has been placed on peasant
society, for example. Third, culture, or more correctly,
specific aspects of culture, such as social organization have
been considered as keys to change. Fourth, non-cultural vari-
ables have been focused on as crucial to change. Here geograph-
ical environment, human biology, or demographic features may be
the primary considerations. Fifth, individual psychology or
personality in culture may be given major importance. Sixth,
change may be investigated in terms of the ramifications which
it has for a given society. Finally, Kushner says (1962:?)
that much of the literature on socio-cultural change comes by
way of individuals concerned with inducing socio-cultural change.
Here the concern is to specify the techniques and motivations
which will bring about change.

Each of the categories reflects, I believe, not only the
major concern in the mind of the investigator at the time of
his study, but it also reflects the basic concepts with which
he is working; that is, it reflects what he thinks culture, for
example, is composed of, how the "parts" of culture go together,
and what the dynamics of cultural systems are. What all of this
means insofar as this study is concerned will be explained
shortly, but first I would like to type this study in terms of

Kushner's categories listed above.

-142-

Taking the various premises of the thesis, it seems to
me that my study does not actually fit into any one category
outlined by Kushner. It fits into several categories in fact.
In the thesis I tried to discuss the success of socio-cultural
change in San Pedro in terms of the innovation itself in that
it fit pre-existing culture (the first category); in terms of
a specific aspect of culture, namely social organization (cate-
gory three); and also in terms of non-cultural variables, the
geographical environment and the marine resource base (category
four). I do not think I would be stretching facts too much to
say that I was also concerned with the seventh category since
change in San Pedro was planned, or induced, and the thesis
presents one example of successful planned change. By virtue
of three foci in the thesis perhaps it has been possible to
discuss change in San Pedro without falling into the trap of
explaining a complex phenomenon in terms of one variable only.
As Kushner has stated (1962:8) "no variable stands alone; no
thread alone makes the fabric." If this is true then I am
indeed pleased since understanding the success of socio-cultural
change in San Pedro is, after all, the subject of my study. I
would be even more pleased if this thesis were a contribution
to the understanding of socio-cultural change generally, and I
think this is possible if I go back to comments on the signifi-
cance of Kushner's categories.

As stated above, the explanation used by an investigator

of socio-cultural change reflects his basic concepts regarding

-143-

the variables involved in the change phenomenon. The whole
tenor of my thesis, at least the one which I consciously tried
to transmit, was the wholeness of the socio-cultural context
in which change took place; which is to say that I conceive of
culture as something that neither appears nor acts as though
it were constituted of independent parts. Although I believe
that "parts" of culture can be analytically singled out for
investigation, in reality there is a functional interrelation-
ship of these "parts" to the extent that it is not possible

to understand a single "part" without reference to all others.
This brings me to the point of what I actually mean by the
term culture, what it is composed of, and what the foci of my
thesis imply for socio-cultural change generally.

To me, culture is the non-biologically derived, extra-
corporeal adjunct of socially living man that exists between
man and his environment. Culture is man's creation, and by
means of his culture, or perhaps through it, man interacts
with his environment. My view of man and environment is thus
an ecological one. Using a model employed by individuals such
as Leslie White (1949:364-366) it is possible to conceive of
culture as existing in three layers (in layer cake style)
which are founded on the natural environment. The topmost
of these layers is the ideological system of a given culture,
composed of ideas, beliefs and knowledge of a people holding
that culture and expressed in speech and other symbolic forms.

Next is the sociological system constituted of interpersonal

-1Lm-

relations expressed in patterns of collective and individual
behavior. Finally there is the technological system which is
made up of the material, chemical, mechanical and physical
instruments, along with the techniques involved in their use,
by which man exploits his natural environment.

Steward (1955:30-42) has gone beyond this to point out
that due to the closeknit functional interrelationship between
these levels there arises, due to the feedback from the tech-
nological level to the other levels, certain features which
are "closely related to economic arrangements andsubsistence
activities" (Steward, 1955:37). There would therefore be
ideological and sociological elements in any given culture
which would be closely tied to the technological, and these
elements would be crucial to man's interaction with his
environment. Here, then, I finally come to the crux of my
thesis. The three hypoteses or foci around which the thesis
is organized all have to do with subsistence activities.
Amplification of maritime activity, congruent with the previous
socio-cultural context, was the first of the foci. According
to Kushner, I have in this case talked about the success of
cooperative fishing in terms of the innovation itself. A
"new" element was introduced into San Pedrano society by virtue
of its familiarity with already existing customs. San Pedranos
were fishing folk; their entire economy derived from maritime
exploitation and all of their technology was geared to taking

produce from the sea. Innovation consisted of directing San

-1L;5-

Pedrano attention to the taking of lobsters rather than scale-
fish, but inasmuch as they already had the tools and techniques
necessary for lobstering planned change did not consist of any-
thing which was really new to the villagers. In other words,
lobstering activity was congruent with already existing customs.

The second focus is the social organization of San Pedro
Village which did not impede cooperative fishing. Referring
back to Kushner's categories, it would seem that here I have
examined successful change in terms of a particular aspect of
culture. The most basic work unit in San Pedro was the house-
hold but limited cooperative work ventures included individuals
from outside the household unit. Specifically, fishing activity
which required the labor of several men was the context in
which cooperation with non-household members did take place.
Hen undertook fishing excursions wherein work and profits were
shared equally by all involved. The undertaking of cooperative
lobstering in no wise disturbed this organizational feature
which was the mainstay of San Pedrano economy. All that coop-
erative lobstering did serve to do was regularize the fishing
season, the work schedule, and the frequency with which fishing
partners came together in order to work.

The third focus was the abundance of marine resources.
In this case I have related success of cooperative fishing to
a non-cultural element, namely the resource base of the San
Pedranos which existed as part of the natural environment.

According to reports of the San Pedranos, lobsters were in

-146-

superabundance around San Pedro and Ambergris Cay. At the
time that cooperative lobstering began, in fact, lobsters came
right up on the shores of the island. The resource that San
Pedranos were being urged to exploit was not, therefore, a
scarce one, and seems that initially it was exceedingly simple
to harvest the lucrative lobsters.

Likewise, and finally, the corollary statements regarding
the cooperative processing plant are also related to economic
arrangements of the San Pedranos. Once again, success of coop-
erative fishing is discussed in terms of the innovation itself.
The innovation, referring to Kushner, would be considered an
element which would yield economic advantages in terms of
greater utility than had existed prior to its introduction.

It will be recalled that at the beginning of cooperative lob-
stering San Pedranos had to take their produce to Belize City
for processing and distribution to wholesalers. Fishermen
necessarily spent their earnings in Belize City for supplies
and entertainment, thus depriving their families of the fruits
of lobstering activity. Outside capital was offerred to San
Pedranos to build their own, village-based processing plant.
There was no risk of personal wealth in building the processing
plant, and the plant proved to be of great economic advantage
to the villagers. It was possible to have marine produce pre-
pared for distributors without having to pay special fees. It
was also possible to keep most of their earnings right in the

village since it would be in San Pedro that fishermen would

-1147-

buy supplies and entertainment after coming in from a fishing
trip.

It is readily apparent that these foci all have to do with
how San Pedranos make a living and hence are part of the "economic
arrangements and subsistence activities" of the San Pedranos.
Thus, my explanation of how planned socio-cultural change suc-
ceeded in San Pedro is ecological. By this I mean that intro-
duction and continued pursuit of cooperative fishing in San Pedro
has been discussed in terms of the adaptation which San Pedranos
had achieved with their natural environment. The adaptation
which San Pedranos had effected was one closely geared to mari-
time exploitative activity. This activity ramified in various
ways throughout the entire socio-cultural framework of San
Pedrano life. It is in the context of this particular adapta-
tion and its consequent ramifications that planned change is
discussed and explained. An ecological explanation is not, of
course, the only way in which planned change in San Pedro can
be evaluated. I have taken this approach, however, since it
seems to me that ecology yields the greatest insight into this

particular case.

Epilogge: The Present and The Future
The ethnographic portion of the thesis was used to illus-
trate the aspects of San Pedrano culture which differ from pre-
lobstering days. At the time of their first notation these

changed elements were pointed out and contrasted with what had

-148-

obtained before, but for convenience I will once again give a
brief inventory. Most striking of the changes wrought is in
material goods: food, clothing, shelter, household goods,

and implements for fishing. In the area of diet, for example,
the staples of fish, rice, beans, plantains are still widely
used in meal preparation but casava has been dropped from most
menus and village tables are spread with eggs, a small variety
of vegetables, canned meats, cheese, and even fresh meat.
Clothing has greatly increased in quantity. Made of light
washable fabrics, most clothing is bought factory made from
Britain or Commonwealth countries and is relatively inexpensive.
Women with sewing machines may also choose to make their own
clothing from an increased variety of yard goods carried in
local shops. Housing has changed markedly. Thatch and stick
houses built most frequently with the ground as a foundation
have largely been replaced by frame houses on pilings. Old-
style houses have largely been relegated to cooking houses or
utility sheds. Household furnishings are somewhat different
from what obtained before cooperative fishing. Kerosene stoves
have become increasingly numerous, replacing the old style fogon.
Each household has at least one transistor radio of some sort
and several also have phonographs. A few families have padded or
cushioned chairs and divans rather than plain hardwood editions
of the same articles. Chests of drawers, bedsteads, and many
other furnishings are both in greater abundance and of better

quality than before the COOperative. More men in the village

-1L‘,9-

own their own boats and outboard motors, and it is now common
for men to have a skiff in addition to a sloop and dory.

San Pedranos have apparently long been known as heavy
drinkers. Although I have no idea what quantity of alcohol
may have been consumed prior to increased income from lob-
stering, it is not uncommon at present for a man to spend as
much as fifty dollars at a time (or more) for drinks or to
order a case of beer at a time for his table. Apparently the
phenomenon of adolescent drinking is greatly increased since
the advent of lobstering but again no quantitative figures are
available.

Values and norms, included under "world view" above, differ
in the changing San Pedro most noticeably in the greater merit
ascribed to industry. Gainful work is expected of the able
bodied far more than it once was. One reason for this is the
greater benefit derived from work; the more effort expended
the larger are the rewards. Directly related to this change
is the increase in competition between San Pedranos in commer-
cial and maritime aspects of the economy. Competition is
necessary in fishing to obtain those lobsters which can be
caught with the technolOgy at hand. Men are aware that they
are likewise going to have to work hard in order to maintain
themselves and their families according to the new standard of
living. Merchants compete in the area of merchandise which
they stock, some assortments of goods are far more extensive

than what is found in other village shops. Barkeeps also

- 15o -

compete through differential services which they afford cus-
tomers such as extending credit, providing billiard and card
tables for example. In order to economically compete the

ideal of not working for others, never entirely possible in
times past, has been set aside in many cases. San Pedranos
provide services and labor for wages. Fishermen forsake working
alone to cooperate on a boat crew where greater income can be
derived from lobstering. Desire to work whenever one wishes

is increasingly replaced with accomodation to regulated work
patterns.

There are a number of predictions which could be extrapo-
lated from the study on San Pedro. Necessarily some of these
would be highly speculative in view of the short period of time
(four years) which cooperative fishing has been practiced within
the community. Nonetheless, there appear to me to be several
future developments which seem to me to be very likely. For
example, merchandising of lobsters and the supply of capital
which built the co-op plant are both centered in the United
States. It is conceivable that rather than closer economic
ties to British Honduras, San Pedro will turn increasingly
toward the United States. This is all the more likely due to
the expected increase of American tourists who will be living
on Ambergris or touring the island. Americans could come to
have greater personal contact with San Pedranos than do main-
lander British Hondurans, and likewise come to have greater

influence on San Pedranos. Dependence on America, or closer

- 151 _

economic ties with the United States than with British Hon-
duras, will doubtless cast British Honduras in a poorer light,
from the San Pedrano viewpoint, than the one in which it pres-
ently appears. Still further, American conceptions of work,
property, and achievement, amongst others, will more than likely
be adopted than British Honduran conceptions of the same phenom-
ena. The goal of the British Honduran Government to integrate
San Pedro into national life will very likely be frustrated.

Of greater consequence than the above is the quickly
developing crisis in San Pedro's source of wealth. Lobsters
once came up on the beaches of Ambergris Cay; four years after
the advent of cooperative lobstering the San Pedranos have to
travel up to sixty-five miles from the village in order to find
anything which they can catch. At this rate of retreat--more
than fifteen miles per year--lobsters will soon be in deep waters
where fishermen simply cannot go without significant change in
technology and the knowledge accompanying more complex tools
than what are now used. San Pedranos could perhaps opt to fish
for shrimp, but technology again would have to change and organi-
zation of the village would undergo modification to accomodate
longer absences of the males than what now obtains.

Finally, a potential problem for San Pedranos is further
compacting of the village's population. There is no more land
to be had for expansion once the present lots are sold off, and
more land is absolutely essential if the population continues

to increase at its present rate. What may well happen to relieve

- 152 _

this situation is emigration of villagers to mainland locales,
and it seems to me that the most likely individuals to leave
San Pedro are the young people with high school educations who
wish to work other than as fishermen. Siphoning off young
people would leave only oldsters to populate San Pedro and
within a generation San Pedro would be a dying village. This
would be true, of course, only if the present low rate of immi-
gration were to continue and restrictions on land sales to out-
siders were to be maintained.

In the final analysis, it appears that "development" is
neither a total blessing, or a camoflaged curse, for San Pedro

Village.

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