8A3}: D'EMOCRACEES FOR
PLANNENG IN PAKESTAN

Thesis {Fee {$110 Dunn of M. U. D.
MKCHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
Mohammad Riaz Shafqat

3.966 °

 

 
  
 
 

THESlS
L I B R A R Y
Michgan State
Unwersity

 

 

ABSTRACT

BASIC DEMOCRACIES FOR PLANNING IN PAKISTAN
by Mohammad Riaz Shafqat

Basic Democracies, although having the "sound and
connotation of a purely political reform of wide sc0pe,
is a comprehensive and orderly scheme for develOpment.
This is a realistic combination. Politics and economics
(or develOpment) have always been interrelated and mutu-
ally supporting. Under this system, the political frame-
work emphasizes maximum democratic participation and re-
sponsibility on the part of large numbers of citizens
and sets the stage for a motivational base for develop-
ment. Likewise, sound and stable political systems rest
ultimately on increased production and other material
substances for life, which in turn provide the means of
improving standards of education, health, other social
services, and general welfare. In other words, politics
and develOpment go hand-in—hand. This inseparable rela-
tionship was vividly recognized by the leaders of the
revolution of eight years ago.

1

Mohammad Riaz Shafqat

The principal functions of Basic Democracies are

officially described as:
1. Administrative and coordinative,
2. Local self government and services, and
3. DeveIOpment.

Although the first two major functions of Basic
Democracies are very important, this thesis will emphasize
the developmental functions set forth in the Basic Democra-
cies Order with particular attention given to those aspects
of development which are concerned with the rural peOple
and rural organization. This is of paramount importance
since most of the peOple in Pakistan live in rural areas
and the machinery of Basic Democracies (Union, Tehsil/
Thana and District Councils) Operates in rural settings.

The findings of this research reveal three import-
ant omiSsions made in the Basic Democracies Order:

1. To emphasize individual reSponsibility of the pe0ple,
2. To incorporate any reference to"Family Planning,"
3. To provide a clear division of reSponsibility be-

tween the various levels of Basic Democracies.

Mohammad Riaz Shafqat

Emphasis is given in this thesis to understand the
nature of change, why peOple sometimes resist it, how to
introduce it and why?

An excellent way of achieving the change is by
giving the power of initiative to the peOple and involving
them with the process of administration of small projects.
This is vital and basic to the realization of individual
reSponsibility among the masses and leads them on a path
of develOpment of which they would be proud.

Family planning has been recommended to follow the
pattern of close working with the Divisional, District,
Tehsil/Thana and Union Council, especially at the last
level which constitutes rural areas with 85% population
of Pakistan.

For a clear delineation of responsibility between
the various levels of Basic Democracies, it is suggested
that a clear guide line should have been provided by the
Basic Democracies Order based on a pattern to be coordin-
ative at Tehsil/Thana and Divisional levels and Operational

at the Union and District levels.

BASIC DEMOCRACIES FOR PLANNING IN PAKISTAN

BY

Mohammad Riaz Shafqat

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER IN URBAN PLANNING

School of Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture

1966

“Future holds little hope
for a country,

where the present holds

no hOpe for the people."

Lyndon B. Johnson

ii

To my father,

Munawar Khan,

Member of West Pakistan Legislative Assembly,

1962-65; 1965-70,

who calls it "Baseless Democracies."

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I owe a great deal to Professor Charles W. Barr,
whose ever available guidance and assistance made the prep-
arations of this thesis possible. His valuable guidance
was most useful and beyond just academics. I extend my
sincere thanks and appreciation to him for making my stay
in Michigan State University most pleasant and memorable.

I wish to thank Professor Myles Boylan, Director, and all
other faculty members of the School of Urban Planning and
Landscape Architecture at Michigan State University who
helped make my stay at the University worthwhile.

I still feel greatly indebted to my father whose
leadership, association, and views of the Basic Democracies
gave me the inspiration to pursue this tOpic. My remark
of his views about the Basic Democracies in the dedication
of this thesis is based on his belief of this institution's
weakness in yielding to the pressure exerted by the govern-
ment in its desire for political gains. And I fully agree
with him. Twice elected by Basic Democracies to the West
Pakistan Legislative Assembly, 1962-65, and 1965-70, he had

iv

a bitter experience, especially on the latter occasion when
the Minister of Home of the Central Government, Mr. Habib
Ullah Khan, apparently succeeded with his usual political
tactics in declaring my father un-elected. But on a peti-
tion to the Election Commission, he was declared elected
honorably to be enjoying the confidence, trust, and faith
of the people. And this he always had because of his firm
belief in the cause of the peOple and his fight for it to
the end.

Finally, I would also like to thank Dr. M. A. Waheed
Fakhri, Assistant Education Officer in the Embassy of Pakis-
tan, Washington, D. C., who has contributed in gathering
data; and my younger brother, Dr. Mohammad Naseem Khan, for
his prompt help in sending me some important books about
Basic Democracies from Pakistan.

Grateful appreciation is also extended to the Ford
Foundation; the Institute of International Education (U.S.A.);
the Government of West Pakistan, Communication and Works
Department; and West Pakistan Water and Power DevelOpment
Authority for their valuable assistance in making my won-

derful stay in the United States possible.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . iv

LIST OF CHARTS. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . viii

Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Concept of Democracy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Democracy in Pakistan Before 1958 . . . . . . . 2
Creation of Basic Democracies . . . . . . . . . 5
Constitutional Changes. . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Hope for the Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Need for Basic Democracies. . . . . . . . . . . l4
Organizations in the Past . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Planning Process, Organization, and Program

for Pakistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

III. BASIC DEMOCRACIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

Structure of Basic Democracies. . . . . . . . . 60
Functions of Basic Democracies. . . . . . . . . 68

IV. ANALYSIS OF BASIC DEMOCRACIES . . . . . . . . . . 92

Assignment of Development Functions . . . . . . 92
Special Assignments of Union and District

Councils . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Tehsil/Thana Councils . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
Divisional Councils . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

Provisions Applying to all Local Councils . . . lOl

vi

Table of Contents—-continued.
Chapter Page
V. CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Critique. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Suggestions for the Improvement of the

Operations of Basic Democracies. . . . . . . 108
In Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126

vii

LIST OF CHARTS

Chart Page
1. BASIC DEMOCRACIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

2. ORGANIZATION CHART FOR PLANNING COMMISSION
PRESIDENT'S SECRETARIAT . . . . . . . . . . . . 49

3. ORGANIZATION CHART FOR PLANNING COMMISSION

AND IMPLEMENTATION IN PAKISTAN 1962 . . . . . . 50
4. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS . . . . . . . . . . 51
5. ELEMENTARY STRUCTURE OF BASIC DEMOCRACIES . . . . 52

viii

BASIC DEMOCRACIES FOR

PLANNING IN PAKISTAN

 

Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

Concept of Democracy

 

The develOpment of the concept of democracy has a
long history whose final chapter is yet to be written. In
consequence, it is not susceptible to a cut and dried def-
inition. Of this the expert is conscious, but not so the
average man. Caught in the fast—moving world around him,
he has little time, even if he had the inclination, to
ponder over this. He is quite willing to accept the iden—
tification of democracy with a well-known form of govern—
ment or with the mechanics of its election and recall.

But the fact that the voters of one country, unlike those
of another, may not possess the minimum level of awareness,
which would enable them to comprehend the significance of

the vote they cast, is generally not taken into account.

Similarly, it is not realized that a Parliament so consti—
tuted may not be in a position truly to reflect the aspir-
ations of the mass of the people and solve their problems,
because of the sheer physical distance and mental disparity
between the electorate and the elected.

To limit democracy merely to a particular form of
government or a system of its election is to take a narrow
view of the concept which is based upon the recognition of
the equality of man enjoying the inalienable efficiency as
it will obviate frequent references to higher authority.

Since the peOple will have the power to take action
themselves, and to influence official action, it will do
much to inculcate an attitude of realism, a spirit of self—
help and a capacity for positive action, which is one of
the major tasks of national reconstruction. Therefore, it
is desirable to review some important steps in the develop-

ment of Pakistan's form of democracy.

Democracypin Pakistan Before 1958

After Partition in 1947, the Constituent Assembly
of Pakistan began to draft a constitution for the new coun—

try. Factional rivalries delayed the work of the Assembly.

Although it finally approved a draft constitution in Sep-
tember, 1954, the Assembly was dissolved the following
month and nothing came of its efforts.

A second Constituent Assembly began work in July,
1955, and succeeded in enacting a constitution which went
into force in March, 1956. Under the new Constitution,
the Republic of Pakistan became a federation composed of
the two provinces of East Pakistan and West Pakistan. At
the federal level, the constitution provided for a Presi-
dent, a Cabinet of Ministers with a Prime Minister at its
head and a unicameral National Assembly. At the provincial
level, each province had a governor appointed by the Pres-
ident and a Cabinet of Ministers headed by a Chief Minister,
as well as a unicameral assembly.

The National Assembly replaced the Constituent
Assemblies as the center of a power struggle in which
party lines were often less important than the ambitions
of individual politicians. The country fell prey to wide-
spread dissension which, among other things, accentuated
differences between East and West Pakistan. Coalition
governments changed frequently. None of them stayed long

enough to improve substantially the economic situation.

The country could ill afford the heavy burden placed
on its impoverished resources. Although many gains had
been made since partition, economic growth had been disap-
pointing in spite of mounting develOpment expenditures, in-
creasing foreign aid and the consumption of foreign exchange
reserves. Increased food imports were needed to compensate
for worsening food shortages. It was generally believed
that hoarding and smuggling were intensifying the scarcity
of food grains. Standards of public administration and
probity declined. Increasing political dissension and
growing economic problems finally precipitated a crisis.

After the President had met the crisis by abrogat-
ing the Constitution, dismissing the National and Provin-
cial Assemblies, and abolishing all political parties, a
military regime assumed power in October, 1958. Drastic
measures which the new government took to contain inflation
and to halt the loss of exchange reserves caused some ini-
tial uncertainty, but pOpular confidence in the regime in-
creased as it gave increasing evidence of political, econ—
omic and financial rectitude, political stability, and a

desire to suppOrt measures for developing the economy.

Creation of Basic Democracies

 

In October, 1959, a new and unique system of "Basic

Democracies, first of its kind in Asia was evolved and in-
troduced in Pakistan. The cardinal principal underlying

the institution of "Basic Democracies" was that all peOple
should be actively associated with the conduct of public
affairs right from the village level.

The Basic Democracies represent the government's
attempt to give the peOple of Pakistan an opportunity to
participate in the political and developmental process in
a different way than those found in the usual forms of dem-
ocratic representation. The members of this institution
constitute the Electoral College of Pakistan, which elects
the President and the central and provincial legislatures.
The Basic Democracies are also considered to be the organs of
local self government. As such, they have been assigned
economic functions, which emphasize their responsibility
for agricultural, industrial, and community develOpment.
While effective power remains largely in the hands of the
President of Pakistan and the two Provincial Governors he

appoints, a measure of "democratic decentralization” is

being sought at various levels.

Under the Basic Democracies Order issued in Octo-
ber, 1959, "Union Councils" are to be created fluroughout
the country to be reSponsible at the local level for agri-
cultural, industrial, and community development. As pre—
scribed in this Order, for the purpose of election to the
institution of Basic Democracies, there are Local Areas,
such as the Division, the District, the Tehsil/Thana,l
and the Unions and Towns.

A Division is the largest geographical governmental
unit. It is an administrative and revenue unit and is ad-
ministered by a Divisional Commissioner. (There are 12
Divisions in West Pakistan and 4 Divisions in East Pakis-
tan.) A Division is divided into Districts which are
further sub-divided in descending order of importance, as
administrative and revenue units, called Tahsils/Thanas.

As far as Towns and Unions are concerned, the Com-

. . 2 . . . .
miSSioner may diVide in the prescribed manner, the urban

 

lTehsil and Thana are the same thing except that
Tehsil is used in W. Pakistan and Thana is used in East
Pakistan.

”Commissioner" means the chief officer in charge
of the revenue administration of the Division concerned,
and as respects the Federal Capital, the Administrator of
Karachi, and includes any officer specially appointed by
the Government to perform all or any of the functions of
a Commissioner.

and rural areas of a Tehsil/Thana as the case may be, with-
in his jurisdiction, separately into a number of areas
called Unions. This is done by notification in the offi-
cial Gazette. The name ”Union" is applied to both rural
and urban areas. Areas which are a mixture of urban and
rural develOpment cells shall be declared as Towns.
According to sub—rule (6) of rule 5) of the West
Pakistan Basic Democracies Election Rules, 1959, the Com-
missioner may divide a Union or a Town into wards or de-
clare the entire Union or Town a ward. In the demarcation
of wards the principles to be observed are: a) that the
area comprised in a ward shall be contiguous as far as pos-
sible, b) that a ward shall have as many representatives
elected members as the Commissioner determines, c) that
where a ward is a single-member ward its population shall
not be less than 400 or more than 1,200, and d) where the
ward is a multiple-member ward, there shall be one seat
for every unit of 800 population and Where the total pop-
ulation is not exactly divisible by 800, the remainder
shall be disregarded if it is less than 400 and shall be

counted as 800 if it is 400 or more.

In the case of East Pakistan the principles are that
there shall be one elected member for every 1,000 persons,
and the number of elected members of a union should ordin-
arily be 10.

The divisions of wards is purely an administrative
act, and it cannot be challenged except by alleging and es-
tablishing that the government did it malafide, capriciously,
or arbitrarily.

Finally from this whole process 80,000 members are
elected, 40,000 each from West and East Pakistan. These
members are called Basic Democrats or members of Basic Dem-
ocracies and they constitute local councils, such as:

l. A Union Council for a Union in rural areas; and a

Town Committeefior a Town or a Union Committee for

a Union in urban areas;

2. A Tehsil/Thana Council for a Tehsil/Thana;
3. A District Council for a District;
4. A Divisional Council for a Division.

Previously Union Councils were to be supplemented
by five or six nominated members with special technical
qualifications or representing specified interests like
organized labor, etc. However, the government decided that

no nomination would be made to the Union Council, which

would therefore have all elected members and they would elect
their own chairman.

The Union Councils (Town Committees in the Towns
and Union Committees in urban areas) thus constitute the
base of a pyramid consisting in all of five3 ascending
levels of councils each representing larger geographic
units. At the level immediately above the Union Councils
are the Tehsil/Thana Councils headed by a Tehsil officer.
At the third level are the District Councils headed by
Deputy Commissioners or District Magistrates, who are civil
servants and at the fourth, the Divisional Councils under
the chairmanship of Divisional Commissioners, who are also
civil servants. Councils at each level send delegates to
the councils on the next higher level, e.g., all the chair-
men of the Union Councils, Town Committees, and Union Com-
mittees are members of Tehsil or Thana Council, etc. All
councils above the level of the Union Council are composed
of elected and appointed representatives. The higher the
level of the council, the greater the participation of ap-
pointed or official members. (Hunflzone gives this organi-

zation in detail.

 

3Previous to the Provincial Legislative Assembly of
1962 there were two Provincial Advisory Councils as a fifth
tier of the Basic Democracies, each headed by the Provincial
Governor. After the inauguration of the assembly in 1962,
this tier was abolished. (See Chart 1)

10

CHART 1

BASIC DEMOCRACIES

 

PROVINCIAL ADVISORY COUNCIL
Term of Office: 5 years
Chairman: Governor of the Province

 

 

Official Members Appointed Members

Will include heads of Equal numbers to official
appropriate government members, at least one-third
departments. from amongst the chairman

of Union Councils.

DIVISIONAL COUNCIL
Term of Office: 5 years
Chairman: Commissioner (Ex-officio)

 

 

Official Members Appointed Members
Chairmen of District Councils in Total Number not less than that
the Division (Ex-officio); and of official members; at least one-

officers in charge in the Division half to be from among chairmen of
of specified government departments Union Councils.
(Ex-officio).

DISTRICT COUNCIL
Term of Office: 5 years
Chairman: Deputy Commissioner (Ex-officio)

 

 

Official Members Appointed Members

Chairmen of Tehsil Councils (EX- Total Number not less than that
Officio) and officers-in-charge in of official members; at least one-
the District of Specified govern— half to be taken from among chair-
ment departments (Ex-officio). men of Union Councils.

TERSIL/‘I’HMIA COUNCIL
Term of Office: 5 years
Chairman: Tehsil Officer/ Sub-divisional Officer (Ex-officio)

Official & Appointed Nembers Representative Members
Total Number not more than one- Chairman of Union Councils
half of representative members.

 

mmmxmmmn.
Union or wan Committees in Urban Areas or Towns
Term of Office: 5 years
No official shall be a member of the Union Council.
Chairman: To be elected by Union Council
10 to 15 Members: One or more elected members from each ward

IFIIIITIIT'

Ward Ward Ward Ward Ward Ward Ward Ward Ward Ward
P E 0 P L E

 

ll
Constitutional Changes

In March, 1962, a second constitution was adopted
for the country. It provides for a federal form of govern-
ment, a President with strong powers elected indirectly
through the Basic Democracies system and unicameral national
and provincial legislative assemblies.

All legislation requires the assent of the President,
Who may also promulgate ordinances when the National Assembly
is not in session, subject to subsequent approval by the
Assembly. The President appoints a Council of Ministers
to assist him in the performance of his functions.

The Central Government has jurisdiction over matters
relating to security, coordination of national economic
affairs, planning and develOpment, coordination of the two
provinces where required, international relations and deal—
ings with international agencies.

The provinces are given considerable autonomy in
fields which are not reserved to the central government.
Provincial governors, who are appointed by the President,
name Provincial Councils of Ministers subject to the Presi-
dent's approval. Bills passed by a provincial assembly do

not become law unless the Governor assents to them by signing.

12

Hope for the Future

For the first time, rural Pakistan will govern her-
self through her directly elected representatives. It is
a big step forward over the previous attempts at the local
government under which functions of small urgency and minor
consequence were allocated to the so-called representative
institutions, which in any case did not percolate down.to
the village leVel. They were usually inadequately financed
and poorly staffed. In consequence their contribution to
the welfare of the community was negligible. Activity in
the public weal sectors has been conducted by several de-
partments of the Provincial Government, working more or
less independently of one another, although in times of
emergency, the district officer does play some sort of a
coordinative role. Now the government authority has been
effectively decentralized and coordinated at the district
level.

In addition, Basic Democracies provide adequate
machinery for the solution of the villagers' more immediate
problems very near’ to home. His Union Council enjoys
considerable executive and judicial powers and thus obvi—

ates the necessity of his having to undertake the journey

13

to the district headquarters, to place his problems before
the "Mai Bap" (Mother and Father) of the community. This
concept of the district officer is, in any case, an anach-
ronism under the new system. He is now more of a friend,
guide and philOSOpher and that will be his role as chair-
man of the District Council.

More important still, the introduction of Basic
Democracies will restore to the common man the human dig-
nity of which he was deprived under the system of the past
and to which he is entitled as much as anybody else in
free Pakistan. This should bring out the best in him. At
any rate, the leadership of the day has complete faith in
him and it is now up to him, through hard work and honesty,
to justify this confidence.

Pakistan is pledged to the democratic way of life.
The attempt to plantan alien concept of democracy did not
succeed. A system entirely our own, more suited to the
genius of our people, all the same as democratic in essence,
has been introduced instead. It is just the beginning and
not the end. In fact, there is no final stage in a genuine
democracy. Ours too, we hOpe, will be a process ever evolv-

ing.

Chapter II

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Need for Basic Democracies

 

Democracy is often mistakenly identified with par-
ticular forms of government such as the British or the
American, or confused with the mechanics of electing or
recalling governments under these systems. This is too
narrow a view of a concept which has, over the centuries,
come to be based upon the recognition of equality of man
and his inalienable right to happiness as a member of so-
ciety. The method must vary from clime to clime and re-
flect the temperament of the people it claims to represent.

Having acknowledged social welfare and public weal
as the ideals of human endeavor, the next logical step is
to determine the most suitable means to achieve them.
Through trial and error resulting at times in extreme
violence, man's ingenuity has eventually come to recognize
that the only way to respond to the individual's wants is
to associate him with the process of authority. The method

of association would have presented little difficulty had

14

15

there been a uniformity in the social and intellectual
development of the human race. The world is, however,
divided into a large number of communities, each one a
product of its own environment. Consequently, we notice
the existence of different practices even in a people be-
longing to the same racial stock.

For instance, the Anglo—Saxons on either side of
the Atlantic Ocean owe allegiance to different methods for
the pursuit of an identical ideal--the welfare of the com-
munity in their respective realms. On the eastern side of
the Atlantic, sovereignty rests in the person of a heredi-
tary monarch who exercises it through his Prime Minister
elected along with approximately 600 others to Parliament,
of which he must continue to command the confidence to re-
tain his post between elections. There is no written con-
stitution sanctioning it. It is a convention based upon,
as it were, a gentleman's agreement. It has worked for
some hundreds of years.

In America, however, sovereignty belongs to the
people. They exercise it through a President who is prac-
tically directly elected for a term of four years. They
also have an elected Senate and a House of Representatives,

but the President is not responsible to either. Their system

16

is based upon a series of checks and balances which also
govern the relationship between the Federation and its
constituent units. Unlike their British cousins, the
Americans have a written Constitution.

Then, there are countries on the European contin-
ent. Their systems of government, being the product of
their respective environments are also not altogether alike.

The recent history of the East is one of political
subjugation or economic exploitation. Although political
emancipation has come to its large areas since the end of
World War II, the scars from the past in the form of edu-
cational, economic, and political backwardness persist.
Conscious of the enormous responsibilities which their
recently-won independence has placed on them, both in
national and international fields, the countries of the
East have been working hard to narrow the gap between their
backwardness and the Wests' prOgress. In so doing, at times
they try and benefit from the experience of the West by
adapting Western ideas to suit their own conditions. On
occasions, they merely try to adOpt the European system.

Independent Pakistan's attempts at constitution-
making fall under the latter category. Years of political

association with the British and the prevailing system of

17

education had left a deep imprint on the minds of the Pak-
istani intelligentsia. They had long admired the British
form of parliamentary democracy and once they had the op—
portunity, they decided to apply it to Pakistan.

The British system, as stated above, is the product
of the environment of that country. It is based upon the
long traditions of that people. Its evolution is spread
over many centuries and is essentially an unconscious ef-
fort. It suits the British temperament. In any case it
is designed to suit British conditions and meet their re-
quirements. It was not consciously intended for export.

These facts were overlooked. The high degree of
develOpment of the British society was ignored. Our own
backwardness was not taken into account. During the nine
years that went into constitution—making, no steps were
taken to associate the people with the management of their
affairs.

The 1956 Constitution, for which the country had
patiently waited, was no more than an illusion seeking to '
create the impression that it was based upon principles
which, if pursued, would create and sustain a democratic
society and government in Pakistan. It had provided for

the system of election to provincial and national legislatures

l8

and set out the method of constituting governments in the
provinces and at the Centre. No attempt had, however, been
made to ensure that the vast majority of the people,whom
the proposed constitutional governments were to represent
at provincial and national levels, was associated with the
management of its affairs. It had not been considered
necessary to alter in independent Pakistan the old system
of administering the overwhelming majority of the nation
which still continues to live in rural areas.

What next, is the logical question. The Revolu-
tionary Regime provided the answer in the form of Basic
Democracies. Broadly speaking, the plan represents a sys—
tem which begins at the beginning and, after building a
strong base, goes on to construct the structure above. In
this, it is the complete opposite of the system which the
abrogated Constitution of Pakistan envisaged, and under
which a beautifully trimmed structure, with all the frills
of parliamentary democracy but hollow from within, was
sought to be suspended from above without any base below
on which to rest.

Pakistan is essentially a country of villages with
a sprinkling of towns and cities here and there. If she

is to have real democracy, the inhabitants of her villages

19

must have a say in their affairs. Basic Democracies offer
them an opportunity to apply their talents in the manage-
ment of their affairs. These will consist of the follow-
ing tiers:

1. Union Councils, Union and Town Committees,

2. Tehsil/Thana Council,

3. District Council,

4. Divisional Council,and

5. Provisional Advisory Council.

In its fundamentals the system of "Basic Democra-
cies” hinges around the concept that the political system
must in some way be grafted onto the spontaneous groupings
of people. It is for this reason that politically the
most important tier is the Union Council/Committee.

The village as a form of society is the most import-
ant basic unit as 85 percent of the peOple of Pakistan live
in villages. Historically Speaking, the village society
was capable of taking care of its requirements. Its gradual
break-up and decay occurred with the introduction of an
efficient centralized administration under the British.

With the introduction of Union Councils with fairly wide
powers and a re—orientation of attitudes, it can be reason-

ably expected that a sound, representative unit at the base

20

will again be created upon which it may be possible to build
a workable superstructure of a pOpularly constituted govern—
ment.

There is a close relationship between politics and
administration. No worthwhile political training is pos-
sible without the exercise of administrative authority. A
glance at the powers and functions of various tiers, par—
ticularly of the Union Councils, will show that they will
have a substantial say in matters governing the corporate
life of the people. This is a major departure from previous
practice in Pakistan. In previous attempts at providing
local representation, functions which were considered of
small urgency were entrusted to representative institutions,
which were usually inadequately financed and poorly staffed
so that even where there was no corruption, public funds
were often wasted through sheer incompetence.

Experience in other countries seems to indicate
that unless local bodies are properly staffed, even given
a substantial degree of political consciousness, a high
level of efficiency cannot be attained. We in Pakistan
have to face the twofold problem of an absence of the right
type of political leadership and a limited supply of good

administrators at a period in our history when we have to

21

make the maximum use of all the resources available to us.

Under the circumstances the only feasible arrange-
ment was to make a beginning by bringing representative and
non-official elements directly in contact with the govern-
ment machine at all possible levels. But, it was not pos-
sible at this stage to subordinate the governmental machin-
ery to popular representatives at the local level, however
desirable it may have been in theory, as such representa—
tives have yet to acquire the necessary political and ad—
ministrative experience.

It,nevertheless,remains a major step toward repre-
sentative control of local government for the administrator
will henceforward learn to work as an Officer—in-Council
within a political environment where the wishes of the
people must be respected and the people will also acquire
that insight into administration without which political
power can never be wisely exercised.

From an administrative point of view, the new
arrangement will lead to a substantial measure of genuine
decentralization. Problems relating to local areas will
be disposed of at these levels. This should result in a
greater right to happiness as a member of society. It is

a way of social life seeking to work for the welfare of

22

the community through conscious group efforts. It embodies
both the ideals of human endeavor and the means of their
achievement. And, the life of any one community being
essentially the creation of its particular environment it
may not be the same as that of another. In consequence,
there can be no single method of bringing about an organi-
zation that would effectively look after the well-being of
all the differing social groups the world over. The methods
must vary from clime to clime and reflect the genius of the
peOple they claim to represent.

The failure to recognize this fact in Pakistan led
to the unsuccessful attempt of grafting a form of democracy
which was alien to our soil and unsuited to the genius of
our people. That this unnatural attempt to foist a foreign
way of life failed in our country, should not be considered
a national calamity. On the contrary, it shows the indi-
viduality of our society and its assertive character against
attempts to submerge it into something alien. For, Pakis—
tanis do not have to be convinced of the importance of
equality and the desirability of common weal. As followers
of Islam, they have consciously subscribed to these concepts

for the last fourteen centuries. They are clear in their

23

mind that to give these concepts a tangible form, a repre-
sentative system of government is needed. Such a system
need not be a replica of either "Westminister" or "Capitol
Hill." Indeed, if it is to succeed, it must be indigenous.
The struggle waged in Pakistan was to enable the
people to fashion their lives--corporate and individual--
according to their genius. As the vast majority lived in
villages and small towns, it would have been only logical
to evolve a system that would increasingly associate them
with the ordering of their affairs. The only possible way
of achieving this would have been an ever-increasing decen-
tralization of authority which had been vested in the dis-
trict officer under the British. The constituent assemblies
which met leisurely for almost nine years were, however,
concerned more with the frills than the substance of democ-
racy. There were battles royal over the number of represen-
tatives while scant attention was paid to the masses whom
these representatives were to represent. There were seem-
ingly unending arguments about the rights and privileges
of the minorities, but hardly anything was said about the
majority--the people in the villages who formed the back—
bone of the country. When after all these years a consti-

tution was finally adopted, one noticed that apart from

24

being an unworkable document based upon a series of compro-
mises, it had failed even to indicate the system of future
elections. While further debate on this essential
point was continued, generally outside the House. The
Constituent Assembly declared itself the national parlia-
ment without any mandate from the peOple.

Meantime, through executive decisions, successive
governments were superseding one municipality after another.
Thereby doing away with whatever form of local government
had existed. The country had traveled a long way away from
its ideal of enabling the people to fashion their lives
according to their genius. A band of unscrupulous politi-
cians, for the sake of personal gain or glory, had put the
nation into chaos and confusion. A clean break with the
past was the only way out. This came in the shape of a
revolution in October, 1958.

One of the early pledges of the President, Field-
Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan, related to the introduction of
a representative form of government as soon as circumstances
permitted. The deposed politicians had been so thoroughly
discredited that had he offered himself for election, he
would have certainly received the unanimous endorsement of

the nation. Lesser men might have been tempted to report

25

to this course, but he had made a solemn promise which
he was determined to keep, come what may. That promise
has been redeemed now with the introduction of Basic
Democracies throughout the country.

It is worth recalling Sydney Webb's remark that
any system of government, however mechanically perfect,
would fail to take root in the midst of the mass of people,
unless it was in some way grafted on the spontaneous group-
ing of the peOple themselves.1 In Pakistan, it broke down
sooner than later because it was neither mechanically per-
fect nor did it constitute a Special Local Council Service
for each province.

The introduction of Basic Democracies is not an
end in itself. To quote the President:

It is a means to an end. The task of recon-
struction will indeed begin when the system
of Basic Democracies starts working. What
we have been able to achieve in the last year

is in fact the beginning of the real task
which we have to accomplish.

 

l . .
As quoted on page 5, BaSlC DemocraCies, Bureau
of National Reconstruction, Government of Pakistan.

26

Organizations in the Past

The two important functions of the British "Raj"
(Rule) that determined the pattern of administration were
the collection of revenue and maintenance of law and order
in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. By the Act of Perma-
nent Settlement of 1793, the "zamindars" (Land Lords) were
made the sole proprietors of land in Bengal and revenue
was collected from them once a year. They were made re-
Sponsible for maintaining village peace as well. Hence
the need for extending government agencies below the dis-
trict level did not arise in Bengal. In Madras and Cen-
tral Provinces, on the contrary, the two important func-
tions of the British Raj were performed by government
functionaries extending down to the village level.

The consequences of these two different systems
are described in the following excerpt from the "Bengal
Administration Report 1871":

When after many trials and much vexation

and difficulty the Government of Bengal aban-
doned the attempt to manage land revenues in

27

a more direct fashion (and) made them over to
zamindars, who were bound to pay their quotas
into the collector's treasury under penalty

of sale of these estates confided to them, it
became unnecessary to maintain the tahsildars

or native collectors and establishment subor-
dinate to them, who in all other parts of the
country collect the revenue in the sub-divisions
of the district presided over by European Col-
lectors. These native collectors have since
become much more than mere tax collectors,

being in their degree administrators for many
purposes just as the District Collectors is

an administrator in his superior degree. In
some respects indeed the Tehsil establishments
are the very backbone of British Administration
in other provinces. But they are to this day
entirely absent in Bengal and the circumstance
has much detracted from our knowledge the means
and want of an important link between the gov-
ernment and the peOple . . . . Many things

done by tahsildars in other parts of India are
not done at all and many things which we should
know from this we do not know. For many things
that must be done there is a constant deputation
of temporary Dep. Collectors, Surveyors and other
occasional establishments, under a system which
is very inconvenient and unsatisfactory in many
respects . . . . This, then has happened that
in the province which we have held the longest
of any in India, we have less knowledge of, and
familiarity with the peOple than in any other
province, that British authority is less brought
home to the peOple, that the rich and strong

are less restrained and the poor and the weak
less protected than elsewhere, and that we have
infinitely less knowledge of statistical, agri—
cultural and other facts.2

 

2Bengal Administration Report 1871-72 prepared by
the government of Bengal gives a detailed analysis of the
socio-economic position of the country and an account of
the administrative measures taken.

28

By the middle of the 19th century, agrarian unrest
in Bengal became acute. Lawlessness was prevalent in vil-
lages and the peOple had no confidence in the government
because of the zamindars' Oppressive measures and the lack
of contact between the peOple and government agencies. The
zamindars had failed to provide such basic services as water,
roads, and sanitation, and now they were unable to maintain
peace and order.

Thus the failure of the zamindari system faced the
Bengal administration with a two-fold problem: first, to
have an effective agency to maintain village peace; and,
second, to have a suitable link between the ruler and the
ruled, so that mutual understanding could improve and the
villagers could be provided with the basic amenities. What
agency or organization should be devised to perform these
two functions?

A study of the earlier history of Bengal revealed
the existence of an informed local group, the "P anchayat."
In the words of the same report:

The ancient indigenous village of India

that rural self-governing commune, which has
existed through wars and revolution and the
change of many native dynasties, is too well
known to need description here. But in truth

it is to pressure from without that these
communes owed their cohesion; it was the

29

necessity of self-preservation that kept to-
gether these corporate units of which early
Indian Empires and states were made. It was
because there was no effective government

from without that they were enabled to main-
tain self-government within. Under a regular
and comparatively settled government they are
apt to go to pieces and under a completely
regular government such as the British Govern—
ment in India, if they are not recognized and
cherished, they go to pieces altogether. Where
there is no compulsion, the individual will
always assert himself at the expense of the
community. Such village communities still
subsist in the hilly countries, attached to
Bengal, but in the plains of Bengal these
institutions _

seem to have been very much weakened even
anterior to British rule, and in the last

one hundred years of British rule and the
Zamindaree theory of property, they have al-
most disappeared. It cannot be said that in
the more important provinces of this adminis-
tration there are absolutely no self-government
institutions. Some traces yet remain; some
things are in some places regulated by village
Panchayets or by headmen, elders. But more
and more the zamindary agent supplants the

old model and the landlord takes the place

of the indigenous self rule.3

It is to the vacuum created by the withering away

of the village Panchayat system and the failure of the

zamindars that the first modern local council in the rural

areas owed its existence. The Chowkidary Panchayat Act of

1871 provided an agency in the form of a five-man panchayat

committee, not for each village, but a "union" consisting

 

3Ibid., pp. 191-192.

30

of a number of villages. This union panchayat committee
maintained order through a team of local police called
chowkidars for whose salaries villagers were taxed. The
agency proved to be useful in maintaining village peace,

and several attempts were made to use it as a link between
the ruler and ruled. But since the chowkidari panchayat

was obliged to separate goods and property from unwilling
villagers in its function of collecting taxes, it was un-
popular with the villagers, and did not succeed as a channel
of constructive relationships.4 It also, like the zamindars,
failed to organize the village to meet its basic needs of
roads and bridges, drinking water, sanitation, street lamps,
and so on.

In 1883 a Self-Government Bill was prepared. This
bill proposed a union committee with considerable financial
power and extensive municipal functions covering a group of
villages; at the next higher level, subdivisional boards
were to function only as guides and supervisors to the
union committees. No board was envisaged for the district

(comprising a number of subdivisions). The prOposal under

 

4A detailed analysis of the working of Chowkidari

Panchayat can be found in the Bengal District Administra»
tive Committee Report 1912-1913.

31

went very significant revisions before it was enacted.

The Act of 1885 as finally passed introduced three
tiers of local bodies, the district board, the "local"
(subdivision) board, and the union committee, a union com-
prising several villages. It was the district that was
vested with executive and financial powers and the local
(subdivision) board was made an electoral body for the dis-
trict board and a supervisory and grant-distribution agency
for union committees which in turn had no executive or
financial powers. The union committees, therefore, instead
of having their own financial powers and municipal duties
became the agents of the district board in providing com—
munity services.5 This arrangement obtained for 34 years.

The yearly reviews of the Bengal government on the
working of the local bodies and the District Administration
Committee Report 1912-1913 give descriptions of how these
local bodies worked. There were 25 district boards in un-
divided Bengal, most of which were presided over by the
district officer; a majority of the members were elected

by adult franchise. Average income of a district board

 

5Bengal District Administration Committee Report
1912-1913 describes how the changed Self-Government Bill
of 1883 was drastically changed to the Local Self-Govern-
ment Act of 1885.

32

varied between 5 and 6 lakhs (one lakh = one hundred thou-
sands) of Rupees, derived primarily from the local (tax)
rate, fees from cattle, income from the Trespass Act, school
fees, and government grants for education, medical relief,
and communications. The district board spent its funds on
roads and bridges, primary education, dispensaries, veter—
inary hOSpitals, water supply, water works and drainage
works.

From government reports it appears that the district
boards were working satisfactorily. They were employed by
the government as a useful means of providing basic ameni-
ties to villagers through the district officer. The boards
worked as well as they did because of the keen interest and
able guidance given by the district officers and because
most boards were fortunate in having able and energetic
(elected) vice-chairmen. Problems that hindered the func-
tioning of district boards were dearth of funds and lack
of prOper planning and active cooperation among the members.
Yearly government reports on the working of local bodies

mention that district board funds were not sufficient to

 

6Government of Bengal, Local Self-Government De-
partment, The Report on the Working of the District Boards
in Bengal for 1919-1920, pp. 1-2.

33

support their increasing functions.

The "local" (subdivision) boards had little enough
tO do to justify their existence, as nearly every Annual
Administrative Report from 1895 to 1929 bears witness:

To be merely a controlling body, allowing
funds and supervising the work of the Union
committees would not satisfy the Local Boards.
They were not a suitable controlling agency,
for the area of their jurisdiction is too
large and they are composed largely Of members
who have neither knowledge nor interest in
village works. The continuance Of Local Boards
on their present basis is consistent with the
extension on a large scale of union committees
financed by the District Board, for the more
committees there are, the less reason will
there be for the existence of the Local Boards,
except as supervising agencies, a function for
which as now constituted, they are unsuited.8

Similar was the fate Of union committees which had
been conceived in the proposed Bill of 1883 as the real
base of local self-government. The Act Of 1885 made the
district board, under the chairmanship of the district
officer, the unit of administration and the local (subdi-
visional) boards the agents of the district board with very
restricted powers. Union committees became merely Optional

appendages of the superior bodies, having very limited

 

7Ibid., pp. 4-5.

81bid., p. 85.

34

powersfior raising funds by local taxation and that, too,
only for specific projects. The District Administration
Committee Report 1912-1913 dwelt at length on the ineffec—
tiveness Of the union committees.

Not a single union committee was organized until
10 years after the passing of the Act. By 1913 only 61
union committees had been organized. Here and there they
did some useful work in matters of roads, tube wells and
primary schools but, in the absence Of any clearly defined
functiOns and for want of any agency to control and advise,
the committees lacked initiative. The district boards were
adverse to making liberal grants Of money to the committees
for expenditures which they were not in a position to super—
vise effectively. They believed thatthis money could be
more usefully employed by themselves or the "local“ boards.
Moreover there was never any clearly defined policy in re-
gard to the committees, nor was any sustained effort made
to carry through schemes for their improvement. Much time
was spent in elaborating and considering schemes, and dif-
ferent views were held by successive Lieutenant—Governors,

but after 25 years of discussion and voluminous writing,

 

91bid., p. 83.

35

scarcely any advance was made. No doubt the indecision

of the higher officials contributed to the failure of union
committees, but it seems probable that the real difficulty
lay in the changes made in the originally prOposed Self-
Government Bill of 1883, under which union committees were
to have had a definite place in a scheme of local self-
government.

The Local Self-Government Act of 1919 made an at-
tempt to remove those difficulties and put these bodies on
a solid footing. The base of election was broadened and
elected chairmen were introduced in the district boards.
The union committees were replaced by union boards which
had executive, municipal and judicial functions and orig-
inal sources of funds to support their activities. The
local (subdivision) boards were kept unchanged. The Act
provided an agency in the office of the circle officer,
below the sub—divisional Officer, to guide and supervise
the working Of the union boards. The need for such an
agency, without which village organizations could hardly
develop, had been felt for a long time. Ever since the
creation of Chowkidari Panchayat in 1871 it was consist—
ently argued by several commissions and various district

Officers that an agency below the subdivisional Officer

36

was required to guide and supervise local bodies effect-
ively.

The union boards became active bodies under direct
guidance of civil officials and now had executive and mun-
icipal and judicial functions. Besides maintaining village
peace and resolving petty disputes, they constructed and
maintained roads and bridges, installed and maintained
tube-wells, ran dispensaries and primary schools and other
public works. Above all, the union board was the only
agency on which the administration could fall back in times
of emergency created by flood, famine and epidemic, frequent
visitors to Bengali villages.

Reports available on the working Of the district
boards after 1919 indicate a withdrawal of Official leader-
ship from the district board and deterioration in the qual—
ity Of administration. The local (subdivision) boards lost
much Of their utility and were ultimately abandoned.

The Second World War retarded the development Of
all the local agencies, as government functionaries diverted
their attention to war needs. This preoccupation of offi-
cials, particularly the sub—divisional Officers and circle

Officers, resulted in lack of proper guidance and supervision

37

of these agencies, and their work suffered accordingly.

The historic general feeling that administration
was slack and corrupted, and that servicing departments
were not working efficiently was rather common through the
creation of Independence in 1947. The "struggle for sheer
survival which the country was called upon to Offer at
birth, unfortunately made any immediate large scale changes
in the administration pattern impossible."10 Political in-
stability further agravated the situation. On the other
hand, the government had to expand its activities to pro—
vide services in most spheres Of life. Provincial depart-
ments Of Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Public Health, Edu-
cation, Cooperatives, Protective Police and Civil Adminis-
tration extended their services down to the Tehsil/Thana
headquarters in all cases and down to the union board in
some, and even to the village level in the case Of village.
"But the servicing programs," one Of the framers Of Basic
Democracies writes, "have been inadequate and have not
aroused public enthusiasm and have not drawn whole—hearted

public cooperation. This ineffective and inadequate

 

Government Of Pakistan, Bureau of National Re—
construction, "Dawn Of a New Era," p. 5.

38

servicing led to apathy and even dissatisfaction."ll No
machinery was in existence to secure public participation
in administration at district, sub-division, tehsil/thana,
and village levels. The warm enthusiasm and eager expec-
tations of peOple to have partnership in administration
were completely frustrated, Observing the crude exhibi-
tion of self—interest in the name of democracy in the pro-
vincial and central political set-up, the peOple were dis-
mayed.

The execution of the First Five Year Plan made it
clear that lack Of pOpular involvement in the process of
economic develOpment could act as a serious impediment to
develOpment. Those local governmental institutions which
might have served to involve the peOple in realistic plan-
ning and implementation had become ineffective. They had
been weakened by internal political rivalries and inadequate
funds or had become victims Of repeated repercussions by

the provincial government.

 

l .
1As a member of the committee to suggest reforms

in the system Of local bodies, Mr. Akhter Hameed Khan ,
presently the Director of the Village Development Academy,
Comilla, submitted a paper in 1958. The quotation appears
on page 1.

39

The Basic Democracies Scheme

 

Under the above circumstances, the Basic Democracy
system was introduced in October, 1959. Very briefly, it
envisioned an integrated and interdependent five-tier sys—
tem including the union, tehsil/thana, district,division,
and provincial levels. Each of the five councils was at-
tached to the general administration to ensure maximum
participation of the people's representatives in general
administration and in development work.

In the words Of President Ayub Khan, Basic Democ-
racy "provides the base on which an upward pyramid of a

. . "12 .
sound political system can be developed. It was given
its name because, as said by the President:

We wanted it to grow and evolve from the

first rung of the political and economic ladder
so that it finds roots deep among the people
starting at the village level in rural areas
and at the Mohalla level in towns.13
The mixture of department Officials and appointed

public representatives in all these councils except the

union council aim at developing mutual trust and confidence

 

12 . .
Quoted in "Dawn Of a New Era," Op. c1t., p. 6.

l3Ibid., p. 6.

40

between Officers and peOple through discussion and joint
work, in order to infuse a sense Of close identification
between the peOple and the administration. In the sphere
of administration, these councils were expected to work
as agencies for securing coordination among government
departments themselves and between government departments
and local agencies and the local people.

In the sphere of develOpment the councils were ex-
pected to work as a center where public representatives
would bring up local needs and problems. The councils
suggest ways and means of solving problems, and government
departments would explain to them their resources in terms
of funds, machinery, technical experts to solve these prob-
lems, and out Of such discussions a plan for develOpment
would be prepared. The same kind Of joint work between
officials and people would be expected in the execution
Of the plan. Local leaders would mobilize local peOple
and resources and take major responsibility for executing
a scheme, while officers would give them expert knowledge
and secure timely arrival of implements and materials.
Lastly the councils were to work as training forms for

Officials and public representatives alike.

41

It was realized that as the carriers of colonial
administration the bureaucrats had developed certain atti-
tudes which became impediments to working in cooperation
with the people. It was thought that, by coming in closer
contact with the public representatives in these councils
and by joint discussion and work, the Officials would de-
velop the right attitudes for working with the peOple.
Public representatives, in their turn, would get an insight
into the complexity of administration and would develOp
leadership qualities through continuous exercise of respon—
sibility. Moreover, in the absence Of political elements
in the administration, the public representatives would
exercise a degree of control, to secure efficient service

from the Officials.

Planning ProcessJ Organization,
and Program for Pakistan

 

In Pakistan planning by the national government is
basically economic planning and if national income or in—
come per head is the only measure of prOgress then Pakistan
has already increased its national income by about 60 per—

cent and will achieve a further increase of 200 percent in

the next 20 years. The advance is in geometrical'progression.

42

But figures are meaningless unless they are related to the
welfare of the common man. The real index of economic de-
velopment is not cold statistics, but the visible effects
on the pattern Of the daily life of the people. And it is
here that we have to go far beyond the usual economic meas-
urements and consider the cultural, social, and religious
enrichment Of life, besides the material progress and it
is for this reason that economic planning has to be con-
ceived as a part, and only as a part, of the broader social
and economic framework which is rooted in our cultural and
religious traditions.

As put up by the President Mohammad Ayub Khan,

our approach to economic planning has been prag—
matic all along. It has been the constant en-
deavor Of the government to mobilize the creative
energies Of the nation and to give all possible
incentives for the stimulation Of private initia-
tive. The government has limited its own role

to providing a suitable framework for the private
sector and to the creation of those facilities
which the private sector had neither the ability
nor the willingness to develOp. There have been
no grand experiments. in nationalization, no
fancy slogans about socialism, no undue inter-
vention in the private sector. In fact, the
government has gradually removed most Of the
administrative and bureaucratic controls which
hampered progress of the private sector.

The result of this approach has been the
rapid growth Of private enterprise in Pakistan.
This has certainly yielded high rates of growth,
especially in recent years, but it has also led

to some problems. Capitalism all over the world

43

has already undergone a profound transforma-
tion and its character today in the western
countries is very different from the capital-
ism Of the 18th and 19th centuries which was
characterized by excessive profits, exploita-
tion Of labor and disregard of the larger
welfare of society. We have to ensure that
in Pakistan too private enterprise moves
towards that stage Of enlightenment where
making of high profits and their reinvest-
ment ceases to be the sole or even the major
criterion of success and private sector is
motivated by the larger interests of society.
It will be our firm policy, therefore, to
prevent excessive concentration Of income

and wealth in the hands of a few, to distrib-
ute economic Opportunities widely and so to
regulate private enterprise that society as

a whole benefits by it. It is our intention
tO humanize all such vested interests as stand
in the way of a progressive, dynamic society.
The feudalistic structure in the rural areas
has already been humanized through land reforms.
We are determined to see that such a feudalistic
pattern does not emerge elsewhere, whether in
the industrial field or in the social sphere.
The emerging industrial class must turn its
undoubted energies to efficient economic man-
agement Of the country and refrain from con-
spicuous and ostentatious living and from de-
velOping any partisan political interests so
that the need for corrective action does not
arise.

The ultimate aim of all our efforts in
economic and social Spheres can only be to
move speedily towards the attainment of Islamic
Socialism in Pakistan. The term Islamic So-
cialism is almost inter-changeable with "Wel—
fare State.“ In addition to the familiar
welfare goals, Islamic Socialism implies that
the cultural and religious heritage of the
country should be preserved and not allowed
to be destroyed by the ruthless pursuit of
economic develOpment. It is, therefore, a
concept much broader than the ”welfare" and

44

embraces all the phases Of an individual's
life.

What is basic to the establishment of
Islamic Socialism is the creation of equal
opportunities for all rather than equal dis-
tribution of wealth. In fact, perfect equal-
ity of incomes has never been achieved, not
even in the communist countries because dif-
ferences in the aptitudes and talents make
for differences in incomes even when individ-
uals start Off with equal Opportunities. And
this is at it should be. The important thing
is that every individual must be given the
fullest Opportunity to develop his natural
talents and that he should not be inhibited
by an oppressive economic and social frame—
work.

Pakistan's planning history tO date has been char-
acterized by a movement away from a project-by-project
approach limited to the public sector toward more compre—
hensive and aggregative planning encompassing the entire
economy. Three distinct periods are discernable in that
history: the period between independence in 1947 and 1955,
when the Six Year Development Programme was terminated;
the period of the First Five Year Plan, 1955/60; and the
present period Of the Second Five Year Plan beginning in
1960.

In the first stage, the re-establishment Of govern-
ment machinery, communications, trade, and commerce, and
the resettlement of millions of refugees constituted urgent

priorities for the new state. There was no attempt to plan

45

on a broad scale and available resources were distributed
among projects whose high priority appeared Obvious to the
new Government. Even the Six Year Development Programme

of 1951, prepared for the purpose of the Colombo Plan, as
well as the Two Year Priority Programme which followed it,
were little more than a package of uncoordinated public
investment projects collected on an ad hoc basis without
reference to available resources and the economy's require-
ments.

The First Five Year Plan was a much more sophisti—
cated approach to planning. The Plan necessarily included
many projects carried over from the previous period. The
paucity of statistical and other data greatly limited the
value of the calculations which were used to allocate re-
sources. Nevertheless, in establishing an internally con-
sistent theoretical framework on the basis of which an
attempt was made whenever possible to allocate resources
rationally, a great step forward was taken. The First
Plan also brought into focus the problems which the country
would have to resolve in order to develOp. Although it
was never adopted by the various governments of the period
and it failed to achieve its main Objectives, the Plan be-

came a guide for future action. Its greatest virtue was

46

that it increased the country's awareness of the need for
planning by giving form and direction to inchoate
and dispersed efforts to develop the country's resources.

The Second Five Year Plan lacks the pioneering
character Of the First. It merely extends the course Of
the develOpment along lines laid out in the First Plan.
Like the First Plan, it includes many projects started in
the preceding period and, technically, it suffers from the
same lack of dependable data which made the First Plan de-
fective. There is, however, a crucial difference between
the First and Second Plan periods. The essential and novel
fact which distinguishes the present stage from the previ—
ous one is the attitude of the Government toward economic
develOpment. During the period Of the First Plan, no gov-
ernment made the execution of the Plan a central Objective
of policy. In marked contrast, the present political
leaders are firmly committed to the principle of economic
develOpment and to the Second Plan as the means for giving
effect tO that principle.

Pakistan's experience also demonstrates the import-
ance Of political stability and the necessity of having
the strong support of the country's political leadership

for the planning body. Without that support, the planning

47

body was ineffectual even though the Prime Minister headed
it; with that support, the Planning Commission has made
good progress in performing its functions. After many'
failures, it has now succeeded in acquiring two prerOga-
tives essential to effective planning: the right to pre-
pare annual develOpment plans which form the basis for
budgetary allocations and the right to review and evaluate
the implementations Of plans.

One of the key lessons revealed by Pakistan's ex-
perience is the importance of relating plans to basic,
economic, financial, and fiscal policies. Until recently
various government bodies adOpted policies without any
consistent attempts to relate them to the Objectives of
the plans prepared by the central planning agency. Con-
sequently, economic policy has often conflicted with plan
Objectives. Thus, agricultural programs and controls have
Often impeded the develOpment Of industry along lines laid
down in develOpment plans. Only within the last few years
or so has the Government come to understand the integrality
of planning for the public and private sectors with econ—
omic and financial policy. As a result, the commission
now participates in all important government bodies deal—

ing with economic matters. The Deputy Chairman of the

48

Planning Commission, besides being the Commission's Oper-
ating head, also is in charge of the important Economic
Affairs Division of the President's Secretariat. He at-
tends Cabinet meetings and is a member of the National
Economic Council and its Executive Committee. The Secre-
tary of the Planning Division heads the Central DevelOp—
ment Working Party, is a member Of the Foreign Exchange
Control Committee, and acts as a Secretary (with the Plan—
ning Commission as Secretariat) Of the National Economic
Council. Through its participation on these bodies, the
Planning Commission now has a powerful voice at high levels
of government in the formation of economic policy, in the
coordination Of economic policy in the planning Objectives,
and in the implementation of develOpment plans. (See Chart
2, Organization for Planning Commission, President's Sec—
retariat; and Chart 3, Organization for Planning and Imple-
mentation in Pakistan.)

The acceptance of planning and of the central plan—
ning agency in Pakistan has been the result Of a gradual
process characterized by ups and downs. It will be seen
from the following chronological table how Pakistan has un-
dergone a series of trials for establishing, abolishing, and

replacing of its different central planning agencies.

 

 

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M phase

Early
Planning
Period

First
Plan
Period

No.

1

10

11

51a

Chart 4

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS

Period

19h8-5o

19u8-58

1948-50

1951'57

1951-56

1953-58

1956-58

1956-58

1957-

1958-

1958'59

Agency

Development
Board

Ministry of

Economic Affairs

Planning
Advisory
Board

Planning
Commission

Economic
Council

Planning Board

Economic
Committee of
the Cabinet

National
Economic
Council

Development
Working Party

Governor's
Conference

National
Planning Board

Purpose

The first planning body

Coordinated planning activ-
ities and acted as planning
secretariat to various plan-
ning bodies

Advisory and public relations
body during Pakistan's early
Pakistan's early planning
period

Reviewed projects before
submission to higher authority

An economic committee of the
Cabinet responsible for imple-
menting the six year Develop-
ment Programme

Established to prepare the
First Five Year Plan

The name given to the Economic
Council (No. 5) when the Na-
tional Economic Council (No. 8)
was established.

Created after adoption of Con-
stitution of 1956 as the high-
est economic body in Pakistan.
Approved the First Plan

The central body which reviews
projects and programs

Highest policy making body in
the country '

The name given to the Planning
Board to distinguish it from
the East Pakistan Planning
Board established in 1957

Chart h-—continued.

NO.

Second 12
Plan
Period

13

1h

15

l6

17

18

19

Period
1958-

1959-62

1959-62

1959-61

1961-

1962

1962-

1962-

51k)

Agency

Planning
Commission

Economic
Committee of
the Cabinet

Economic
Council

Project's
Division

Planning
Division

Economic Policy
Coordination
Committee

Executive
Committee of

the National
Economic Council

National
Economic Council

Purpose

Replaced the National Plan-
ning Board (no. 11)

Successor to a development
committee previously estab-
lished by the Martial Law
Government

Established by the Martial
Law Government as the coun-
try's supreme economic body

Progressive agency

The alternate name for the
Planning Commission (No.12)
after it was made a part of
the President's Secretariat.
"Commission” and "Division"
are now used interchangeably

One of two Committees which
succeeded the 1959-62 Econ-
omic Committee of the cabinet
(No. 13). Reviewed economic
policies and oversaw their
implementation. Abolished
soon after it was created

The second of the two com-
mittees which succeeded the
1959-62 Economic Committee
of the Cabinet (No. 13).
Approves projects.

The successor of the 1959—
62 Economic Council (no. 14)

52

Chart 5

ELEMENTARY STRUCTURE OF BASIC DEMOCRACIES ORGANIZATION

President
I
A
I

Province Governor

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

T IT 1
A A B
l
Parliamentary -------------- Province Ministers ------------------------- Chief
Secretaries Secretary
B
I
Secretaries
f
Chairman.'_- Divisional Commissioner
13
, --------------------- Divisional Council Officers in charge of
: each Government Depart-
: ment in a Division
: I
: B
: l
1 Deputy
May Be Chairman Commissioner
Appointed
I B
:
i . """""" District Council-—-—- Officers in charge of each
i : Government Department in a
: May Be District
: Appointed
: I B
I i l
: : Chairman -—~——— Tehsil/Sub-Divisional Officer
: I I
E E B
I I I
F---- Chairman Tehsil/Thana Council- Officers in charge of each
Government Department in a
t Tehsil/Thana
Union Council Legend:
E A--Apoint

B--Civil Service

I
Pa 1 i a Na d
Op 8 n r C--Elect

53

Planning at Provincial Level

Pakistan has inherited a strong tradition of polit-

ical and economic centralization, which has been reinforced

since independence by the channeling of domestic funds and

large amounts of foreign aid and foreign exchange resources

through the central government to East and West Pakistan.
Central control over domestic and foreign funds, as well
as financial policy, greatly limits the Province's freedom
Of action in develOpment activities. The preparation and
execution Of the First Plan reflects the inherent central-
ism in Pakistan's administration. The Planning Commission
attempts to get provincial planning agencies to contribute
to the formulation Of the Second Plan were only moderately
successful and the Second Plan, like the First, was essen-
tially a product Of the Central Government.

The failure of the Provinces to make significant
contributions to the country's planning activities was di-
rectly due to the inadequacies of the provincial planning
and programming agencies; but these inadequacies were in
turn the result Of the provinces' failure to recognize the

importance to them of effective planning and, in East Pak—

istan, the frustration induced by a belief that the province

54

was not getting its fair share of develOpment resources.

The Constitution Of 1962 gave effect to the growing reali-
zation that in Pakistan, with its separated and diverse pro-
vinces, decentralized planning was likely to produce better
results than centralized planning. As a consequence of the
decentralization Of developmental functions from the Central
to Provincial Governments following adOption of the new Con-
stitution, the importance of good planning is becoming man-
ifest to the provinces. The staff and status of the provin-
cial planning bodies have now reached levels which permit
them to participate actively, if not always effectually, in
both the formulation and execution of development plans and

programs.

Local Planning

 

Before the introduction of Basic Democracies in Oct.
1959, at the local level within each Province there were no
effective planning or programming bodies. District Officers
and divisional commissioners were only infrequently con-
sulted by provincial departments about development problems.
For their part, district officers generally had insufficient
staff, were overburdened with day-to-day administrative
duties and were largely concerned with law enforcement

and revenue collection. Few had the time or the

55

inclination to pursue developmental activities. Unduly
rapid rotation of district Officers also greatly reduced
their effectiveness. Local self-governing bodies in the
districts, which had formerly been important media for
constructing roads, schools, water works and otherlocal
facilities, had also lost their effectiveness as develop—
mental agencies. As popular pressure for official action
increased, Provincial Governments gradually assumed many
of the functions formerly exercised by local bodies and as
the functions Of these bodies were reduced, public confi—
dence in them diminished still further. By the time the
First Five Year Plan was formulated, there was a tendency
for plans of develOpment to be prepared at the Provincial
and Central headquarters, and nearly all decisions are taken

at these levels, especially at the latter.

The Need for Planninggat Local Level

Decentralization of the planning process was advo-
cated in the First Five Year Plan, which reCOgnized that
“instead of being prepared and imposed from above, programs
particularly in the sphere of rural develOpment should orig—

inate in the villages and proceed upward."l4 Provincial

 

4Planning Commission. The Second Five Year Plan,
p. 111.

56

Governments had a greater share in preparing the Second
than in preparing the First Plan. Nevertheless, because
of Provincial Governments' inability to frame adequate
plans and programs, the Second Plan, like the First, was
"disprOportionately the work Of the Central Government."
While the extent Of Provincial participation in the plan-
ning process increased somewhat between the First to the
Second Plan periods, divisional, district, and communal
bodies played almost no part in the formulation of either
plan. Nor have these local groups participated much thus
far in preparing and carrying out projects and programs
under the Seconc Plan.

The central authorities now believe that this situ-
ation will change because a new dimension has been added
to planning by the institutions of Basic Democracies.
They hope that the system can become the means for decen-
tralizing the preparation and especially, implementation
of plans and for local coordination Of development. They
believe that out of the discussion within the councils of
local needs and problems, with officials explaining the
extent to which funds, equipment, and materials are avail-

able, development plans‘will emerge which will reflect the

 

lSIbid., p. 55.

57

requirements and aspirations of each area, as well as the
means for executing the plans. While the district coun-
cils are viewed as the key units for develOpment adminis—
tration, where diSparities between parochial issues and
broad provincial and national interests can be resolved,
it is considered desirable to delegate powers, as far as
possible to lower levels, Where elected chairmen Of the
union councils will be in strong positions to represent
the views and interests of the people.

The tehsil councils in the West and the thana coun—
cils in the East are considered crucial points for coordin-
ating the union councils'development plans before they are
combined into district plans by the district councils. Dis-
trict plans are to be processed and consolidated further
at the divisional level into divisional plans which are
to include priorities for projects and programs. At the
Provincial level, the Planning and Development, in consul—
tation in the provincial departments and agencies, are to
consolidate the divisional plans by sectors into provincial
plans. For implementation of these plans, the process is
to be reversed. When national plans have been approved at
the center, national targets are to be broken down, to the

greatest extent, into provincial, divisional, district,

58

tehsil and thana, and village targets. Although this is
to be done particularly for agricultural targets, it is
also to be done, in some degree, for all targets.

So we see that a serious shortcoming of planning
in Pakistan, thus far, has been the limited extent of
public knowledge and support Of develOpment plans. At-
tempts are being made to break through administrative
barriers to bring a general understanding Of the plan to
the peOple and to encourage them to articulate their needs
and aspirations through a hierarchical system of elected
and appointed local and other councils constituting the
institutions of Basic Democracies. The public works ini-
tiated in East Pakistan in 1962 and in West Pakistan in
1963, was an important step toward making development
meaningful to the peOple. If, so far, these attempts to
"plan from below" have not yet borne great fruit, at least
a start has been made toward drawing the mass Of peOple

into the national effort for planned economic develOpment.

Chapter III
BAS IC DEMOC RAC IE S

On September 2, 1959, the President Mohammad Ayub
Khan in a broadcast to the nation said,

All changes and reforms which have been
introduced or contemplated in the agrarian,
educational, local, and economic spheres are,
in fact,-designed to prepare the base on which
an upward pyramid of a sound political system
can be developed. We have given it the name
of Basic Democracies for the Obvious reason
that we wanted it to grow and evolve from the
first rung Of the political and economic ladder
so that it finds roots deep among the people,
starting at the village level in rural areas
and at the "mohalla"level in towns.

The chief factors which have been kept in mind in
determining the new system have again been stated by the
President in the following words:

Firstly, that the type Of democracy would
not be foisted upon the people from above. It
would go up from below.

Secondly, people would not have to go far
away from their neighbourhood to elect their
representatives. They would know closely the
persons they would like to elect. ~

Thirdly, the Assemblies would be active in-
stitutions participating in the affairs of the

. State in close COOperation with the Government
and they would thus be better placed to take
. part in the develOpment schemes.

59

60

The above statements give the broad concept of

Basic Democracies and the thinking underlying the new ex—
periment. As the system is essentially based on realism
and a lively appreciation Of the socio-economic and admin-
istrative situation of Pakistan, the present national gov—
ernment has great faith in the success Of the scheme, pro-
vided, it is worked honestly, conscientiously and with the
enthusiasm that it merits. It is the actual working of the
new institutions that will formalize and give substance to
the aims and Objectives with which they have been Conceived.
We must, therefore, consider in practical terms what will
be the SCOpe Of functions on different tiers Of Basic Dem-
ocracies and the conditions necessary for their effective

performance.

Structure of Basic Democracies

The system extends to both rural and urban areas but,
for Obvious reasons, places more stress on the farmer, in
which 85% Of our people live. It functions at five levels

I
viz, Union Council, Thana/Tehsil Council, District Council,
Divisional Council, and Provincial Advisory Council. The

last named level which acted as the chief advisory body Of

61

the Governor, in matters relating to Basic Democracies was
abolished immediately after the constitution Of the Provin-

cial Legislative Assemblies in 1962.

Union Council/Committee and Town Committee

The base of the system is provided by three types

Of institutions:

1. Union Councils, in rural areas,
2. Union Committees in Municipal and Cantonment area,

3. Town Committees for towns or small urban-communities.

1—-Union Council:

In the rural areas, an average Union Council covers
a group Of villages with a total population ranging between
10,000 to 15,000 people although there are some variations,
as in the case of the sparsely populated territory of the
Kalat Division. A group of 1,000 to 1,500 persons will be
represented by one member on the Union COuncil elected on
the basis Of adult franchise. In addition to the elected
members, there was a provision for the nomination by the
national government's representative commissioner of non-

Official representatives for special interests or for their

62

ability to render service to the peOple. The number Of
appointed members could not exceed one-half of the number
Of the elected members. Later on it was decided to dis-
continue the system Of nominations in Basic Democracies.

It was also decided that in the new elections to the var-
ious councils, there will be no room for appointed members,
but the present members would continue to hold Office until
the expiration of their term and that the seats of the ap—
pointed members falling vacant in any of the four tiers of

the B. D. Councils would not be filled.

2-—Union Committee:

The Municipal Administration under the new set-up
is essentially a double tiered structure. At the first
level a municipal area is divided into a number of unions
on lines similar to the union in rural areas, and a union
committee is constituted for each such union. At the sec-
ond level is the Municipal Committee which consists of the
elected chairmen of the union committees' members and Offi-
cial and appointed members. The total number of the elected
members can not exceed 30, and the total number of official
and appointed members can not exceed the total number.of

elected members. In order to avoid unwieldy houses the

63

maximum strength Of a Muncipal Committee, including elected,
appointed, and Official members, has been fixed at 45. In
practice, however, most municipalities have a membership
much lower than this. For example, in West Pakistan only
the municipalities of Karachi, Lahore, and Lyllpur have a
membership of 45 each.

To comply with the limit of 30 elected members for
Lahore and Karachi, where the number of Union Committees
exceed 30 (the number in Lahore is 60, and the number in
Karachi is 94) the Union Committee members can elect one
Of the Chairmen Of the Union Committees in the group tO
represent it on the Municipal Committees.

In Cantonment areas, the Union Committees have been
set up on the basis of civil population residing in the area.
The elected element in the Cantonment Board will now be com-

posed Of the Chairmen Of these Union Committees.

3-—Town Committee:

The Karachi area has a diversified character. It
has high urban concentration at the center which gradually
thins out into the rural community at the periphery. We
have, therefore, in Karachi 9 Union Councils, 5 Town Com-

mittees, and 111 Union Committees. The Town Committees

64

largely consist Of the refugee colonies which have not yet
been fully merged into the Muncipal structure.

On an average, each Union Council, Union Committee,
and Town Committee represents a pOpulation of 10,000 and
has ten members elected on the basis of adult franchise.

Each Council or Committee elects its own Chairman.
Tehsil/Thana Council

Above the base Of Union Councils and Union Committees,
Tehsil Councils have been set up in West Pakistan. These
bodies are composed Of the Chairmen of Union Councils as
representative members and official and non-Official nomin-
ated Official members. The number Of nominated Official
and non-official members must not exceed the number Of rep-
resentative members.

The Sub—Divisional Officer is the Chairman of the
Thana Council. In the absence of the Sub-Divisional Offi—
cer, the Circle Officer, as Vice-Chairman Of the Thana
Council, chairs the meetings of the council. This is usu-
ally the case except for the headquarters Thana where the
Sub-Divisional Officer himself presides.

In West Pakistan the "Tehsil Officer" presides over

the meetings Of the Tehsil Council. This includes the

65

Sub-Divisional Officer. The Official members represent

various national building departments, such as Agriculture,
COOperative, Education, Health and Animal Husbandry, Public
Works Department, etc. The Development Officer acts as an

advisor to the Council on Community DevelOpment.

District Council

 

At the next higher level, District Councils have
been established for each District in East and West Pakis-
tan. These councils are a successor institution to the
former District Boards.

The District Council consists Of Official and non-
Official members. The number of official members cannot
exceed the number Of non-Official members. Representation
is also given to other interests like Cantonment Boards and
Municipal Committees through their elected Vice-Presidents
or Vice-Chairmen who are ex-officio members. At least half
of the District Council membership is composed Of Chairmen
of Union Councils and Town Committees in the district. The
Official members include Chairmen Of Thana/Tehsil Councils
and Of Municipal Bodies in the district and the heads Of

nation-building departments such as COOperative, Education,

66

Agriculture, Health, Animal Husbandry, Fisheries, and the
Engineering Departments Of Government. The total member-
ship of a District Council varies between 30 and 45 accord-
ing to local requirements. The Deputy Commissioner is the

Chairman of the Council.

Divisional Council

The Divisional Council, which is at the highest
governmental level, consists of official and non-official
members. This is the main coordinating body for adminis-
tration and develOpment in each division. The Commissioner
is the chairman of this council. The total number of Offi—
cial members on the Council are not to exceed the number
of appointed non—official members. Out of the appointed
non—Official members, at least half must be selected from
amongst the Chairmen Of Union Councils, Town Committees,
and Union Committees in the Division.

In West Pakistan the membership of the Divisional
Council has been fixed at 45. Out of these, 22 seats have
been assigned to Officials and 23 to appointed non-officials.

Eleven Of the nOn-Officials are from amongst the Chairmen

of the various councilS- In East Pakistan the total membership

67

has not been fixed, and varies according to local condi-
tions.

The official members Of the Divisional Council con-
sists of Chairmen Of the District Council in the Division
and the heads Of the nation—building departments in the
Division such as COOperative, Health, Education, Forest,
Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Fisheries, WAPDA (Water and
Power DevelOpment Authority), Public Health, etc.

Before the promulgation of the constitutions there
were high powered Provincial Advisory Councils in each Of
the two provinces, East Pakistan and West Pakistan. With'
the coming into being of the Provincial Assemblies as the
supreme representative institutions in each province, the
Advisory Councils have been abolished.

After the new elections in October, 1964, according
to the Constitution, the non—official members of a District
Council will be elected from amongst the electors by an
electoral college consisting of the Chairmen of Union
Councils, Town/Union Committees within the district and
the non-Official members of a Divisional Council will be
elected from amongst the electors by an electoral college
consisting of the elected members Of the District Council
Of that District. These changes have been designed to give

a fully representative character to these institutions.

68

Functions of Basic Democracies

 

l--Union Councils

Under the Basic Democracies order, 1959, the Union
Councils were given a wide range of functions, such as:
provision and maintenance of public ways and public places;
plantation and preservation Of trees; management and main-
tenance of common land, burning and burial grounds, common
meeting places; prevention Of encroachments on public ways;
sanitation and conservancy; collection and disposal of man-
ure; regulation of the erection of buildings, provision and
maintenance of wells, water pumps, tanks and ponds; regula-
tion of brick kilns and potteries within residential areas,
relief measures in the event of natural calamities; adOp-
tion of measures for increased food productions; provision
Of first-aid centers and libraries and reading rooms, and
aid in the promotion Of education and agricultural industri-
al and community develOpment. It also includes maintenance
of village police, promotion and develOpment ozf the cOOp-
erative movement and village industries, forests, livestock

and fisheries.

69

2—-Municipal Committees

 

For urban areas, though the basic unit is the Union
Committee, in actual practice, the corporate body entrusted
with executive function is the Municipal Committee. Basic
Democracies Order contains a provision that the Union Com-
mittees shall perform such functions as may be prescribed
for them and undertake measures of social up-lift, family
planning, creation of civic consciousness, etc. However,
in practice the Union Committees work only as sub-territorial
units Of the Muncipalities whose functions are defined by
a Municipal Administration Ordinance. These functions in-
clude sanitation, public health, water supply, drainage,
education, regulation of trades in the articles Of food
and drink, veterinary aid, maintenance of urban roads and
streets, public parks, gardens and forests, libraries, and
control or erection of buildings.

The committees can levy taxes to put fliese powers

into effect.

3--Town Committees

Town Committees, though they have characteristics

Of both rural and urban communities are, in practice,

70

treated as urban areas. They have been authorized to un-
dertake functions which Municipal Committees perform in
the urban areas. In West Pakistan their field Of Opera-
tion is slightly narrower than the municipalities.

It excludes functions with respect to public safety,
fire fighting, civil defence, floods and famines, etc. Their
powers and responsibilities with regard to develOpment and

undertaking of commercial schemes have also been limited.

Tehsil/Thana Councils

The Tehsil/Thana Council has mainly coordinative
, functions. This is the lowest tier at which public repre-
sentatives and public servants from various nation build-
ing departments come together, and discuss the plans pre-
pared by Union Council/Town Committees. It may also assess
the work being done by various departments and the councils

in the area.

District Councils

The District Council is the most important unit
after the Union Councils. Its functions are defined by

the Basic Democracies.0rder. These are divided into

 

 

71

compulsory and Optional functions and cover a very wide
range. The compulsory functions include: provision and
maintenance of libraries, hospitals, dispensaries, public
roads, culverts and bridges; plantation and preservation.
Of trees on the roadside and public places; provision and
maintenance Of public gardens, play ground and public places,
public ferries, cattle ponds, rest houses, prevention of
encroachments and nuisances; promotion of sanitation and
public health; prevention of adulteration; registration

Of marriages, provision of water supply, agricultural, in-
dustries; regulation of traffic; improvements in cattle
breeding; and relief measures in the event Of calamities.
The Optional list covers as many as 70 functions under
various heads, such as Education, Culture, Social Welfare,
Economic Welfare, Public Health, and Public WOrks.

The District Council has been empowered to coord-
inate the work of all the nation-building departments in
the district and to review generally their progress. It
can sanction expenditure up to Rs. 20,000 (U. S. $4,000)
for a productive and Rs. 10,000 (U. S. $2,000) for an un-
productive scheme, Out Of development grant and up to
Rs 50,000 (U. S. $10,000) on any scheme in the Rural Works

Programme. It has also been authorized to formulate and

 

 

72

recommend to the Divisional Council and other authorities

develOpment schemes of importance to the district.

Divisional Council

 

The Divisional Council is the highest coordinating
body under the system. It coordinates the activities of

various government departments, District Councils, Local

 

Councils, Municipal Bodies, and Cantonment Boards within
the Division. It is authorized to review the progress Of
various development schemes being implemented in the Div-
ision, make suggestions for improvements in administration
and formulate and recommend to Provincial Government devel—
Opment schemes of importance to the Division. It can sanc-
tion expenditure up to Rs. 50,000 (U. S. $10,000) for a
productive and Rs. 25,000 (U. S. $5,000) for an unproduc-
tive scheme out of a development grant, and up to Rs. 5
laks (U. S. $100,000) on any scheme in the Rural Works
Programme. It can make such modifications in the plans

Of the districts as it deems necessary.

73

A General View

According to the official classification the prin-

cipal functions of Basic Democracies are divided into four

categories:

Administrative and coordinative,

Local Government or Service functions,
DevelOpmental, and

Constitutional.

In order to attain a more comprehensive View of

the sc0pe of these institutions, however, we may divide

their functions into six categories:

Representational,

Administrative and coordinative,

Local Government or Service Functions,
Developmental,

Judicial functions, and

Constitutional functions.

Representational:

It is necessary to separate the representational

functions from the administrative ones because the council-

lors acting as the representatives or leaders Of their

areas are performing primarily a political rather than

74

 

administrative role. The effect is most marked at the
Union Council level, where the representational aspect
has attained considerable importance. The form of the
Union Councils provides articulation to the needs and
urges of the village feature of the visit of district
Officials to the rural areas, in this articulation Of
demands, with respect to develOpment as well as adminis-

tration.

 

Administrative and Coordinative:
Administratively, Basic Democracies are intended

to serve a three-fold purpose, namely:

a. To provide for maximum collaboration between the
peOple and Government functionaries for dealing

with public business;

b. To decentralize the administration for the effec-
tive exercise of administrative reSponsibility

at the grass-roots level and above; and

c. To coordinate administrative effort at all key-
points, particularly in the field organization

Of departments.

75

To achieve the Objective of (a) above, Basic Dem-
ocracies Councils have been integrated at all appropriate
levels with the administrative machine. All nation-building
departments Of government, e.g., Agriculture, Education,
Health, Cooperation, Animal Husbandry, etc., with whom our
peOple come in daily contact have been represented on the
upper tier cou-Cils. This close association of the peOple
with their Government is intended tO achieve a two-fold
purpose. On the one hand, it will make available to the
local communities the technical and managerial skills of
government and of the other public agencies for the more
skillful management of their affairs; while on the other
hand, the work of the administrator will be subjected to
public scrutiny aId discussion leading to greater responsive-
ness of departmental activity to the real needs and wishes
Of the local people. We have suffered too long from a
lack of such responsiveness and the people, who are at the
receiving end of the administration, have seldom had an ef-
fective voice in the way problems affecting their day-to-day
lives have been handled for them.

As regards (b), the underlying idea is to transfer
the locus of decision to the most apprOpriate level at which

public business should be disposed Of in the interest of

 

 

/I

76

maximum convenience Of the people and Optimum effectiveness
of the system. It is, therefore, intended to make Basic
Democracies effective administrative units for the areas
under their charge. The local people will be involved di-
rectly in the decision-making process and in the exercise

of authority vested at the local level. The Provincial Ad-
ministration Committee has made far-reaching recommendations
for the delegation Of authority to the divisions, districts,
and lower down the line. The departmental officers will
progressively become ”officers-in-council" working in close
collaboration with people's representatives, this will board—
base the exercise of administrative responsibility and en-
hance the accountability Of government departments to the
public whom they are privileged to serve. This process

will be combined with the larger decentralization measures

to be undertaken by way of implementing the recommendations
of the Provincial Administration Committee. The Government
has decided that the various B. D. Councils can call for
progress reports, from government departments and that de-
partmental plans should be included in the Annual Development

Programme after they have been discussed by the Divisional

Councils.

77

As regards (c), the divisional, district and tehsil
councils have been specifically entrusted with coordinative
functions. While the Tehsil/Thana councils will coordinate
the work of the union councils, the district and divisional
councils have been charged in addition with the following-
statutory responsibilities:

1. To formulate and recommend develOpment schemes of

importance to the District/Division; I
2. To review generally the progress in various branches

of administration in the District/Division; and
3. To consider problems of importance to the District/

Division in all branches of administration, and make sugges—

tions for development, improvement, and general advancement

(Articles 34 and 35 Of B.D.O.)

These are very important functions and their effec-
tive performance will help remove some Of the fundamental
defects of the present administrative machine. A large num-
ber Of governmental and public agencies make a segmented
approach at present to the problems of the villager whose
life is not cut up into similar segments. The situation
is aggravated by the considerable differences in the field
unit areas of various departments, making the task of co-

ordination particularly difficult. Basic Democracies will

78

provide a solution for this lack Of coordination in two
ways, viz:
l. The exercise of coordinating power by the Local
Councils and in the executive sphere by their

Chairmen; and

2. Progressive and systematic readjustment, to the
extent feasible and desirable, of operational units
of various nation-building departments to the areas
of local councils. This will tend to make the area
comprised in a local council an autonomous and self-
contained administrative unit under the general

scheme of the provincial and national governments.

The above measures of coordination will be wOrkable
in the case Of all departments and agencies except those
Whose policy, as well as operations, require centralized
control and direction, as discussed below in connection

with the role Of Basic Democracies in DevelOpment.

Local Government or Service Functions:

In their capacity as local bodies, the primary duty
Of B. D.s will be to provide and administer such environ-
mental and social services as are laid down in the Basic

Democracies Order and the Municipal Administration Ordinance.

79

There are a number of ways, however, in which Basic Democ-
racies constitute a significant departure from the former
local bodies.

First, they have been built into the administrative
machine and made responsible for the exercise and coordina-
tion of administrative authority at the various levels.

Secondly, the range of services entrusted to them

is much wider than that of the former bodies. They have t”

 

been associated actively with DevelOpment administration
and with the promotion of the activities of nation—building
departments.

Thirdly, B. D.s have not been imposed from above
by a "benign" foreign government but are intended to form
the base of a new governmental and administrative structure
built from the bottom upwards.

Fourthly, special care is being exercised to see
that the factors responsible for the failure of local bodies
in the past do not again become Operative in the case of
Basic Democracies.

The last mentioned point in the preceding paragraph
merits a little more consideration. The chief factors re—
sponsible for the uninspiring record of local bodies in the

past may be described as follows:

80

l. Dearth of public spirited individuals among members

of local bodies;

2. Absence Of regular elections and lack of civic con-

sciousness in the electorate;

3. Factional intrigues in municipalities and district
boards having their repercussions on the provincial

politics;

4. Inadequate and inflexible finances; and

5. Lack of proper guidance and supervision by the higher

authorities.

The first three factors have been largely elimin-
ated by the emergence of a new leadership that has been
attracted to serve on Basic Democracies. It has a high
percentage of literacy and good representation from the
educated and professional classes. They are young and en—
thusiastic. The average age is between the years Of 35
and 40; the bulk Of them belong to the lower middle and
middle classes, the backbone Of a free and prOgressive
society in the process of industrialization. The system

provides that the new leadership will be also represented

81

at the upper tiers. Given such men, it can be reasonably
expected that there will be greater civic consciousness
and responsibility at all tiers of Basic Democracies. As
such, there is little likelihood that local Councils will,
like the former local bodies, become arenas Of factional
or political wranglings.

As regards the finances Of Basic Democracies, they
are receiving the active attention of Government. The income
from local taxation and fees will be supplemented under a
proper system of grants from government, undertaking of
commercial schemes by local councils, loans from government
as well as from the Open market, donation, and local contri-
butions on self-help basis. A detailed long-term financial
plan is being prepared for Basic Democracies in consultation
with the Provincial Governments. In the budgets for 1961-62
and 1962-63 adequate provisions were made to give these
bodies a good start.

Necessary steps are also being taken to ensure that
the new institutions do not languish through neglect by
government and other controlling authorities. It is in-
tended to set up adequate arrangements to guide and stimuf
late the functioning of local councils by encouragement of

good work and good men, systematic programs of training,

82

 

regular supply Of information and other means. These arrange-
ments will, however, carefully avoid the imposition of restric-
tive checks and controls on the councils, which would do more
harm than good by stifling local initiative and enterprise.
Basic Democracies must develOp as semi-autonomous and self-
reliant bodies and the supervision of their working must be .
the minimum required in the interest of administrative effi-

ciency; it should be constructive and purposeful without i

 

being detailed and inhibitive.

DevelOpmental
The role of Local Councils in developmental admin-
istration will be broadly similar to their role in the ad-
ministrative field in general. These bodies will help to:
1. Decentralize development planning and implementation;

and

2. Coordinate develOpmental activity at all appropri-

ate levels.

At present there is a tendency for plans Of devel-
Opment to be prepared at the Provincial and Central head-
quarters. Nearly all decisions are taken at these levels.

Instead of being prepared and imposed from above, programs,

83

particularly those in the Sphere of rural develOpment,
should originate in the villages and proceed upward, so
that their aggregate represents the needs, aSpirations,
and thinking of the peOple. In the words Of the First
Five-Year Plan:
The planning and execution of a national

develOpment prOgram is a process to which

nearly every unit of government must contrib-

ute. Schemes and proposals should be prepared

at every level of government from the village

to the center and in every department and min—

istry concerned with development. These schemes

and prOposals should be reviewed and coordinated

into district, provincial, and national plans.

Decisions must be reached and sanctions given

for the execution of plans by operating organ-

izations, and their work must be coordinated

to achieve maximum results.

The Basic Democracies will serve as ideal agencies
for the purpose in view. Through them, national and pro—
vincial development programs will be broken into divisional,
district, and union plans to create a continuous chain of
develOpment administration all along the line. In a planned
economy based on an over—all assessment and utilization Of
the national resources, it is necessary to have a clear per-
ception Of the SCOpe and range of develOpmental activity
that Basic Democracies will be in a position to undertake.

Broadly speaking, the Local Councils will be con-

cerned with the planning and execution of two categories

of schemes, namely:

84

1. Schemes undertaken by various government departments
and public agencies as part Of their normal Opera—

tions; and

2. Schemes undertaken by the councils themselves largely

from their own resources.

Departmental development schemes: In the case of
departmental schemes, it is further necessary to distinguish
between subjects of which both policy and Operational control
must necessarily be centralized from those activities which
can in greater or lesser degree be decentralized to the dis-
tricts and divisions. In the first category, subjects like
Large Scale Industry and Water and Power would be included
While the second category would extend to subjects like Com-
munity DevelOpment, Social Welfare, COOperation, Labor, Edu-
cation, Medical and Public Health, Agriculture and Animal
Husbandry, Buildings and Roads, etc. It would no doubt be
unrealistic to associate Basic Democracies with the planning
and execution of develOpment schemes of the first category.
But in the case of other subjects, the Local Councils should
participate actively as an agency for reflecting the needs
and requirements of the peOple in respect to departmental

development plans affecting the local areas. As a concrete

85

measure to this end Government has already accepted a recom—
mendation of the Provincial Administration Committee that

all new develOpment schemes Of departments should be dis—
cussed in the district and divisional councils. These councils,
among other things, will assign priorities among the schemes

of various departments from a local and regional point of

View. These "territorial" priorities will be duly consid-

ered before the schemes are incorporated in the Annual De-
velopment Programme of the province.

Participation in the planning process by the Coun-
cil will be supplemented by their association also with the
implementation of the departmental schemes. It is intended
that they should be able to call to account departmental
agencies in case of Obvious delay or inefficiency in the
execution of a scheme and the non-fulfillment of stated

targets but without interfering with its technical aspects.

Development Schemes of Basic Democracies: As regards

 

their own schemes, the type Of plans undertaken by Basic
Democracies would be determined largely by local conditions
and the availability of the funds. It would be necessary
for the councils to guard against undertaking over-ambitious

and unrealistic programs Which exceed their normal financial

86

resources. Within this limitation, however, much can be
achieved by these bodies. For this purpose, effective and
practical assistance will be made available to them for
framing their programs on the baSis of well thought out

priorities. This assistance would extend to both planning

and implementation, somewhat on the following lines:

(a) In the preparation Of schemes, the technical and
administrative assistance Of Official members of
the upper tier councils would be made available
not only to the Councils, of which they are mem—
bers, but also to the Union Councils and Town
Committees. Instructions have been issued to
give the highest consideration to the development
plans of Basic DemocraCies and not treat them as
a relatively unimportant adjunct Of departmental

Operations; and

(b) A special engineering service is being constituted
for the execution Of the works undertaken by Basic
Democracies. A District Engineer in the district
with a Superintending Engineer at divisional level
will be provided and this organization will be

fitted into the public works department set-up.

87

The foregoing discussion shows that the main Object
is to integrate for maximum effectiveness the headquarters
and field organization in the framing and execution of de-
velopment schemes. The district, divisional, and lower
councils will have considerable discretion within the funds
available to them from local resources, supplemented by
grants from Government, tO undertake develOpment plans of
importance to their areas. It is hoped that the BaSic Dem-
ocracies, at every level, will progressively become the nu-
cleus Of active planning. At present, there is very little
fruitful collaboration of regional planning with provincial
and national planning and this deficiency will be largely
made good if Basic Democracies function successfully in

the development sector.

Judicial Functions

Certain judicial functions have also been given to
the Union Councils and Union Committees under the Family
Law Ordinance and Conciliation Courts Ordinance. They are
empowered to decide disputes regarding maintenance Of fam-
ilies, divorce, second marriage and other related matters
under the Muslim Law. The Conciliation Courts Ordinance

makes it compulsory for the complainant to seek redress

88

from these Councils in case Of rioting, hurt, wrongful re-
straint or confinement, mis—appropriation of property,
criminal breach of trust, cheating, mischief, criminal
trespass, intimidation, and unlawful assemblies. Their
optional jurisdiction extends to cases of assault, theft,
house treSpass, enticing away married women, and defamation.
They are also authorized to decide certain disputes Of civil
nature such as recovery of money due on contracts, recovery
Of movable prOperty, compensation for damage to movable
property and damage for cattle trespass.

This system has brought justice closer to the door-
step Of the people, and made it speedier and economical.
These bodies decide more than 25,000 cases every year.

A special feature of these courts is that they,
rather than concentrate on punishing the offenders, tend
to tackle the root-cause Of the disputes and effect amicable
settlement. This is helping to build up an atmosphere of

amity and trust in the villages.

Constitutional Functions
Basic Democracies redeem the pledge of the President
to restore democracy to the peOple but in a form that they

can understand and work. The new institutions are based on

89

the fundamental concept that the task of governing must be
carried out with the active consent and participation of
all the governed. Given the present educational level,
mental horizon, and lack of political maturity Of our
peOple, this assumption would be quite unsupportable in
case direct elections based on adult sufferage were held
to the Legislature or to the Office of President.

A workable democracy must be rooted in society;
while it must encourage the progressive trends and elements
of the society, it must also be based on realism and an ob-
jective perception of the social, economic, and political
conditions as they exist. In advanced countries, where
people have long experience and training for the task Of
choosing their representatives, certain patterns Of politi-
cal behavior emerge and intelligent thinking can be focused
on national problems by the development of necessary means
and facilities. The existence of mass communication media——
the Press, the Radio, and the Television--provide instru—
ments of political education and Of the presentation of
programs to the nation. The nation is also, by and large,
composed Of literate individuals capable of comprehending
the issues facing the country and judging between one pro-

gram and the other.

90

In Pakistan, 85 percent of the people areilliterate.
Their attention has hardly ever been engaged by problems
other than those at the local level. It would be unrealis-
tic, therefore, tO expect them to judge between plans re-
lating to issues beyond their immediate horizon. The under—
develOpedness of our press and radio and the absence of
television only aggravates the situation. It will be some
time—-a couple Of generations at least—~before literacy
becomes considerably widespread and the mass communication
facilities develop to the extent necessary and desirable.
Under the circumstances, if the effective participation of
the peOple in the management Of the country is to be assured
this should be done in first instance by entrusting them
with the prudent management Of their own particular local-
ities. Within these areas, the problems are known to them
as they have a direct and daily impact on their lives. The
matters are also of sufficient intimate concern to them to
provide a basis for comprehension, and for judgment as to
who should represent them in institutions designed to solve
those problems.

The electoral college constituted by elected coun—
cillors of Basic Democracies, consisting Of the trusted men

Of the local communities chosen from localities where they

 

91

are known and their public motives and ethics are understood,
provide a realistic basis Of representative government in
the country. It is for this reason that the newly indepen-
dent countries Of Asia and Africa, faced with similar prob-
lems Of mass illiteracy, social stagnation, and economic
backwardness, are watching with such great interest the

success Of the new democratic system in Pakistan.

Chapter IV

ANALYSIS OF BASIC DEMOCRACIES

Assignment of Development Functions

 

The Basic Democracies Order Of 1959 provides a
reasonably complete structural framework for the evolution
Of local self—government to which is also assigned the major
burden of initiating, coordinating, and supervising the de-
velopment activities in which the government is actively
interested. The membership of the several tiers of Basic
Democracies, composed as they are of elected, appointed,
and official members, is designed to assure a close inte-
gration of the will Of the peOple, as expressed through
their elected representatives, with specialized knowledge
of the bureaucracy (offiéials) and the counsel of appoin~
tive members. In many respects the whole scheme can quite
prOperly be thought of as a vast adult educational experi—
ment which has at least four interesting challenges:

1. The challenge to the electors generally to select
leaders who will represent their interests in the

92

 

93

most competent and Objective manner Of which they
are capable. This means applying measures Of ac-
ceptability to the several candidates which are
more inclusive than family, sect, or faction.

Basic intelligence, (not necessarily literacy),
practical experience, breadth Of view,and leader-
ship qualities were apparently considered important
criteria for selection as may be deduced from the
following summary of results:

The analysis of the results (involv-
ing 1389 elected representatives from a
totalcf 3329 candidates) shows that, by
and large, a new class of leadership has
emerged. It is young and enthusiastic—-
the average age of the representatives
being 35 to 40 years. Educationally, the
successful candidates present a hOpeful
picture. In West Pakistan 12 percent Of
them are well educated, 58 percent have
read up to IX Class and only 30 percent
are illiterate. In East Pakistan, 11
percent are well educated, 87 percent
have studied up to matriculation, and
only 2 percent are illiterate. In Karachi,
90 percent Of the peOple's representatives
are literate. The elected councillors
come mostly from the middle and lower
middle classes. Farmers constitute 82
percent Of the elected representatives
in East Pakistan. In the Western wing,
some 60 percent of the elected come from
average middle class families. 0n the
other hand, out Of a total of 38,475
seats in the province, no more than 472
were captured by the landed gentry.l

 

l . .
Bureau of National Reconstruction, Dawn of a New
24.

94

The challenge to elected chairmen (Of more than
8,000 union councils) is to perform their coord-
inative and administrative functions in a manner
which will help their communities create and carry
out develOpmental plans which will yield the great-
est benefits tO the largest number Of inhabitants.
Those union council chairmen appointed to represent
their constituencies at succeedingly higher tiers
of Basic Democracies have the further challenge to
bring forcefully to the attention of officials the
genuine interests and needs of the village culti~
vators as well as their will to work and contribute

to the achievement of production and other goals.

The challenge to the employees Of nation-building
departments (the bureaucracy) is to set aside their
traditional, sometimes arrogant, views towards the
people; to accept with dignity and poise the re-
versal Of roles in which elected representatives

of the peOple--rather than Officials--take over,
increasingly, the responsibility for the major
policies which guide the programs of development

and welfare; to broaden their conception of the

95

role of government as encompassing more than law

and order—-indeed as being more concerned with de-
velOpment and welfare than with the essentially
negative goals of the past; and to produce more
realistic and practical ideas, methods, and prac-
tices which cultivators working alone and in groups
will find more productive Of good results than their

traditional practices.

The challenge to the peOple generally is to accept
responsibility, which no one else can assume, for
making the best use Of their lands and other re-
sources for the purpose of producing more food and
other products which are basic to the elevation of
their own standards Of living as well as essential
to the attainment Of increased national wealth, from
which higher standards of education and welfare can
only be provided; to set aside their prejudices,
factions, and traditional enmities in favour of

the larger community welfare; and to use restraint
in their demands of and reliance upon the govern—
ment to solve their problems. This challenge can

best be met imaginatively and vigorously——with

96

increased satisfaction as results become apparent,
within a political framework Of freedom and volun-

tary participation.

It should be apparent from the above comments that
orderly and progressive development can only take place in
a social environment in which hope, mutual trust, personal
and group dedication, and motivatiOn predominate, and in
which the resources of government are combined with the
material and spiritual resources of the people for the

achievement of higher standards Of living.

Special Assignments Of Union and
District Councils

 

The principal substantive assignments for develop—
ment are made to the 8216 union and to the 76 district
councils. The language of the order is unambiguous in both
cases. The law reads that,

A union council shall be responsible for

agricultural, industrial and community devel-
Opment in the union, and may, for that purpose
perform such functions as may be prescribed.
In addition to this mandatory function, union councils may

undertake such develOpment functions as: 1) promotion and

development Of the cooperative movement, village industries,

97

forests, livestock and fisheries; 2) provision Of mainten-
ance Of wells, water pumps, tanks, ponds and other works
for the supply of water; 3) adoption of measures for in-
creasing food production and other related functions.

The assigned responsibilities tO district councils
are divided into compulsory, optional, and coordinative.
The compulsory list closely parallels the fields Of devel—
Opment which are assigned to union councils. The differ-
ence, except for agriculture, lies largely in the language
of the order which classifies most Of the develOpment func-
tions Of union councils. Industrial and community develOp—
ment, which indeed are very comprehensive, are given to the
Union Council as Optional functions, whereas the same func-
tions, plus others, are classified as compulsory for dis-
trict councils. More specifically, the adoption of measures
for increasing agricultural productiOn, plantation, and pres-
ervation of trees; provision of water supply; improvement
of the breeding Of cattle, horses, and other animals; and
related develOpment functions are compulsory for the dis-
trict councils.

The major service function, which is also included
in the "compulsory" category, is the provisions and mainten-

ance of primary schools.

98

The Optional functions ("unless required by govern—
ment") are essentially narrower in scope than the compulsory
functions, rather than different in kind. Examples would
be: the establishment and maintenance of model agricultural
farms; maintenance of crop statistics; promotion of agri—
cultural credit; promotion Of agricultural education de-
signed to stimulate the adOption of more production prac—
tices; preservation and reclamation Of soil; drainage and
reclamation of swamps; the provisions of facilities for the
procurement of raw materials; and the marketing of products
of village industries.

The coordinative functions generally relate to the
conventional activities Of review and appraisal of the work
of subordinate councils. In addition, however, the district
councils have responsibility to consider local problems
which inhibit development and to make suggestions for their
solution, as well as, the broader assignment to formulate
and recommend to the divisional councils, and other author-
ities, development schemes Of importance to the district.
This function clearly recognizes that some problems Of de-
velopment can only be dealt with in larger geOgraphical
areas, with possibly different methods and with larger or

longer range application or resources.

99
Tehsil/Thana Councils

The 599 tehsil/thana councils can play as large or
as small a role in development as the leadership of these
councils may elect to play or as the district councils may
assign. More specifically the language Of the Order per-
mits tehsil/thana councils to undertake "all such functions
in the tehsil/thana as the district council is competent
to undertake in the districts," or they shall, if required
by district councils, perform the same functions. Thus,
the powers of the tehsil/thana councils are in effect de-
rived powers and are more subject to variables in leader—
ship than are the union and district councils. The absence
of taxing powers also suggests that they are a level to be
used for assignments from the district council and for co-
ordination and communication rather than as a level which
has its own legal dynamic power for develOpment. Whether
the tehsil/thana councils play this someWhat "passive” role

(vis-a—vis union and district councils) needs investigation.

Divisional Councils

The functions Of the 13 divisional councils very

closely parallel the coordinative functions of the district

100

councils. In addition a "safety—valve" provision is in—

cluded which permits the government from time-to-time to

direct that,

subject to such terms and conditions as may be
specified, any functions entrusted to District

Councils . . . shall be

undertaken by a Divi—

sional Council on behalf of all the District
Councils or any particular District Council

in the Division.

What seems clear is
their best, will be dealing
possibilities which are far
vidual cultivators or small
(cooperatives or otherwise)
may involve the creation of

in larger watersheds, wider

that divisional councils, at
with develOpment problems and
beyond the resources of indi-
associations of cultivators

to deal with. These problems
water control and use facilities

marketing arrangements, more

comprehensive transportation networks and similar problems.

The absence of taxing powers Of the divisional councils,

like the tehsil/thana councils, suggests more emphasis on

planning and coordinative functions rather than dynamic

grass-roots functions which result from and are tested by

the willingness of people to contribute to develOpment by

the "acid test" of taxing themselves or submitting to taxes

imposed from higher levels.

 

101
Provisions Applying to All Local Councils

Most Of the provisions of the Basic Democracy Order
applying to all "Local Councils" (all councils up to and
including divisional councils) deal with legal powers, ex-
ecutive powers, conduct of business, records, reports, es—
tablishment matters, control Over activities and other ad—
ministrative matters. Of central importance tO the mech-
anics of putting development ideas into concrete form are
the Optional or required provisions for submission of de-
velOpment plans. The language of the Order follows:

A Local Council may, and if by Government.

required shall, prepare and implement develOp—
ment plans for Sich periods and in such a manner
as may be specified. Such plans shall be sub-

ject to the sanction Of the prescribed authority,
and shall provide for

(a) the promotion, improvement and develOp-
ment Of such function or functions of the Local
Council as may be specified,

(b) the manner in which the plan shall be
financed , executed, implemented and supervised,

(c) the agency through which the plan shall
be executed and implemented, and

(d) such other matters as may be necessary.

The above requirement for the orderly formulation
and submission of develOpment plans may be the "real test"
and distillate of the scores, if not hundreds, of hours of

thinking and discussion which may have taken place in the

102

councils before the ideas are set down in writing. The
scope and importance of development plans coming through
this channel are, of course, not the sum total of develOp2
ment activities going on in Pakistan. At least two large
categories of development activities are presumably omitted
--One category includes the activities of individual cul-
tivators Who, in one way or another, without governmental
help, except possibly technical advice, are employing prac-
tices which are adding to the sum total of production of
food and other commodities. The other category includes
those authorized departmental develOpment programs which
are directly administered by the departmental employees
or indirectly as subsidy prOgrams (seeds, fertilizers,
credit, etc.) for application by individual cultivators,
cooperatives, or others. Thus the facts of how much de-
velOpment money and activity is genuinely carried on with-
in the framework Of Basic Democracy councils and how much
occurs outside the councils is not known.

As a practical matter, a sufficiently large amount
Of develOpment work must be initiated by, channeled through
or be controlled or influenced by Basic Democracies to sat-
isfy the basic democrats that their discussions are not

merely "academic exercises." Furthermore, to the extent

103

that development funds and activities originate and/or are
financed by and through the councils, the quality Of the
develOpment plans and budgets will doubtless have a great
deal to do with actual performance. From what little evi-
dence is available, this aspect of the Operations of Basic
Democracies needs a great deal of "shoring up" before highly
generalized, if not largely theoretical schemes are trans—
lated into actual "blueprints” for action-~but the instances
which have been brought to attention may not be‘a fair ex—
ample Of the practices. Undoubtedly much more research is
called for in this area.

To the extent that budgets reflect income and ex-
penditures for develOpment projects (as contrasted with es-
tablishment items, etc.) the provisions in the Basic Democ-
racies Order for orderly submission and review can be help—
ful in the process of creating realistic plans. The provi-
sion for raising loans, undertaking commercial or business
enterprises, and for making plans for and executing works
which may be invoked by local councils, adds to their po-
tential strength and capacity to carry forward development
plans. Further research and documentation of actual exper—

ience with these provisions will doubtless be helpful in

104

guiding the various councils in the use of these powers
which probably, up to now, have been exercised quite

sparingly.

Chapter V

CONCLUSION

Critique

Although there is no doubt that the scheme for Basic
Democracies is bold, imaginative and very soundly conceived,

a few critical remarks may not be out Of order. The first

has to do with a basic omission. There is need to emphasize,

in one way or another, the fundamental fact that undergird-
ing the whole structure is the necessity to increase indi—
vidual responsibility for changed habits Of production,
wider outlook, and a higher level of community and national
Spirit.

The principal purpose of the Order is to create an
organizational structure for the evolution of local govern-
ment and develOpment. But, some kind Of reference should
have been worked into a preamble, if not in the text of the
Order, to emphasize the importance Of the individual in the

entire organization. Without widespread assumption of indi—

vidual responsibility for the broad goals which are set forth

105

106

in the Order and the Plan, the structure, however soundly
conceived, will essentially remain a scrap of paper.

Another tOpic, closely allied to the whole subject
Of development, which is conspicuously absent,is any refer-
ence to "Family Planning.” This tOpic may have been omitted
for broadly political reasons because Of the religious feel-
ings involved on the part of some persons who consider this
program against Islamic principles. However, this explana-
tion is difficult to make when the government has taken such
a forthright position on this subject. The scheme for Family
Planning was first initiated in 1959, followed by a provision
of Rs. 30.5 million (U. S. $6.1 million) in the Second Five-
Year Plan. By March, 1963, Family Planning Centres numbered
1,920 and were functioning throughout the country. The pub-
lic was being educated in Family Planning through films,
radio, and the press. The prOgram is also being aided by
foreign agencies like the Ford Foundation, POpulation Coun-
cil, New York; and the Swedish Government. The Ford Founda-
tion has given financial aid within the first two years of
the program to the extent Of $549,000 in the form of con-
sultants, equipments, etc., and has agreed to extend further
assistance to the sum Of $925,000. A National Research In—

stitute of Family Planning was set up and is being expanded.

107

Central and Provincial Family Planning Councils have also
been set up. In spite of all this no reference is given
to it in the Basic Democracies.0rder. Somewhere in the
enumeration of functions Of union and other councils, the
function of promoting and facilitating the government's
program in this field might very well have been worked in.
For the President of Pakistan has rightly indicated that
if the problem Of increasing numbers of human beings is
not solved, the economy will, at best, do no more than hold
its own. The prospects of being on an "economic treadmill"
are not very exciting, to say the least.

A third and more complex point has to do with the
allocation of functions between the several tiers of Basic
Democracies. For example, the promotion Of agricultural
programs appears in much the same language in the alloca-
tion of functions for union and district councils. Cer-
tainly agricultural develOpment functions are and should
be a major concern of both tiers of councils, but what is
apprOpriate for union councils to do about agricultural
development may be quite different from the functions which
district councils, should perform. A clean delineation of
the potential contributions and responsibilities which each

tier might best make to this area of development will help

108

sharpen the character of the specific development plans
which are formulated and on which successful administra-
tion may ultimately rest. This delineation can be made
in the implementing rules promulgated by the provinces,
but the Basic Democracies Order should aid the process Of

clarification by being more carefully drawn on this point.

Suggestions for the Improvement of
the Operations of Basic Democracies

l--Individual Regponsibility

First consideration will be given to the omission
in the Basic Democracies Order regarding a need to empha-
size the necessity Of increased individual responsibility
for changed habits of production, wider outlook, and a
higher level of community and national spirit. The prob-
lem is to understand the nature of change, why people
sometimes resist it, how to introduce it and why? These

aspects are dealt with briefly in the following paragraphs.

Resistance to Change.
It has become a commonplace saying ”that people

resist change." But, a generalization which has many more

109

facts to support it is: "People accept change." The aver-
age man worships a Hebrew deity, buys a paper with coins
invented in ancient Lydia, reads the news of the day printed
in characters invented by ancient Semites upon material in-
vented in China by a process invented in Germany. PeOple
all over the world have been changing their ways. The rate
of change may be slow or fast, but the fact of change is
Obvious. If we grasp this concept firmly we begin to see
resistance to change as a symptom of something wrong in the
cross—cultural situation, that is, something wrong between
those advocating change and those who are asked to adapt
to it. There can be many reasons for resistance to change.
The historical background may be such as to make
it difficult to establish satisfactory functional relation-
ship between the administrators and the peOple. For the
last two centuries the peasants in Pakistan have been gov-
erned through the Patwari and Tehsildar as tax collectors
and through the village watchman and the police as the agen—
cies of law and order. Most of their experience with gov-
ernment has been unpleasant and costly. The government
servant has fostered an image Of himself as someone author-
itative, paternalistic, and aloof. Maintenance of a respec-

table distance was considered by the British to be an important

110

method of perpetuating control. So infectious was this
attitude that not only the smaller civil servants but
also the other hierarchies of Officialdom, e.g., Officers
of the Agriculture, Education, and Public Health Depart-
ments, imitated in spite of the fact that they were sup-

posed to work for improving the lot of the people.

Centralization.

There was extreme centralization developed during
the colonial period. Policies and plans wens made at the
tOp. The men in the field were not even invited to partic-
ipate. Targets had little relation to local customs, needs,
or resources. The workers in the field were allowed little
initiative by their bosses and could not obtain the willing
COOperation of the peOple. The goal of the worker became
the satisfaction of the superior rather than betterment Of
the peOple. He took to manipulation of results in order
to retain the good Opinion of his boss. The villager stood
outside all this, as it were. At best he considered it a
kind Of game between the worker and the higher officer.

His real needs were not touched and he was asked to perform

many meaningless and bothersome tasks so that officers might

111

be pleased. NO wonder that he developed a strong attitude
Of avoidance.

The attitude of distrusting government persists to
this day——eighteen years after independence. This is il-
lustrated by the following examples.

A village AID worker reported that a census of
milch and draught cattle was being attempted, in a village
in the Bannu Development Area, a rumour spread that milch
animals were going to be taxed. People refused to cooper-
ate with the survey and declined the gift of the government
stud bull. In Kotli Loharan of Sialkot Development Area,
when seed treated with Grenosen was offered, all kinds of
rumours began to Spread. It was fairly widely believed
that the object of the government in distributing the seed

was to render the village women sterile.

Basic Security.

People resist changes that seem to threaten basic
securities. It is not always realized fully that villagers
have a culture or integrated way of life. This way of life
consists of their social organizations and their sentiments,

i.e., ideas, attitudes, and modes of behaviour. Any change

112

in one aspect of their way Of life affects, to a smaller
or lesser degree, the other aspects. Take, for instance,
the question of having model houses in a village. The vil-
lagers are told that they should have separate dwellings
with enough ventilation, that it is unhygienic to tether
animals near the place where human beings sleep and so on.
The villagers listen in seeming deference. They know that
having common walls, doing with little or no ventilation,
tethering animals in the courtyards used for sleeping are
all practices that give them a basic security--security
against theft of property. They resist the change and if
forced to adOpt it, they revert to their old practices as
soon as possible. Unless their objections are understood
and met they will not adopt the change.

Again, thinking of changes in health practices and
in agriculture, the villager has perhaps come to rely on
an indigenous theory about the origin of ailment. He re-
sorts to charms, tavizes, pirs, etc. He ascribes the havoc
wrought by the vagaries of the weather to Destiny or Kismet.
These beliefs are not scientific, but they do lead to sta—
bility and give him a hearing in a vast and hostile universe.
If we take away the beliefs and do not substitute something

better, we may be leaving him defenseless in his battle of

113

life, even if we do occasionally succeed in introducing a
reform or two. We must take into account the cost which
a community has to pay in modifying its culture.

The man who intrudes into another culture or way
of life with administrative acts may be like one who cuts
bothersome roots without being aware of their function and
inter-connection. It is the people whose roots are being
out who can Often feel what is happening.

People look askance at advice given by strangers.
No community anywhere readily acts on advice given by

strangers. It is good that people are not gullible.

Understanding.
People resist changes they do not understand--
as Elton Mayo says:

If an individual cannot work with suf-
ficient understanding Of his work situation,
then, unlike a machine, he can only work
against opposition from himself. This is
the essential nature of the human; with all
the will in the world to COOperate, he finds
it difficult to persist in action for an
end he cannot dimly see.1

The history of community development is full of instances
which corroborate this fact. In some places big develOp-

ment funds lie unused because the peOple are not interested

lQuoted on page 37, Village Aid in West Pakistan,
Chief Information Officer, Village Aid Adm., W. Pakistan,
Lahore.

114

in the programs which we think are good for them. In
other places the peOple have so come to regard the program
as their very own that they do not want to use government
funds and take pride in the fact that they have achieved
results through their own efforts. In India they tried

to rehabilitate aborigines from the hills on the plains.
Each family was given 5 acres Of land, a pair of bullocks,
and Rs. 300 (U. S. $60) to build a house. At the end of
six months the aborigines killed the bullocks, ate the

meat, sold the hides, burnt the houses, and disappeared.

How to Introduce Change and Why?

We have so far discussed why peOple resist change.
Now we shall consider how to introduce change and why.

A famous medical teacher, Dr. Samuel Darling, once
said: "If you want to control the mosquito you must learn
to think like a mosquito." Similarly, if we wish to im-
prove the way of life of a people we must learn to think
like the peOple. To be able to teach the teacher must
learn. What appears from outside as irrational behavior

becomes intelligible when viewed from within.

115

By studying the belief system of a peOple the ad-
ministration will realize that it is easier to change in
some directions than in others. A wise administration
knows that before more difficult re-education can be at-
tempted he must develop a feeling of confidence towards
himself.

It is better to begin by trying to move in an easy
direction that approximates the administrator's aims than
to insist on a difficult direction that exactly fits his
purpose. He must:

1. Create prestige, especially through identifying
himself with the interest and welfare of the com-

munity.
2. Gain and give love and affection.

3. Make the people feel they are participating in a

common venture.

An excellent way Of achieving these objectives is to allowthe
people to have initiative. It is here that the training of
villages can be useful. It is suggested that each Union
Council should assign a Village Worker, trained in the rural

academies, to each village in that particular Union. He

116

should go to a village, introduce himself, find out the
felt needs, organize discussion on those needs which can
be met through self-help, create self confidence, help
plan a solution of a small local problem and encourage

execution of the plan through the villagers' own effort.

Initiative from People.
There are many good reasons why the people should

be involved and given the initiative:

1. NO matter how perfect a plan is, if the people
fail to feel it belongs to them, it leaves them
cold, if not hostile. Take the simple question
of a survey so essential for even an imposed
scheme. The people neglect or refuse to give
correct answers when government wants some sta-
tistics. 0n the other hand if the survey is
carried out by the villagers to solve a problem
in which they are involved not only are the an—
swers reliable, but the people's enthusiasm for
finding a solution gets kindled in the very pro-

cess of the survey.

117

Ours is a poor country. If the people are involved
they make the best use of the funds and contribute
many times more in land, material and labor. Our
biggest potential wealth is our manpower. In the
villages this manpower remains idle for nearly six
months in the year. Once the peOple's enthusiasm

is aroused it can transform Pakistan.

People strive to maintain what they feel is their
very own--if the people are involved not only do
they proudly contribute the maximum they can (in-
cluding all their ingenuity) to execute the plans
but they are also anxious and eager to maintain
what they achieve. In Ahmad pur area of Bahawalpur
region the roads were not made. The administrators
felt that better communications should be the need
Of the area. Hume Pipes (which are used to carry
water Of crossing streams and channels under the
roads during construction) were offered gratis
without involving the people. Disregarding that

it was for their benefit the people demanded wages
to carry pipes to the villages. In Sadigabad an-

other area in the same region, a contrasting example

118

is found. Seven miles of a very wide stretch Of
land were given free by the villagers Of Shakirkot,
Chandrami, etc., and a road was made at no cost to
Government. What is more no cart owner had tres—
passed onto the portion earmarked for lighter traffic.
In the Mandan Village of Bannu district there is a
District Board road. The boys used to damage the
culverts and remove bricks. Some time back a link
road was built to this very District Board road by
villagers. The DevelOpment Officer asked some boys
how it was that they did not remove a single brick
from the link road or damage its culverts. Straight
came the answer, "Oh, that is a government road and
this is our own. No one is such a fool as to damage

his own property."

PeOple who participate in changing their own ways
want to achieve bigger and bigger results. Once
they achieve something worthwhile, through their
own efforts, their enthusiasm, self confidence,

and group pride increase manifold. They want to

maintain the pride through bigger efforts.

119

Whenever a change is imposed from above, the cost
is to be paid in good will if not more. It is in-
correct to say that facts speak for themselves.
They are cross-examined and given meaning in accord—
ance with the assumptions of the examiner. Good
results do not automatically carry conviction.
Technically successful campaigns have resulted in
public charges of incompetence and failure. The
famous program of soil conservation on the Navaho
Indian Reservation in the United States checked
erosion on millions of acres and restored hundreds
of square miles of eroded land. This success is
not appreciated by the peOple for whom the program
was so designed. Navahos hate the persons connected
with the program. Coercion was used to reduce the
number of cattle which had been integrated into
their prestige system. In Arizona a similar pro-
gram was executed on the Papago Indian Reservation.
The village councils initiated the program. In
the long run time was saved through local partici-
pation. More important, a tradition of participa-
tion was established in the application of techno-

logical aids to the community's problems. The

120

program also saved the government millions of dol—
lars. The community itself planned and carried out
the program of stock reduction. It also controlled

erosion on half a million acres Of land.

Our farmers are poor. Very few are in a position

to take risks. We have to secure their good will
and active participation before they willingly agree
to experiment with new ways. Once they are involved
they will not mind even an occasional or accidental

failure.

Initiative compensates for the stresses that cannot
be relieved, e.g., poverty of the masses in Pakistan
for at least one more decade. On the other hand
blind submission robs a person Of the ability to
take care of himself. It produces unhealthy and
unbalanced ’individuals who are either spiritually
crippled or are ready preys for the subversive ele-
ments. The best chance of making the constitution

a reality and to run the State on truly democratic
lines is to make the citizens fit for democratic

rule.

10.

11.

121

Human beings learn by doing. The Village Worker's
desire to do too much is about as destructive as
apathy and refusal to do anything. It is import-
ant that the peOple's right to commit mistakes
should be recognized. There are times when the
Village worker should not interfere even if he
knows that he can do the job better. Village
Workers should also try sometimes to think that:

they are not infallible.

A good Village Worker must delegate re3ponsibility
and reduce his problems to prOportions with which

he can easily expect to COpe.

If the people are not given an opportunity to say
what their problems are, the consequences may be
dire. Before the French Revolution, men coming
in an orderly manner to place their grievances
before the king were beheaded. Public silence

was mistaken for public calm.

The pressure of group Opinion on individuals is
enormous. The modern trend of group psychotherapy

makes use of this principle. The Village worker

12.

122

should channel the force of group Opinion to suit
his aims. PeOple are more susceptible to opinion
of persons in groups that resemble their own than

they are to the beliefs of the peOple that are dif—

‘ferent, e.g., the Village Workers. We have to find

out the most effective unit of social organizations,
e.g., a mohalla committee, village council of elders
or leaders. From the past experience we have learned
that direct mass approach to the villagers yielded
hardly any perceptible results. Once the leaders

are involved and the block opinion is convinced of‘
the correctness of a move, the rest will be rela-

tively easy.

The people may not know all the answers to their
problems, but they certainly know most of their
real problems. They do have a vast store of wisdom
that comes out of experience. It is a pity to dis-
regard it and plan in a vacuum. This is not neces-
sarily to say that the expert is not wiser, only
that his wisdom will leave him high and dry unless

he induces peOple to benefit from it.

123

13. Last but not least, our aim should be to develop
men and not merely things. Man is happy to work
purposefully in a free atmOSphere which allows
the fullest possible scope to his initiative.

He is happy creating things of beauty out of
inert matter. He is never happy as long as he

is himself treated as inert matter.

2-—Family Planning

 

The omission of Family Planning from Basic Democ-
racies Order seems meaningless as the Order is purely an
administrative and develOpment document closely allied to
pOpulation figures and in turn to Family Planning. Along
with the other functions the local councils such as Divis—
ional, District, Tehsil/Thana, and Union can take care of
promoting and facilitating this important program. The
Family Planning Divisional Directorate and the District
Sub-Directorate should be further broken down to Tehsil/
Thana and Union levels and working in close contact with
the councils at these levels. The responsibility in this
field should be followed as coordinating at Divisional and

Tehsil/Thana council levels and Operational at District and

124

Union Council levels. More stress to be given at the last
level which deals with the villagers and illiterate peOple

G
constituting 85% population of the country.

3--Division of Responsibility

The third omission regarding the clear delineation
of functions between the various levels of Basic Democracies
has only to do with the language of the Order. The language
of the Order is very broad and the functions of the differ-
ent levels more or less seem to be the same. As a legal
document the Order should be Specific as to allocations of
functions between different tiers of Basic Democracies and
should provide a clear guide line for the potential contri-
butions and reSponsibilities which each tier might best
make. This could best be done just by referring and dif-
ferentiating the functions to be operational in case of
Union and District Councils and coordinating in case of
Tehsil/Thana and Divisional Councils. Though the same
thing has been done in the Implementing Rules of Basic
Democracies promulgated by the provinces, its mention in
the Order itself will help sharpen the character of the
Specific plans on which the success of the whole scheme

of Basic Democracies exists.

125
In Conclusion

In general reference to all the elements of the
Basic Democracies Plan, it can be said that sufficient
publicity and support have been given by the government
to help the councils at each level to make a good start,
and that a start has been made in right earnest. As would
be expected, the progress is not uniform, but depends on
many factors, eSpecially the interest and desire to COOp-
erate on the part of all concerned.

The time is now ripe lo chalk out the working pat-
tern of the councils and to give them vigorous executive

leadership. The earlier it is done the better.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books and Periodicals

Basic Democracies and Local Government Department, Govern-
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Basic Democracies (Basic Democracies Order, 1959,
and Rules framed thereunder), Vol. 1.

 

Bureau of National Reconstruction, Government of Pakistan.
Basic Democracies. n. d.

Bureau of National Reconstruction, Government of Pakistan.
The Constitution—-A Summary. n. d.

Bureau of National Reconstruction, Government of Pakistan.
Dawn of a New Era. n.d.

Bureaucracy and Development in Pakistan, ed. Inayat Ullah.
Peshawar: Academy for Rural DevelOpment. Novem—
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Chief Information Officer, Village Aid Administration,
West Pakistan, Lahore. Village Aid in West Pakis-
tan. December, 1957.

 

Department of Films and Publications, Government of Pakis-
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Department of Films and Publications, Government of Pakis-
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Hasan, Masud-ul, T. K., M. A. Law and Principles of Basic
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Niehoff, Richard 0. Basic Democracies and Rural Develop-
ment. Peshawar: Academy for Rural Development.
n. d.
126

127

Planning and Evaluation Unit (Basic Democracies Wing),
Ministry of Education and Information, Government
of Pakistan. Basic Democracies--Structure and
Functions. 1963.

 

Qureshi, Saeed. Ahmed. A Retrospect on Basic Democracies.
October 1959 — July 1964.

 

Rahman, A. T. Rafiq. Basic Democracies and Rural Develop-
ment in Pakistan (paper). Peshawar: Academy for
Rural DevelOpment.

 

 

Waterston, Albert. Planning in Pakistan. The Economic
DevelOpment Institute, International Bank for Re-
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Documents and Reports

 

Government of Bengal. Bengal District Administrative
Committee Report: 1912-1913.

Government of Bengal. Bengal Administration Report:
1871-72.

Government of Bengal, Local Self-Government Department.
The Report on the Working of the District Boards
in Bengal for 1919-1920.

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Government of Pakistan, Planning Commission. The Second
Five Year Plan: 1960-1965.

 

Government of Pakistan, Planning Commission. Third Five
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Khan, Akhter Hameed. Paper submitted to the Committee to
suggest reforms in the system of local bodies.
Located in Pakistan Academy for Rural Development,
Comilla. 1958.

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