'—"*—__" A STUDY OF THE SETTINGS FOR THREE FRENCH BALLETS DE COUR: 1580-1540 Thesis for the Degree :25 M. A: MICHLGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Shirfiay E5559” Swarthoui 196i 3110 This is to certify that the thesis entitled . Pf“ “T‘It' ."f‘ f" "" P“"' TTT' 'I" (‘ w‘” r" 74‘“ Tfim ""_— - l -l :14. k. .' .L . 3 _‘. ..,- . . . — u v- v ~~— r-a (. -\ -q .. '- .. ' r‘ -1 ‘5‘ g n 4.. 1 l 4 ' I . .1 JUN: -1, .14- C‘: : .sz \_1—_._‘ ‘,_~._o presented by has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for ‘rrrr-"w‘ r"H IT‘P‘C“ *j"""f“" [/fflMM/y/r/Z //[;(//;i/Z{é4\4 Major professor Q/ Datéjé} H/ y/ //é/ I/ 0-169 LIBRARY Michigan State University ABSTRACT A STUDY OF THE SETTINGS FOR THREE FRENCH BALLETS DE COUR: 1580-1640 by Shirley Elliott Swarthout The primary purpose of this study has been to analyze the scenery used in staging three representative ballets de Cour: the Ballet comigue de la Reine,_Circé, presented at the French Court in 1581; the Ballet de la Délivrance de Renaud of 1617; and the Ballet de la Douair- iére de Billebahaut of 1626. To provide a context for this analysis, each bal- let was considered, first, from a general, over-all point of view, as a composite of elements including music and dance, as well as decor. A consideration of the relative emphasis given to each of these components revealed a change from a relatively balanced emphasis achieved in giggé, to an emphasis upon music in Renaud, and finally, in Billeba- {Qggt, to an emphasis upon the element of dance. The influ- ence exercised by both Renaud and Billebahaut upon the later French theatre was observed. Renaud contributed directly to the development of the French Opera, while Billebahaut was instrumental in shaping the Ballet as it is known today. After the element of decor was seen in its context, Shirley Elliott Swarthout along with the elements of music and dance, it was removed from this context for more intensive analysis. Problems and inconsistencies in the information presently available concerning the staging of the three ballets were considered and possible solutions to these problems proposed. Atten- tion was focused upon the conflicting evidence concerning the size and character of the Salle du Petit-Bourbon where giggé was staged, and a reconstruction of a floorplan for giggé was constructed. The scene changes for Renaud were analyzed in detail and a possible method for their execu- tion presented. In all, an attempt was made to present a picture, as graphic as possible, of the actual staging of the three ballets from a designer's or stage technician's point of view. The analysis of decor undertaken in the present study revealed two develOpments in staging methods during the sixty-year period from 1580 to 1640. The first was a progression from the décor disperse of giggé, with its set pieces scattered about on the auditorium floor, through the decor successif of Renaud, in which a revolving stage made possible five changes of scene, to the informal and spon- taneous Douairiére de Billebahaut, with its generalized backdrop upon a platform stage. The second tendency, that of the concentration of scenery at one end of the auditorium, paralleled the progression outlined above. This trend, though barely discernible in'giggg, was clearly visible in Renaud and fully realized in Billebahaut. A STUDY OF THE SETTINGS FOR THREE FRENCH BALLETS DE COUR: 1580-1640 By SHIRLEY ELLIOTT SWARTHOUT A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Speech 1961 4 am 6 4735/3,- / / / TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter I. INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II. SOURCES FROM WHICH THE ELEMENTS OF THE BALLET DE COUR WERE DERIVED O O O O O O O O C O O C III. AN ANgLYSIS OF THE BALLET COMIQUE DE LA REINE, CIRC O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 IV. AN ANALYSIS OF THE BALLET DE LA DELIVRANCE DE RENAUD C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O V. AN ANALYSIS OF THE BALLET DE LA DOUAIRIERE DE BILLEBAHAUT . O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 V1. CONCLUSION. O O 0 O O O O 0 0 O 0 O O O O O O 20 59 85 98 BIBLIOGRAPHY. O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 101 ii 10. ll. 12. LIST OF FIGURES Engraving of the Prologue for the Ballet comigue de la Reine Circe. . . . . . . . . . Two Diagrams of the Salle du Petit-Bourbon . . Reconstruction of the Prologue Engraving in Mechanical Perspective. . . . . . . . . . . . Reconstruction of a Floorplan for Circé. . . . Reconstruction of a Floorplan for Renaud . . . The Deliverance of Renaud, Scene 1: The mountain. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 0 O O The Deliverance of Renaud, Scene 2: Circe's Garden. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O The Deliverance of Renaud, Scene wagon-Stage o o o o o o o o o o ox» +3 5' m The Deliverance of Renaud, Scene 4: The Pavilion. . . . . . . . . . . . . The Deliverance of Renaud: Cross section of the Revolving Stage set for Scene 1 . . . . . The Deliverance of Renaud: Wing Flat Units as They Appear in the Floorplan . . . . . . . The Deliverance of Renaud: Reconstruction of Wing Flat Units Using Four-Sided Periaktoi. . iv Page 27 36 52 53 68 72 72 74 74 76 82 83 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Measurements of the Salle du Petit-Bourbon . . 34 2. Dimensions of Hall and Set Pieces Obtained from Perspective Rendering . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 iii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The importance of the French Ballet de Cour of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries lies in what would be described, in present-day terminology, as its experimental nature. The French Court theatre during the years 1580 through 1640 was an artistic proving ground which contributed directly to the development of three now quite clearly differentiated art forms: the opera, the ballet, and the machine play. The primary purpose of the present study is to analyze the scenery used in staging three representative pallets de Cour: the Ballet comique de la ReineL Circé, presented in 1581; the Ballet de la Délivrance de Renaud of 1617; and the Ballet de la Douairiére de Billebahaut of 1626. To provide a context for this analysis, each bal- let will be considered, first, from a general, over-all point of view, as a composite of elements including music and dance, as well as decor. A brief consideration of the relative emphasis given to each of these components within the ballet will be presented. After the element of decor has been seen in its context, along with the elements of music and dance, it will be removed from this context for more intensive analysis. Problems and inconsistencies in the information presently available concerning the staging of the ballets de Cour will be considered and possible solu— tions to these problems proposed. An attempt will be made to present a picture, as graphic as possible, of the actual staging of these ballets from a designer's or stage tech- nician's point of view. Three main limitations have been imposed upon the subject matter for this study. The first limitation is dictated by the very words, "Ballet de Cour." This thesis is to be concerned with the productions of the Court theatre in France, rather than with those of the public theatres. The second is a limitation to the sixty-year period between 1580 and 1640. The earlier date was chosen fairly arbi- trarily on the basis of a statement by Henry Pruniéres that the Ballet comique de la ReineLCircé, presented in 1581, was the first true ballet de Cour.1 The reasons underlying his judgment will be made clear during the discussion and analysis of that production. The limiting date of 1640 was purposely selected to exclude from the study the reign of Louis XIV, for duringhis reign the theatre exhibited the more or less solidified results of experimentation rather than the experimentation itself. It was during his reign that 1Henry Pruniéres, Le Ballet de Cour en France avant Benserade et Lully (Paris: Henri Laurens, Editeur, I9I15. p. 82. the literary and intellectual movement which had begun in the days of Richelieu culminated in a blaze of glory. . . . The "Age of Louis XIV" was not only the golden age of French literature but a landmark in the history of European culture; the domination of French thought over the European world of letters ' was complete. A third limitation is that which has been imposed upon the number of ballets to be analyzed. The decision to limit the discussion to three only of the many ballets presented at the French Court from 1580 to 1640 was made primarily in the interests of more detailed analysis. Henry Pruniéres, in his book, Le Ballet de Cour en France avant Benserade et Lully, has provided an excellent survey of the bulk of the ballets presented during this time. It there- fore seemed advisable to limit this study to a more concen- trated analysis of a few ballets. Certainly, such an an- alysis is more within the sc0pe of the limited powers and sources available to this writer. The ballets which have been selected are, it is believed, representative and are, in addition, among the better documented of the ballets de Cour. The relatively extensive material available about them makes more detailed analysis possible. The rigorous examination to which the scenery for the three ballets is subjected provides one of the 2H. c. Darby, "The Centralization of the State,” A Short Histor of France from Early Times to 1258, ed. 3. Eampden Jackson (Cambridge: The University Press, 1959), p. 0. justifications for the present study. In none of the pre- vious works on the Ballet de Cour has the attention been focused primarily upon the technical aspects of production. Pruniéres includes an account of the available evidence concerning the staging of the majority of the ballets but does not attempt to analyze this material in any detail. The present study endeavors to carry a step further the work begun by Pruniéres. A second Justification is to be found in W. L. Wiley's recently published book, The Early Bublic Theatre in France.3 In his preface to that book, Mr. Wiley states that his "more than two decades of contact with the theatrical history of France have led to the con- clusion that the fifty years from around 1580 to a little beyond 1630 needed further study."4 Professor Wiley's recognition of this need resulted in his study of the French public theatre during the years 1580-1630; the present the- sis, as has been stated earlier, concerns the French Court theatre during the same period of time. The fact that one author, at least, recognizes the value of more detailed investigation of this particular period of theatrical his- tory has provided encouragement and an excellent incentive to complete this study. Within the bounds of the historical method, this 3W. L. Wiley, The Early Public Taeatre in France (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960). 41bid., p. vii. study has been organized with a view to fulfilling the pur- pose outlined above. Following a brief résumé of the sources from which the elements of the Ballgt de Cour derived, each ballet will be examined from two points of view: (1) a general, over-all view of each ballet as a whole, and (2) a more intensive analysis of the element of decor as it appears in each ballet. The first ballet considered will be the Ballet comique de la Reine, Circe. In its form, this ballet established a precedent which was followed, more or less rigidly, by all of the succeeding ballets de Cour. In its content, it achieved a balance among the elements of poetry, music, dance, and decor. Because the element of poetry was placed on an equal footing with those of music and dance, Blgaa, and the ballets of its genre, have been designated as Dramatic ballets. The Ballet de la Délivrance de Renaud is the second ballet chosen for analysis. The musical ele- ment tended to dominate in this ballet, and it has therefore been classified as Melodramatic. Renaud, and the ballets of its genre, contributed to the later development of the French opera. The final ballet to be considered is the Baaalriére de Billebahaut, "mounted with magnificence"5 in 1626. In this ballet, the entries and the dancing were of far more importance than either the music or the decor, SPruniéres, pp. 127-28. and it is therefore representative of the Ballets a entrees. The Ballets de Cour of this type were the forerunners of what would, today, be termed Ballets. None of the ballets considered in this study was dominated by the spectacular element. To some degree, all were spectacular, but in no one of them was the decor given an emphasis greater than that of the other two components. Not until the appearance of the Italian Opera in France did the element of decor reach a level of prominence suffi- cient to warrant the use of the term "machine play." 'The way was paved for the machine play, however, by the Ballet de Cour. Throughout the period under consideration, the element of decor in the Court ballets underwent a series of transformations, and each transformation brought the ballets closer to the "polarized"6 manner of staging char- acteristic of Court spectacles during the reign of Louis XIV. Pruniéres refers to the method of staging used for Elgaa as decor disperse.7 Various units of the setting were scattered throughout the auditorium, and the action of the ballet moved freely from one unit to another. The Deliver- apce of Renaud was staged in décor successif,8 a method of 6The term is Lawrenson' s. See T. E. Lawrenson, The French Sta e in the XVIIth Centur (Manchester: at the University Frees, I957}, p. 155. 7Pruniéres, pp. 80-81. 81bid., p. 144. staging in which most, but not all, of the scenery was con- centrated on a raised platform at one end of the auditorium. The decor for the ballets e entrees was extremely simple, but it was, in contrast to that of the Dramatic and Melo- dramatic ballets, concentrated entirely upon a raised stage at one end of the hall. In summary, these were the trans- formations experienced by the element of decor in the years from 1580 to 1640. It is hoped that the plan of organization just outlined will make it possible to present a two-dimensional view of the French Ballet de Cour giving an insight into the genre as a whole and, more importantly, an understand- ing of the methods of staging used in its presentation. The works published thus far on the Ballet de Baa; from 1580 to 1640 have been exclusively French. The most comprehensive study is that of Henry Pruniéres who has written, in Ba_Ballet de Cour en France, a complete history of the origins and evolution of the Ballet de Cour to 1640. The one available study in English is Benserade and his Ballets de Cour, by Charles I. Silin,9 which con- cerns the Ballet de Cour during the last half of the seven- teenth century. The present study, therefore, necessarily relies heavily upon Pruniére's work. The documentary 9Charles I. Silin, Benserade and his Ballets de Cour (Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns HOpkins Press, 1945). material, included by him and not otherwise readily acces- sible, has provided a foundation upon which the present analysis rests. Additional details of production together with illustrations of settings have been taken from Le Décor aa_lhéatre en France du Moyen Age a l925, by Nicole Decugis and Suzanne Reymond,10 and from Le Ballet, by Boris Kochno and Maria Luz.11 Material for the brief discussion of his- torical background which comprises the next chapter has been Obtained both from Pruniéres' work and from Volume I of Early English Stages: 1300 to 1660, by Glynne Wickham.12 10Nicole Decugis and Suzanne Reymond, Le Decor de Theatre en France du Mo en A e a l 2 (Paris: Compagnie Francaise des Arts Graphiques, 1955 . 11Boris Kochno and Maria Luz, Le Ballet (Paris: Arts du Monde, Hachette, 1954). 12Glynne Wickham, Early English Stages: ,1300 to 1660, Volume I 1500—1576 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, I959). CHAPTER II SOURCES FROM WHICH THE ELEMENTS OF THE BALLET DE COUR WERE DERIVED Before proceeding to the analyses of the particu- lar Ballets de Coal, it will be helpful to survey briefly the sources of the elements which were incorporated into these ballets. Glynne Wickham, in accounting for the ori- gins of the English Masks, advances the theory that these courtly entertainments took their genesis not in religious festivals but in social recreation. This social recreation was provided of an evening in part by the amateur pastimes of singing and dancing, in part by the di- versions provided by paid troupes of min- strels, either maintained or hired, and in part by customs of long, traditional usage. Some of these were derived from pre-Christian origins, the chief among which was mumming‘ [the French momerie]. By the close of the fourteenth century, two outdoor recreations had developed far enough to become potential sources for borrowing: the secular Tourna- ment and the religious Miracle Cycles. . . The street pageant theatres of Royal Entries, too, were showing that it was possible to present an allegory of political intention in terms of dramatic spectacle.1 Mr. Wickham, moreover, is convinced that these origins were common to court entertainments throughout EurOpe. 1Glynne Wickham, Early English Stages: 1300 to 1660 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1959), I, 206-207. 9 10 The starting point of the enquiry must be the constitution and activities of the minstrel troupes; for, as early as the be- ginning of the fourteenth century, they had become firmly established in all European countries as the recognized entertainers of the lords temporal and spiritual.2 A look at the activities of these minstrel troupes and at the other entertainments mentioned by Mr. Wickham will reveal the elements which eventually make their way into the Ballet de Cour and are, therefore, of concern in this study. The musical element is intimately bound up with that of poetry, and thus with the minstrels. This poet geste. Landowners of the fourteenth century who were willing to maintain a private troupe of minstrels or to hire one from a neighbor for occasional festivities could expect an evening's entertainment not dissimilar to the vaudeville or variety bill of our own times. . . . The troupe was led by a poet whose recitations were quite as popular as the skills of his dependent buffoons, gym- nasts and instrumentalists.3 was called a trouvére; his poems, chansons de The trouveres managed to convince edu-‘ cated society in South-Western EurOpe that a modern language was as suitable for com- 'position as the ancient ones. Their verses conveyed stories in a familiar tongue, in- telllgible to the ladies as well as to the men. 2Ibid., p. 181. 3Ibid. 4lbid., p. 182. 11 The Crusades, by bringing together men from all over Chris- tendom, "assured to the new literature a far wider hearing than it might otherwise have obtained,"5 and, themselves, supplied inspiration for tales of chivalry and romance. These tales, whether of Godfrey of Boulogne and the Conquest of Jerusalem or of Jason and the Golden Fleece, were told in terms of contemporary ideals and con- temporary manners. . . . Significance counted for more than fact and, as time went on, the original tales were embellished with every literary fiction ghich fancy could invent to decorate them. These poems were recited or, "more probably, chanted to the accompaniment of some musical instrument."7 In this, the posts were but "repeating the practice of their predecessors in Greece, Homer being the chief among them."8 The musical accompaniment of the lyre or harp was intended to supply rhythmic rather than melodic assistance. "The 'recitative' of the opera and oratorio," Mr. Wickham adds, "is probably a direct survival."9 The chanting of poems or récits played an impor— tant part in many of the spectacular entertainments of the sixteenth century. At the fétes of Bayonne, for example, 51bid. 6Ibid. The character of Godfrey appears in the Ballet de la Dglivrance de Renaud. Infra, pp. 60-61. 7Ibid. 8Ibid., p. 378. 91bid. 12 in 1565, which "were reckoned among the most sumptuous of 10 the court admired this unusual nautical the century," spectacle: Up the river advanced a whale and a gigantic tortoise, carrying on their backs numerous sirens singing the praises of the Queen, while Orpheus celebrated on his lyre the Virtues of Phillip II. Finally, Neptune, himself, arrived drawn in his chariot b sea horses and accompanied by tritons.1 Musical elements, such as those in this spectacle at Bayonne, will be seen, throughout the remainder of this survey of sources, to play an important part in court fes- tivities of all kinds. Sources of scenic elements are found primarily in the Royal Entries, the Tournaments, and the Feasts given in connection with these festivities or on other special occasions. Typical of the Royal Entries celebrated in the sixteenth century was that honoring Henry II at Rouen in 1561. It consisted of a series of wagons or floats on which were represented the adventures of Hercules and other alle- gorical and mythological scenes. Upon a rock (built to roll on wheels) Orpheus stroked his harp and the Muses ac- companied him, playing violins. The char or chariot of Religion carried five ladies magnificently costumed who "after having humbly greeted the King" began "to sing 10Henry Pruniéres, Le Ballet de Cour en France (Paris: Henri Laurens, Editeur, 19147, pp. 45—46. llIbid. 13 together melodiously, each one her own part of the music, 12 a pleasant song of praises." The similarities between this real life entry and the entrées which form an integral part of the Ballets de Cour will become apparent in the course of this study. Scenic elements of a slightly different type ap- pear in connection with the royal Tournaments. Floats or chariots were used in these spectacles, as they were in the Entries, but, in addition, the Tournaments boasted station- ary units of decor. Such, for instance, were those used in the most elaborate type of Medieval Tournament, the Baa d'Armes. Originally, some suitable spot in open country had been chosen for this, with a narrow defile such as a pass or bridge which the challenger could only get through or over by fighting with the defendent. By the fifteenth century, however, so popular had the Pas d'Armes become that it was normal to erect an artificial obstacle, with lists adjacent, in the streets and squares of towns. Castles, gateways and arches were set up to be defended against all comers. . . . Nor would it suffice simply to appear before the Pas in armour. A labyrinthine, allegorical fafitasy was thought necessary to explain the presence of the knight [who] designed his method of arrival before the Baa to suit his story; and, ever more frequently, this bfgame a symbolic pavilion or pageant car. Pruniéres provides a description of one such Pas 12Ibid., pp. 40-41. l3Wickham, pp. 17—18. 14 d'Armes, given by Charles IX at the Carnival of Fontaine- bleau in 1564. At the entrance to the field rose a hermitage whose belfrey announced the coming of the assailants. At one side, there was an enchantedgpalace defended by a band of demons, its door guarded by a giant and a midget. Six ladies, whose Beauty was the object of the challenge, appeared "dressed as Nymphs on horseback," and, after having made the tour of the field, they ranged them- selves beneath the royal gallery. Thus began the joust, in the course of which the defend- ers of the alace were victorious over the assailants. 4 After a tournament such as this one, everyone retired to the castle for dinner, which was followed by the prize-giving, perhaps some singing, and most certainly dancing. A detailed account of the activities which fol- lowed the Tournaments at Chauvenci in 1285, is recorded by one Jacques Bretex. His colorful description provides many details concerning the elements of music and dance. In pavilions, in rooms and in arbours as large as markets, trestle tables were laid out. . . . Of the food I'll say no more be- cause it defeats description, so much was there to eat and drink. After eating for a while, the guests devoted themselves to sing- ing. They rose to their feet and removed the tables, trestles and tops. They played flutes, tabors and flageolets and, generally, were as merry as could be. Then the singing began, Madame de Chini first as she was the initiator of the feast, its very pivot, a lady of wealth and breeding. After her everyone stepped forward to sing. Curses l4Pruniéres, p. 45, citin Recueil et discours du vo a e du Ro Charles IX. . . . s annEes 1564 3 I565 (Bibl. Nat. Lb 33/156), pp. 6-7. 15 descend on those that won't join the dances. Nothing could look more delightful than the ladies as they advance, each led forward by the hand by a knight-bachelor. Beautiful it seemed and beautiful, indeed, it was.1 It is interesting to note that this account by Bretex was written in the form of a chanson deggeste. By the end of the fourteenth century, royal guests at feasts such as the one he describes were being entertained by dramatized versions of these poems of the trouvéres. One of the primary uses of scenic elements seems to have been in connection with such dramatizations. There was, for instance, the feast given in 1389 to celebrate the marriage of Charles V of France to Isabella of Bavaria. It was the occasion for an enactment of the siege of Troy and the fol- lowing scenery was provided: "In the middle of the banqueting hall was a castle built on a square frame, forty foot high and twenty foot square. It had four towers, one on each corner, and another, higher tower placed in the middle. The castle itself represented the City of Troy, and the central tower the Palace of Ilion. . . . This castle moved on four wheels, subtly con- cealed within. "Mounted on a similar vehicle, in which the means of motion could not be detected, was a pavilion carrying those Grecian Kings and others who long ago laid siege to Troy. There was also, as if by way of reinforce- ment, a ship, splendidly made, which could easily contain a hundred soldiers. All three--castle, pavilion and ship--moved by the art and ingenuity of these wheels. lSWickham, pp. 17-18. 16 "A great assault was made by those in both the ship and the pavilion against the castle, whose occupants stoutly withstood it."16 In spite of their great size, these scenic units were pro- vided with casters. They could thus be moved during the course of the action and removed, at length, to clear the floor for dancing. These French entertainments of the late fourteenth century are important, according to Wickham, because the design to which they conform is funda- mental for the next two hundred years. . . . The multiple scenic structures employed in the representation of the siege of Jerusalem and the siege of Troy are of the same type as those used in Balthassar Beaujoyeaux's Ballet Comi ue de la Royne, of 1582, or any Mask of the Tudor Court;IT The element of dance has already been accounted for indirectly; it seems to have accompanied festivities of every kind. But what of occasions which were devoted specifically to the dance? Quite probably, they grew out of the informal dancing at feasts such as the ones just described. Eventually, it may be supposed, some of the dancers took it upon themselves to become "professionals," performers rather than merely guests. In 1377. at a feast given by Charles V to entertain the Emperor Charles IV, such dancers played an important role in the entertainment. 1622;9-9 PP- 213-15, citing Sir John Froissart, Croni ues de Froissart, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove (Brussels, 18725, XIV, 24. 171bid., pp. 215-16.. 17 Upon a signal from the master of the house, the trumpeteers sounded brilliant fanfares and the momerie [i.e. the proces— sion of disguised personages] entered, being in retinue, preceded by torch bearers and musicians, mounted upon a wagon which came to rest facing the tables. . . . The figures, masked and costumed in painted cloths, de- scended from the wagon and danced a morris dance to the accompaniment of voices and instruments.18 In the fifteenth century, says Pruniéres, the morris dance was the theatrical dance par excellence, be- cause, for its execution, it was necessary to be disguised and to carry a mask. In the fétes of the court or the pre- sentations of Mysteries, the morris was danced by persons magnificently dressed. The step of the morris dance seems to have been, in the Middle Ages, very free and capricious. It consisted essentially in a skipping march, interrupted by the clicking of heels, which permitted graceful evolutions across the hall. Although danced generally by several persons, the morris was not, as the Italian brando, a figure dance symmet- rically ordered. Each dancer followed his fancy without bothering to trace patterns determined in advance. 9 The influx of Italian choreographers to the French Court in the second half of the sixteenth century started a vogue for the Italian figure dance, one form of which 20 was the brando. These dances, referred to in French as 18Pruniéres, pp. 7-8. 191bid., pp. 8-9. 201bid., p. 53. 18 ballets, were enthusiastically received, and the Italian choreographers basked in the favor of Henry II and the mon- archs who succeeded him. Catherine de Medici, particularly, loved the dance. She liked to dabble with the invention 21 of dance steps and to dream up new figures. "With such strong protection," says Pruniéres, "the ballets could not fail to win a place of honor in the entertainments of the Court."22 The most famous ballet danced at the Court during the reign of Charles IX was that staged by Catherine de Medici in 1573 to honor the Polish ambassadors. Of this ballet, Pruniéres writes: One cannot mistake . . . the real char- acter of this fete. It marked, not, as some say, the coming of the ballet de Cour, but more simply the vogue and the triumph in France of the figure dance. The ballet des Polonais introduced nothing new. We are already familiar with the wagons in the form of mountains, the clouds of silver gauze, the récits sung by nymphs and char- acters in the baIlet. The ballet comique de la Reine, on the contrary, will be an originaI invention.2 Though the Ballet des Polonais was not, in Pruniéres' view, a true ballet de Cour, it nevertheless revealed the progress which had been made in France by this time in the develop— ment of the dance. The Ballet de Cour will reflect this progress. 19 An attempt has been made in this brief background survey to indicate the kinds of entertainment enjoyed by French courtiers in the years prior to 1580. The over-all impression is, as Wickham observes, one of visual splendour, delicate, as substantial corresponding decoration aces and mansions of the An attempt has been made, also, to of the elements which will play an develOpment of the Ballet de Cour: at once rich and and ornate as the of churches, pal- Middle Ages.2 bring into focus three important part in the the music, derived from the chants of the trouvéres; the decor, used in connection with Royal Entries, Tournaments, and Feasts: and the dance, developed early in conjunction with courtly feasts and elab- orated by the Italian choreographers in their more formal ballets. 24Wickham, p. 11. CHAPTER III AN ANALYSIS OF THE BALLET,COMIQUE DE LA REINE, CIRCE The Elements of Music Dance and Decor in CIrcE Like its courtly predecessors, the Ballet comique aa_la Reine, Circe, was conceived as social recreation. It was requisitioned by the Queen Mother, Louise, to highlight the celebrations in honor of the marriage of her sister, Mademoiselle de Vaudemont, to the Duke of Joyeuse. The responsibility for composing and producing the ballet was given to Balthassar Beaujoyeux, an Italian violinist and conductor, who had been at the French Court for about twenty— five years and had been active in staging earlier entertain- ments.1 Despite feverish activity on the part of the com- posers, choreographers, and technicians under Beaujoyeux's direction, "preparations for BlBBa were not fully completed in time for the marriage."2 The wedding celebration took place, as scheduled, from the eighteenth to the twenty-fourth of September, 1581; the ballet had to be postponed until the following month. lHenry Pruniéres, Le Ballet de Cour en France (Paris: Henri Laurens, Editeur, 19147, pp. 70-71, 78-79. 21bid., p. 89. 20. 21 On Sunday, October 15, 1581, the French Court was treated to a new type of diver- tissement, a performance which offered all the attractions of earlier entertainments, but grafted them upon a coherent and unified drama in such a way that music and dancing, instead of interrupting the action, partici- pate in it actively: récits, songs, dances, and pantomime all have a real dramatic pur- pose within the whole.3 It is difficult, when considering a production which involves elements not usually in a "script," to demonstrate the rea- sons for a statement such as the foregoing one by Silin. Music, dance, and pantomime, in performance, do not lend themselves readily to written analysis. In spite of this difficulty, however, it is possible to present in summary form the plan of the ballet, Circé--a verbal account of what took place--and to point out the elements of music, dance, and decor as they appear in this summary. In this way, it may be possible to estimate the relative emphasis placed upon each of these elements and to see, moreover, their "dramatic purpose within the whole." The ballet, Circe, established a form which was followed, more or less rigidly, by all succeeding ballets de Cour. A Prologue or opening récit is followed by three main acts, consisting of several entries each, which are, in turn, followed by the Grand Ballet.‘ The evening's enter- tainment culminates in the no longer dramatic, but strictly social, dancing of the Grand Ball. In succeeding ballets, 3Charles I. Silin, Benserade and his Ballets de Cour (Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1940), p. 176. 22 the number of acts will vary, as will the number of entries within each act, but otherwise all will be moulded to the basic pattern set by Circé. This form may be seen in the following summary, as the action of the ballet unfolds. PROLOGUE: A gentleman comes running out of Circe's garden, and, showing by his ac- tions a deep-rooted terror, approaches the foot of the King's throne where he explains that the fearsome magician, Circe, has enticed him into the enchanted gardens and holds him captive there. He begs the King to combat the sorceress and put an en to her deadly eXploits. FIRST ACT: Scarcely has he finished when Circe appears, furious, and, though she looks everywhere, she does not see her fugitive. She breathes out her sadness in a com laint and goes back in ”with the countenance of a woman most vexed." At this moment, some sirens and tritons enter the hall, sin in . A wagon built in the form of a fountain agvances in their wEEe, carrying the marine divinities, Thetis and Glaucus, surrounded by nereids. Upon seats of gold at the base“of the fountain are naiads, magnificently dressed. These are the dancers of the ballet, the heroines of the fete, and include the Queen Mother, Louise, as well as the princess of Lorraine, the Duchess of Guise, and other ladies of noble birth. A choir of eight tritons, represented by the "singers of the King's chamber," playing upon lyresL lutes, harps, and flutes, close the march. The procession stops, and Thetis and Peleus (played by the composer Beaulieu and his wife) hold a conversation to music: the naiads, descending from their wagon, give themselves up to the pleasure of the dance. At that moment, Circe happens by, and, with her magic wand, at once strikes all the figures immobile. SECOND ACT: Scarcely has she retired than a cloud is seen descending from the top of the haII, carrying Mercury, who sings a long récit in mid-air and, before touching groufid, sprInkles the oil of Moly on the violinists and on the nymphs, who instantly resume their interrupted dance. Circe, furious, again fixes DECOR DECOR AND POETRY POETRY MUSIC MUSIC DECOR MUSIC POETRY AND MUSIC DANCE DECOR MUSIC DANCE 23 them to the spot. She even enchants Mercury, himself, and, after exultingiin a long mono- POETRY lo ue, leads away all the captives into her garden. Such a crime cannot go unpunished. THIRD ACT: From all sides, satyrs and nymph-dryads run up to deliver the maids of the sea. The numph, Opis, adjures Pan in POETRY hispgrove to aid them in their enterprise, and DECOR he promises his support. The four virtues come to the rescue. Minerva makes her entrance on a wagon drawn bypa monstrous serpent and declares DECOR to the king that she comes to rob CIrce of her POETRY charms. Summoned by Minerva, Jupiter descends from the sky upon an eagle to the strains of DECOR the choir from helgold arch. Pan comes out MUSIC AND of his grove accompanied by satyrs armed with DECOR stout rods, and all march in a band to assault the palace. Circe greets them with a harangue "firey and full of arrogance" but the gods rush POETRY upon the garden and enter it. Jupiter strikes Circe with his thunderbolt, drives her prisoner across the hall, and places her in the hands of the king, to whom he presents his two child- POETRY ren, Minerva and Mercury, nally delivered. The dryads, as a sign of rejoicing, begin BB dance and thus approach the garden of Circe DANCE to seek their sisters. The naiads, "disen- chanted," appear then and, joining with the other nymphs, they form the Grand Ballet to DANCE the sound of violins. , MUSIC After an infinity of figures and revolutions across the hall, "the Naiads and Dryads make a grand.bow to his majesty" and the grand ball begins. The dancing continues DANCE un 1 3:30 in the morning when the King and Queen retire, "since the night is already very advanced."4 Judging from this brief account, the elements of which Circé was composed were fairly evenly balanced. 4Balet comique de la Royne faict aux nopces de Monsieur 1e Due de Joyeuse pl e Mademo se le de Vaudemont Ba soeur. Par Baltasar de Beaujoyeule_valet de chambre du Roy et de la Royne, sa mére (Paris: Adr. 18 Roy. Rob Ballard et Mamert Patisson, 1582), Bibl. Nat. Reserve Ln?-7 10436 (in-4°), cited by Pruniéres, pp. 90-93. 24 The element of poetry, although not of concern in this study, received an emphasis comparable to that of the music, dance, and decor. For this reason, Circé has been classified as a Dramatic ballet.5 Circe is the first ballet de Cour which shows a theatrical intention; in whicH one finds a plot, certainly very vague, but sequential nevertheless; in which the diverse entries, the récits, the songs, the dances contribute equally to the dramatic action. . . . One senses here a creative will which organ- izes the disparate elements borrowed from earlier fétes. The musical element in this ballet is found in three main forms. The first is that of vocal solos such as Circe's complaint in Act I and Mercury's récit in Act II. These solos were probably sung to the accompaniment of a lute.7 Secondly, there are choruses, including that sung by the sirens and tritons at the beginning of Act I and the "strains of the choir from the gold arch" which accompany Jupiter's descent in Act III. A forty-voice choir was con- cealed in the voute dorée for this chorus.8 Finally, there is instrumental music, beginning with an Overture from be- 9 hind the scenes, 'and including music by the musicians of the King's chamber during the entrance procession of Act I, 5Pruniéres, pp. 77, 94-95. 6Ibid., p. 57. 7Manfred F. Bukofzer, Music in the Baroqae Era: from Monteverdi to Bach (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, nc., 94 , p. 142. 8 Pruniéres, pp. 186-87. 91bid., p. 90. 25 accompaniment for the spoken dialogue between Thetis and Peleus in Act I, and accompaniment for the dancing in all three acts. The dances for the ballet were all, no doubt, elaborately choreographed, and the majority were probably Italian figure dances. The dance of the naiads, in Act I, is halted prematurely by Circe, leaving the dancers frozen in mid-figure until the arrival of Mercury in Act II; the rallying of the troops in Act III, though not literally a dance, must certainly have required choreography; finally, the dryads dance at the conclusion of Act III and are soon joined by their sisters, "the heroines of the fete," for ‘the finale, or Grand Ballet. That this dance, at least, was a figure dance is apparent from Pruniéres' description of the "infinity of figures and revolutions" made by the dancers across the hall.10 The decor for the ballet, Blpaa, consisted in a number of separate units, some permanent, some probably semi-permanent, and some entirely mobile. Circe's palace and the enchanted garden were stationary units located at one end of the hall. The voOte dorée (gold arch) which sheltered the musicians, together with the Grove of Pan, were probably semi-permanent structures which remained in place throughout the performance but could be removed at 10Supra, p. 19. 26 its conclusion to make room for the purely social dancing of the grand ball. Of the movable units, there were four: the fountain float; Minerva's chariot, "drawn by a monstrous serpent"; Mercury's cloud machine; and Jupiter's eagle. ’ The staging of Blpaa, according to Pruniéres, "offers a good example of décor dispersé."1.1 He explains: "The ballet comique de la Reine was played, sung, mined, and danced, not upon a stage but in the whole expanse of the hall. The mise en scene was thus dispersed."12 The arrange- ment of the decor for the ballet may be seen in the reprint of an engraving of the Prologue (Fig. l, p. 27). In addition to achieving a balance among the di- verse elements of music, dance, and decor, Beaujoyeux man- aged to weave these elements into a coherent dramatic pre- sentation. Although the plot of gllpa_is reminiscent of the "labyrinthine, allegorical fantasies"13 of the Medieval Tournaments, it does tie together the various elements and give unity to the production as a whole. It is this in- herent unity which has earned for Blpaa its designation as the first ballet de Cour.14 1lPrunieree, pp. 80-81. lzIbid., pp. 144—45. 13Glynne Wickham, Early English Stages: 1300 to 1660 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 19597} p. 17. Supra p. 11. 14 Pruniéres, pp. 82, 93. 27 c n e.- . .x C t. . .. : 9 at] \ ‘d n . ‘U \D.4 .u \h.§\u$/ . o u . I. \\. ‘ vb ‘h -. .v..s§~< . . O.s\ e p. . .in . (we. .4..\.~.$ ah. I; a. e .. 15". I u .. . KS“ .. a; flare; V2». .1 4 ya an A. n . s a s I ‘ i no BaIIet PuBIIca- m o Q: 0.30 hi tOd emu l t has BF 0 .k h'r t 0 1:! r1 an... CN 6 ( mam 0t orn 1016 O 8 r :8 Peer CP 6r hi to t 8 8 P de la Reine -:— Fig. l - Engraving of Desi nc., 19 one, 28 The Element of Decor and its Representation in CircE The setting for the ballet, Blpaa, exemplifies the earliest type of staging to be considered in tracing the development of decor from 1580 to 1640. As has already been noted, Blpaé was presented with decor disperse, a type of staging which involved units of scenery scattered through- out "the whole expanse of the hall."15 For this reason, an analysis of the decor of this ballet must take into con- sideration not only the scenery used but also the theatre or hall in which that scenery located. The place was the Hdtel de Bourbon, situated on the rue des Poulies a little in front of the site now oc- cupied by the colonnade of the Louvre.16 On Sunday night, October 15, 1581, one room in this building--the Salle du Petit-Bourbon--was the scene of great excitement. 15Prtélniéres, pp. $44-45. Pruniéres writes: "The decor simultan and dis ers served for the ballets- omigues, the décor successif, for the ballets-melodramatiques." Decugis uses only the term simultané in refErring to the decor of Circe: "the dégor simultané was transformed then into the d8cors successifs under the influence of the in- ventive Italian machinists." (p. 56). The two terms, simul- tané and disperse, would seem to be distinguished by t 8 Fact that the one implies a reference to time, the other to place. Under this interpretation, the above statement by Prunieres would mean that the settings for Circe were scattered in various places throughout the halI and were all visible to the audience at the same time, or simultane- ously. 16Ibid., p. 134, n. 2. 29 According to a chronicler, a bit of a braggart, ten thousand persons gazed, in 1581, upon the marvels of the Ballet comique de la Reine in the salle de Bourbon. This numBer must be very exaggerated, but it is certain that the announcement of ballets danced by the King or Queen at each carnival created a great furor in Paris and that it was not only the petit bourgeois who dreamed of penetrating the hall fer the spectacle. But how much punishment, how much embarrass- ment, how much bother it must have been necessary to endure to see the King's ballet when one was not a great noble or prince of the blood.17 The spectators who thronged the Salle du Petit-Bourbon for the ballet sat either on bleachers in the amphitheatre which 18 or in had been especially constructed for the occasion, one of the two galleries which ran along the sides of the room above the bleachers. The galleries may be seen in the engraving of the Prologue; one small section of the amphi- theatre is also visible in the lower right hand corner of the picture. "The Petit-Bourbon," writes Pruniéres, "was one of the more vast among the halls where ballets were ordi- narily given."19 Lawrenson adds that it was "bigger than the Grande Salle du Louvre" (where the Deliverance of Renaud was presented in 1617), and that "it housed those l71bid., p. 134. 18Pruniéres, p. 135. "For the Ballet comique de la Reine, Beaujoyeulx had erected bleachers in the amphi- theatre which rose through forty degrees from the floor to one gallery, above which ran a second gallery." lglbido, pp. 134-350 '30 para-theatrical ceremonies whose public could not be con- tained in this latter."20 Exactly how large was the hall in which Blpaa was staged? There seems to be little agree- ment among authorities as to its dimensions. Of the two known sources of information about the size of the hall, the one most often quoted is Sauval's Histoire et recherches aaaantiquitésgae ville de Paris, published in Paris in 1724. Although Pruniéres seems to have had access to this work, for it appears in his bibliography, he does not give it as the source of his dimensions, but refers, rather, to a second source, a description found in the fourth toms of the Mercure francois, dated 1615.21 Sauval's measurements are quoted by Lawrenson, and a translation of the relevant passage is given by Wiley in his book, The Early Public lBaatre in France. The two passages are included at this time, since they provide a basis for the analysis which follows. Sa largeur est de dex-huit pas commune sur trente-cinq toises de longeur, et la couverture si rehaussée que le comble parait aussi élevé que ceux des edifices de Saint Germain et de Saint Eustache.22 It is eighteen normal paces wide by thirty-five toises long and the roof is lifted so high that the summit seems to be 2OT. E. LaWrenson, The French Stage in the XVIIth Century (Manchester: at the University Press, 1957), p. 168. 21Pruniéres, p. 135. 2 .. ., a . ' Lawrenson, p. 168, Cltlng Eugene DespOls, la pheatre frangais sous Louis XIV (Paris: 1874), p. 24. 31 as elevated as those of the churches of Saint Germain and of Saint Eustache.2 One look at the key words in the first passage, pas commune and toises, suggests immediately the main cause of disagreement among the various authors who have relied upon Sauval's work. The problem is one of transposing Sauval's measurements, given in "normal paces" and "toises" or fathoms, into corresponding measurements in meters or feet. The confusion that results may be readily imagined; it becomes manifest when a few actual figures are brought into the discussion. Wiley, for example, writes: "The salle du Petit-Bourbon was, then, around forty-five feet wide by two hundred twenty-one feet long,"24 but he pro- vides a footnote explaining that his measurements "are based on the assumption that a pas commun was thirty inches and a palaa six feet four inches."25 Lawrenson contributes the following interpretation: "This length of 70 yards by a width of about 18 would make it an extraordinarily long building, but the iconography of the subject bears_ this out on the whole."26 He gives no basis for his fig- ures, but he does take exception to the measurements offered by Madeleine Horn-Monval for, he says, she "gives Sauval's 23W. L. Wiley, The Early Public Theatre in France (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960): p. 231. r) . ‘41bid ZDIblO \ o , Lawrenson, p. 168. 32 35 toises as 70 meters, presumably on the assumption that the toise, or fathom, is two meters and not two yards."27 From this statement, it may be inferred that Lawrenson equates two yards with one fathom, and in this, he agrees with both 28 and Webster's New 29 the Webster's Collegiate Dictionary World Dictionary of the American Langpage. Pruniéres supplies still another set of measure- ments, differing basically from those cited so far. The hall, he writes, "measured eighteen fathoms in length by about eight wide, plus, at its end, a sort of half-circle 'a half-round of seven fathoms deep by eight and one half wide.”30 His footnote referring to the article in the Mercure francois immediately follows, and presumably docu- ments, the quotation concerning the dimensions of the apes. The article may also be his source for the dimensions of the hall, itself, since his figures bear no resemblance to Sauval's. Pruniéres transposes his measurements into meters, giving, for the hall, 35 meters long by 15.50 meters 27lBla., citing Madeleine Horn-Monval, "Le theatre du Petit Bourbon," Revue d'Histoire du Theatre, tomes I-II, 1948, pp. 46 et seq. 28Webster's Colle iate Dictionar , 5th ed. (Spring- field, Mass.: G. & C. Merriam Co., Pu ishers, 1940), p. 365. Webster's New International (unabridged, 2nd ed.) gives I_?athom = 6'0” or 1.829 meters, p. 1522. 29Webster's New World Dictionary of the American Language (Cleveland and New York: The World Publishing Company, 1957), p. 529. 30Pruniéres, p. 135. 33 wide, and for the apes, 16.50 long by 13.50 wide. Apparent— ly, Pruniéres has obtained these figures upon a basis of 1.94 meters = l fathom. He is thus in agreement with Wiley, for 1.94 meters equal 6.3647 feet or six feet four inches.31 In view of this basic agreement between the two men, the wide divergence in their measurements becomes a matter for speculation. An effort to resolve the confusion resulting from the different methods used by these authors for express- ing their measurements and to reconcile the conflicting dimensions which are evident regardless of how they are expressed has led to the preparation of the following chart, giving each author's Opinion on the dimensions of the hall, and a translation of all measurements into fathoms, normal paces, meters, and feet. Figures not given by the authors have been supplied and enclosed in brackets. Several points of agreement and disagreement are brought into focus by this chart. For the discussion which follows, it will be well to concentrate upon the clash be- tween Wiley and Pruniéres, since they presumably represent two different sources, whereas Lawrenson and Horn-Monval simply reiterate Sauval's figures, and their interpretations of these figures have already been considered. To aid in 31The basis for this calculation: 39.37" = 1 meter. Miss Horn-Monval's basis for transposing Sauval's measurements is 2 meters = l fathom, which approximates very closely the basis used by both Pruniéres and Wiley. Wiley uses 6'4"; Prunieres uses 1.94 meters which is 6.38'; Miss Horn-Monval uses 2 meters which is 6.56'. 34 TABLE 1: MEASUREMENTS OF THE SALLE DU PETIT-BOURBON Dimensions Fathoms Paces Meters Feet Wiley: Length of hall: 35 (88.4)a (67.9) 221 Width of hall: (7.10) 18 (13.7) 45 Pruniéres: Length of hall: 18 (45.93) 35 114-114.83b Width of hall: 8 (20.26) 15.50 50.66-50.85 Length of spec: 7 (17.73) 13.50 44.33-44.29 Width of apse: 8 1/2 (21.53) 16.50 53.83-54.13 Lawrenson: Length of hall: 35 (88.4) (67.9) 70 yds. (210 ft.) Width of hall: (7.10) 18 (13.7) 18 yds. (54 ft.) Horn-Monval: Length of hall: 35 (88.4) 70 (229) a. Measurements have been figured on the following bases: 1.94 m. = l fathom; 6'4" = l fathom; 39.37" = 1 meter, 30" = 1 pace. b. First figure indicates number of feet in 18 fathoms; second figure indicates number of feet in 35 meters. 35 the analysis of the disagreement between Wiley and Pruniéres, the dimensions given by each are represented diagrammatically in Fig. 2. What can be said, in view of the foregoing chart, concerning these diagrams of the Salle du Petit-Bourbon? Where do the disagreements lie? First of all, there is the matter of how the various dimensions are expressed: Prun- iéres uses fathoms throughout, Wiley (Sauval) uses both fathoms and paces. It is curious that Sauval chose to express his measurements in two different units. Why should he have done so? One theory which might account for his strange behavior--and would also account for the disagree- ments between the measurements of the two authors under consideration-~is based upon the fact that Pruniéres' source is dated 1615 (27 years after the production of Blpaa) where- as Sauval's is dated 1724. The theory assumes that Pruniéres' source is the original one and that Sauval had access to this source, but either misread it, or erred in his trans- lation of the dimensions from fathoms into paces. Suppose that the dimensions were originally given entirely in fath- oms, as Pruniéres' are. Suppose, in addition, that Sauval mistook fathoms for paces, and, further, mistook the measure- ments of width for those of length, and vice versa. Prun- iéres gives two width measurements, 8 fathoms and 8 1/2 fathoms. These two numbers, if placed side by side, would become 88 1/2. If this last number were read as paces, ~ W1 LEY . T SCALE: 1" = 5 FATHOMS ~ PRUN (ERES . ,..__ 8V2. FATHOMS __... ////’MIN\\\ T /'/ 'T / ‘> FATHOMS 35 HHHOMS if (221 ’O') \8 FATHOMS 1 1 +4—— 18 Pisces —+4 ‘ H—- 8 FAIHOMS -—H (4500 i i (Fig. 2 - Two Diagrams of the Salle du Petit- Bourbon Show-I ing the Measurements of Prunieres and Wiley. i L 37 it would be equivalent to 35 fathoms, which is the figure which Sauval gives for the length of the hall;32 while Pruniéres' 18 fathoms in length, read as 18 paces, would give the figure which Sauval records as the width of the hall. If this theory were correct, and it is admittedly a bit strained, Sauval's measurements would all be in paces, and credit for the correct measurements would go to Prun- iéres and to the source from which he obtained his figures. Prunieres would probably subscribe to this theory, for, at one point, he writes: Sauval, who made himself the echo of traditions relative to the Academy, without concerning himself further with chronological exactness, has recorded the memory of the influence exercised by Baif and his collab- orators upon the fétes of the Court. . . . 33 On the other hand, it is possible that Prunieres misread or misinterpreted his source, splitting the figure 88 1/2 in two and taking the two figures as width measurements, while assuming the 18 to refer to length. Whichever way the matter is viewed, however, there still remains a measure- ment of 7 fathoms, given by Prunieres as the length of the apse, to be accounted for. Its presence brings this par- ticular flight of speculation to an abrupt landing. Another take-off might lead in this direction: 3288.4 paces = 35 fathoms on the basis of 30" = l pace, and 6'4" = l fathom. 33Prunieres, p. 68. 38 the width of the hall given by Wiley, when transposed into fathoms, equals almost exactly the figure given by Prunieres as the length of the apes.34 Along with this fact, consider an apparent inconsistency which shows up in the two width measurements given by Prunieres. If they are correct, the width of the apes (8 1/2 fathoms) exceeds that of the hall prOper (8 fathoms), a state of affairs which seems archi- tecturally unlikely. Suppose that these two measurements were, in truth, not measurements of width, but of length, and that the length-of—the-apse measurement of 7 fathoms were, instead, a measure of the width of the hall, as Wiley maintains. If the newly obtained length measurements were added to Pruniéres' already existing length measurement of 18 fathoms, the resulting 34 1/2 fathoms would approximate very closely the length of 35 fathoms given by Wiley. This theory is one way of reconciling the measurements of Wiley and Prunieres, but whether or not it is a valid way--whether, indeed, there ought to be a reconciliation--cannot be known with certainty. One set of figures may be correct, the other incorrect; but any choice between them, at the present time, would have to be made in the face of the inconsistency which appears to exist in Pruniéres' measurements of width and the strangeness of Sauval's use of two units of measure to express his dimensions. 3418 paces, or 45 feet, equal 7.10 fathoms, using the bases of 30" = l pace, and 6'4" = l fathom. 39 For the reconstruction of a floorplan which has been prepared for this study, Wiley's measurements have been pressed into service. The decision to use his dimen- sions rather than Pruniére's was an arbitrary one, as any decision, in the absence of further evidence, would have to be. The separate units of scenery which composed the decor 0f.Q$££§ have already been mentioned in connection with the summary of the action of the ballet. The problem, now, is to determine the exact nature of these units and their positions in the hall. The engraving of the Prologue will be of assistance, as will the verbal descriptions pro- vided by Prunieres, Lawrenson, Wickham, Decugis, and Kochno. By combining these sources, it may be possible to obtain a reasonable reconstruction of the floorplan used in the staging of alpaa. The King's throne, though not considered scenery in the modern sense, played an important role in the decor of this ballet. It was the focal point of the entire pro- duction and was the first thing to arrest the attention of the spectators when they entered the hall. The King and Queen Mother were seated upon a raised platform, concealed 35 by a canOpy. Although the throne platform, itself, is not visible in the engraving, the engraver has shown, in 35Prunieres, p. 90. 40 its stead, three carved stools which appear, appropriately enough, to have been placed in the very center of the room. Like these stools in the engraving, the throne platform "faced the diverse decorations scattered through the hall."36 At the foot of the hall, "facing the King and on the same level," the stage designer Jacques Patin, painter to His Majesty, had built the palace and garden of Circe.37 This unit of the decor comprised three foliage arches, a back drop, and an inclined platform. The arches of the garden were constructed in perspective.38 Behind the center arch was a drop depicting a city in perspective with the palace of Circe, clearly discernible, in the foreground.39 Each of the two side arches measured "about 4 meters wide "40 and through them the entrances and 41 by 7 meters high, exits of the actors and wagons were made. The garden, itself, was a "practicable"42 extending out from the front of the palace and built "on a gentle incline."43 The di- mensions of this raked platform are recorded by Prunieres: 36Ibid., p. 135. 37Nicole Decugis and Suzanne Reymond, Le Décor de Theatre en France (Paris: Compagnie francaise des Arts Graphiques, 19533. P. 55. 38 39 40 Wickham, p. 399. Prunieres, p. 145. Ibid. 4llbid. 42Decugis, p. 55. 43Ibid. 41 It measured about 3.90 meters behind and 5.90 in front. It was, close to the palace, raised by a meter from the ground and drogped to 0.30 from the floor at the front.4 The garden platform boasted "a flower-bed divided cross- wise, bordered with lavender, aspic, rosemary, and sage."45 "The balustrade around it was ornamented in gold and silver," writes Wickham, "and animals can be seen parading within."46 These were, says Decugis, "savage animals, which had been charmed by the magician."47 Before the ballet begins, "both the palace and the garden of Circe are hidden by a heavy "48 veil or cover. Later, when Circe leads away the captive nymphs, the palace and garden, "appear brilliantly lighted by a multitude of colored glasses in which burn some wicks."49 That the "whole unit was lit by oil lamps," Wickham agrees,50 but neither he nor the other authors contribute any further informations concerning the "heavy cover." The engraving offers no clue as to how such a covering might have been rigged or operated. One possibility, only, is suggested 44Prunieres, p. 145, n. 1. 45Boris Kochno, Le Ballet (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1954). P. 18. 46 47 48 Wickham, p. 399. Decugis, p. 55. Prunieres, p. 145. 491pm. 50 Wickham, p. 399- 42 by Pruniéres' use of the word, couvert. It may be trans- lated as "covered, screened, protected, or roofed."51 Per— haps,Circe's garden was screened from the view of the audi- ence by a covering in the form of a cloud, which could have been raised to reveal the garden at the beginning of the ballet. A cloud, used in this way, would not have appeared unusual to Renaissance audiences who were quite accustomed to seeing clouds descend from the t0p of the hall and rise again, as Mercury's does in this ballet. There is the fact, too, that one of the other set pieces for the ballet, the Vodte dorée, is described by Decugis as a "starry cloud,"52 and by Wickham as "a sky-palace."53 Circe's palace may have been conceived as a similar sky-palace, but of the "break- away" variety. The Voute dorée, or gold arch, is visible on the left hand side of the engraving and is described still fur- ther as "a brilliant gold-encrusted vault"54 and a "gilded arch surrounded by clouds on the outside, all resplendent with light inside."55 It sheltered some forty musicians, 56 according to Prunieres, --both singers and instrumentalists-- 51Larousse's French-English, English-French Dic- tionary (New York: Pocket Books,‘Inc., 1955). p. 69. 52Decugis, p. 55. 53Wickham, p. 399. 54Kochno, p. 18. 55Prunieres, p. 90. 56Ibid., pp. 186-87. Kochno writes of the "bril- liant gold-encrusted vault where ten concert musicians played in unison." Kochno, p. 18. 43 who had to respond in echo to the airs of the figurants, or supers.57 "Some thought that this was the voice of Echo himself," and "others better in- structed in the Platonic discipline" thought it to be "the true harmony of the Spheres by which all things which are are to be preserved and maintained." 8 The Voute dorée, writes Prunieres, was, in reality, simply a long vault of wood which measured about six meters by three.59 The Grove of Pan occupied the right hand side of the hall. A detail engraving of this set piece is re- 60 printed by Wickham in Early English Stages. "The trees," he writes, "were artificial, being made of the usual painted 61 62 fabrics." They were burdened down with golden acorns and oil lamps, a strange combination indeed; one of the lamps is, however, plainly visible in the Prologue engraving on the off-stage side of the grove, near the heads of the audi- ence members. Decugis adds that the grove concealed "the entrance to the cave of Pan just able to be glimpsed through 571bid., p. 90. 58Kochno, p. 18. The source of the quoted remarks is not given by Kochno. 59Prunieres, p. 145. 60 61 62 Wickham, Plate XXVIII, No. 41. Ibid., p. 399. Kochno, p. 18. 44 a palla or scrim."63 The use, in this way, of scrim sug- gests that perhaps the covering used to conceal the palace and garden of Circe was also of this material. Whatever the device employed, the grove of Pan was concealed in like manner until the arrival of the nymph Opis in the Third 64 The dimensions given by Prunieres for the grove 65 Entry. are "about 3.90 meters by 2.85." The fountain float is discernible in the engraving just to the left of Circe's garden. An additional engraving, showing the float in detail, is reprinted by Wickham.66 "The fountain," he writes, "was set on wheels and carried the orchestra, dressed as Tritons."67 Lawrenson contributes a few more details: During the first intermede of this ballet the Tritons and Sirens execute a typical maneouvre: they make a complete tour of the room before their final couplet announces the fontaine de Glauque, a machine which arrives at that moment. ITEe machine is still a machine in the earlier sense of the term; it is a vehicle for entry. Composed of two parts, the lower represents a sea, protruding beyond the upper portion, which is the fountain proper.6 63Decugis, p. 55. 64Prunieres, p. 145. 65Ibid., p. 145, n. 2. 66Wickham, Plate XXVIII, No. 42. 67Ibid., p. 399. 68Lawrenson, p. 144. 45 From the detail engraving, it appears that the fountain float was drawn by sea horses, a touch reminiscent of that used for Orpheus' chariot in the fétes at Bayonne in 1565.69 Of Minerva's chariot, no description is available to supplement the lone mention in the summary of its being drawn by "a monstrous serpent."7O No description at all is available of Jupiter's eagle, but of Mercury's cloud, Prunieres writes: On the ceiling, a silver cloud, lighted inside, permitted the divinities to make their descent from the sky. This same cloud had already served for the grand mascarades presented at the marriage of the King of Navarre. 1 This mascarade was mounted at the Petit-Bourbon nine years prior to the presentation of Circe in the same hall. No doubt the rigging for the cloud machine had been left in- tact, and may, indeed, have been a permanent fixture of the hall. In the earlier production, the cloud was but a part of the complicated heaven rigging. The empyrean heaven boasted a great wheel with the twelve signs, seven planets, and an infinity of small stars. . . . which gave a grand brilliance and clarity by means of lamps and torches arranged behind. 2 69Supra p. 12. 7OSupra p. 20. 71Prunieres, p. 145. The mascarade, an Italian form of entertainment involving "entries of masquers, seri- ous or grotesque," and "floats carrying pagan divinities or allegorical scenes," gained popularity among the French nobility early in the sixteenth century and gradually re- placed the ancient French momerie. (Prunieres, p. 34). 721bid., p. 72. 46 At the designated moment, Mercury and Cupid, car- ried by a cock, descended from the sky; Mercury presented himself to the three knights who awaited his arrival and, after a melodious song and a speech, remounted his cock and was carried back to the sky.73 From this description, it may be inferred that one machine served for the descents of both Mercury and Jupiter in the ballet, Blpaa. Logically, such would be the case, and practically, the operation would require only the substitution of a cloud for the cock of 1572, and an eagle for the cloud. Mercury's cloud is not visible in the Prologue engraving, but a probable reason for its omission is contained in the following account by Wickham of the way in which descent machines were usually operated. It is difficult to say of what mate— rials these early mechanical devices were made or how they operated: but it is quite clear that means were available to permit the heavenly superstructure to open, and for a figure to ascend or descend at will, before the fourteenth century was out. . . . The mechanism in question is undoubtedly a simple winch, windlass or vice. Installed in the roof above a stage or under its floor, it could be turned unseen and the spectators provided with the required surprise. Thus, after a panel or trap had been Opened, the mere turnin of a winch could make an angel [or Mercury appear to descend from heaven or a flower grow in the desert. A slightly more elaborate winch, employing the prin- ciple of the mill wheel, could, when oper- ated, cause globes to turn and even offer 73Ibid., p. 44. 47 74 the producer a revolving stage! (Italics mine.) More will be said concerning the revolving stage in the analysis of the Deliverance of Renaud in the follow- ing chapter. At this time, however, a floorplan for alpaa is needed in order to place the various scenic elements just described in their proper environment, the Salle du Petit-Bourbon. -The reconstruction presented in this study (Fig. 4, p. 53) was inspired by the fact that the engraving of the Prologue was produced at a time in history when the methods of perspective were being uncovered and put to use with great enthusiasm. The engraver, as is evident from his work, had some knowledge of these methods. A discovery of the horizon line and vanishing point used by him would per- mit a reconstruction of his drawing with the aid of mechan- ical perspective. A tracing was therefore made of the en- graving and a reconstruction attempted. One problem pre- sented itself to which no real solution was available. It was the problem of determining depths. No measurement of depth, such as that of the garden platform or of the arches, was given by any of the authors consulted. Knowing the length of the entire hall was of no assistance, for the engraving represents only a portion of it. In the face of this difficulty, an arbitrary depth of 46'6" was settled upon and the measuring line established accordingly. The 74Wickham, p. 94. 48 measurements of height and width are not affected by the placement of the measuring line and thus may be considered fairly reliable. The measurements of depth, however, are affected and must be recognized as dependent upon the over- all depth measurement of 46'6". With this caution in mind, an interpretation of the engraving, in mechanical perspective, is presented for consideration, together with the floorplan derived from this interpretation. (Figs. 3 and 4, pp. 52 and 53) (The measurements obtained from the perspective rendering have been set down in the following chart (Table 2); Pruniéres' measurements, when available, have been in- cluded for the sake of comparison. In passing, two points might be noted in connec- tion with the perspective rendering. The bleachers, men- tioned by Prunieres, "which rose through forty degrees from the floor to one gallery"75 are, for the most part, obscured by the bodies of audience members in the original engraving. The reconstructed drawing clearly indicates that there was plenty of room in the hall to contain these bleachers. Secondly, there is a question concerning the use of the spas in the production of Blpaa. Lawrenson writes: An engraving of the prologue to the Ballet comique de la reine gives us an as of the long rectangle, with two rows of galleries, the high one set back, and 75Prunieres, p. 135. 49 TABLE 2: DIMENSIONS OF HALL AND SET PIECES OBTAINED FROM PERSPECTIVE RENDERING Reconstruction Prunieres' of Engraving Measurements Dimensions Feet M. Ft.a From Ground Line to b Horizon Line 23'6" Width of Proscenium Opening 45'0" From Proscenium to Back (Masonry) Wall 46'6" Proscenium to downstage edge of Voute l'O" Proscenium to upstage edge of Voute 11'0" Proscenium to downstage edge of garden riser 27'0" Proscenium to downstage edge of foliage arches 33'0" Proscenium to upstage edge of foliage arches 37'0" Over-all height from floor to ceiling 19'6" Voute dorée: Length 10'0" 6 19.68 Width 5'0" 3 9.84 Height 0. 6'0" - - 50 TABLE 2-Continued Reconstruction Pruniéres' of Engraving Measurements Dimensions Feet M. Ft. Grove of Pan: Length 6'6" 3.90 12.79 Width 5'0" 2.85 9.35 Height c. 12'0" - - Garden Platform: Length 6'0" Width at downstage edge 12'0" 5.90 19.35 Width at front of foliage arch -9'O" Width at back of foliage arch 5'6" 3.90 12.79 Depth of arches 4'6" Height of center arch 15'0" Inside width of center arch 9'0" Outside width of center arch 11'0" Height of side arches 14'0" 7 22.96 Inside width of side arches 5'0" 4 13.12 51 TABLE 2-Continued Reconstruction Pruniéres' of Engraving Measurements Dimensions Feet M. Ft. Back Wall: Height of center arch 18'6" Width of center arch 16'0" Height of side arches 16'3" Width of side arches 6'0" Fountain float: Height 6'0" Width 3'0" 8Measurements in feet are figured on basis of 39.37" equal to 1 meter. bVanishing point located at intersection of center line and horizon line. 52 “camom Illll: lsll Fill).1 (ll ('11.?) .PH m N :H .o>Hpoommnom HwOfinmsooa we msfi>wnmnm osmoaohm on» mo cosposhpmnooom 1 n .wfim _ [L _ Rh IL )).|.l’llllll 53 AQCHES o( MASONRY I x 2' I FOLIAGE Aecass / I H 7 -" —'_”- \. I / I I / I l . GALLELY I GARDEN PLATFORM ) ./ I VOOTE DOREE GALLE. av \-» I | I Geovecrpmll . / I l _-_-__._-.._- -___- I I may ' LANE. _J:TL_J:t:f::1__E:1_. 7 4 f I Fig. 4 - Reconstruction of a Floorplan for Circé. Scale: 1/2" = 5 ft. 54 76 the decor occupying the apes. (Italics mine.) He writes, further, concerning the "whole family of engrav- ings" inspired by the holding of the Estates General in the Salle du Petit-Bourbon in 1614: They confirm, as distinct from the sixteenth-century engraving, the capacity of the hall, the galleries following the lines of the rectangle, with a row of ground-floor loges rising backwards, and above allthe natural predestination of the apes for a eta e with even the makin s of a proscenium arch.77 (ItalIcs mine.) The question is, did the decor for the ballet, Circé, in fact occupy the apes? The engraving of the Prologue cer- 'tainly does not suggest that it did. At the far end of the hall, behind the foliage arches, there are three addi- tional arches which appear to be structural parts of the building. If they are not, they have been disguised as masonry to make them appear permanent. It would seem log- ical to suppose that these arches would be located on the boundary line between the apes and the hall proper rather than at some point within the apes itself. This ispure conjecture, of course, but if the masonry wall were so lo- cated, the apes would be found behind these arches. It has been observed that the two side arches of greenery were used 78 for the entrances of the wagons. Might it not be that 76Lawrenson, p. 168. 771bid., p. 169. 78Supra p. 34. 55 the apse, in the production of Blpaa, served not to house the decor, but to house the wagons and actors when they were off-stage? In this capacity, it could contain, as well, the apparatus required to Operate the cloud machine. This whole problem, however, with all of its ramifications, can only be indicated; it cannot be more fully explored, nor can it be solved, within the limits of the present work. A final word might be said concerning the light- ing for glpaa. The descriptions of the individual scenic units give some indication of the lighting effects used. Thus, Prunieres recounts that when Circe led away the cap- tive nymphs, her palace and garden were "brilliantly lighted by a multitude of colored glasses" containing wicks;79 Kochno mentions oil lamps hanging from the branches of the trees 80 in Pan's grove; and the starry vault of the musicians is described as "resplendent with light inside."81 Kochno, in another passage, refers to the over-all effect in these words: "Such was the brilliance of the torches and lamps that it put to shame the most beautiful and serene day of 82 the year." The engraving indicates but two of the light- ing fixtures of the hall. They appear as cross pieces of 79Ibid. 80Supra p. 36. 81Supra p. 35. 82Kochno, p. 18. Of. Prunieres, p. 137, n. 4. 56 wood, suspended from the ceiling at the extreme rear of the hall near the side arches of masonry. It is interesting to speculate upon the over-all effect of the lighting of Blpaa. Was there, as-Kochno's last description suggests, a great deal of general illumina— tion in the hall, or was the lighting confined primarily to the various set pieces? The latter alternative, using specific illumination from within the Voflte dorée, the grove 83 of Pan, and Mercury's cloud, would certainly have been effective. Perhaps the combination of this specific illumi— nation with the general illumination of the garden by the colored glasses to which Prunieres refers would have pro- vided sufficient light for the entire spectacle, with the addition, of course, of a "special" for the King's throne. The Ballet comique de la Reine was counted a suc- cessful experiment by its authors, who saw in.§$£2§ "an image, pleasing but exact," of the "ancient tragedy with its declaimed tirades, its songs and its dances."84 It may be said, at least, that under Beaujoyeux's direction a balance was achieved by these artists in the emphasis placed upon the variables of poetry, music, and dance. In its decor, Circé embodied no revolutionary ideas; it did, however, exhibit the beginnings of a tendency which 83 84 Supra p. 37. Prunieres, p. 94. 57 was to gain momentum in the years to follow. A gravitation of the scenery toward one end of the hall may just barely be glimpsed in this ballet; the symptoms are apparent in the foliage arches, the back-drOp, and the garden platform. In general, the scenery showed signs of having been care- fully selected to meet the needs of the ballet. Each unit fulfilled a necessary function within the production as a whole. Thus, each served to enhance rather than hinder that unity which was the hallmark of this first ballet de 92.11:.- In succeeding ballets, although they were inspired by Circe, this unity was not sustained. The balance realized by Beaujoyeulx among the diverse elements constitutive of the ballet did not retard its being broken to the benefit of the music and the dance.85 In the years following 1581, the ballet de Cour was drawn relentlessly "in the direction of the opera."86 A possible explanation for this trend is offered by Manfred Bukofzer in his book, Music in the Baroque Era: Originally a renaissance form, the ballet de cour gradually assumed baroque characteristics. The first step toward baroque style was taken after 1605 when the récits were as a rule no longer spoken but sung. Thus the ballet de cour lost its distinctive renaissance feature: the "equivalence of poetry and music, and became 85lbid., p. 244. 86Silin, p. 176. 58 a stylized form, unified by the medium of sung and danced music. This important innovation was possibly prompted by the presence at the court of Henri IV in 1604-05 of Caccini, whose dramatic manner of singing impressed Guefron, music master to the Queen and composer of numerous bal- lets.87 In short, writes Prunieres, "The literary element was sac- rificed and the new spectacle became a sort of musical 88 drama . . . an opera-pantomime." The complete substitu- tion of singing for declamation was accomplished in the Ballet d'Alcine, danced at the Louvre on January 17, 1610.89 This ballet marked the advent of a new genre, the Ballet melodramatique, which enjoyed a period of pOpularity at the French Court from 1610 to 1620. The finest example of a Melodramatic ballet is generally recognized to be lBa Ballet de la Delivrance de Renaud presented in 1617.90 An analysis of this ballet, paralleling the analysis of Circe, is offered for consideration at this time. 87Bukofzer, p. 143. 88Prunieres, p.-244. 89Silin, p. 177. 90Silin, p. 178. or. Prunieres, p. 115. CHAPTER IV AN ANALYSIS OF THE BALLET DE LA DELIVRANCE DE RENAUD The Elements of Music; DanceL and Decor in Renaud The Deliverance of Renaud was not, as Q$£2§.had been, composed for presentation upon an occasion of state. It was, quite literally, devised to provide social recrea— tion for young King Louis XIII, who had succeeded to the throne of France following the death of Henry IV in 1610. In the ballet, the King had an opportunity to dance several entrées at the side of his favorite, DeLuynes, who played and sang the role of Renaud.l The ballet was performed, after two rehearsals,2 on January 29, 1617,3 in the Grands Balls du Louvre, a hall much preferred by Louis to the Balla du Petit Bourbon.4 In both its theme and its form, the Délivrance de Renaud was patterned after the Ballet comique de la Reine and other ballets of its genre. Variations may be found 1Henry Prunieres, Le Ballet ds Cour en France (Paris: Henri Laurens, Editeur, 1914), p. 116. 21bid., p. 116, n. 2. 311316., p. 116. 4lbid., p. 153. 59 60 in the details of the plots, writes Prunieres, but the theme itself changes very little. "As in the Mascarade du duc de Longueville, as in the Ballet comique de la Reine, one finds that a magician holds captive some prisoners who, at the end, regain their liberty."5 This is, indeed, the theme of the ballet, Renaud. The form of this ballet also re- sembles that of 91533, although it was composed in two acts instead of three. Within each act, the scenes are set off by changes in decor. The elements to be considered in connection with Renaud no longer include Poetry, for, as has been noted, this ballet contained no spoken dialogue. The relative emphasis placed on each of the remaining elements, however, may be seen in the summary of the action of the ballet which follows: PROLOGUE: At rise, Renaud is dis- covered reclining on the ground at the foot of a mountain; he is being guarded by Armide's de- DECOR moH§T__BE?ore the action of the ballet proceeds, time is taken for four elaborate entries in which the King and the nobles of the court participate. Following the last entry, the demons of Armide dance and then disappear into DANCE a grotto, taking Renaud with them. DECOR FIRST ACT: Two of Renaud's knights enter in search of their leader. They attempt to follow the demons into the grotto, but, at this very moment, the scene changes, as if by magic, and the knights find themselves in the garden of Armide. They meet a nymph who tries DECOR to dissuade them from separating Renaud and MUSIC Armide; they wage a battle, in cadence, with DANCE 51bid., pp. 113-14. 61 six monsters, finally putting them to flight; then, suddenly they see Renaud lying on a bed of flowers, singing of his happiness. They MUSIC draw near to him and show him the shield of crystal which gives him consciousness of his indignity.” Renaud immediately breaks his irons and leaves the enchanted gardens. Armide enters and begins looking everywhere for Renaud, but finds that he has deserted her; moreover, her fountains have dried up, her nymphs have become mute, and her mon- sters have been put to flight. She summons MUSIC hgr demons by new incantations, but the mock MUSIC her and, after a bizarre dance, they withdraw, DANCE carrying Armide away with them. As they do so, the beautiful gardens are transformed into "a deserted and horrible cavern." DECOR SECOND ACT: After a moment of inter- mission, a small wagon-stage is rolled into DECOR position in front of the stage. During the scene which is enacted on this wagon, some soldiers of Renaud together with some knights of Godfrey, who are all searching for their general, meet a magician, dressed as a hermit, who informs them of the deliverance of Renaud. MUSIC He then sings a grand hymn of rejoicing. MUSIC Meanwhile, the scenery on the stage has changed once more, revealing a pavilion of DECOR old cloth, in which the knights of Godfrey are seated. They rise to dance theggrand DANCE ballet, in company with the King and the nobles and princes of the court. On this triumphant note, the ballet ends. The last words of the play-script express very well the spirit of the occasion: "Ainsi le Ballet se finit et fit passer une nuit plus délicieuse que la plus belle journée du Printemps"--Thus ends the Ballet and passes a night more delicious than the most beautiful day of Spring.6 6Ibid., p. 265. The account of the action of this ballet is summarized from Prunieres, pp. 116-119. 62 The element of music in Renaud is found primarily in three forms: (1) vocal solos, including the nymph's gégit of dissuasion and Renaud's soliloquy in Act one, and the hermit's gégig informing the knights in Act two; (2) dialogues between one person and a choir such as the "sum- moning and mocking" dialogue between Armide and her demons at the end of Act one, and possibly the "grand hymn of re- joicing" by the hermit and the knights in the wagon-stage scene; (3) choral numbers, beginning with the overture, "7 "a grand concert for accompanied chorus, and including "ensembles calling for more than a hundred performers."8 The dances, too, may have been accompanied by the chorus; this practice, known as ballet aux chansons, was later "taken over by Lully into the opera."9 Prunieres gives an idea of the calibre of the music in Renaud in the following pas- sage: The récits of the ballets d'Alcine, of Renaud and of Tancrede marked a great progress over all those which preceded them. The style is freer, more moving, the declaiming is more subtle, and more varied also. . . . The musical theatre in France had made rapid and unceasing prOgress when the ballet a entrées de- throned the ballet melodramatigue. The decadence was then rapid. Not that the melody of Boesset had not the beauty of Guedron's, but the récit lost its aspect 7Manfred F. Bukofzer, Music in the Barogue Era (New York: w. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1947), p. 144. 81bid. 91bid., p. 145. 63 of musical declamation. . . . In a word, the récit became an air, in the modern sens§_3f—the word, instead of remaining :2::t::igug8t to have been in essence, a There were three main dances in Renaud in addi- tion to the traditional Grand Ballet. The first was the dance of Armide's demons which brought to a close the Pro- logue; the second, their "bizarre dance" at the end of Act one. The battle waged "in cadence" by the knights with- Armide's monsters undoubtedly had the character of a dance and could very well have been the most delightful of the three. The most important elements of the decor of Renaud appeared, during the course of the ballet, upon a revolving stage set into the floor of a raised platform at one end of the hall. This turning plaque revealed successively a ‘mountain, the garden of Armide, a deserted and horrible cavern, and finally a pavilion of gold cloth. The scenery also involved a pair of wing flats, which masked the sides of the stage, and a small wagon-stage, rolled on for a scene immediately following the intermission. In contrast to the decor disperse of Qiggé, the staging of Renaud is re- 11 ferred to by Prunieres as decor successif. In this method of staging, scene changes allow most of the action, excluding 10 11Ibid., p. 144. The term is also employed by Decugis, p. S . Prunieres, pp. 237-38. 64 the dances, to take place in the vicinity of the stage. An analysis of how these scene changes were effected con- stitutes the main burden of the section which follows. What can be concluded concerning the relationship among the elements of music, dance, and decor in Renaud? The music, by assuming in addition to its own duties those formerly reserved to the poetry, takes on an increased im- portance. In Renaud, it is the music, in company with the pantomime, which bears full responsibility for the exposi- tion of the plot line. The element of decor plays a more important role in this ballet than it did in Qiggg; the use of a revolving stage permits the decor to contribute actively to the unity of the production. ‘The dance, though not slighted by any means, seems to receive less emphasis in Renaud than it did in Qiggé. In the words of Bukofzer, quoted earlier, the ballet melodramatique, as exemplified by The Deliverance of Renaud, was "a stylized form, unified 12 by the medium of sung and danced music." The emphasis, as this statement makes very clear, was on music. The Element of Decor and its Representation in Renaud The ballets melodramatigues differed from the Dramatic ballets in their method of staging. The Dramatic 12Bukofzer, p. 143. Supra p. 45. 65 ballets, such as Qiggg, were staged, as has been noted, in décor disperse. Various units of the setting were scat- tered throughout the theatre, and the action moved from one of these units to another. The ballets melodramatiques, on the other hand, used décor successif, in which the scen- ery was concentrated upon a stage at one end of the theatre, with only a few minor pieces, such as a tree or some rocks, being placed on the auditorium floor. The action directly concerned with the development of the plot likewise was concentrated on the stage, although the dances and entries were still performed in the area in front of the stage.“ The first appearance in France of the décor suc- cessif was in connection with the production of the pastoral, Ariméne, presented in Nantes on February 25, 1596.13 Four changes of scene were accomplished by means of periaktoi.14 It is believed that the designer of this production was Ruggieri, a noted astrologer.15 As to the designer of the Ballet de la Délivrance de Renaud, there is some uncertainty. Undoubtedly, according to Prunieres, it was one of the Fran- cini brothers, and quite probably, it was Tomaso Francini, an Italian architect and engineer. Tomaso was born in Flor- ence in 1571. He journeyed to France in about 1598, settled 13Prunieres, p. 146. 14Ibid. 15Ibid. 66 down, became a naturalized citizen in 1600, and married a French girl in 1606. In that same year, he received the position of Intendant General of waters and fountains, and, in 1617, he received the title of Engineer to the King and Controller of the house of the Queen. Because of Tomaso's more well established reputation as an architect and his many varied talents, Prunieres believes that he, rather than his brother Alessandro, was the true inventor of the machin- ery for the Deliverance of Renaud.16 The following analysis of Francini's decor is based primarily upon four sources: a reconstruction of the floorplan for the ballet which is reprinted by Macgowan and Melnitz in The Living Stage-A History of the World The- atre;17 engravings of the settings for the ballet reprinted by Decugis18 and by Kochno;19 and the verbal descriptions provided by Prunieres and Decugis. Although Pierre Sonrel's book, Traits de Scénographie, contains a c0py of the floor- plan, it contains no description other than a brief one 20 quoted directly from Prunieres. The analysis will attempt 16The information concerning Francini' a life has been summarized from Prunieres, pp. 148-49. l7Kenneth Macgowan and William Melnitz, The Livin Stage: A History of the World Theatre (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1955), p. 215. 18Nicole Decugis and Suzanne Reymond, Le Décor de Théatre en France (Paris: Compagnie francaise des Arts Graphiques, 1953), P. 54, Plates 2, 3. 19Boris Kochno, Le Ballet (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1954). p. 16, Plates 10, 11. 20Pierre Sonrel, Traité de Scénographie (Paris: Odette Lieutier, 1944). pp. 65-66. 67 first, to describe each of the individual elements of the setting; second, to describe the scene changes from an audi— ence point of view, using the description given by Prunieres as a basis; and third, to analyze the scene changes from a technician's point of view in an attempt to explain how the changes were executed. The Ballet de la Délivrance de Renaud was pre- sented in the Grand Salle of the Louvre, where most of the ballets during the reign of Louis XIII were danced. Accord- ing to Prunieres, the room was "a vast rectangle" which 21 measured one hundred fifty feet by forty-five." Between the numerous windows of the hall were platforms and galler— ies filled with seats for the spectators. At one end of the room were seen the decorations necessary for the spectacle; at the other, the royal throne, raised three steps and covered by an immense canopy of crimson red velours. From the ceiling hung a large number of chandeliers, with white and yellow wax candles which spread a lively brightness. Large bar- riers prohibited the spectators from entering the area reserved for the dancers and buffoons.22 The elements of the setting were eight in number. Each of these elements is given a number on the floorplan (Fig. 5, p. 68) which corresponds to its number in the fol- lowing list: 21Prunieres, p. 137. Prunieres also gives the measurements of the hall in meters (50 meters by 15) ap- parently on the basis of 36" = 1 meter. Ibid., p. 147. 221bid., p. 137. 68 (2) safaris roommate / , (3) CHASSIS \g w- i a (4) QJDEAU\ CH 5515 (3) ENTREE DES .1 . , ,_ - HQURMTS ”\ Lu 0 u . a\3ceue SUQELEVtt - u u .. DE 5 MAchES (1) ---1r-:rr:* <5) (6) - ['1 J A§PRCE' L F Qanmm. (7) CHQQ‘OT n momma MOBILE LE R01 GQGDNS ago 6‘29ow . g o o o o F J 1 rr QRADINS ) Fig. 5 - Reconstruction of a Floorplan for Renaud, from Sonrel, Traité de Scénographie. Reprinted, with permission, from Kenneth Macgowan & William Mel- nitz, The Livin Stage: A History of the World Theatre (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1955). 69 1. scene surélevée de 5 marches: This was the stage, which was raised three feet above the auditorium floor. On the floorplan, three steps are shown leading from the stage to the auditorium, and these steps "of a foot in height" are mentioned by Pruniéres.23 At another point, however, he speaks of the stage as communicating with the hall "by some inclined planes."24 These ramps are also mentioned by Lawrenson,25 but no indica- tion of them is to be found on the floor— plan. 2. scéne tournante: or revolving stage. Instead of the usual flats or drop upstage center, Francini substituted a turning plaque on which he placed prac- tical decorations.26 On each half of the plaque was placed a setting for one scene. "Thus one is able to change the scenery on half of the platform while one is playing on the other.”27 No dimensions for the plaque were provided by the authors con- sulted. 3. chassis: side flats, wing flats, or frames. Prunieres writes: "Upon the stage, in the first plane, were placed two frames sideways, to which were attached, at right angles, two frames perpendicular to the foot of the stage. Between these kinds of cubes, the decor was seen in per- spective as in the Italian theatres."28 No further details concerning the construc- tion of the frames are available. Silin merely mentions the "changements a vue 23Ibid., p. 154. 24Ibid., p. 116. 25T. E. Lawrenson, The French Stage in the XVIIth Century (Manchester: at the University Press, 19577. p. 127. 26 27 28 Prunieres, p. 153. Decugis, p. 56. Prunieres, p. 153. 70 produced by a new system of lateral and perpendicular chassis."29 4. rideau: or front curtain. Accord- ing to PruniEres, "a curtain masked the stage before the beginning of the spectacle; it was painted to represent a palace sur- rounded by green foliage. In falling, it revealed the first decor."3O Elsewhere, however, he says: "Before the rising of the curtain, one hears a tender, amourous chorus. . . . "31 From the way in which the curtain is indicated on the floorplan, the possibility presents itself that it neither rose nor fell, but was drawn to one side. 5. trellis: This set piece appears in the floorplan to the left of the stage on the auditorium floor. Prunieres says: "To the right of the spectator were seen on the side some rocks, to the left a long arcade of foliage or trellis, through which the characters entered onto the stage.”2 6. Rocks: These are not shown on the floorplan but are referred to by Prun- ieres in the above description and later in his description of one of the scene changes: "In prOportion as the mountain turns, the rocks on the sides are drawn off and trees replace them."33 7. chariot mobile: The wagon-stage is described by Prunieres as "a sort of rolling platform, moved by unseen men or animals. It was bristling with trees and bushes and carried the soldiers of Re- naud. . . . "34 The scene played on this 29Charles I. Silin, Benserade and his Ballets de Cour (Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins Press, 19467, pp. 184-850 30Prunieres, p. 154. 31;p;g., p. 116. Balhid., p. 154. 3322;3' 341bid., p. 155. 71 platform is recorded in the engraving on page 74. 8. ciel: or sky, which is not indi- cated on the floorplan. In the engravings of the sets for the ballet, a cloud effect with stars is visible at the top of each picture. The only author who mentions this element, however, is Decugis, who writes that the two fixed frames were joined to the arches by "a starry sky."35 Decugis does not indicate what arches he means, and this is a problem which must remain unsolved for the time being. These, then, were the elements of the setting for the bal- let. On the floorplan, two entrances to the theatre are indicated: the first, backstage on stage right; the second, which was, no doubt, the main entrance, just in front of the stage and to the left of the spectators. ' With the foregoing account of the separate scenic units in mind, it is possible to proceed to a description of the scene changes as they occurred during the course of the ballet. 1. At rise, one sees, on the mobile plaque or revolving stage, a grotto at the foot of a mountain, upon which are seated the demons of Armide. (Fig. 6, p. 72) Renaud is reclining at the foot of the mountain. After the dance of the demons, the two knights enter, to the music of trumpets, and attempt to penetrate the grotto into which Renaud and the demons have disappeared. Immediately, as if by magic, the decor changes. The mountain turns and the second decor comes into view. As the mountain turns, the rocks on the sides are drawn off and groves of trees replace them. 35Decugis, p. 56. 72 .hmmmH .mmsdfinmwnw mend moo omfiwonmum ofiammmaoo unfinwmv commun no onpmwna mu Hoown 0A .onoahmm odddufim and maMdooQ oaooaz scum .noonmnwm.ooHMb “m onoem .nfiwpdso: owe «H onoom .osmnom mo monopobaaon one I b .wam .csmsom Ho oondhobfiaon one I m .Mfim 73 2. The second decor represents the enchanted gardens of Armide, adorned with three large fountains spouting water. (Fig. 7, p. 72) The knights enact their scene with the nymph of the fountain and battle with the monsters; then they see Renaud, reclining on a bed of flowers (probably located on the auditorium floor to the right of the spectators, where in the first scene were rocks). Renaud and his knights exit. Armide returns to find her prisoner gone, her fountains dried up, her nymphs mute, and her monsters put to flight. The demons dance and mock Armide, after which they exit carrying her off with them. As they do so, the scene changes; the palace and gardens whichfihad been so beautiful are transformed into a deserted and horrible cavern. (No scene is played in this setting, however.) 3. After a brief intermission, a sort of rolling platform moves into the _ room. It is bristling with trees and bushes and carries sixteen persons dressed as knights. (Fig. 8, p. 74) These are the soldiers of Renaud out in search of their leader. They converse with a hermit who announces to them the delivery of their hero. As the platform withdraws, all the scenery changes by itself. 4. The grand pavilion comes into view and reveals to the eyes of the spectators the dancers of the grand ballet who are seated there. (Fig. 9. P. 74) The dancers are none other than Godfrey and the chiefs of his army who are all assembled to re- joice over the happy return of Renaud.36 This description, together with the engravings which serve to illustrate it, make it clear that the scene changes in the ballet depended primarily upon the revolving stage and the wing flats. As for the other elements, the 36This account of the scene changes for the ballet has been summarized from Prunieres, pp. 116-19, 154-55. . .ooo .oczoa nu mph< "mfinumv poHHcm oq .ssq «and! and cannon uahonMWMM up a an .:o«Hfi>sm one. "s onowm .mmmmeQomsB ona an mace .uswnom mo oonmhobfiamn one I m .wam .cstom Ho ooqdnobaaon cum I m .mwm 74 .quvznnunmzaomdh .3 mmhgu 452 aluuomwbz an «dazed ion ah ha Rape—emu an??? 2.35. an .52» 23853.3 HER—«3E» .hmqqsn an .2: who «u .aquzflmu. nus has . _ zed 3d mu . . Stoves mamas. :6... c. . 20..“ we to reasons seam—«£539 75 front curtain is, apparently, used only once, at the begin- ning of the performance; the sky and the trellis remain permanently in place throughout the performance; the rocks at the right of the auditorium change once, when they are replaced by trees; the wagon—stage is used for one important scene, and will be discussed as this analysis proceeds. At this time, attention is focused upon the two most important scenic elements. The revolving stage receives first consideration. How was it set up and used to effect the various changes demanded by the script? In connection with the engravings, first of all, it should be noted that in Scene 1 (Fig. 6) and in Scene 4 (Fig. 9), actors are shown sitting, bleacher— fashion, in four ascending rows. This observation leads to the inference that a scaffolding of some sort must have been required and that it probably occupied one half of the revolving stage. In the interests of simplicity, this scaf- folding would no doubt have been permanent, remainingsin its position on the revolving stage throughout the perform- ance.r Its character could easily have been altered by canvas painted to represent "mountain" in Scene 1, and by gold cloth draped to represent "pavilion" in Scene 4. During Scene 1, the scaffolding side of the revolving stage would be visible to the audience. The off-stage half would be pre-set for Scene 2, the garden of Armide, which requires some sort of garden back-drop and a large fountain. Seen 76 in cross-section, the revolving stage, during Scene 1, might look like the drawing in Fig. 10. U Pnosc EMIUM ARQH I GARDEN DROP . (Pee-SET) ./ SCAFFOLDNG A FoquAwl REVOLVH¢QI (f STAGE. \F J LC in] J Fig. 10 - The Deliverance of Renaud: Cross Section of the Revolving Stage set for Scene 1. Scene 1 ends with the knights attempting to pene- trate the grotto into which the demons have disappeared. As does the bookcase in the mystery thriller, the revolving plaque swings around "and the knights find themselves in the garden of Armide."37 So far, the scene shifts present no difficulties whatever. At the end of Scene 2, when the demons leave the stage with Armide, the revolving stage turns once more and "the garden which seemed to have been 37Supra p. 47. 77 so beautiful becomes nothing more than a deserted cavern. . "38 Everything trembles and changes all together. A conjec- ture about the mechanics of this change is offered by Prun- iéres: One would love to have some details on the way in which this transformation was ef— fected. It is probable that once again the plaque turned and showed the decor of the first act altered by a breadth of cloth or another [set] which had been substituted for it. A short intermission immediately follows this change. Scene 5 takes place on the small wagon-stage which is moved into the auditorium after the intermission. Appar- ently, the cavern setting remains on the main stage, and is shown in the engraving of Scene 3 (Fig. 8, p. 74) Prunieres justifies the insertion of the wagon—stage scene in the following way: Logically, the final apotheosis ought to have followed immediately the ruin of the palace of Armide, but the machinists did not have time to prepare the new decor upon the rear of the plaque, so they had to resort to an emergency device to give them time to replace the fountains and flowerbeds of Armide's garden with a pavilion of gold cloth.40 A problem arises at this point, however, Tech- nically, the final scene should require not only the pavilion 58 Prunieres, p. 154. 391pm. 4OIbid., pp. 154-55. 78 of gold cloth, but also the scaffolding, which is supposedly on stage during the wagon scene, disguised as a cavern. It is hardly logical to assume that Francini would design the ballet in such a way that it required two sets of scaf- folding, one of which would have to be set up during the relatively short span of time occupied by Scene 3. It seems more reasonable to suppose that he would arrange, if at all possible, to use the same scaffolding for both Scene 1 and Scene 4. Furthermore, a closer examination of the setting on the revolving stage behind the wagon stage reveals that it does not look particularly like a "deserted and horrible cavern." If it is not the cavern setting, however, what setting is it? In the above quotation, Prunieres mentions "the ruin of the palace of Armide," but none of the settings described by him represent the ruin of a palace. Was there such a setting? The caption which appears above the engrav- ing reprinted by Kochno (Fig. 8, p. 74) confirms that there was, for it reads: Fourth decor, in which one sees the palace of Armide ruined, and a wood filled with musicians to sing the triumph of Renaud. It should be noted, also, that the caption specifies this as the fourth decor, rather than the third; further, that the caption above the pavilion engraving refers to it as the fifth decor. It appears, then, that the setting pic- tured behind the wagon stage represents the ruined palace of Armide and that there was also a deserted cavern setting 79 (the third decor), for which no engraving is provided. This added information permits a solution to the problem of the scene changes of Renaud. Here is a projected plan of how the changes on the revolving stage would be carried out, given five settings instead of four: Scene 1: On stage - mountain (with scaffolding) Pre-set - Armide's garden (no scaffold— ing) Scene 2: On stage - Armide's garden (no scaffold- ing Pre-set — Cavern (with scaffolding dis- guised) Shift at the end of Scene 2: plaque turns placing Cavern set on stage, Armide's garden off stage. Intermission: During the brief intermission, ArmideTs garden is struck and the ruin of Armide's palace is set. (The palace drop could be pre-set behind the garden drop). As the wagon-stage rolls on after the intermission, the plaque is turned, for: Scene 3: On stage - Ruin of Armide's palace (no scaffolding) Pre-set - Pavilion (with scaffolding) Scene 4: On stage - Pavilion (with scaffolding) Off-stage - Ruin of Armide's palace. It is clear that this plan provides a solution to the prob- lems raised by Pruniéres' descriptions. Moreover, the cap- tions to the engravings reprinted by Kochno appear to con- firm that the plan presents an accurate account of the way in which the scene changes for Renaud were effected. 80 Attention must now be directed to the problems involving the wing flats at the sides of the stage. Appar- ently, these flats were also changed for each scene. The engravings indicate that the wing flats parallel to the foot of the stage were painted to represent trees and rocks in Scene 1, fountains in Scene 2, the ruined palace in Scene 3, and palm trees in Scene 4. The wings perpendicular to the foot of the stage, on the other hand, show rocks in Scene 1, trees in Scene 2, the ruined palace in Scene 3, and tents in Scene 4. The following theory as to how these wing flats were changed for each scene arises from three observations: (1) the available floorplan for Renaud is a reconstruction; 41 but does Sonrel labels it "a sample of a reconstruction," not reveal the name of the artist. The floorplan may have been done by the same man who did the engravings which are included in this thesis. According to Sonrel, these engrav- ings are from a complete set contained in a work entitled, Discours au vray du ballet dansé_par le ng 1e dimanche XXIX jour de janvier M DC XVII, avec les desseins tant des machines et apparences différentes que de tous les habits des masques, written by Pierre Ballard in 1617.42 (2) In the production of Ariméne, referred to earlier.in 41Sonrel, p. 66. 421bid. 81 connection with the first appearance in France of décor successif, four changes of scene were accomplished by means of periaktoi. Prunieres writes: The author of the stage decorations which accompanied the presentation at Nantes, February 25, 1596, of Ariméne . . . resolved in an original manner the problem of the successive decor. Recalling the periaktoi of the ancients, he placed at the foot of the stage four frames, movable around a vertical axis; these frames affected the form of polyédres pentagonaux and the four faces which they presented to the public were painted so that they constituted the same decor.43 (3) The third observation pertains to a statement made by Prunieres which is unintelligible in the light of the re- constructed floorplan. He writes: Upon the stage, in the first plane, were placed two frames sideways, to which were attached, at right angles, two frames perpendicular to the foot of the stage. Between these kinds of cubes, the decor was seen in perspective as in the Italian theatres.44 (Italics mine.) Seen in the light of the settings for Ariméne, this passage becomes completely intelligible and, furthermore, provides a solution to the problem of shifting the wing flats in Renaud. The solution calls for one addition to the recon- structed floorplan. In this plan, the wing flats appear as shown in Fig. 11, p. 82. 43Prunieres, p. 146. 44Ibid., p. 153. Supra p. 54. 82 Fig. 11 — The Deliverance of Renaud: Wing Flat Units as They Appear‘in the Floorplan. Since the floorplan is a reconstruction, it is entirely possible that the artist neglected to indicate, fully, the wing flat units. Each of these units, therefore, might well have possessed two additional flats as shown in Fig. 12, p. 83. Given these units, the scene changes called for by the script and indicated in the engravings could easily have been carried out. The foregoing solution to the problem of shift- ing the wing flats makes clear the reasons behind the word- ing of one of the descriptions quoted earlier. It concerns the shift from Scene 1 into Scene 2 and reads, "In proportion as the mountain turns, off and trees replace them."45 This description was thought 85 the rocks on the sides are drawn at first to refer to the rocks located on the auditorium floor to the right of the spectators. be seen to refer to the perpendicular wing flats which change from rocks in Scene 1 to trees in Scene 2. However, 46 Fig. 12 - The Deliverance of Renaud: i2 4 Reconstruction of Wing Flat UnitsUsing Four-Sided Periaktoi. 451bid., p. 154. 46Supra p. 61. it can now 84 The words "drawn off" express quite accurately what would have been the effect of four-sided periaktoi revolving at the sides of the stage. The importance of the Ballet de la Délivrance de Renaud was two-fold. It is to be found, first, in the in- creased emphasis placed by its authors upon the variable of music. The results of their experiment had a direct influ- ence upon the development of the French opera. Many literary and musical threads of the ballet de cour were woven into the fabric of the French Opera, which has, down to the present, remained partial to ballets. Choral dance music, recitative, and programmatic orchestral music were first established in the ballet de cog; before their integration into the opera. Certain literary motives also confirm the relations: Lully returned in his Armide to the subject of the Deliv- rance de Renaud, and Campra (Tancrede) made use of the plot to the ballet TancrEde en la forest enchantée (l6l9).47 Secondly, Renaud added impetus to the trend, already glimpsed in 951316, toward the concentration of the decor at one end of the auditorium. Francini's use of the raised platform, 'together with the revolving stage and side wings, clearly foreshadows the style of setting which will be created by Torelli for the French opera in the second half of the seven- teenth century . 48 47Bukofzer, p. 147. 481bid., p. 148. CHAPTER V AN ANALYSIS OF THE BALLET DE LA DOUAIRIERE DE BILLEBAHAUT The Elements ofMusiCLDanceLand Decor in Billebahaut The third and last ballet to be considered in this study is the Douairiére de Billebahaut danced by the King at the Hatel de Ville in 1626. The circumstances sur- rounding this production bring to light still another vari- ation on the theme of courtly social recreation. 'Qirgé, it will be remembered, was designed to honor a royal mar- riage; Renaud was staged to allow King Louis XIII an oppor- tunity to dance in company with his favorite, DeLuynes; Billebahaut, too, was danced by the King, but was intended not for the exclusive view of nobles and courtiers, but rather for the entertainment of the peOple of Paris. This gesture on the part of the King was deemed such a great honor that "the Provost and Aldermen of the city spared nothing to receive their royal host with magnificence."l Upon their order, masons, joiners, and carpenters erected "scaffolding, stages, galleries in the grands salle" in order to offer the most comfortable seats to the "most beautiful ladies and the gentlemen of the City" who gathered together in a 1Henry Prunieres, Le Ballet de Cour en France (Palds: Henri Laurens, Editeur, 1914), p. 139. 85 86 throng for the great spectacle. They ordered "the spicer to hold in reserve quantities of white candles, both large and small, to place in the chandeliers and crosiers . . . and to prepare great quantities of sweet meats for the repast of the Princes, masquers, and others of the company." A chef was ordered to pre- pare feasts of fish, for the ballet had to be danced into the night of Shrove- tide. Early in the morning of the scheduled day, the King's guards arrived at the H6tel to keep the already as- sembled crowds in order. Throughout the day, spectators arrived and took their places in the galleries; some stayed there stoicly for more than twelve hours, waiting for the ballet to begin. To distract their minds, twenty of the City's violinists played airs and dances, from four in the afternoon until the performance began at five the next morn- ing. About four in the morning, the masquers began to ar- rive. On the steps of the Hdtel, the Provost of the mer- chants greeted the King, who excused himself for being late and repaired immediately to his dressing room. At five o'clock, the King's violinists made their entrance, mounted the stage, and the ballet began. It lasted, in all, three hours, after which the dancers "flung themselves avidly" upon the superb repast prepared for them. Finally, the king, still in costume, mounted his coach to return to the 21bid., pp. 139-40, citing Lomenie de Brienne, .Memoires, ed. Barriers, 1828, tome I, p. 337 et suiv. '1 87 Louvre, and left amid shouts of "Vive 1e Roi!"3 Such were the circumstances surrounding the performance of the Dou- airiére de Billebahaut. Comparative spontaneity and informality marked both the occasion of this ballet and the ballet, itself, as will be seen during the course of this analysis. To understand these characteristics of Billebahaut, which was typical of the Ballets a Entrees, it is necessary to return, for a moment, to the courtly entertainments of the fourteenth century. It will be remembered that dancing played an im- portant part in most of these fétes. In a momerie such as that presented at Charles V's banquet for Emperor Charles IV in 1377 may be found the seeds of the Ballet 1 Entrees: Upon a signal from the master of the house, the trumpeteers sounded brilliant fanfares and the momerie [i.e. the proces- sion of disguised personages entered, being in retinue, preceded by torc bearers and musicians, mounted upon a wagon which came to rest facing the tables. . . . The fig- ures, masked and costumed in painted cloths, descended from the wagon and danced a morris dance to the accompaniment of voices and instruments.4 In the Middle Ages, the momerie was usually even less formal than this one of 1377. The momerie, in the Middle Ages, con- sisted of an entry of personages disguised and costumed oddly in masks. They shouted 3Account of the circumstances surrounding the presentation of Billebahaut summarized from Prunieres, p. 140. 41bid., pp. 7-8. Supra p. 16. 88 and gamboled about but did not mix with the spectators. At other times, the momerie had for its object a game of chance; in this case, those who took part were held to an observation of silence.and to making themselves understood only by signs. They solemnly carried a deck of cards or dies and presented them successively to differ- ent bystanders.5 During the reign of Henry IV, nobles still dis- guised and masked themselves to carry the dice into joyous assemblies. "They entered the halls in boisterous groups . . . with their retinue of torch-bearers and musicians."6 At this time, the momerie or Mascarade of Society? did not necessarily involve either dances or songs.8 Under the influence of the Dramatic ballets, such as Qirgé, the mascarade underwent a transformation. It adopted the dancing and the costuming of these ballets, as well as their structure, and became a hybrid form of enter- tainment, "devoid of dramatic interest but pleasant and inexpensive."9 In these spectacles, designated by Prunieres as ballets-mascarades, many of the characteristics of the Ballet a Entrees are clearly recognizable. The ballet-mascarade . . . did not demand really long preparations; one day SIbido, pp. 4-50 Ibid., p. 98. 7The term is Pruniéres', Ibid. 81bid. 9Ibid., p. 99. 89 some courtiers would get together and decide to dance a ballet; they assembled a choice of disguises: sorcerers, Moors, barbers, tavern keepers, Jews, etc.. . . When the costumes and masks had been made and the nobles had learned the steps which they had to execute they set out for the palace in which the féte was to be given. It was not unusual for a ballet to be planned in Paris and presented at Saint-Germain or Fontainebleau, in which case, they traveled with their musicians in a state-coach. No stage or decor was required for such 1 spec— tacle, any large hall was sufficient. O The custom of traveling from place to place to present bal- lets was still pOpular at the time of the presentation of Billebahaut. A troup of nobles might dance the same ballet, in divers places, two and sometimes three times in the course of a single night. It was their custom to end up, [as did the King in 1626], sf the H6te1 de Ville where they had supper. 1 The decline of the Dramatic Ballet left the pa;- let-mascarade as pOpular as ever. It flourished throughout the reign of the ballet melodramatique which, in 1620, quite suddenly began to decline. According to Silin: This type of royal entertainment con- tinues to be given, but from a dramatic point of view it marks a retrogression; the action, in the melodramatic ballets that follow, is still mythological and allegorical, but it becomes obscure, the interludes lack motivation, and even the récits are without much clarity. In a word, the ballet de cour becomes more and l011.14., pp. 99-100. llIbid., p. 140. '_'_ -A _ n. h. ..,_g.- .I F 3“. «m.— 90 more lacking in dramatic interest.12 The melodramatic ballet, in short, practically ceases to exist, while the ballet-mascarade enjoys an even greater vogue and enriches itself with the spoils of the defunct 13 dramatic ballet, adopting its lyric scenes and sometimes even its settings.14 Thus, the scene is set for the birth of the Ballet a Entrees. The ballets of the new genre are composed of several parts linked to one another by a vague common idea. Each of the parts preserves the structure of a ballet-mascarade with its initial régit followed by the entries, and the whole terminates in a grand ballet.15 The Ballet of the Douairiére de Billebahaut-is constructed in four parts. Since each of these parts is, in itself, a ballet-mascarade, it is important to understand the typical structure of this form of ballet. An excellent description is presented by Prunieres: The violinists formed the first entry; they were bizarrely dressed and masked; sometimes they appeared playing their in- struments behind their backs. Then came the pages, carrying torches, who ranged themselves around the place reserved for the buffoons. The first group or quadrille then made their appearance; after having danced, it relinquished its place to a second quadrille and so on. At the end, 12Charles I. Silin, Benserade and his Ballets ds Cour (Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns HOpkins Press, 1940), p. 178. 13Prunieres, p. 207. l4Silin, p. 178. 15Prunieres, p. 124. 91 all the personages of the mascarade came together for the grand ballet. The pre- sentation over, each raised his mask and took a lady in waitin for the ball which lasted until morning. Prunieres adds to this description a postscript which will aid in understanding the available, but all too brief, ac- counts of the ballet, Billebahaut. It is a mistake to believe that there was nothing but dancing in entertainments of this genre. Often scenes of pantomime or feats of acrobatics alternated with the figure dances. Perilous leaps, human pyra- mids, and wrestlers found their places in these s ectacles. Even sometimes little farces. The "vague common idea" which links together the parts of the Douairiére de Billebahaut is that of a wedding 18 and the four parts celebration. "The news flies quickly," of the world, America, Asia, Africa, and Europe, informed of the marriage of the Douairiere with his faithful beloved Fanfan de Sottsville, have come to congratulate the happy couple. Each part of the world is the occasion for a dis- tinct ballet, preceded by a régit and composed of several entries. Details of these entries have been obtained pri- marily from pictures of the ballet which show some of the . l . . characters in costume. 9 The details are, for this reason, extremely sketchy. 8 . n 1 Boris Kochno, Le Ballet (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1954), p. 25. Cf. Prunieres, p. 127. 191614. 92 Bukofzer supplies a description of "an amusing entry of 'American' music in which four Indian bagpipe play- ers lead onto the stage a truly exotic lama pulling a Chi- nese gong chime which no Indian of the time could possibly 20 The bailiffs of Greenland and Freesland are 21 have seen!" escorted by their "capriolleurs de louage" who perform in place of their superiors, "for the customs of the country 22 do not permit grave people to go gamboling about." The Africans are led by the Cacigue upon his elephant, preceded by three negroes who beat upon small drums and followed by five Africans gesturing and gamboling.23 The grand Khan 24 follows with his caravan of camels, and the people of Europe enter last, led by the musicians of Granada who sing a song in Spanish.25 Many of the entries are not, properly speaking, dances. A few of these are sketched by Prunieres: The amorous sexagenarian of the Egg- airiére de Billebahaut advances heavily, followed by four dotards who wear immense boots and spurs too long, which embarrass them and make them stumble. A judge accom- panied by his recorder waddles in with a ridiculous gravity. Mohamet, a plume in his hand, a gigantic turban on his head, 20Manfred F. Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1947)} p. 143. 21Kochno, p. 25. 221bid. 23Prunieres, pp. 169-70. 24 25 Kochno, p. 25. Ibid. 93 marches behind two children 320 carry the Koran open upon their backs. From the very nature of this account of the ballet, one fact emerges clearly: it has no plot whatsoever. The 231- lets de Cour have become "no more than a succession of tab— leaus and scenes of pantomime, a passage of characters vari- ously costumed."27 In the face of the difficulty presented by the lack of concrete information about this ballet, what can be said concerning the three elements of music, dance, and decor, and their treatment? The best that can be offered is a selection of estimates given by the various authors consulted. The ballet a entrees, according to Prunieres, "gave to the music no more than a very limited role, rele— gating it to the récits at the beginning of each part, or 28 In Billebahaut, a using it for certain comic entries." régit, sung by a royal musician, was also used to introduce the dancers of the grand ballet, and there was, as well, the Spanish song rendered by the musicians of Granada during the European entry. The judgment of Prunieres, however, appears to be valid: "As for the musicians, they have given up every new or dramatic tendency. They order their récits cast from the same mould. The vocal music held, moreover, 26Prunieres, p. 169. 27Ibid., p. 246. 281bid., p. 128. 94 less and less of a place in the ballet."29 The dance appears to receive the greatest emphasis, of the three components, in the ballets a entrées. This conclusion is not surprising, however, when it is realized that ballets of this genre derived from the ballets-mascarade, which consisted primarily of dancing. Only two dances are mentioned in the foregoing summary: that danced by the servants of the bailiffs of Greenland and Freesland, and the "gesturing and gamboling" of the five Africans. A state- ment by Prunieres, however, leads to the belief that the dancing was one of the mainstays of this genre: Throughout some years, the luxury of the costumes, ghe skill of the dancers, the extravagance of the disguises held the i1- lusion, and the ballet de Cour seemed to be able to exist on‘the margin of modern the— atrical forms which were then organized 30 definitively, but soon the decline began. (Italics mine.) The ballets a entrées were presented before decors 31 of extreme simplicity. The influence of the ballet-mas- carade may once again be held responsible. It was, moreover, through habit and routine that the personages appear and sing their récits upon a stage: the ballets a entrees were able to dispense with scenery as easily as the ballets-mascarades of the reign of Henry IV. In general they had only a single decor, very indefinite, which was 291bid., p. 133. 301bid., p. 246. 311bid., p. 158. 95 at the back of the stage. Often, in place of a stage, they were content with a plat- form, with or without back drop.32 The influence, too, of earlier court entertainments, par- ticularly of the tournaments, is to be found in the decor of Billebahaut. This ballet, in contrast to most of the others of its genre, boasted an unusual scenic unit, "a large sentry-box type shelter which we know to be . . . the inn of oiamart."33 The King retired into this building and watched from there the entries in which he did not take part.34 The machines of the ballet a entrees were extremely rudimentary and many of them appear to have been direct descendents of those used in the Tournaments: Dummy giants which beat time, or skirts into which troupe of dancers vanish are very much in vogue. [One design represents a female giant, whose robe is pierced by three Openings through which the dancers enter onto the stage.] Also pOpular are the images of exotic animals: camels, elephants,35 rhinoceros, parrots, crocodiles, and monkeys. The apparatus used to represent the camel which carried the Cacigue in Billebahaut is illustrated in one of the exist- ing designs.36 321618., pp. 158-59. 331618., p. 159. 341pm. 35Ihid., p. 160. 361pm. 96 The over-all effect of the ballets e entrees is summed up by Prunieres in the following statement: This spectacle, without dramatic im— pact, without coherent plot, became inco- herent; fatigue made itself felt; the imaginations of the librettistes and the musicians was spent.37 It can only be added that the imaginations of the technicians and designers appear to have been exhausted as well. The picture painted by Prunieres of the ballets a entrees is a dark one indeed. His judgments derive, how- ever, from his belief that, ideally, the ballet de cour should be a balanced production in which the poetry receives an emphasis equal to that of the music and dance. The ballet de cour disappeared before the opera. It could’not have been other- wise. From the day when the balanced har- mony between the poetry, the music, and the dance had been broken to the detriment of the literary element, the ballet . . . was blended with the opera. . . . It was allowed . . . to become a simple feast for the eyes, incapable of either interesting or affecting.38 In an earlier statement, Prunieres recognizes in the very nature of the ballet the reason for its dramatic inadequacies. "The ballet," he writes, "never knew any other law than that of pleasure."39 Despite its faults, however, or perhaps because of them, the ballet de Cour remained, throughout 371bid., p. 246. 381bid. 391616., p. 128. 97 the reign of Louis XIV, extremely popular with the French courtiers. An illustration of their attitude toward the ballet, and toward the Italian opera, is found in this ac- count by Bukofzer: In a desperate move to bolster the Italian faction at the court Mazarin in- vited Cavalli, the greatest celebrity of the day, to compose a festival opera for the imminent marriage of Louis XIV. . . . For the preliminary festivities Cavalli's Serse was performed in a revised version in which, symptomatically, the choruses were replaced by ballets that had no rela- tion to the plot. Composed and danced by Lully, the inserted ballets were more suc- cessful than the opera itself.40 The same reaction met the production of Cavalli's Ercole amante in 1662: The splendor of this spectacle . . . outshone all previous cperas. Each act was concluded by huge ballets for which Lully wrote the music, the last one having twenty-one entrees. The French reaction to the spectacle is revealing: it was taken not as a musical drama with inserted ballets, but as a gigantic ballet with in- serted dramatic interludes. Thus it is seen that at this time in French his- tory the ballet was extremely alive and active. The seeds, however, which produced these lavish spectacles of the last half of the seventeenth century are to be found in the early ballets a entrées such as the Douairiére de Billebahaut. 40Bukofzer, p. 148. 4lIbid., p. 149. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION In this study, an attempt has been made to explore the experimental nature of the French Ballet de Cour through analysis of three representative ballets: the Ballet co- mique de la Reins, Circé, of 1581; the Ballet de la Deliv- rgnce de Renaud, of 1617; and the Ballet de la Douairiére gg_Billebahaut, of 1626. The aim of the analysis was, first of all, to observe the relative emphasis in each ballet upon the elements of music, dance, and decor. A change was ob- served from a relatively balanced emphasis, achieved in 'Qirgé, to an emphasis upon music in Renaud, and finally, in Billebahaut, to an emphasis upon the element of dance. An influence was exercised by both Renaud and Billebahaut upon the later French theatre. Renaud, which exemplified the melodramatic ballets de Cour, contributed directly to the development of the French opera; Billebahaut, as a rep- resentative of the pggiet a entrees, was instrumental in shaping the Ballet, as a dance form. The element of decor was viewed, at first, in its context together with the elements of music and dance. Al- though an interest in spectacle was characteristic of the Ballet de Cour as a genre, in none of the ballets considered 98 99 did the decor receive primary emphasis. A more detailed analysis of the scenery for each of the three ballets brought to light a number of problem areas and revealed, in addi- tion, two developments in staging methods during the sixty- year period from 1580 to 1640. The first was a progression from the decor disperse of Qirgé, with its set pieces scat- tered about on the auditorium floor, through the decor suc- cessif of Renaud, in which a revolving stage made possible five changes of scene, to the informal and spontaneous 223- airiére de Billebahaut, with its generalized back-drop upon a platform stage. The second tendency, that of the concen- tration of scenery at one end of the auditorium, paralleled the progression outlined above. It was a trend just barely discernible in girgé, clearly visible in Rengud, and fully realized in Billebahaut. The Ballet de Cour, which began as a dramatically unified, coherent production, had, by the time of Billeba- haut, "lost its theatrical character."1 It became, writes Prunieres, "a simple feast for the eyes."2 His words sug- gest those of Jean Nicholas Servandoni, who presented at the Salles des Machines, in the Tuilleries in 1737, a diorama or Spectacle Must, which he defined as "une Poesie qui parle aux yeux"--a Poetry which speaks to the eyes.3 Although lPrunieres, p. 128. 21bid., p. 246. 3Lawrenson, pp. 159-60. lOO Servandoni's production possessed no text, music, dance, or actors, it nevertheless was akin to the ballet a entrees. In both, the primary emphasis was placed not upon dramatic import, but upon spectacular effect. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Bukofzer, Manfred F. Music in the Baro us Era: from Monte- verdi to Bach. New YorE: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc 0 g 19470 Darby, H. C. "The Centralization of the State," A Short Histor of France from Early Times to 1958. (ed.) J. 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