COMPREHENSIVE DEVELOPMENT POLICIES FOR THE FUTURE GROWTH OF THE PHILIPPINES ‘\ N § Thesis for the Degree of M. U. P. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY JAIME UYVICO NIERRAS 197 l I rat-.313 (A)? -J I L, W‘ I 13 Michigan State University ARY P”; t 1-!“ Wr—vfi i amamc av El NU.“ & SUNS' UOUK UINUEIIY INC. LIBRARY BINDERS ”were” mummu - A4..- all .JI 'Lmflfiw 1 vvu “W3 ww w--—U I 7 COMPREHE F The Philippines ruization that is ta}!~ 3:139 countries. Howeve 35;? 3.5, is unlike ot‘m illnH ‘ a. .nis urbanization :c'ztry's land, its pen The land is ins sands. The climate 1' 119 natural resources 53631! laillarly varied . isclat into distinct vitae" t -. groups that dre “3493. ABSTRACT COMPREHENSIVE DEVELOPMENT POLICIES FOR THE FUTURE GROWTH OF THE PHILIPPINES BY Jaime vaico Nierras The Philippines is a developing nation and the process of urbanization that is taking place is similar to that in other devel- oping countries. However, at the same time, the Philippines in many respects, is unlike other growing nations today. The framework within which this urbanization takes place is unique, and is seen in the country's land, its people, its economy and its system of government. The land is insular in configuration; it is a group of 7000 islands. The climate is tropical, the landscape is mountainous, and the natural resources are varied, rich, and abundant. The pe0ple are similarly varied. Converging from all over Asia, and literally isolated into distinct regions by mountains and seas, the Filipinos formed groups that drastically differed in language, customs, and beliefs. The contact with foreign powers in the past, the presence of Spain for 300 years and of America for 48 years, have only served to sever their indigenous ways and widen the gaps in their contrasting traditions. The economy is p: malization and diversi has; realized. The sys 23: of the United State '3 the Filipino customs The Philippines i‘lemas of most develo 1313: increase, which rza'. migration into tr Dr; on: ‘w ., . .... My , congestion 5.25. and squatter set :«;..ar.eo‘isly, given :3.ff‘;"ed 'th ‘ . nitu pron-1r: «1-; .. . ' .....s d.alistic bel‘r N9 5'. ‘ -: J: demands of mm. mean th e poor and .E .. emetic weal th: 3 u» ._, .‘ in? ‘ » raf q t and C0] aqua: past hiST‘ Or The Vast res y. .I Jaime vaico Nierras The economy is predominantly agricultural, although indus- trialization and diversification of economic activities are slowly being realized. The system of government is patterned largely after that of the United States, but its practice has inevitably given way to the Filipino customs and traditions. The Philippines, as a growing nation, shares the problems and dilemmas of most developing countries: a high birth rate and popu- lation increase, which is coupled with a sudden and massive surge of rural migration into the urban centers and to the over-crowded "pri- mate city"; congestion in the streets and in the residential areas; slums and squatter settlements; poverty, and mounting crime rates. Simultaneously, given a unique Philippine setting, the Filipino is confronted with problems that are uniquely his own: the ambiguities of his dualistic beliefs and traditions that are constantly challenged by the demands of modernization; the sharp and disturbing contrast between the poor and the rich; the gross inequities in the distribution of economic wealth; and the inefficient administrative machinery and rampant graft and corruption in the public offices, all stem from his singular past history and present culture and temperament. The vast resources and the complex problems that confront the Philippines are uniquely indigenous. It is therefore, only logical that solutions peculiar to these conditions are required. These solutions--policies and plans--must be responsive not only to the complex problems of a deve10ping country, but more importantly, be . receptive of the unique needs and demands of the physical, social, economic, and administrative environments in the Philippines. A careful aSScss axial, economic and a5: recogrition of the natic n"; inherent potentials ;;i:'e the future growth sizable development pat :erarchy of goals, 0b ' Q :‘fW’gc. “we: no . . The right to t ”Le h . an p**vll&qg beam-Y. and d The freedom 1 198511855 . In cons/15,3E Jaime vaico Nierras A careful assessment and analysis of the Philippine physical, social, economic and administrative resources, together with a serious recognition of the nation's problems, as well as the future trends and inherent potentials, all reveal that in order to effectively guide the future growth and changes of the country toward a more de— sirable development pattern, the following policies, presented in a hierarchy of goals, objective and implementing policies, should be adoPted: Seal—5 1. The right to equality, justice and liberty. 2. The privilege to seek happiness, security, wealth, creativity, beauty, and dignity. 3. The freedom from hunger, fear, ignorance, misery and hope- lessness. Objectives 1. In consideration of the diseconomies of urban congestion, with its related rapid increase of slums and squatter settlements and the inefficiencies in the administrative structure, a national urban growth policy should be established which would guide the location and character of future growth centers, deve10pment patterns, and conservation areas in the most efficient manner. 2. In the process of developing a comprehensive approach, the national policies and plans should be formulated to bring L11 . together all pl environment an: and political In an attempt migration, ‘ni and rural deci influence the 0f people, as rural areas, with a dEVelc 1“ the face I S‘JbStantial a Viable and PIOVe the me Of dGVe 1002.1 Jaime vaico Nierras together all professions involved in the improvement of the environment and to integrate the physical, social, economic and political dimensions in planning. In an attempt to regulate the rapid rate of rural—urban migration, which has caused diseconomies of urban congestion and rural decline, the national government should actively influence the location of new industries and the movement of people, as well as the upliftment of the disadvantaged rural areas, through the creation of "urban growth centers," with a deve10pment strategy of "planned dispersion." In the face of administrative inefficiencies and deficiencies, substantial reorganization should be made in order to create a viable and dynamic administrative framework that will im- prove the machinery for the formulation and implementation of development policies and plans, and to achieve maximum coordination among various departments, as well as insure the implementation of the defined policies and plans. In order to guide the formulation of sound policies and the preparation of effective plans, as well as to facilitate their implementation, the government should embark on a massive education and research program which would include continuing research, information systems studies and data gathering on rural and urban issues; sustained and intensive public education to illicit informed and active citizen par- ticipation; and a generous program to train more competent technicians and professional planners. ‘1 Vli‘filv A Lui-Z'se Policies M l. Policies for lar C' 7‘ a (D a scale. In consonance w land-use policj fluence the 10 or the shift < Strategic use should be that 0! misuse of developmerits Land-use C01 regulatiop‘s Others I ShC L", “unlan SE“ 0- Bx. k urban 1 arm- Programs Jaime vaico Nierras Implementing Policies Land-Use Policies l. Policies for land—use should be formulated on a regional scale. In consonance with a growth strategy of "planned dispersion," land-use policies should be formulated to effectively in- fluence the location of industries and the movement of people or the shift of population centers. Strategic use of tax levies, public loan and subsidization should be made in order to discourage improper developments or misuse of land and to encourage prOper and more desirable developments. Land-use control measures such as zoning ordinances, building regulations, subdivision controls and housing codes, and others, should be encouraged for use at the local units of government, with guidance from the proposed Department of Human Settlements. The national government should exercise its powers to control urban land allocations, public land abuse and misuse. Programs should be devised and utilized to control private land cost Speculation. In the process of land development, natural areas should be conserved and diminishing natural and scenic areas should be protected permanently. The Land Reform Code should be implemented. evs‘P-C policies (7‘ I Programs to Ob should be 95” Constructive a should be mil The governmen1 which would e2 aided self-he Programs to 1 deveIOped and There should resettlement Proposals to formulated, resettlement An integral Opportllnlty Jaime vaico Nierras HousinggPolicies l. A system of institutional financing for home-building, with programs to obtain sufficient money to loan for mortgages should be established. Constructive and imaginative programs to stimulate savings should be initiated. The government should undertake massive public housing, which would entail public subsidies, and more importantly, aided self-help. Programs to lower the cost of building houses should be developed and implemented. There should be a sound program of urban renewal and rural resettlement. Proposals to help prevent squatting in the future should be formulated, in conjunction with the urban renewal and rural resettlement programs. An integral part of any relocation project should be an opportunity for active citizen participation. Transportation Policies l. A multi-modal system of tranSportation should be created to support the proposed strategy of "planned dispersion." Ports and harbors should be improved and modernized to ef- fectively handle the inter-island commerce, industry, and multi-purpose vessels should be used with accommodations that are adequate for cargo and comfortable for passengers. i; l «t. 3. The proposed Aparri in nc should be be 4. The nationa] participate in planning! in the large These are t] 2;: cplementing po ‘A {.A. W1:- 1 -.’.'y:' NI “-3 Ca - . : acre desirable an to c o...‘ .-“:e I Jaime vaico Nierras 3. The proposed Pan-Philippine Highway that stretches from Aparri in northern Luzon to Zamboanga in southern Mindanao should be built. 4. The national government should encourage, if not actively participate in making use of new transportation technology in planning, and in creating an effective mass transit system in the large urban centers, especially in Metropolitan Manila. These are the deve10pment policies, the goals, objectives and implementing policies that the Philippines must aspire and attempt to accomplish. When adopted and followed by the decision-makers, together with the support and participation of the citizens, these development policies could effectively guide the Philippines toward a more desirable and efficient pattern of growth and change in the future. COMPREHENSIVE DEVELOPMENT POLICIES FOR THE FUTURE GROWTH OF THE PHILIPPINES BY Jaime vaico Nierras A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER IN URBAN PLANNING School of Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture 1971 “I A: IHIINV. 'i‘. to my] to my parents ii I wish to ac iczald Bradley . for 3,..JAII; F «3.54.4» adVisor' pr nuance during my 5 1 Sincere app. Faerican Education I It saff of the Urban 2;.pa'1d encouragen Most of all :Lassnates, and fr: Ward the complet “fin-3' rewarding e ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my gratitude to my thesis advisor, Professor Donald Bradley, for his valuable comments and suggestions, and to my academic advisor, Professor Charles Barr, for his assistance and guidance during my stay at Michigan State University. Sincere appreciation is also extended to the Philippine- American Education Foundation, for their financial aid, and to the staff of the Urban Designers Associates in the Philippines for their help and encouragement. Most of all, I wish to express my gratitude to my professors, classmates, and friends, who, in a number of ways, have helped me toward the completion of this thesis and made my stay in M.S.U. a highly rewarding eXperience. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Need for the Study . . . . . . . . . The Sc0pe of the Study . . . . . . . . . The Review of the Literature . . . . . . . The Organization of the Thesis . . . . . . II. POLICY PLANNING AND THE PLANNING PROCESS . . . . The Evolution of Planning in the Philippines . . The Pre-Spanish Period The Spanish Period The American Regime The Pre-Independence Period The Post-Independence Period The New Era Summary of Background Periods The Nature of Policy Plans . . . . . . . . Different Views on Policy Planning The Hierarchy of Policies The Complexity of Goal Setting Policy Planning Within the Planning Process . . The Classical Planning Approach The Systemic Planning Approach The Advocacy Planning Approach iv Page viii ix H Piaidhkd 14 26 31 age: A Conceptual Fra: Policy Planninc The Activity C The Spatial Ci The Time Dimen , 31.. TEE FRAME" CRK FOR PHILIPPINES The Physical Se' Physical Geog Climate Natural Resou The Social Envi Racial Groupi Religious Grc Language Gro; The Filipino The Social 31 POpulation Present Elm Distributi Internal M The Economic a Chapter III. A Conceptual Framework For a Comprehensive Policy Planning Approach . . . . The Activity Dimension The Spatial Dimension The Time Dimension THE FRAMEWORK FOR POLICY PLANNING IN THE PHILIPPINES . . . . . . . . . The Physical Setting . . . . . . Physical Geography Climate Natural Resources The Social Environment . . . . . Racial Groupings Religious Groupings Language Groupings The Filipino Family Structure The Social Structure P0pu1ation Present Number Distribution Internal Migration The Economic Resources . . . . . The Agricultural Economy The Industrial and Other Economic Resources The Transportation System The Political Institutions . i. . . The System of National Government The System of Local Government The National Organization for Planning The The The The National Economic Council National Planning Commission Program Implementation Agency Regional Development Authorities Page 38 49 SO 57 75 83 Stapter IV. PRCBLEMS, TRENDS . Problems The Physical Crisis in t Slums and S The Social The Revolu‘ The Come: Loyaltie The Econom; c PrOblems C Rural A: UHEqual D; :mbal anc (g The Admms Problems Graft an: GOVErn: Lack of C Lack of 1 Trends and y) Ane InCree The Shifts k . he Adven1 Chapter Page IV. PROBLEMS, TRENDS AND POTENTIALS . . . . . . . 95 Problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 The Physical Problems Crisis in the Primate City Slums and Squatter Settlements The Social Dilemmas The Revolution of Rising Expectations The Consequences of Extended Family Loyalties The Economic Imbalance Problems of Subsistence Farming in the Rural Areas Unequal Distribution of Economic Opportunities Imbalance in International Trade The Administrative Inefficiencies Problems of the Local Government Graft and Corruption in the National Government Lack of Coordination Lack of Authority Trends and Potentials . . . . . . . . . 123 The Increasing and Changing Population The Shifting Economy Changes in the Social Environment The Advent of National Awareness V. POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS: GOALS, OBJECTIVES, AND IMPLEMENTING POLICIES . . . . . . . . 135 Goals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 Objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 Implementing Policies . . . . . . . . . . 156 National Land Use Policies National Housing Policies National Transportation Policies vi lapter VI. CONCLUSION Sumury of Pol Goals Objectives lnplementin Land-Use Housing P National The Need for summer , Chapter * Page VI. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 Summary of Policy Recommendations . . . . . . 176 Goals Objectives Implementing Policies Land-Use Policies Housing Policies National Transportation Policies The Need for Further Study . . . . . . . . 180 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 vii .abie \ y...- 0 Philippine Popul 1960 and 1970 . Philippine POpu 1960 and 1970 Aqe Distributic Rates of Birth Pop‘dlatiOn p r0 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Philippine P0pulation by Age and Sex 1960 and 1970 . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 2. Philippine Population by Region 1960 and 1970 . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 3. Age Distribution . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 4. Rates of Birth, Death, and Natural Increase . . . 125 5. P0pulation Projections 1960-2000 . . . . . . 127 viii 10. ll. 12. 13. 14. 15. LIST OF FIGURES The Policy Planning Process Within the Planning Process . . . . . . . . . The Activity Dimension in the Horizontal Plane 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O The Spatial Dimension in the Vertical Plane O O O O O O O O O O O O O O The Time Dimension in the Depth Plane . . . Proposed Conceptual Framework for a Comprehensive Policy Planning Process . . . . . . . . Map of Southeast Asia . . . . . . . . . Map of the Philippines . . . . . Philippine Climate . . . . . . Major Ethnic Linguistic Groups . . . . . Intensity of Net In-Migration by Provinces 1948-1960 . . . . . . . . . Intensity of Net Out—Migration by Provinces 1948-1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . Philippine Economy . . . . . . . . . . Major Highways and Railroad Lines . . . . . Routes and Frequency of the Inter-Island Core Fleet . . . . . . . . . . . . Routes of the Philippine Air Lines . .' . . ix Page 32 4O 43 45 47 51 53 56 62 72 73 77 82 84 85 Figure Page 16. Organization for Planning in the Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 17. Population Estimates of Urban Areas of Chartered Cities . . . . . . . . . . . 100 18. Patterns of EcumenOpolis in the Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 19. Possible Growth Centers for the Philippines . . . 144 20. PrOposed Administrative Framework for Planning in the Philippines . . . . . . . . 148 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Tomorrow we shall be citizens of the Philippines, whose destiny will be a glorious one, because it will be in loving hands. Ah, yes, the future is ours! I see it rose—tinted; I see the move- ment that stirs the life of those regions, so long dead, lethargic. I see towns arise along the railroads, and factories everywhere . . . I hear the steam hiss, the trains roar, the engines rattle! I see the sweat of monsters busy at incessant toil . . . and commerce, industry, agriculture, the sciences, will d velop under the mantle of liberty, with wise and just laws. Jose Rizal National Hero of the Philippines The Need for the Study ApproPriately recorded in a chapter entitled "Dreams" in his . . . 2 . . . . . novel E1 Filibusterismo, the Vision of Jose Rizal about the Philip- pines in the late 1800's was somehow fulfilled; and yet, ironically, somehow, it was not. The future of the Philippines is indeed in the hands of the Filipinos. However, with the present urban problems and the ominous environmental crisis, the future is far from being rose-tinted. 1Jose Rizal, The Reign of Greed, trans. by Charles Derbyshire (Manila: Philippine Education Company, 1956), pp. 241-42. 2Ibid. [E1 Filibusterismo is the original Spanish title.] Life did stir in those regions, but now, a few of them are deteriorating because of chaos and congestion, while the other areas around them continue to be "lethargic" because their able and ambitious men have left them. Some of the "towns along the railroads" have turned into slums and squatter settlements; and the "factories" are not everywhere. Heavy smoke continues to pellute the air, and the oil continues to contaminate the rivers and kill its fish. And com- merce, industry, agriculture and the sciences, while all developing under a "mantle of liberty," are still desperately craving for the "just and wise laws." The Philippines, however, have made significant progress since the time of Jose Rizal: it has struggled hard and freed itself from Spanish colonization in 1896, and it has earned its independence from the United States in 1946. The Philippines has survived two world wars, and though its capital, the City of Manila,3 was one of the most devastated cities during World War II, it has slowly and painfully renewed itself. Recently, however, in Manila's relentless attempt to assert its role as the primary city of the Philippines, it has evolved into an "overgrown" metropolis. Its unprecedented growth, mainly in terms of an uncontrolled increase of population, where the economy and the administrative machinery cannot cope with the growing numbers, was not without dire and serious consequences to its people, and dangerous repercussions for the entire nation. In only a few short 3The capital of the Philippines was transferred to Quezon City in 1949, although most government offices are still in Manila. years, the Philippines was confronted with massive and rapid urban- ization in the urban areas, especially in the Metropolitan Manila Region, and deterioration and neglect in the rural countryside. This predicament, which is not unlike most metropolitan areas in the world today, created many primary and pressing national problems that cut across all facets of human life: chaos and congestion in the living areas and in the streets; inadequate basic governmental services such as water, sewage disposal and drainage; mass poverty and illiteracy, citizen apathy and massive rural-urban migration; rising prices, in- adequate employment opportunities and inefficient economic systems; and an impotent governmental machinery, and graft and corruption in politics and administration. The "push" of the countryside, where the traditional sub- sistence economy can no longer meet the growing demands for food in the rural areas; and the "pull" of the city, where modern mass media continue to create artificial needs among the rural population and cause the city to become the symbol of better jobs and a better life, are perhaps, the two most important factors that led to the uncon- trolled and rapid urbanization. The push and the pull factors, how- ever, interact in an endless continuum, and cannot be viewed as a dichotomy. In fact, "the real question would seem to be not so much whether the 'push' of the countryside or the 'pull' of the city are predominant, but rather whether urbanization policies are conceived on the basis of plans that provide for improvements of conditions in 4 rural and urban areas together." 4International Union of Local Authorities, Urbanization in .Developing Countries (The Hague: Martinus Nijoff, 1968), p. 13. If the present exodus to Metropolitan Manila is allowed to continue, the increasing concentration of people in the region will make public and private consumption even more costly as a result of diseconomies of scale. It may also "take a net social and psycho— logical toll in urban living conditions."5 The resulting "over-spill" will continue to create "urban sprawl," the disorderly and wasteful use of land. The gap between the economies of Metropolitan Manila and the rest of the country will. 1 continue to widen, deepening its complex problems, and aggravate its inability to provide for jobs and housing accommodations for its residents. At the same time, the rural areas will increasingly be bYPassed by the economic mainstream, and suffer from a further siphon- 1119 Off of its younger and able work force. Lastly, the political machinery will continue to be impotent, unable to quickly adjust to the growing needs and demands of a rapidly growing metropolis. These are consequences that can no longer be tolerated; that a nation can no longer afford. It is the purpose of this study then, to explore possible Solutions, through a systematic method of identifying the problems, the trends and the potentials in the (1) physical, (2) social, (3) e(:Cn'uomic, and (4) political environments of the Philippines. And, after a thorough analysis and synthesis of these, to reconunend compre- herisive policies to guide and direct its orderly growth and change In the future. \ Re United States Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental (wlations, Urban and Rural America: Policies for Future Growth a‘shington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1968), p. 124. Recently, in the field or urban planning, policy plans have gained prominence.6 These policy plans have increasingly shown a potential for filling the gap between plan formulation and plan im- p]. enentation. They have likewise provided a vehicle with which the citizens can actively and meaningfully participate in the decision— making process. Most important perhaps, policy planning, by identi- fying the goals and objectives of a community, have not only guided development toward a desired growth pattern, but have provided answers to the most basic questions in planning: what is planning for, why and how? It is felt by this author that policy planning, while it may not be a panacea to development problems, especially in a developing country like the Philippines, could at least provide an alternative way of solving the pressing problems. The national policies could provide a framework towards the preparation of a "master plan" or a I"artional strategy" for the Philippines. These might serve as general guidelines towards which, action-oriented, short-ranged programs in the local units of government may be directed. For whatever other purposes the national growth policies will serve (this will be dis- cuSSed further in a later chapter of the thesis), the setting of l'13-‘tional, long-ranged development policies for the orderly growth and urbanization of the Philippines, is sorely needed and a bold and s ustained commitment must be made soon. \ St Some of the recent Policy Plans developed in the United a“Zes and in other countries are listed in the Bibliography. The Scope of the Study; In a field which is multi-disciplinary in nature, it is almost inevitable that a comprehensive approach be taken. In this study, therefore, the human environment is viewed as a complex system, composed of four major components: the physical, social, economic and political dimensions. These components may be separate and distinct, but they are also interrelated with one another, and they interact to create the totality of the human environment. It is easily seen that with this approach, no one planning dimension can Stand alone. The "validity of an economic program is not proven by its internal consistency, but by its social and physical significance. In the same way, a physical plan will only be proven by its economic, Social (and administrative) reality."7 However, limitations of time, data, and other resources pro- hibit such a broad and extensive approach. The sc0pe of the present Study is therefore focused on the physical aspects or on development P:l—aJn'ling, as it relates to the social, economic, and political plan- ning dimensions. These dimensions, however, are also discussed, but they are limited to those problems and issues which have direct and significant ramifications with the physical aspects. Thus, the EIresent study will not analyze such social concerns as health and e(lucation, or the maintenance of peace and order; nor will it discuss ways of expanding employment opportunities and productivity, Or of i . . . . . hereaSing the gross national product and national income, which are \ P11 76. Nez, "Methodology for Integration of Economic and ysical Development," Ekistics, CXVII (May, 1964), 300. the responsibilities of urban economists ; nor will the thesis concern itself with new political theories or with the over-all national governmental machinery, which are the interests of political scien-— ti sts, public administrators, and management experts. Limited as the scope may be, it is still of a broad and deep concern. After all, physical planning cannot be realized without integrating it with the other planning dimensions: For instance, the location of industry is a dual decision of economic and physical planning, beginning with functional re- quirements and ending with local Optimum solutions. Physical planning faces its gravest questions in determining optimum locations of development for this means balancing economic requirements with social requirements; analysing existing centers of industrial convenience, versus new locations in the hinterland offering longer term social benefits. The physical planner must range over the whole map. He must think in terms of linkages of services and combined cost of plant, infrastructure and social overhead. He must assess the realities of population distri- bution, where great numbers are located near resources and where industries processing resources may actually yield the fastest growth witgin the limitation of capital, training and marketing. In the spatial dimension, the present study will include the EEtitlire Philippines, but will deal only with those issues which are of national consequence, as opposed to those questions which are solely of the regional, provincial, municipal and metropolitan areas. consequently, the thesis will concern itself only with those policies and actions that are executable at the national level. These national policies may filter down to the regional, provincial and municipal hierarchies, and must in fact, have corresponding policies set at t1'Iese lower units of government. \ 8Ibid., pp. 297-98. In the dimension of time, the study will focus on those prob- lems and issues needing long-range policies. This is in consonance with the national scape of these policies. The Philippines need action-oriented, short-range programs, especially in the face of rapid and uncontrolled urbanization. Simultaneously, it needs long-range policies, to which those action programs may be put into prOper per- Spective. The long-range policies would serve as a general guide or fr aInework, and though its effects are not readily and immediately perceptible, they are an integral part of a national planning endeavor. Moreover, long-range policies are longer-lasting; they are more per- manent, and in the long run, they are more beneficial. The Review of the Literature Five major sources of ideas, statistical data and other rele- Var-1t information were used in this study. They are books, United Nations publications, articles from periodicals, agency reports and unPhblished materials . The books presented a variety of information ranging from general to particular tOpics, and from abstract to concrete ideas. Thus, Albert Waterston's Development Planning: Lessons in Exper- ‘ 9 . . . . m is an extenSive study on the various methods and techniques of development planning adopted by the developing countries of the world: while Charles Abrams' Man's Struggle for Shelter in an \ in 9Albert Waterston, et al., Development Planning: Lessons \Experience (Baltimore, Md.: John Hopkins Press, 1965) . Urbanizing Worldl0 concentrated on the housing situation of the Third World. Similarly, J. Alger's and C. Hays' Creative Synthesis in IDeSignl1 explored the various steps in the design process, while Urban Design Within the Comprehensive Planning Process 12 by M. R. Wolfe and R. D. Shinn focused on urban design as a major component of the planning process. The United Nations publications furnished a substantial axnount of information on the Philippines and other developing coun- tries, especially those relating to the problems of urbanization. These reports are a compendium of seminars, symposia, conventions and workshops on urbanization and planning in the developing coun- tries. They include case studies, working papers, summary of find- ings, as well as summary of discussions and comments. Articles from periodicals may be divided into three categories: fj-1='st, those articles taken from international magazines, such as iEkistics, which reprinted articles from Philippine periodicals that Q"til'ierwise, would not have been readily available; second, those a3'—"t:'Lc1es from United States planning journals, primarily the Journal 9Qhe American Institute of Planners, which provided articles on P"3-11cy Planning in general; and third, those articles from Philippine 10 W Charles Abrams, Man's Struggle for Shelter in an Urbanizing \OEE. (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1964). ( 11John Alger and Carl Hays, Creative Synthesis in Design Erlglewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1964). 12 Pl M. Wolfe and R. Shinn, Urban Design Within the Comprehensive wing Process (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 0) o 10 periodicals, principally the Philippine Journal of Public Adminis- tration, the Philippine PlanninLJournal, the Philippine Sociological Review, and the Economic Research Journal, whose articles proved very valuable in providing information regarding the current physical, social, economic, and political conditions in the Philippines. The "agency reports" were numerous, especially those from the United States planning agencies, but they were brought down to the few national and region-wide policy plan reports. Although triese studies have certain critical limitations for the present study, that is, they were prepared for a developed nation or region against a framework which is totally different from that of a deve1— °Ping country like the Philippines, they were nevertheless valuable in understanding the basic principles of policy planning and the nature of policy plans. Some unpublished materials like theses works, mimeographed Ina-“:-e:l:‘ials and especially notes on class lectures by the author on various planning courses, serve to support some of the main ideas contained in the study. Due to an attempt at comprehensiveness, a voluminous amount of Il'laterials were available, but they were again, selected down to those that were most recent, and have immediate relevance to policy planning in the Philippines. The above sources provided the basis for research on this tiles-is. They were extensively cited with regard to basic principles of Policy planning, certain statistical data, and more importantly, on their current findings on the physical, social, economic, and 11 political environments in the Philippines. However, the conclusions derived from them were arrived at by this author, and the responsi- bility is his alone. The Organization of the Thesis The importance and the need of the present study, the defi- ni tion of its scope and the review of the major sources of information, are all reviewed above. In the next chapter, Chapter II, the current thinking on comprehensive policy planning and the planning process are discussed; the advent of policy planning is traced, and its nature is defined. Policy planning is then placed in its prOper perspective in the total planning process. The chapter ends with a conceptual franlework toward a "comprehensive policy planning process." The formulation of policies start with an understanding of the total environment of the area. This includes the physical environ- ment, the social setting, the economic resources and the political arena. These form the framework for policy planning, and are pre— Set1":ed and discussed in Chapter III. Chapter IV deals with the problems, trends and potentials of each of the components of the framework, which are then analyzed and Sl’l'lthesized, leading to the recommendations or policies contained in Chapter V. These policies are intended to ameliorate, if not, at least partially solve the present problems, by recognizing past and fI'l‘t‘fill‘e trends, and by taking advantage of inherent potentials. A summary of the recommendations, together with a recognition of aJl‘eas needing further research and study, comprise the topics of Sup-fie! VI. W1”: saterials used policy plannin 12 Chapter VI, which is the last chapter. A selected bibliography of materials used in the thesis and found relevant to the study of policy planning in the Philippines, concludes the thesis. CHAPTER II POLICY PLANNING AND THE PLANNING PROCESS Since the purpose of this study is the formulation of "poli- cies ," it becomes necessary to elaborate on the definition of the terrn "policy" or "policy plan," and to describe the nature and charac- teristics of policy planning, as well as the relationship of policy Planning to the total planning process. For the purposes of this Study, it is also important that the history of planning activities in the Philippines be traced. This would enable the reader not only to observe and understand the advent of policy plans in Philippine Planning literature, but would at the same time, help one to appre- ciate more fully, the impact of the application of policy plans in the Philippines . This chapter will then, (a) trace the evolution of planning EEfforts in the Philippines from its early beginnings in the pre- Spanish era to the more recent "new awareness" period in the late 1960's, which marked the feeble introduction of policy—oriented plans; (b) define the nature and the attributes of policy plans; ((2) identify the place of the process of policy planning in the total d esign or planning process; and (d) prOpose a conceptual framework 13 14 for a comprehensive policy planning approach, integrating the physi— cal, social, economic, and political components of planning with the time and space dimensions. The Evolution of Planning in the Philippines The Pre-Spanish Period The insular pattern of the land, together with the rugged t0pography and mountainous landscape, set the basic form of human settlement in the Philippines centuries ago: dwellings were widely scattered, following the lines of the coasts or hugging the river banks. These early settlements were almost isolated communities because of a thick forest on one side, and a vast ocean on the other. The "backyard" of these settlements was the forest or mountain or brush and bamboo thicket that lay behind, all of which provided mater- ials for clothing, shelter, and tools, in addition to small game for meat.1 The light but picturesque and airy bamboo and grass or palm hut was the typical dwelling in the countryside. There were no heavy tools and machines, therefore, there were no temples or churches and other large structures. The general absence of temples and churches for public worship suggest the level of religious development . . . and the absence of public buildings, such as town halls or specialized buildings for government administration, also indicates the low level of a political viable government2 during this period. Onofre Corpus, The Philippines (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965), p. 21. 21bid., p. 22. 15 The Spanish Period It was not until the late 16th century, when the Spanish colonizers headed by Ferdinand Magellan came to the Philippines, that some semblance of community planning was attempted. The Filipinos were organized for the purposes of local government, into towns (pueblos) and provinces (alcaldias). However, municipal organization was a very radical change from the pattern of dispersed settlements of the early settlers called "barangays."3 It required a drastic, often socially painful and economically costly change in the relocation of the natives from their old homes. The new pattern was based on the requirement that the Filipinos were to be resettled and brought "debajo de las campanas"-- literally, "under the bells." This referred to the process and spirit of Spanish colonial town-making, which required that in every town there must be, in addition to the civil administration, the system of ecclesiastical administration. A parish church for the new townsfolk was therefore in the heart of the town plan, and the residential sites of the subjects were laid out in the regular grid-iron pattern, which was defined by radiating streets from a town plaza or square in the center. The parish church and the town hall (casa tribunal), stood by the plaza. The Filipinos were now gathered together, to live within hearing of the great church bells that tolled the hours of workship and prayer. In the next few decades, the "plaza complex" at the center of the town quickly evolved to become the center of social life in the "barrio"5 and in the "poblacion."6 The cultural impact of the plaza 3A "barangay" is essentially a group of extended families or a kinship group that formed one community. The name was derived from the name of the boat that brought the original immigrants from their homes in Malaysia and Indonesia. 4Corpus, The Philippines, pp. 26-27. 5The "barrio" is a farming village which usually consist of from 10 to 1000 houses clustered together by the fields. 6The "poblacion" is the centrally located barrio and the one in which the municipal building is located. Proved to be d: toiEYI "me p: liqiaus Celeb” located the Ch: me statue 0f F mere F’OlitiCia The "kiosks We: (a blood and th iii: the former Meanwhi fended by Miqu archipelago. A zicissitudes ir. ;ira:es, he ci :ity, which was :5 ”=~~' ‘ “in-“ac “xi L .hef ortificati .1319 that ti- II P c As one 16 proved to be durable, and has endured even to the present time. Today, "the public plaza is ordinarily the center of public and re- ligious celebrations, for around the plaza will usually be found located the church and the municipal buildings, and in the center, the statue of Rizal."7 Frequently, there is a kiosk (bandstand) where politicians make speeches and bands play in various celebrations. The "kiosks were also used as a stage for 'zarauelas' and 'moro—moros' (a blood and thunder melodrama of combat between Christians and Moors with the former always victorious)."8 Meanwhile, the City of Manila on the Island of Luzon was founded by Miguel de Legaspi in 1571 and was declared capital of the archipelago. A few years later, after "suffering from various vicissitudes including insurrections and attacks by the Chinese pirates, the city undertook extensive fortifications"9 around the city, which was later to be known as "intramuros" or the Walled City of Manila. While the plaza complex was incorporated into its design, the fortification, which is not unlike any European fortification during that time, introduced new concepts of planning in the Philip- pines. As one traveler described it: '7George Malcolm, The Commonwealth of the Philippines (New York, 1959), p. 27. 800nn Vorhis Hart, The Philippine Plaza Complex: A Focal Point in Culture Change (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1955) I p. 4. 9Charles Moore, Daniel Burnham: Architect, Planner of Cities (Boston, Mass.: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1921), p. 179. The city "hiCh is S streets. SPaCious a fills one side of a another of the 5am. . . . The "calzada. the fortress, is t’ 9 champs Elysses ‘0 ‘ The Mexican Regine Minimal transf" inManila and the poet; country was to take pl- 5 .00k over the administ: rw ‘ ' la. time, Daniel Burn? 10 . Sir John Bow: Stit'n ‘ --., Elder and Co. , l 17 The city which is surrounded by ramparts, consist of seventeen streets, spacious and crossing at right angles. . . . The palace fills one side of a public plaza in the fortress, the cathedral, another of the same location, resembling the squares of London. . . . The "calzada," a broad road a little beyond the walls of the fortress, is to Manila what Hyde Park is to London and the Champs Elysses to Paris. The American Regime Minimal transformation in the physical plans of the fortress in Manila and the pueblos in the surrounding rural areas of the country was to take place until the late 1800's, when the Americans took over the administration of the Philippines from Spain.11 During that time, Daniel Burnham was commissioned by Howard Taft, then the 1 . . . . . . 0Sir John Bowring, A Visit to the Philippine Islands (London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1859), p. 11. 11The transfer of administration of the Philippines from Spain to the United States was formalized on December 10, 1898 in a Treaty of Peace in Paris, proclaiming that "Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the Philippine Islands." But the transfer raised some questions. The United States agreed to give $20,000,000 to Spain to pay for the Philippines, but this was done "actually to cover the Spanish-Cuban debt and thus to mollify the European powers' resistance to the peace treaty." In Article III of the treaty, "the payment of the $20,000,000 is stated without clear specification of its purpose." At the same time, Felipe Agoncillo, the representa- tive of the Philippine Government in Paris, sent a memorandum to the Peace Commission protesting that the peace treaty "cannot be accepted as binding by my government inasmuch as the Commission did not hear the Filipino people or admit them into their deliberations, when they have the undisputable right to intervene in all that might affect their future life." Moreover, the Philippines at this time, have already declared themselves independent from Spain (June 12, 1898), framed its own Constitution (Malolos Constitution) and elected its own president (President Emilio Aguinaldo). For further discus- sions, see Teodoro Agoncillo, Malolos: Crisis of the Republic (University of the Philippines Press, 1960) and William Pomeroy, American Nee-Colonialism: Its Emergence in the Philippines and Asia (New York: International Publishers Co., Inc., 1970). 18 War Secretary of the United States, to "prepare preliminary plans for the improvement of Manila and for the prOposed summer capital at Baguio."12 The proposed plans of Burnham were submitted in 1905, and when "within three days after the plan of Manila was approved, work was began,"13 the Philippines was not only introduced to the concepts of western planning, but at the same time pre-tested and pre-launched the "City Beautiful Movement" that was not to appear in the United States until later in 1908, when Daniel Burnham unveiled his plan for Chicago in the Exposition there. In the tradition of Burnham's planning concepts, the aim of the proposed plan for the improvement of Manila was to provide: 1. Development of water-front and location of parks and park- ways so as to give proper means of recreation to every quarter of the city; 2. The street system securing direct and easy communication from every part of the city to every other part; 3. Location of building sites for various activities; 4. Deve10pment of Yiter-ways for transportation; and 5. Summer resorts. It was a grand prOposal, and was designed to make the City of Manila, a "unified city equal to the greatest of the Western world with unparalleled and priceless addition of a trOpical setting."15 The prOposals, however, were not fully realized, for reasons that were not easily accounted. It may have been due to the outbreak 2Moore, Daniel Burnham, p. 177. 13Ibid., p. 178. 14Ibid., p. 180. 15Ibid., p. 195. of the First Worlc their emphasis on increasingly diffi of raising enough ;r3posals were sin 33: YEt prepared 1 535 the System of fully implemented . The Fre-Indeoender \‘E Interest i water. the economic aiscassed . In the a report advoc a t i n - '.. 54‘s: - . mineral :30 mnh Vuths after t serial 5 tage be fo r «5 created to pro .E "' «2“:11 ' . A ' s h...” 19 of the First World War, that the execution of Burnham's plans with their emphasis on fountains, trees and extensive parkways, became increasingly difficult and impractical. Perhaps it was a question of raising enough funds to finance the grand projects; or perhaps the proposals were simply premature. The Philippines at this time was not yet prepared for such impressive designs. While the broad avenues and the system of parks were built, the entire plan, however, was not fully implemented. And for a while, planning was at a standstill. The Pre-Independence Period Interest in planning became active again as early as 1934, when the economic implications of impending independence was being discussed. In that year, the Philippine Economic Association issued a report advocating planned deve10pment of agriculture, the fishing industry, mineral resources, transportation, and trade. In 1935, two months after the establishment of the Commonwealth, the transi- tional stage before independence, a National Economic Council (NBC) was created to prepare development plans. Stimulated by the "New Deal" government in the United States, with its ideas of planned mobilization and redistribution of production facilities and pur- chasing power, as well as regional planning through the Tennessee Valley Authority, interest in planned development in the Philippines intensified through the late 1930's.16 The outbreak of World War II again interrupted attempts to give significant effect to planning proposals. l6Waterston, et al., Development Planning, p. 30. 20 The Post-Independence Period By the time World War II ended in 1946, Manila and its sur— roundings had been devastated by enemy bombing and destruction. The economic depressions and hardships which followed the war necessitated and introduced a new planning approach--the economic redevelopment plan. This type of planning effort began in 1947, one year after the Philippines earned its independence, when the Joint Philippine- American Finance Commission was established to recommend measures which would allow the Philippines to recover from the effects of the war and to attain a rapid rate of economic growth. The Commission's report, which was known as the Hibben Plan and was entitled "Philip- pine Economic Development: A Technical Memorandum," contained a five-year plan for the 1947-1951 period, and was to become the "first of a long series of deve10pment plans in the Philippines."17 Other plans oriented towards economic deve10pment followed. This included, among others, a "PrOposed Program for Industrial Rehabilitation and Development of the Republic of the Philippines" prepared by a National Development Company, and the "Government Program of Economic Rehabili- tation and Development (1949—1953)" prepared by the National Economic Council. Starting in the early 1930's and up to the present time, economic planning concepts dominated development orientations in the Philippines. The National Economic Council, now fully in charge of national deve10pment plans, continue to produce "Five-Year Socio— Economic DeveloPment Programs." The intensiveness and extensiveness 17Ibid., p. 67. 21 of the preoccupation on the economic a3pects of planning in the Philippines is attested to by the fact that literature in Philippine economic planning mentions many plans--some 20 in all--over a period of 35 years, including no less than 14 in the post-war period.18 It is unfortunate to note, however, that "almost all were little more than suggestion, proposals, Opinions or platitudes de- signed to influence public policy."19 Some made use of advance plan- ning techniques and refined criteria for determining investment priorities. None had a substantial effect on the country's develop- ment. In 1961, the ECAFE (Economic Conference on Asia and the Far East) annual survey states that in the Philippines, "economic plan— ning has tended to be more an intellectual exercise or a call to action than a specific blue—print to be implemented."20 There was also a sudden rush of Regional Development Authori- ties in the 1960's in a further attempt to encourage social and economic development. Inspired by the success of the Tennessee Valley Authority in the United States, the Philippine congress, in June 1961, established the Mindanao Development Authority (MDA), which seeks to "foster the accelerated and balance growth of a region rich in natural resources." Among its functions are "to coordinate and integrate the various public and private entities engaged in 18Waterston, Development Planning, p. 100. 191bid., pp. 105-6. 20United Nations ECAFE (Economic Conference on Asia and the Far East), The Economic Survey of Asia and the Far East, 1960, p. 67. 22 projects involving power, manufacturing, mining, transportation and communications, conservation, resettlement, education, extension work, health and other activities;21 and to "prepare a survey of the region and draw up a comprehensive plan for rapid social and economic development."22 By 1966, as many as eleven (11) regional authorities have been established by law. However, due to lack of funds and of well-trained, competent managers and technicians for regional plan- ning, only four have so far been actually organized. The ineffectivity of those regional authorities, despite their large numbers and broad powers, have led one study to conclude that: The phenomenal rate by which these regional bodies mushroomed, in the absence of any careful study and actual adaptation of the regional development idea, provides support to the allegation that they are more the manifestations of a politi- cal fad than deliberate efforts towards an effective approach to regional deve10pment.23 While economic planning pervades during this time, the physi— cal aspects of planning was not entirely overlooked. In 1950, a National Planning Commission (NPC) was established. Its main purpose was to prepare general plans, zoning ordinances, subdivision regu- lations, building codes and others, for the various local units of government. However, it had limited political or administrative powers, which, together with an inadequate technical personnel, only made its efforts "abortive."24 Due to the autonomy of the local 21Abelardo Samonte, "Regional Development Authorities: Role, Structure and Feasibility," Philippine Journal of Public Administra- tion, XII (April, 1968), 111. 221bid., p. 111. 231bid., p. 119. 24Waterston, Development Planning, p. 386. u....\ Nam 23 units of government, the National Planning Commission was placed in an advisory capacity, with practically no ability nor the power to integrate planning efforts in the local levels. In the words of its director in a conference in 1969: "If and when the local governments do not approve of the integration of plans, what will be our course 2 of action? Our work will be meaningless." 5 The New Era Despondent, and at the same time faced with a rapidly Spreading urban crisis, the Philippines is offered its next planning approach ialternative--the Policy Plan. This approach would be geared toward strategy, and combines both physical and program plans in a process content. It is a plan that is "explicit in goals statements and in recognition of informational feedback . . . (it) couples physical planning with program planning by deliberating on goals and the alternative physical configurations which are related to these formally stated goals."26 The seed of this new wave of planning thought germinated when a group of graduate students in Planning at the Institute of Planning at the University of the Philippines presented a paper en- titled "Planning Strategy for MetrOpolitan Manila, AD 2000"27 in 1969. 5Mercedes Conception, ed., Philippine POpulation in the Seventies (Manila, Philippines: Community Publishers Corp., 1969), p. 305. 26Wolfe, Urban Design Within the Comprehensive Planning Process, p. 11. 27Institute of Planning, University of the Philippines, "A Planning Strategy for Metropolitan Manila, AD 2000," Ekistics, XXVIII (August, 1969), 142. 24 While the proposal was only implicit in its goals and objectives, its deliberations were strategy and policy oriented. The study recog- nized the present problems, as well as future trends, and analyzed and developed various alternatives. This included different planning approaches, financing schemes, and a number of administrative organ— izations to implement the prOposals. Among its strategies or recom— mendations, for example, was a "policy" that today's pattern of urban sprawl be gradually changed to one of guided linear expansion within seven major transportation corridors radiating from Manila, with special emphasis on selected "growth poles" in the corridors, and with green wedges for recreation, forest, and agriculture in between the corridors. It recommended that a regional organizational frame- work be evolved, where the principal feature is the separation of planning (plan formulation) and development (plan implementation) functions and activities, while providing for their interrelation- ships.28 While still largely an academic exercise, and only in its beginnings, such strategy-oriented planning efforts has a great po- tential for setting a trend toward the creation of a viable policy planning approach. An urgent need is evident for the re-evaluation of the country's goals and objectives, and for the formulation of effective policies to guide the unprecedented rate of urbanization. Summary of Background Periods The history of planning in the Philippines may be traced then, as evolving from rural to urban planning, or from the "barrio" 28Ibid., p. 147. 25 to a region-wide concern, and finally to a national planning effort. The growth of planning may also be viewed as having evolved through four (4) stages of development: First: The pre-Spanish period, when the Filipino settlements were scattered and isolated, and life was relatively simple. Plan— ning, therefore, was more a dictate of environmental conditions rather than a conscious and willful activity. Second: The Spanish era, when rudimentary planning was first attempted. Its purposes, however, was to benefit the colonizers more than it would, the natives. The rural areas were laid out in simple grid-iron pattern with the plaza at its center, while the urban en- vironment was contained in a fort or garrison. Third: The American period, which was ushered in by Daniel Burnham's plan of improvements for the City of Manila, and the pre- independence planning activities which focused on economic deve10p— ment plans. Fourth: The post-independence period, when economic planning continued and intensified in an effort to recover the ruins after the war. These plans were later augmented with the social concerns to form an integrated socio-economic program. This period also saw the creation of regional development authorities which proved ineffective, and the slow and "abortive" recognition of the physical aSpects of planning through the creation of the National Planning Commission. Fifth: The new era, a period that is just evolving now. It is growing out of the present disenchantment of short-sighted five- year socio-economic programs and the growing demand to effectively 26 respond to the increasing problems brought about by rapid urbanization. It hopefully will synthesize the social, physical, economic and governmental plans into policies for the future. The Nature of Policy Plans In the current literature on policy planning, one hears of policy plans, policy implementation, policy statements, development policies, policy alternatives, policy determinations, and so on. If one were to use Webster's definition that a policy is "any governing principle, plan or course of action,"29 the discussion on the nature of policy plans could be infinite. Different Views on Policy Planning Disagreements on the nature of policy plans is well summarized by F. Stuart Chapin in his book Urban Land Use Plannipg: Some View these policies as something akin to a statement of general principles for planning, and they are thus formulated before plans are developed. Others consider them to be em- bodied in the plans themselves, and when a plan is officially adopted, the pr0posals contained in the plan become official urban land use policies. Still a third usage considers them to be statements of the directions of, and implement the pro- posals contained in, the plan. For example, in this sense, policies might take the form of general specifications for zoning, urban renewal and such.3 Taking a different view, Henry Fagin considers the policy plan as "a unified document expressing the general goals, Specific plans, 29Webster New World Dictionary (New York: The Worlds Pub- lishing Company, 1966). 30F. Stuart Chapin Jr., Urban Land Use Planning (Urbana, I11.: University of Illinois Press, 1965), p. 349. 27 and programs for urban growth and change."31 He further elaborated this by stating that the policy should express, first: the social, political, economic, and physical policies intended to guide the evolution of a particular area of governmental jurisdiction; and second: contain physical plans coordinating spatial relationships, schedules coordinating time relationships, budget coordinating financial relationships, and narrative texts and tables describing and coordinating proposed activity programs. Maps, schedules and text also would set forth the physical, economic and social facts, assumptions, and goals underlying the policy. A slightly different emphasis is used by William Goodman, who likened policies planning to "normative planning," which is the activity of establishing rational and reasonable ends. It involves determinations concerning the objectives or ends which will guide subsequent actions. It deve10ps the broad, general basis for action, whereas technical planning is concerned with specific, established purposes and the procedures to be employed in achieving these pur- poses.32 Policy planning then, becomes a process of establishing ends, and determining the means with which those ends will be established. A policy plan is also a statement of the general in- tentions of a community, and thereby serves as a guide to the 31Henry Fagin, "Organizing and Carrying Out Planning Activities Within Urban Government," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXV (August, 1969), 114. 32William Goodman and Eric Freund, Principles and Practice of Urban Planning (Washington, D.C.: International City Managers Association, 1968), p. 330. 28 decision-making processes of the government officials, the admini— strators, and the citizens. While there is a wide range of Opinions on the nature of policy planning, it is in essence, the preparation of a set of general statements that define the direction and character of future deve10p- ment and set forth the actions necessary to attain a desired deve10p- ment. The policies set the broad framework for action and form the basis upon which more detailed development decisions are made. The Hierarchy of Policies An understanding of the nature of policy plans is better ap- preciated when viewed as a hierarchy that proceeds from the general to the particular, or from the abstract to the specific. If this hierarchy were organized as a pyramid, on top of it would be the general goals, next would be the objectives, and at the bottom, the Specific implementing policies. Webster defines "goals" as "the end to which a design trends; aim; purpose."33 In this sense, a goal is an ideal and should there- fore be expressed in abstract terms; it is a value to be sought after, not an object to be achieved. To use an analogy, goals give a traveler a direction, not a Specific location. An "objective" on the other hand, is capable of both attainment and measurement. Ac- cording to Webster, an objective is "an aim or end of action point U 3 C O I I to be hit, reached, etc.” 4 The implementing poliCies becomes more 33 . . . Webster New World Dictionary, op. Cit. 34 Ibid. 29 detailed and specific. They provide the traveler with a route and suggests the means of transportation. They specify in general terms the way the destination and the ideal goal may be reached. They in- dicate the kinds of actions that will, or can be used to achieve the objective. The implementing policies may still become more detailed and may be readily translated into specific design prOposals or action recommendations. In general, goals then are universal and lasting, while ob- jectives change under varying conditions, more so with the implementing policies. Thus, the Philippines and the United States could pursue the same goal of providing a decent house for all of its citizens, but because of varying environmental and financial circumstances, this could not possibly be expressed under the same objectives, much less with identical implementing policies. The Complexity of Goal Setting The setting up of goals, objectives and implementing policies can easily become the most trying task for the policy planner. This is due to the complexity and the subjectivity of policy formulation. 0n the demands on the delineation of policies, Benjamin Handler wrote: When planning was simply plan-making, the complexities were not so readily apparent. But with planning looked at in the (policy) sense, what emerges is a seemingly hOpeless web of tangled interrelationships undergoing constant and endless transformation.35 Goals may also be viewed as a means and at the same time, as an end, which adds to its complexity. Goals are by their nature 5Benjamin Handler, "What is Planning Theory?" Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXIII (August, 1957), 147. 3O "dichotomies in that they serve simultaneously as means and ends de- pending on how responsibilities and concerns are compartmentalized or how wide or narrow a view one wishes to take at a given time."36 Still adding to the ambiguity of formulating and identifying goals is the fact that "the act of selecting the goal combination to be introduced into the planning process is still a subjective matter."37 Stuart Chapin further states that to devise goals mean- ingful to decision-makers, and at the same time bracket the many divergent planning goals that are held by the citizens, unquestionably involves an exercise of judgment. More importantly, when the policy planner goes down to the lower policy levels and identifies a series of "goal forms,‘ say, a nucleated form, a diffused form or a compact form of development, as alternative approaches to satisfy goal preferences of the general public, he is imputing to these goal forms certain living qualities that match up with public goal preferences. Here again, value judgments are involved. To summarize, policy plans may be presented as a hierarchy of goals, objectives, and implementing policies, which vary in degrees of specificity, from an abstract and ideal goal to an at— tainable middle-range objective, and finally, to an action-oriented implementing policy. Though the conception of policy plans may be Simplified as a pyramid having three levels, their identification 36Robert Young, "Goals and Goal Setting," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXII (March, 1966), 79. 7Stuart Chapin, "Foundation of Urban Planning," in Urban Growth and Form, ed. by W. Hirsch (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963), p. 227. 31 and formulation, however, can be very complicated and intricate, largely because of the complexity of the interactions of factors that must be considered, and because of the involvement of value judgments on the part of the policy maker, which are highly sub- jective and are not readily resolved. Policy Planning Within the Planning Process If policy planning involves the preparation of a set of general statements that define the direction and character of future development, and set forth the actions necessary to attain the desired development, then it is evident that policy planning is an integral part of the total planning process. In order to indicate this relationship, that policy planning is indeed contained in the planning process, whether explicitly or implicitly expressed, three general planning approaches are examined in more detail. These are; (l) the classical centralized planning process, (2) the systemic plan- ning approach which is outlined by Catanese and Steiss, and (3) advocacy planning, which is gaining popularity and importance with the growing involvement of the citizens in the decision-making process (see Figure l). The Classical Planning Approach A centralized decision-making process, where conclusions are ultimately contained in a single master plan, is the core of the classical approach. It is largely oriented toward physical planning, and is in fact, a carry-over of such professions as architecture and POI—142‘? Ptan nine ”00.699 QEAERAL. 391.813“an P3206599 32 leery—5.931.. version was»: Recoanwxon 0? mean F09. mannsna: ibenTiF‘lca'non o? QPEQF'lC. onecoe-nt-rxon $7866 Pmmems «(alumni SPeaFlca'non 0“ 6081.3, 02> 3€CT1U€S , Sensor-manoe (321152.15 ano gavecIFioa'non grade. e’tanvamvs *“ Minimum mavens-non or mowsats, pone-.155 , manams, 06616.11 cor-scams, 017329190631. s'raa’a mimics» pians, arc. '1 (4m aua Lua'rion 0‘? 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"a? %- IDen'nFmaTion am: peremmna-nm reunite. usamna on foamuta'rlon or eons, as 6081.93 as 60315 6m) WINES 0546:1st g‘s-mnras \Ia'P-‘(i‘ha LEVELs at! oen-rnai. seams? _ g: V A__ E w .——-E —-—-___=, 1"— #— 5 =3: PnB%EBTDn ._...—-- .——--- at: FROG-Rams B? a E: __ at __=_-_____,- QDVOCOTE GFDUPEv -..====' a 1:53 75" *a-' g" Foams-non or rota-marten memamon or: arms, arreans-nves 0? m1: we. man‘s arm v p - Strenna-nwes car-"tame 3“! seem? a = Br . ease -% - =--—-..: "é. eva cue-non of —§ a: auscrnanves 9“! g "" CLETRGL 3436ch 7% __.. -% 4 manna-non came—e. Or- m 8312?. 91.81“ ‘ 51313014511071 OF ELIERHETI‘UEs B? maemen'ra'rlon '. ”£959.21er 0? mnemn'rim Dennis. 61.78.10.118 Twas earn-9.31.. aéericn-f J.:”...- ‘5'— —-. h E A 33': Recommenva'r ton OF arse: Rina-r was at 51.1.. Lev 9.1.5 smnbmen'l'aTlon a’ mew-arm anv Pianos 3‘! Cen'rnai. Adena; 34 engineering, whose concerns are focused on the physical environment. The planning process according to this approach may proceed from: 1. Background studies on the history of the region and its past goals and objectives. 2. A research phase, where the major growth determinants such as land use, population, and economic resources are care- fully assessed and recorded. 3. Analysis and synthesis of research findings and the deter- mination of needs and demands. 4. The identification and formulation Of goals and Objectives, and the creation of standards for attaining those goals and objectives. 5. The planning and design stage, which evaluates the various alternative plans, and produces a final master plan. 6. An implementation stage, which involves the formulation of an administrative organization, as well as the preparation of implementative devices, such as zoning ordinances, subdivision regulations, and others. In the planning approach above, policy planning would cover the first four stages of the process, which starts with the preparation of background studies or inventories, to the formulation of goals and objectives, and the creation of standards from which the attain- ment of those goals and Objectives may be measured. The Systemic Planning Approach Recently proposed by two urban planners, this approach is an integration of the methods of Systems Analysis and the procedures of traditional planning. The different stages may be described in the following manner: 1. Definition and clarification Of current and future problems and the interrelationships among them. 2. Prediction of future conditions arising from identifiable problems. 38From lecture notes, "The Planning Process,“ Honey (MSU, Fall Term 1969). under Prof. Keith 3. Identificalt constraints solutions ‘ 4. Deter!“inaltj (a) nulxllné (b) optim“ (c) normal 5. chlfmulati-OI 6- Evaluation and simula‘ urban SYSt‘ as well as 7. Recommenda' alternativ' The use of torte of systemi C involves the use 0 alternatives under £33 be gained . Ir produce impor tant 5136 e ffects that c .0!’ u. s of evaluati 35 3. Identification of parameters, boundary conditions, or constraints which determine the range Of possible solutions to the totality of problems. 4. Determination of goals, objectives at varying levels: (a) maximal and minimal levels (b) Optimal levels (c) normative or utOpian levels 5. Formulation of alternatives. 6. Evaluation Of qualitative and quantitative cost-effectiveness, and simulation of alternatives in the environment Of the urban system in order to understand overall performance, as well as by-products and spill-over effects. 7. Recommendation of minimal, maximal, optimal, and normative alternatives.39 The use of simulation techniques to test proposals is the forte of systemic planning. Through modern methods, which usually involves the use Of computers, "more can be learned from the various alternatives under evaluation, and some notion of overall performance can be gained. In addition, a simulation Of alternatives would produce important leads to determining the possible by-products and side effects that could not be uncovered through more conventional forms of evaluation."40 This approach, which does not prOpose to create a singular master plan, rather a series Of alternatives, would extend the policy planning process through the first five stages: the definition of current and future problems; the prediction of future conditions; the identification Of parameters and con- straints; the determination of goals and Objectives, and lastly, the formulation of alternatives. 39Anthony Catanese and Alan Steiss, "Systemic Planning: The Challenge of the New Generation Of Planners," Journal Of the Town and Countrnylanning, LIV (April, 1968), 172-76. 4Orbid., p. 174. The Advocacy Hang Advocate pla or policies should 1 takers as well as 0' this approach is th sanity are, in fact or if they are, it Since these various then they should he process. The Planni iecentralized and Sta95S: 1. Identific. 2. AnalYSis ' grOuP's . 3. Formulati 4. Array-198316 agency ta 5. PIEparat_ l e defir 36 The Advocacy Planning Approach Advocate planners take the view that development solutions or policies should be a joint effort of the administrative decision- makers as well as of the citizens or the client groups. Underlying this approach is the idea that certain groups in the region or com- munity are, in fact, not represented in the decision-making processes, or if they are, it is not with the equal weights of the others. Since these various groups have interests at stake in the community, then they should have those interests articulated in the planning process. The planning process and the decision-making patterns become decentralized and initial decisions are distributed among various advocate groups. The planning process would have the following stages: 1. Identification of problems by various advocate groups. 2. Analysis of the needs Of the communities by the different groups. 3. Formulation of goals by each group. 4. Arrangement Of public hearing by a central coordinating agency to decide on the goals of the total community. 5. Preparation of programs by each group in accordance with the defined overall community goals and objectives. 6. Preparation of alternative plans and programs by the central agency, derived from the programs submitted by the different advocate groups. 7. Evaluation of alternatives through citizen participation by the central agency. 8. Implementation of programs and plans by a centralized implementing authority. The focus of advocacy planning is grass-roots participation of the citizens or client groups in the decision-making processes. 41Paul Davidoff, "Advocacy and Pluralism in Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXI (March, 1965), 334-36. 37 This is made possible by the creation of groups headed by advocate planners who will serve as their spokesman. The formation of advocate groups and of a centralized coordinating agency distributes and in- tegrates decisions at various stages in the planning process. The process also becomes prolonged, with the policy planning process extending over six stages. This includes all the activities of the advocate groups: the identification of problems, analysis of needs, formulation of goals and preparation of programs, and the setting Of public hearings by the central coordination agency, as well as the preparation of alternative plans and programs by the same coordinating agency or body. From the analysis above, it becomes evident that policy plan- ning is not only an integral part Of the total planning process, but it also sets the initial stages Of the series of planning activities and provides the basis of the entire planning process. While the three planning approaches above may vary considerably in their strate- gies and methods of decision—making, a definite pattern or sequence of planning stages emerges. In fact, using the basic steps in the design process postulated by J. Alger and C. Hays, it can be demon- strated that the three planning approaches above may be synthesized into one general planning process. The Six basic steps in the design process are as follows: 1. Recognition Stage: The need for planning and design activity is recognized at this stage. The Specific problem areas and their contextual elements are identi- fied, and assumptions about the future, available resources, etc., are made. 38 2. Specifications Stage: Alternative ends are identified, and specific ends are chosen. These are then Specified in terms of goals, objectives, performance criteria, and standards. 3. Proposal Stage: Means for attaining the specified ends are identified. These are Often expressed in terms of policies, programs, design concepts, physical plans, etc., depending on the scope of a particular problem. 4. Evaluation Stage: Relative merits of alternative means are evaluated against the criteria specified earlier. 5. Decision Stage: Choice Of a particular alternative is made, depending on particular circumstances. 6. Effectuation Stage: Once a decision on a particular solution is made, it is developed and refined and means for effectuation and staging are formulated. These are expressed in terms of broad strategies and policies, regulatory measures, capital programs, and other im- plementation means. The first three stages--recognition, Specification, and prOposal--in the generalized planning process above comprise the steps in the policy planning process. It involves first, the recog- nition and identification of problems; second, the specification of goals, objectives, and standards; and third, the formulation of proposals for attaining the specified ends as expressed in imple- menting policies. Once again, it is Shown that policy planning is indeed, inherent in the planning process and in fact, sets the initial stages from which the total design process may be continued and consummated. A Conceptual Framework for a Comprehensive Policy Planning Approach The need for a comprehensive approach in the formulation Of policies to guide the urbanization and growth of a developing country like the Philippines is a necessity. At a time when everything 42Alger and Hays, Creative Synthesis in Design, p. 39. appears to depend on the environment from this section, then, and the roles of th« nents of planning, relatedness: and se such dependence anc The scheme (1) the activity d dimens ion . The ACtivi t four (4) differer "Wins. (13) so a(CE-“inistrative 1 tl‘IeS . e planning | 39 appears to depend on everything else, the only alternative is to view the environment from an overall perspective. It is the purpose of this section, then, first, to identify and define the characteristics and the roles of the economic, physical, social and political compo- nents of planning, revealing their uniqueness as well as their inter- relatedness; and second, to propose a conceptual scheme where all such dependence and interdependence may be viewed in its entirety. The scheme as conceived is composed of three dimensions: (1) the activity dimension, (2) the spatial dimension, (3) the time dimension. The Activity Dimension The activity dimension in the horizontal plane contain the four (4) different types of planning activities: (a) physical planning, (b) social planning, (c) economic planning, and (d) administrative (or political) planning (see Figure 2). Each of these planning "types" have their own fields Of activities which makes them unique, yet related and separates their functions and responsibilities. Thus, physical planning is concerned with such activities and topics as land use planning, transportation and communications, pat- terns of human settlements or housing, community facilities and utilities, open space, industrial location, the location of new towns and large-scale deve10pments, architectural forms and aesthetics. Economic planning which would be prepared in conjunction with the physical plans, would be concerned with such issues as the gross national product and national income, financing schemes, credits and 4O PHYSlcaL Lame use 506161.. POPu EST on ECOh0m1C. FUYXDS POLlTlCaL aUTHORlT‘I' __‘ Figure 2.--The Activity Dimension in the Horizontal Plane 41 loans, employment and the labor force, generation of capital, balance of payments, the growth Of industry, commerce and agriculture, etc. The physical and economic plans are then given meaning and relevance by the activities of social planning, which includes among others, the areas of education, food and nutrition, social welfare, the creation of public awareness on environmental issues, the maintenance of peace and order, community change, collective behavior, the creation of housing standards to ensure public safety, individual freedom and responsibility, and the maintenance of a balanced distri- bution of population. The physical, economic and social plans and programs are then integrated and implemented through an administrative or governmental plan. The political or administrative aspect would cover such issues as the creation and operation of an organizational structure, governmental processes, where functions and responsibilities are defined and delineated; the setting of priorities for implementa- tion and methods Of funding, the distribution Of materials, and manpower. While these four (4) planning activities listed above are distinct and separate, in reality, however, they become integrated, and their interactions often become highly complicated and intricate. The provision of housing facilities, for example, would simultaneously involve all the planning "types." Thus, a housing project is first of all, a group of dwelling units (physical), whose planning involves architectural designs, landscaping, site planning, the provision of facilities and utilities, etc. Secondly, it also refers to the people who reside in them (social), which may involve such issues as 42 the integration of dwelling units with families of different income levels, and the relocation of diSplaced families. Thirdly, the housing project is definitely a business proposal (economic), which would require financing, labor, loans, etc. Finally, the successful implementation of the housing plans would depend on an efficient administrative structure (political), which would also handle such issues as governmental subsidies, and more importantly, inter- governmental relations, if the housing project extends over several political jurisdictions. The Spatial Dimension The spatial dimension in the vertical plane includes the geography of the planning areas, and their corresponding administra- tive units (see Figure 3). These planning areas are actually over- lapping: it proceeds from a "barrio" and municipality, to a province and city, then to a region, which contains all the "barrios, munici- palities, provinces and cities; then finally, to the national level, which embraces all of the planning regions. Each of these planning sectors would have their own governmental entities, and because Of the overlapping nature of their particular jurisdictions, it becomes imperative that there is prOper and effective cooperation and coordination of planning activities. It has been shown many times that the planning Of a particular area goes beyond its political boundaries and does not respect such artificial limits. Critical environmental issues such as sewage disposal, storm drainage and flood control, and transportation and traffic problems, for example, cannot be solved effectively by any form Of sectorial planning. Such Figure 43 £06500 Osuelmfl Emcee \ .rFSMEUEDE .Ew c¢m>oo .rtu c esooocEE \ .moc 50in WPEOTan £96m..."— Jose" mucuom COFFMS socochc Figure 3.--The Spatial Dimension in the Vertical Plane 44 region- and nation-wide problems have to be perceived as a whole and be extended to the limits Of their environmental Spatial influence. The Time Dimension The time dimension in the depth plane (see Figure 4) inject a crucial element into the planning scheme, and that is, dynamism and future change. It is important to recognize that all planning activi- ties move through time. This awareness is better appreciated when we realize that the time required to achieve the goals and Objectives Of the plans in the Activity Dimension vary considerably. G. Nez wrote that "significant economic improvements require at least half-decades; social changes require generations. The administrative unit goes to the people and tO the legislature periodically to marshall funds, materials, manpower and authority."43 The immediate consequences Of a dynamic planning process is the creation of deve10pment programming or program timing done by a responsive and dynamic administration. Governmental units are becoming increasingly aware that they themselves must change and develop in form and in function, and expand in experience and training while adjusting to the growing progress Of the development programs. If the administrative structural form does not evolve with the continuous change and growing program, it Simply becomes static and Obsolete, and will ultimately cease to exist because of inefficiency. Another consequence of a dynamic process is the development of a hierarchy of policies—-implementing policies, objectives and goals (as previously 43Nez, "Economic and Physical Development," p. 302. 45 Figure 4.-—The Time Dimension in the Depth Plane discussed) «which we and long-range plann action-oriented proql objectives are the m implementing poliCi€ programmed over a I: desired ideal state the long-range pOli cited, are Often e) health, which are 1 attainment. Their them. is deemed de The inter: fore, make it only to form an integr. the and Space. . tube, Which has t S: .’ _ 46 discussed)--which would correspond to the short-range, middle-range and long-range planning schemes. The implementing policies are the action-oriented programs formulated for immediate execution. The objectives are the middle-range policies to which all short-range implementing policies are oriented. The middle-range policies are programmed over a longer period of time in an attempt to reach a desired ideal state or set of goals. These goals, in turn, make up the long-range policies or Objectives. These goals, as previously cited, are often expressed as values, such as happiness, peace and health, which are not immediately capable of measurement nor Of total attainment. Their approximation, however, or the attempt to reach them, is deemed desirable. The interrelatedness of the three planning dimensions, there- fore, make it only logical that they be put together or interlocked to form an integrated concept of planning activities occurring in time and space. Their fusion creates a three-dimensional conceptual cube, which has the activity dimension in the horizontal plane, the spatial dimension in the vertical plane, and the time dimension in the depth plane (see Figure 5). Utilizing this concept, it becomes evident that any one planning activity, for example, the physical planning dimension, while it may be regarded as separate and distinct entity, is at the same time closely related to the social, economic, and political planning activities. Any planning effort must also cover the entire range Of spatial areas from the smallest unit, the "barrio," to the broad national level. There must also be 47 A/c/wp. / .. Xx..i/ «.69 . . x . . CAM» /. \ \. . ....... >. /. /./ /./ d \x/ \. xxfl. ./ / / . . e . . ...... l. A /. / /./ /. \x \X/ \ V! W ./ /. / ./ /. xx \ / .\ x ..\ / / ./ ./ /. xx \ V/ x\ \ . . / 4N! \A. ...... Y. uI/Iu/fll..vnn Inn." llllllllll x I ..l\u ul/ . ./ / x x ,. menmm \ / . Willa? ,MWW.-§Wl...) x /. iii/ow, ,, ., mWthWl ---.......II ll. I! e \2. / , MWWWW .\ A .\ \ Yi .. J ... .. thyme.» / . x x / dhskmkhx 4/ \ \x \\ ww_m .// .A. x\ \\ \\ .mmwm.x ./. JP. ..... [\wlvxv. ......... /.H.:m lllllllllll yfll:u| lu.l\ \ x \ \\ / / ./. v. / / x x x x // /. ,%../ ./ ./ .. \ e \ /. 3;. / Y o. A. \. \ \ h. / xy. / /. . ...... \ < \ \ o .x. / ./ K531... /. x x “H x /, . VI;I:I.|I.I| / thbM .\ / fillllllx . Tshu x x x (.1.ll.l...L. \IiL Figure 5.--Proposed Conceptual Framework for a Comprehensive Policy Planning Process corresponding pol ii: range, middle-range The propose serve as a guide in for an orderly grow next three (3) chap 48 corresponding policies and plans staged in time to achieve short— range, middle-range and long-range targets. The proposed conceptual framework described above, will now serve as a guide in the deve10pment of policy plans and proposals for an orderly growth of the Philippines, which are discussed in the next three (3) chapters. In all of t chapter, the first the most thoroughlt This includes a re future potentials planning dimension 065 the most impor understand and con State the imp l i c a1 .eg to inconsis tel acti - ‘ilib . .Plnes 3 di :hysiCa SQ CHAPTER III THE FRAMEWORK FOR POLICY PLANNING IN THE PHILIPPINES In all of the planning approaches discussed in the previous chapter, the first stage in the process of policy planning involves the most thoroughly possible understanding of the total environment. This includes a recognition Of existing problems, past trends and future potentials in the physical, social, economic, and political planning dimensions. This initial stage is perhaps the most crucial and the most important in the entire planning process. A failure to understand and comprehend the existing situation, and to fully appre- ciate the implications of future trends and potentials has tOO Often led to inconsistent and inefficient policy recommendations and actions. It is therefore important that the discussion Of such topics be presented in more detail. This chapter will explore the prevailing physical, social, economic, and political conditions in the Philippines, while the problems, trends and potentials in the planning components will be discussed in the next chapter. The analysis of the framework for policy planning in the Philippines is divided into four planning components: (1) the physical setting: the land and its location, climate, and natural 49 resources; {2) the their racial, reli existing social 3* present number an: (3) the economic economy and other the transportatio: system of nationa the national org; The Phi] compared with t range in Size f lilies; the “an SourceS that m' < display an inf h L' mum's titl e Ph‘vs iC % 50 resources; (2) the social environment: the people and their origins, their racial, religious and language groupings, the family and the existing social structure, and the population, which includes its present number and characteristics, nature of Spread and distribution; (3) the economic resources: the agricultural economy, the industrial economy and other economic resources that form the economic base, and the transportation system; and (4) the political institutions: the system of national government, the system of local government, and the national organization for planning. The Physical Setting_ The Philippines is located only slightly north of the equator, and it is about the size of the State of Arizona when compared with the United States. The thousands of islands, which range in size from less than a square mile to about 30,000 square miles; the warm breeze and torrential rains; the rich trepical re— sources that make up the physical environment of the Philippines, display an infinite variety of contrast and beauty that earned the nation's title as "Perlas ng Silangan" (Pearl of the Orient). Physical Geography The Republic of the Philippines is an archipelago of approxi— mately seven thousand (7,000) islands stretching for nearly one thousand (1,000) miles between the southern tip of Formosa and the northernmost parts of Borneo and Indonesia (see Figure 6). It is bounded on the East by the Pacific Ocean, and in the West by the South China Sea. The total land area is about 115,700 square miles, §\‘ W. : i. 1‘ 'l \vnnousrunn 3 V a": 0 H $03.1” mala'fsis A Rum (JflnnADFQRIL \ I Tll3(31\EE£51«S o$0d7=°eé Commission on Appointments is required after the President selects ’ 3 heads of government department. As Commander-in-Chief of the ed forces, he is capable of preventing and suppressing insurrec- ns, national law disobediences, and invasion; and if necessary, to :e any part of the country under martial law. The President of 87 the Philippines has exceptionally broad powers as he also appoints provincial governors and mayors, or may suspend them. He may also grant pardons and commute sentences. The Vice-President is similarly elected for a term of four years and has more or less a ceremonial role; although in the event of the President's death, he assumes the presidential powers during the unexpired term of office. The Legislative power is vested in a bicameral congress composed of an Upper House or Senate, with 24 members elected by general suffrage for six-year terms, with one—third of the seats being contested every two years. The House of Representatives or Lower House, has 120 seats apportioned among the different provinces according to population. However, all provinces have at least one representative. The power of the judiciary is vested in the Supreme Court and in the many minor courts established by law. The Supreme Court is composed of a Chief Justice and 10 Associate Justices who rule upon the constitutionality of many legislative and executive acts, thus providing a check against illegal executive orders and regula- tions. The judicial system is similar to that of the United States, except that a jury system is not used. Instead, cases are heard by justices. .‘he System of Local Government At present, the Philippines is divided into 46 provinces, ach consisting of cities and municipalities. The provinces are ssentially administrative units of the national government. Every 88 province has its own Governor, heading a "provincial board" with two other members. This board is the legislative organization of the provincial government. Their main functions are to approve the provincial budget, approve minor appointments of the Governor, and review municipal ordinances for their legality. The Province, how- ever, has only a limited degree of autonomy. The central government appoints the heads of departments of the provincial government, who are all serving under their resPective departments in the central administration. The Province has no power to tax and is dependent for revenue on allotments allocated to it by the national and munici- pal governments. The municipality is a public corporation formed by an act of Congress. It consists of a town center called "poblacion" and a surrounding area separated into the village units called "barrios." It has a Mayor, Vice-Mayor, Counsilors and assistants called "teniente del barrio" or barrio lieutenants who are responsible for the main- tenance of peace and order in their reSpective barrios. All other >fficials in the municipal government are appointed by the central dministration. Similar to the provinces, the municipalities have (tremely limited fiscal powers. Thus, the municipality also depends on the allocation of funds by the central administration for a major :‘tion of its revenue. The responsibility of the municipal depart- Lt heads is to their provincial counterparts, and ultimately to the tra]. departmental offices. Cities are former municipalities which are relatively more :loped, that is, they have reached a certain level of income. 89 Most of the cities are chartered cities, which are created by a Special At present, there are 39 chartered cities, including act of Congress. Each of these cities Manila and the official capital, Quezon City. has a City Council, which levies and collects taxes in accordance with the law, and also makes by-laws. In addition, it maintains a local police force and is responsible for public works. However, like the provinces and municipalities, the city also has exceedingly little autonomy and serves merely as an administrative agency of the national The President, for example, has the power to appoint authorities. The Mayor of the city, and remove many of the Councilors and Mayors. moreover, does not have the power to appoint department heads; rather, they are named by the corresponding heads of the national departments to whom they are directly responsible. The barrio, the smallest unit of local government, is headed by a barrio lieutenant (teniente del barrio) who is assisted by one They become ex-officio members or more deputy barrio lieutenants. While >f the barrio council, together with three other councilmen. he barrio government is given certain functions to perform, it is at granted the authority to raise revenue, reducing its role to a ssive participant in government affairs, a fate that befalls all 3 other local political units. ;Na ti onal Organization ; Planning The national organization for planning in the Philippines is :ently in considerable confusion. This is largely due to the ous overlapping and gaps in their functions and responsibilities. 9O Dubious administrative powers that heavily rely on presidential and congressional support, which, in turn, are highly dependent on For the pur- political and party affiliations, add to the dilemma. poses of this study, four bodies or agencies may be singled out as having direct or should have direct influence in the formulation of These are: (l) the National development policies (see Figure 16) . (2) the National Planning Commission (NPC), Economic Council (NEC) , (3) the Program Implementation Agency (PIA), and (4) the Regional Development Authorities (RDA) . The National Economic Council.-—The National Economic Council, established in 1935, is responsible for long-range economic develop- This statutory body consists of ment planning in the Philippines. Three of the members are ap- a full-time chairman and 10 members. pointed to represent business, agriculture, and labor, respectively; three are heads of government agencies who serve as ex—officio members; two of the members are appointed from the Senate and the remaining two are from the House of Representatives. Among its responsibilities, the NEC is empowered "to establish goals for public and private in- to fix priorities for development projects and to make vestments, In order to fulfill recommendations on national economic policies." (1) the Office the NEC has three staff offices: its varied functions, of National Planning, (2) the Office of Foreign Aid and Coordination, The 1nd (3) the Office of Statistical Coordination and Standards. ffice of National Planning is the more important office in terms of 33C1air Wilcox, The Planning and Execution of Economic ivelopment in Southeast Asia, Occasional papers in international 10 (Center for International Affairs, Harvard Univer- Ffairs, no. .ty, 1965), p. 9. mocwmoflawnm on» as mcwccmHm How coaumnwcmmuolu.ma madman 7. 91 r a. l FHAU H pl mw P.»h.mw hfimmw (H AW CC. n Hg i| oN-OOU .4i.|l.l.|7\|.ll manor". 3.2.13.0 A C" Jmaornflcenm {dare/Dav .W? fl _ ._. ._. ._ _ “Shimhirhwg .mwdnwgn Eadg flcmiwflm. 94%“ n gpwE EQUWNF Aug “NO #70“ fill'l' fl - shimmy 99rd W0 WNMmmO L 0am C980“— wO 35590 7 $0 .09... (Fug JQCFOHPNC WU ‘ LO] .‘I Call‘ «CBPQKOLKBQ _ i . 0E8 C Trouvonw «gnaw-0004 “EOGOUm # ——-————I———————— Meghan» nOPHWEFHQu flgdgm .| 53$ 92 developing national policies. It is responsible for the planning of agricultural resources, industry, trade and commerce, finance, services, including public utilities, and social welfare programs. The National Planning Commission.--The National Planning Comission, established in 1950 as a government corporation, is the central physical planning body in charge of the preparation of the general plans, zoning ordinances, subdivision regulations and building At present, codes for the cities and other local units of government. it is in charge of about 2,000 planning areas composed of municipali- ties and townsites, and about 50 cities. As of May, 1965, the NPC has received requests for local planning assistance from 49 local units of government, and has 100 towns, 17 cities and 8 provinces . . . 35 haVing planning boards under it. The Program Implementation Agency.--The Program Implementation Agency or the Presidential Economic Staff, whose authority was set forth in an Executive Order in August 1962, was established as a technical staff agency. Its main function is advising the President regarding the decision he must make affecting the allocation of evelopment resources. The PIA or PBS was to establish criteria to )vern investment in both the public and private sectors. This in- .uded the analysis, evaluation, coordination of department and agency r‘ Conception, Philippine Population in the Seventies, p. 305. 35R. P. Poethig, "Needed: Philippine Urban Growth Centers," CXVII (May, 1964), 385. stics, Wilcox, The Planning and Execution of Economic Development, 36 L1. 93 programs and projects, the initiation of additional projects, the determination of priorities and the allocation of resources among them. The Regional Develflament Authorities.--The Regional Deve10p- ment Authorities are the planning agencies at the regional level. These are patterned after the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) in the United States. They were established by Congress to prepare "compre- hensive plans" for regional social and economic development. As mentioned earlier, however, they have predominantly remained dormant and ineffective. There are 11 regional authorities established by law, but only four are operational. Of these four, "only the Laguna Lake Authority appeared to have exerted any degree of influence in the direction of regional growth."3 While the functions of the agencies mentioned above are defined by legislation, their powers are vague and largely uncoordinated in practice. The NPC, for example, has remained in the dark, far from the arena of any national decision-making. It is seldom mentioned in any Philippine planning literature. Planning is equated almost solely vith economic planning. The PIA has practically usurped the powers f the NEC due to the PIA's proximity to the President. The PIA was ipposed to implement plans, but it turned out to be a misnomer; "it .8 interested in annual planning and budgeting, not with imple- ntation. "38 The implementation of plans is now left to the various encies and executive departments. F 37 . . . Samonte, "Regional Development Authorities," p. 115. 38 . . . . Wilcox, The Planning and Execution of Economic Development, 15 - 5‘ ._- at“; f‘ . i ' . 94 Additional administrative and other related problems will be discussed in the next chapter. At the moment, it may be said that planning in the Philippines is the responsibility of a number of agencies, with the final decision-making focused at the chief exec- utive level in the Office of the President. The four planning components, forming the structural frame- work for policy planning, have thus far been presented without emphasizing their problems, except for the political aspects, which introduced some conflicts. The failures of development planning in the Philippines, however, has been caused by problems which are not the monopoly of inefficiencies in the administrative machinery. Rather, they encompass all of the four planning dimensions, stressed in Chapter II of this thesis. The congestion in the cities and the spread of slums and squatter settlements, the negative social attitudes and unfavorable consequences of traditional values, the widespread voverty and inefficient economic systems, as well as the administra- ive inefficiencies and deficiencies, these are a few of the disturbing ‘oblems that will be discussed in the next chapter. They are the emingly hopeless and inextricable dilemmas that confront the Licy planner and the planning process in the Philippines in the ade of the 70's. 4:. CHAPTER IV PROBLEMS, TRENDS AND POTENTIALS In order to more fully comprehend the framework for policy planning in the Philippines, the problems that beset the contemporary society of the country must be recognized. Future trends must be realized, as well as the potentials or the changes that could somehow create a more livable environment for the Filipinos in the future. The problems are not difficult to find. There is the squalor and the misery of the Slums and squatter settlements in the urban areas. There is the constant struggle within the Filipino, of dualistic, ambiguous and conflicting values--one is inherent and traditional, while the other is foreign and imposed by the rapid rate of urbaniza- tion and technological changes. There are the inequities in the distribution of economic resources and an economic system where the rich get richer and the desperately poor get poorer. There are the nnumerable administrative inefficiencies-—graft and corruption, icompetence, nepotism, conflicting functions of an inefficient ireaucracy. However, the existing problems can also become future portunities. A discussion on trends and potentials, which include increasing pOpulation, the shifting economy, the changing social 95 96 structure and the dawn of national awareness all promise to offer some hope for a coming renaissance. Problems By 1990, the world will be on the verge of becoming pre- dominantly urban. But it is not so much the growing numbers as the distribution of population or the shift from rural to urban areas that complicates the deve10pment process today. "Whereas only 100 million pe0ple were urban in the developing region in 1920, 930 million people are expected to be urban in 1980, a nine—fold growth in only 60 years." In only 20 years, between 1960 and 1980, the developing world "will more than double its urban population." The houses, power systems, sanitation, schools, the whole urban structure, together with the people's attitudes and values, the economic re- sources and the administrative machinery, will all have to change and grow proportionately, if development is to be beneficial. This is where the root cause of the problem is found. However, prior to dis- cussing the nature of this crisis, it is necessary to put these prob- lems in their proper perspective by considering the causes that bring about urbanization in the developing countries similar to the >hilippines. Comparisons between the developed countries and the developing ations have suggested that "there has been, in the past, considerable '— United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, :banization in the Second United Nations Development Decade, United Ltions Publications (ST/ECA/l32), 1970, p. 8. 21bid. , p. 8. In 97 variation in the course of urbanization and its relationship to economic and social deve10pment, not only between countries at dif- ferent periods of history, but also within a given period of history, and that future social and economic trends in the lightly urbanized, economically emerging countries may be very different from those observed in the now urbanized, highly developed ones. Four major differences between the move toward an urban society in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the developing nations as against the developed countries may be identified: 1. Pre-industrial urban growth: Many large cities in the developing countries grew up ahead of any systematic move- ment toward modernization. The economic and political climate during their past growth were colonial, and they have failed to grow, as the cities of Europe and North America, in the wake of local diversification and sustained development. In a sense, they were larger than and ahead of the economy sustaining them. 2. Rapid pOpulation growth: The growth of pOpulation in the developing nations had been explosive and was followed by lower death rates and higher birth rates, due to the conquest of major epidemics and other health hazards and better Sani- tation facilities. Again, these happened ahead of full 3United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Urbanization: Development Policies and Planning, United Nations ,>ublications (ST/SOA/Ser. x/l), 1968, p. 25. 4 . . . . . United Nations, Urbanization in the Second Development ecade , pp . 10-15. 98 economic diversification, so now, the population have outgrown the resources of the economy they were supposed to eXpand. 3. Lagging transformation in agriculture: The decisive changes in agricultural structure, productivity and food production which created the vital surpluses above subsistence level and pre- ceded the growth of industrial nations in EurOpe and North America, have begun to occur on a sufficient scale only in the past three or four years in the developing countries. In the Philippines, for example, despite the abundance of tropical resources, the country still has to import rice and fish, the people's staple food. 4. Rapid urbanization and low industrialization: Comparison between a number of developed countries in their earlier stages of development and developing countries at this time make clear in any case that the percentage of peOple living in cities is much lower than that of the working force in industry. In the develOped countries, the percentage of the working force in industry is always higher than that of the population living in the cities. The profile in the developing countries is the contrary; urbanization is ahead of indus- trialization. These are the four unique conditions that formed the back- ground of changes and growth of a developing country at this time. {ealizing this, the problems in the Philippines can now be viewed in heir proper perspective. This understanding is imperative if 99 decision-makers are to develop appropriate and sound policies and programs to solve the pressing problems that confront contemporary Philippines. The Physical Problems With a high rate of population increase, together with a sudden surge of rural migrants to the urban centers, Philippine cities are slowly turning into huge, congested and deteriorated slums. Crisis in the Primate City.--The sudden and massive influx of rural migrants into cities have produced in the developing nations, the phenomenon of the "primate city." In the Philippines, the Metro- politan Manila Region has become the "primate city." Roughly, the boundaries of metrOpolitan Manila extend to a radius of about 80 miles from the center of the City of Manila. Covering an area of only about 90,500 acres. Its population increased from 898,211 in 1939 to 1,366,840 in 1948 and to 2,135,705 by 1960, half of which reside in the City of Manila itself. An observation of the comparison of the urban populations in the cities clearly show the dominance of Metro- politan Manila over the entire Philippines (see Figure 17) . Metropolitan Manila is the country's economic, educational, political and cultural center. It employs 40 per cent of the country's nonagricultural labor force and provides more than one-half of the total manufacturing payroll.5 Within Metropolitan Manila are 90 of the country's 100 largest corporations, 50 of these are in the City of Manila alone. All but one of the major Philippine and foreign I; 5Bureau of Census and Statistics, Annual SurveLof Manu- :acturers, Vol. l-V, 1956-1960 (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1962). 100 hmxwmn 900, 000 600,000 300,000 (6°, 00° caLoocan c'n‘v 7398‘! an“! I \ -------- \\\\ ....... Source: Adopted from data from Frederick Wernstedt, The Philippine Island World (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1967), p. 635. ' Figure l7.--P0pulation Estimates of Urban Areas of Chartered Cities 101 banks have their main offices in the area. All of the major news- papers, most of the radio stations, and commercial television stations are located in it. Metropolitan Manila is the nation's port and the hub of all transportation facilities. Metropolitan Manila is, of course, also the seat of the national government and the nerve—center of the country's political life. One study found out that "the majority of the senators and administrators trace their birth or origin to Metropolitan Manila and the immediate provinces." The concentration of commerce and trade and of the political elite in one locus have created an uncontrolled and rapid concen- tration of social and economic resources leading to "over- urbanization," a condition that has created serious consequences in the metropolitan areas of the developing countries: There is first of all, the uncontrolled and rapidly growing demands and needs of the peOple that strains the whole infra-structure. Public facilities and services such as health care, education, trans- portation, electricity, roads, sanitation, police and fire protection, will all have to be constructed, improved and maintained and expanded. The exceedingly limited financial and administrative resources, faced I— 6Laquian, The City in Nation Buildirg, p. 2. 7Jose V. Abueva, "Social Background and Recruitment of egislators and Administrators in a Developing Country: The hilippines," 1963. (Mimeographed.) 8 I I I O O I I D 0 "Over-urbanization" is defined as involv1ng a Situation in rich "larger proportions of (a country's) population live in urban .aces than their degree of economic development justifies." See .ilip Hauser, "The Social, Economic and Technological Problems of in Industrialization and Society, ed. by Bert UNESCO and Morton, 1963), p. 203. pid Urbanization, selitz and Wilbert Moore (Paris: uii a1 rh 102 with their own internal problems, are often Simply reduced to inefficiency or inaction. Secondly, the urban center cannot create enough productive jobs to support the surge of migrating population, in addition to its own natural urban growth. As a result, the least Skilled, usually the most recent migrant, are forced into a marginal, service-type of occupation of low productivity and at barely subsistence wages. Thirdly, although in the initial stages, economic activities in large urban centers may be the beneficiaries of various "external economies," in the long run, "an over-concentration of peOple and urban activities lead to diseconomies, such as poverty, disease, Slums, economic inefficiencies, traffic congestion, social problems, political discontent, rising costs of public welfare, separation of residential from work areas, land Speculation and misuse, poor conditions of work and a feeling of hopelessness in the idle migrant population." Slums and Squatter Settlements.--The most urgent and the most disheartening consequence of over-concentration of population is perhaps the failure to provide adequate shelter for the people. Housing may well be the most pressing problem that confronts con- temporary urban centers. In the Philippines, one housing expert has ‘predicted that "if the present growth rate of family households main- tains its 2.5 per cent increase per year, about 120,000 new dwelling units would be needed annually, and most of them in the urban areas."10 9United Nations, Urbanization: Development Policies and Planning, p. 52. 10People's Homesite and Housing Corporation, "Preliminary Report on Housing Needs: Metropolitan Manila, Quezon City," (1963), p. 10. (Mimeographed.) 103 The failure to meet the housing demand of a rapidly growing urban population have led to the creation of slums and squatter settlements11 in the crowded cities. In metrOpolitan Manila, squatting and Slum-dwelling are inseparable aspects of the housing problem. They usually occur together, that is, the slums are usually in the squatter areas and the squatter areas are normally slums. Based on the most recent data available (1968 survey), there are about 127,852 squatter families (767,112 persons) and about 55,907 families (335,442 persons) living in slum conditions in the Metropolitan Manila Region, a total of 183,759 families or 1,102,554 persons.12 Of the total in MetrOpolitan Manila, 27.6 per cent of the squatters and 80.7 per cent of the slums are in the City of Manila itself. The growth of Slums and squatter settlements have also Spread, and are now rapidly growing in other major cities in the Philippines. In a study by Charles Abrams on the housing situation in the Philip- pines, it was found out that in Davao, "the squatters have taken possession of the whole parkway area running from the City Hall to the retail center."13 11A distinction must be made between squatting and slum- Chmelling. Squatting is primarily a legal concept and involves the occupancy of a piece of land or building without the consent of the owner. Slum-dwelling is more a socio-economic concept. It is living le homes that are dilapidated and/or congested, where the conditions pose a health, fire, vice and/or crime hazard not only to those who live in the slum, but to the whole urban community as well. 12 . . . . . People's HomeSite and HouSing Corporation, "Preliminary Report on Housing Needs: Metropolitan Manila," p. 29. 13Charles Abrams and Otto Koenisberger, "Report on Housing jga'the Philippine Islands," (Manila, 1959), p. 12. (Mimeographed.) 104 The problems caused by a large Slum pOpulation in the midst of an urban center are fairly obvious. The structures are potential fire hazards, the unhygienic conditions endanger the health and life of the residents of the city, and the misery and frustration of slum dwelling causes a breakdown in morals and socially accepted behavior. The presence of slums and squatter settlements have also seemed to have been generally related to the lowering of land values and the high incidence of crimes. The inherent problems of slums and squatter settlements are further aggravated by numerous factors that contribute to their formation and proliferation. First, a developing country like the Philippines does not have enough funds nor the proper administrative machinery to adequately cope with the worsening situation. Through- out the entire country, "the responsibility for squatters and slums is a confused, bureaucratic tangle."14 Secondly, adding to the need for more public funds is the abject poverty of the slum dwellers and the squatters themselves, the majority of whom are in no position to build a decent and ade— quate shelter for an often large family. Thirdly, one of the commonest cliches about slum life is that Slum people are disorganized, alienated, rootless and suffering from "anomie." In the Philippines, however, a study revealed exactly the (opposite: the squatters and slum dwellers were highly organized and have developed their own identities. In a study on Barrio Magsaysay, a squatter and Slum colony in Metropolitan Manila, researchers 14Laquian, The Citypin Nation Building, p. 54. 105 discovered "a community of about 2,625 families, closely knit together through more than 20 organizations set up to achieve various pur- poses."15 While these organizations decidedly have its advantages, especially with regards to carrying out social work and in encouraging citizen participation, it has also its disadvantages. The organized squatters and slum dwellers have become a strong political bloc, and the politician who obviously need their votes, often wants to maintain the status quo. A United Nations report pointed out that, " . . . a stern policy in the City of Manila on squatters and Slum dwellers is often offset by political recognition of the rights of squatters, sympathetic indulgence and compensation."16 The protection that the squatters receive in return for their votes have become common to a point of being accepted. In the City of Davao, for example, Charles Abrams observed that "a number of squatters are building costly houses. (Many) lawyers, physicians, dentists, and managers of clinics and well- financed enterprises have boldly hung out their signs."17 The squat- ters become entrenched in their location, and, with the increasing confidence in the uninterrupted enjoyment of possession of the land, the enterprising Filipino have even "made squatting a business as well as a way of getting shelter . . . some squatters have sublet their quarters; others have even sold them."18 5 C O 0 I AprodiCio Laquian, Slums are for PeOple (Manila: IM Press, Inc., 1969), p. 87. 6Constantino Guerero, "Social Aspects of Housing and Urban Renewal," (Manila, 1963), p. 10. (Mimeographed.) 17Abrams, Man's Struggle for Shelter in an Urbanizing World, p. 16. laIbid. 106 Fourth, the greatest detriment in solving the housing problem, and for that matter, the development problems in the Philippines is probably the question of land. Three aspects need to be mentioned in this area: (1) due to the Spanish practices in the past, ownership of large tracts of land or "haciendas" and large agricultural estates are concentrated in only a few; (2) much of the acreage in the urban and urbanizing districts is controlled by owners with no present intentions of develOping it. The land problems in the Philippine cities is not one of scarcity, but of refusal to sell;19 (3) among those who are willing to sell, the prices are, in most cases, exorbi- tantly high. One of the greatest obstacles in the replanning of developed areas is the high cost of land. In many cases, the cost has been found to be incompatible with the reasonable use of land.20 The population in the Philippines is increasing at a rapid rate and more alarming is the massive and rapid Shift of pOpulation from the rural countryside to the urban centers. The problems they create are numerous, and in turn produce a chain of other problems, each demanding urgent attention and solutions. The crisis of "over- urbanization" and the formation of slums and squatter settlements are only two of them. The causes also are numerous, and most are not easily identifiable. The question of housing, for example, is not a simple matter of putting a roof over one's head. It is closely con— cerned with the issues of equities in the distribution of economic lgIbid., p. 56. 0National Planning Commission, The Master Plan of Manila (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1956). 107 wealth, of an efficient and responsive public administration, and most importantly, of changing social attitudes and values. The Filipino is now in a constant struggle to break the social dilemma that past colonization and present industrialization has brought about. The Social Dilemmas.--The dualism of religious faith in the Filipino previously mentioned are significant. In the past, he was primarily a pagan, wearing a necklace of charms or "anting-anting" and offering sacrifices to his "anitos" or gods. Mention has also been made of the existence of various religious groups and racial groups within the society, that serve to divide it into distinct and conflicting factions. The diversity and contrast of his culture is compounded by the many dialects and languages that pose problems in communication and education. For example, Pilipino, the national language, has been injected into the school system in the following manner : Grades I and II are taught in the local language or vernacular. At the same time, children are introduced to Pilipino in Grade I and to English in Grade II. In Grade III, the teaching medium switches into English, while Pilipino and the vernacular remain as "auxiliary media" . . . the addition of Spanish in the latter giades imposes a four-fold burden on most youngsters. Aside from the complexity of his culture that the Filipino DRIlst.resolve and adapt to, he has developed indigenous customs or c3<>ricepts that are often detrimental to the progress that he constantly '5363eaks. One such concept is "utang na loob" (indebtedness or J=‘Eicziprocity). The mechanism of "utang na loob" occurs when someone \ 21Kuhn, The Philippines, p. 181. 108 does another a favor and the recipient feels obliged to return that favor, but not in terms of money. There is no fixed value attached to the "indebtedness" and therefore, it can become practically un- repayable. While it has its use, it is also often abused. The poli- tician, for example, use it occasionally to win elections: A practically fruitful occasion for reciprocity is an election. Political leaders . . . exploit it by deliberately cultivating "utang na loob" debts toward themselves, so that when voting time comes, they can reclaim these by requesting the debtors to vote for them . . . in general, the debtor's sense of honor and propriety forces him to comply regardless of the quality of the candidate involved.22 Another local concept practiced by the Filipino is "pakikisama.' Pakikisama means getting along well with others, by not being snubbish or aloft, but being "one with the fellows." There may be nothing wrong with this, until one has to stand up with a group, whether right or wrong, and whether one likes it or not, all in the name of "pakikisama." The Filipino has also been fatalistic. When faced *with a seemingly unsoluble Situation, there is a tendency to say "bahala na" (leave it to God). It is not surprising then, that in :starting a project, he is full of enthusiasm and eagerness, but when problems arise, he quits (ningas cogon) , or at the most, he will lplan to continue the work the next day (manana habit). These are only some of the local concepts or practices that Ilave further hindered the Philippines from attaining its goals. Two <>tflher local concepts that merit closer attention are: (1) the \ 22Mary Hollensteiner, "Reciprocity in the Lowland Philip— JF>jLnes," in Four Readings on Philippine Values, ed. by Frank Lynch (Quezon City: Institute of Philippine Culture, 1964) , p. 34. 109 "revolution or rising expectations" which was ushered in by the advent of modernization; and (2) the Filipino family orientation, which is deeply engrained in his traditions. The Revolution of Rising Expectations.--The educational system, which has opened up broader horizons to the minds of more and more people, and the increased number and range of physical contact with the consumer goods and consumer patterns of the more advanced nations in the West have largely been responsible for the "revolution of rising expectations." Many new commodities and types of services are now evolving into the essentials for day-to-day living. "Every- body wants more and more things that were considered luxuries only a few years ago, from the urban middle-class housewife who dreams of a refrigerator, to the housemaid who feels quite naked without a cheap brassiere."23 The "revolution" would then demand that the economy must perform at a higher level of efficiency that it has so far demonstrated. Improving the economy would in turn, require an ex- tremely efficient and responsive government. At the same time, the government would be required to run massive new welfare and service programs, and to conduct them more adequately and more efficiently than done earlier. Faced with an already inefficient system of economic policies, and a deficient political machinery, the Philip- pines is indeed in the midst of a dilemma. The Consequences of Extended Family Loyalties.-—Another challenge that has yet to be resolved is the conflict between a ‘ 23Corpus, The Philippines, p. 131. 110 cherished tradition, the extended family, and the demands of a modern- izing society, with its notions of independence and individuality. The security and comfort that the family provides is universally accepted, but the importance and emphasis that the Filipino has given the extended family system has in a number of ways, distorted his social, economic and political progress. The average urban Filipino, for example, being family-oriented, dreams of a house on a land that is his own. Some Filipino sociolo- gists, objecting to low-cost apartments and cluster housing, have given this dream an academic seal of approval by stating that "apart- ment dwelling is 'unnatural' and that the true destiny of a family is a single house with its trimmed lawn."24 The intense family loyalties of Filipinos also result in minimum identification of individual welfare with activities of a group larger than the family. Security and status are attributable to family membership and basic loyalties are directed toward the family. Aside from "regionalism" which is loyalty based on regional culture and language, there is no identity toward a larger group. National awareness is yet practically non-existent. The urge to do something for one's kinsfolk or oneself still is more compelling than the urge to do something for the country as a whole. Family loyalties also influence the distribution of wealth in the country. "The family wealth, the communal estate managed under the informal trusteeship of the family head, is managed conservatively. The trusteeship is basically a responsibility to preserve the wealth * 24Laquian, The City in Nation Buildipg, p. 53. 111 intact. This responsibility cuts the freedom to use family wealth as venture capital."25 Further, this is compounded by the fact that the wealth, to Start with, is held by only a relatively few "landed" families. Intense family loyalties and responsibilities have resulted in "widespread nepotism in public office."26 Employment and advance- ment in business and government are often dependent upon family loyalties, a system which is not only inefficient in the allocation of human resources, but is a significant deterrent to individualism. An extended family system also encourages parasitism to the family and stifles individual initiative. There is a great temptation to depend on the family and not contribute to it. This is not to advocate a breakdown in family loyalties and responsibilities. On the contrary, the advantages of social and economic security that family solidarity provides may well offset its disadvantages. However, certain emphasis on extended family loyalties should be reformed and redirected if the family and the individual are to meet the challenge of a changing, growing, and modernizing society. The Economic Imbalance If a family has to squat on a piece of land and suffer the privations of the slums, it is because the family is poor. If there are slums on one side of the street, and mansions on the other, or a 25Golay, The Philippines, p. 15. 26Nelson, The Philippines, p. 101. 112 modern and active urban center, surrounded by a vast underdeveloped countryside, it is because of serious inequities in the distribution of development resources. If a nation has to export practically half of its crops into only one country, there is definitely some distortions in its economic policies. Indeed, poverty in the Philip- pines is a direct consequence of economic imbalance that extends from the rural family to the whole nation, and even to the Philip- pines' economic relations with other countries. Problems of Subsistence Farming in the Rural Areas.--During the pre-Spanish period, with the abundance of tropical resources, the Filipino lived at subsistence level, and it was all he needed. After the Spaniards arrived, the Filipino now has to produce not only enough for their own subsistence, but an increment for the newcomers have to be produced as well. Beyond this, however, there was no further incentive for them to produce more. "The Filipinos produced only what was necessary to cover their tribute obligations and to meet the quota of provisions that they were to sell to the government supply store."27 Today, that same family is still living in sub- sistence level, but his needs have greatly changed. Not only that, he now has to produce more for the millions of Filipinos in the new urban centers. But the evils of a predominantly subsistence economy, that is, the lack of surplus, is still there. The reason behind the .persistent rural economy is not difficult to find: the Filipino fiarmer, burdened for centuries by a destructive land tenure system 27Kuhn, The Philippines, p. 160. 113 propagated by the Spaniards, would have nothing left, after he has paid his debts. One writer summed up his plight in this manner: Although the (tenancy) law is supposed to protect the tenant, he cannot protect himself from eviction. He is usually too ignorant and too poor to defend his rights. Another condition is the crop payment which the landlord can exact on pain of eviction. The usual terms leave the tenant little after he has paid half his crOp and half the cost of transplanting and harvesting. Few share-cr0ppers can get through the crop year without borrowing money and rice to feed their families. Thus the fruits of their labors are already heavily mortgaged in advance to the landlord and the money-lender, who may be the same man. Such conditions make it virtually impossible for the tenant to produce a spgplus, or to save, to make capital improvements, or to move. A series of land reform laws have, of course, been passed; but almost all have been inactive. In 1963, the ambitious Land Reform Code was pushed through. It opened with this statement of policy: share tenancy was to be abolished; the tenant was to be transformed step by step into a landed proprietor. But the Code was never imple- mented. WOlf Ladejusky, a leading authority of agrarian problems in Asia, put the blame on the politicians. He wrote that there is no country in Asia, however underdeveloped, which does not know how to write a land reform law, or what its implications might be. They have written them, and many have not been carried out--precisely because the political decision-makers understood their implications and the in- evitable repercussions . . . the fact is that national and state legislatures in Asia do not represent the interests of the peasantry.29 The Philippines is no exception to this. A sense of national con- cern, especially among the decision-makers, is still sadly lacking. Today, the Reform Code is being reactivated by the new administration, luat results still have to be seen. —¥ 28Ibid. 291bid., p. 89. 114 Unequal Distribution of Economic Opportunities.--The rural- urban dichotomy of the economy of the Philippines is clearly seen in the distribution of family income. In 1957, there were an estimated 3,959,000 families in the Philippines, each family consisting of an average of 5.7 persons. However, as mentioned earlier, the wealth of the country is concentrated in a few families. Only 4 per cent of all families accounted for 25 per cent of the total family income in 1957. The average for rural families was a low P989 (one peso [P] is equal to four dollars), while that of the urban families was P2,427. The average for the entire nation was Pl,471.3O Thus, the urban family income was two and one-half times the rural family in- come. An even greater contrast is seen when the average for the family income in MetrOpolitan Manila is considered, which is P4,255. If the incomes of the slum dwellers in Manila were compared with that of the non-slum dwellers, the disparity would even be more stag- gering. The rural-urban economic disparity is also reflected in the fact that, although two-thirds of all families lived in areas clas- sified as rural, they received less than one-half of the total family income.31 The inequities in the distribution of family income clearly demonstrates the disparities in the distribution of economic resources. The destructive consequences of the over-concentration of social changes, economic activities and political decisions have been 3OIbid., p. 63. 31Corpus, The Philippines, pp. 76-77. 115 expounded in the previous chapter and cannot be over—emphasized. The decision—makers are now torn between two hard choices: either to distribute its meager resources to aid the debt-ridden farmers, or to save the congested and troubled cities, and eSpecially, the primate city. The solution to this dilemma is not yet clear. Meanwhile, the rural farmers, pushed by the unbearable hardships of subsistence farming, and pulled by the promise of a better life in the cities, continue to migrate to the urban centers, only to be disillusioned, and ultimately, to join the squatters and crowd among the slum dwellers. Imbalance in International Trade.--After more than 20 years of political independence, the Philippines realized that economic independence do not go with it. The Philippines is still highly de- pendent on the United States for exports and imports. Figures for the period of 1956-1958 show 53.9 per cent for exports and 55.2 per cent for imports from the United States.32 Despite an agricultural economy, the Philippines could not feed its own people. As mentioned earlier, rice and fish, the staple food of the peOple, still have to be imported. This inadequacy of domestic food is further aggravated by an insistent emphasis on producing export crops such as sugar, coconut and abaca. Other economic imbalances have created an economic crisis, which is seen in "high employment, an unsatisfactory and uneven rate of growth of the gross national product (GNP), and the periodic 32Kuhn, The Philippines, p. 160. 116 balance of payments difficulties."33 At the same time, foreign ex- change crisis "recurs with disturbing frequency."34 These are only a few of the economic problems that challenge the growing nation. The destructive land tenure system, the dangerous concentration of very limited economic wealth and the distortions in its import-export relations all contribute toward a crisis. The sit- uation becomes more distressing when it is realized that many of these diSparities are condoned by the traditional values and customs of the Filipinos, and that the success in resolving these economic discrep- ancies depend to a significantly large extent, on how well the Fili- pino society can correct the administrative inefficiencies and de- ficiencies in its public offices. The Administrative Inefficiencies The "utang na loob" way of winning an election, and the wide- spread nepotism in the public offices only serves as a background to the more serious problems that obstruct the effective rendering of administrative responsibilities in the local government, the national offices, and in the national planning agencies. Problems of the Local Government.--Studies on local government in the Philippines agree on the one major point regarding the state of local government administration: they are not able to carry out effectively the many duties and responsibilities placed on them by 33H. Aversh, F. Denton,and J. Koehler, A Crisis in Ambiguity: I>olitigal and Economic Development in the Philippines (Santa Monica, Calif.: The Rand Corporation, 1970), p. xv. 34Ibid. 117 their local constituents and the nation as a whole.35 The reasons for these inefficiencies are summarized as follows: One: Legal Deficiencies--as mentioned earlier, the local units of government have extremely limited authority, and while they can exercise autonomy as prescribed by law, most political decisions are actually made in Manila. Even the local executives have little authority over their own line officials; the heads of departments report directly to their corresponding departments in the central administration. Two: Lack of Funds--local financing powers are sharply re- stricted; some local units of government like the provinces, do not have the power to tax on any basis. Most units depend on national allotments which are often inadequate to meet local needs. The locally raised funds are also completely inadequate, partly due to the failure to collect taxes and to correct defective assessment systems. Three: Inadequate Personnel--with the low salaries and a frustrating bureaucracy, qualified persons are not often attracted to local government service. Moreover, choice of personnel is often dictated more by patronage and family considerations than through merit. Four: Poor Coordination--this is not only a question of lack of authority, but also of lack of qualifications or the ability to 35Institute of Public Administration, University of the Philippines, "Research Findings on Problems of Local Government," Philippine Journal of Public Administration, III (January, 1959), ll-l4. 118 properly communicate, coordinate and cooPerate in the preparation and execution of plans. Five: Absence of National Direction-~without defined national policies and guidelines that would filter down to the local units to give direction and leadership to their own plans and pro- jects, the result is chaos. The defects in the local government are, of course, carried over to the national offices: poor coordination, absence of defined national goals and objectives, inadequate personnel, etc. But a bigger obstacle is met at the national level--graft and corruption. Graft and Corruption in the National Government.--Graft and corruption are the terms applied to the behavior of individuals and groups acting in favor of personal and private interests contrary to the public or national interests. This definition is familiar to Filipino family orientations. However, family loyalty is not the only factor reSponSible for the wideSpread practice of graft and corruption. They cut across all cultural and economic directions and pervade the whole range of Filipino society. The behavior and psychology that support them "had strong historical roots that were merely reinforced by the circumstances of national life in the post- war period."36 During the Spanish era, for example, it was common for colonial offices, privileges and gainful position, which were all regarded as "prOperty," to be sold. There was a "De La Venta de Oficios"37 which governed the sale of offices. When the sale of 36Corpus, The Philippines, p. 79. 37Ibid., p. 79. 119 offices was stOpped, traditional customs and values, family loyalties, "pakikisama," "utang na loob," and others all contributed to the continuation of the practice. More recently, graft and corruption ranges from the ordinary "barrio man" who sells his vote, to the politician who peddles influence and the party leader who misuses public funds for partisan purposes. Sociologists invariably note that in a developing society similar to the Philippines, some degree of graft and corruption appears to be inevitable. The unfortunate aSpect in the Philippine political environment, however, is that wholesale graft and corruption have been condoned, in fact, tolerated and accepted. The Filipinos, especially in the urban areas, would often argue that "politicians are in the 'game' because they enrich themselves. Thus, they do not feel guilty when they fleece the candidates because it is expected that they will recoup later."38 When the national planning agencies are considered, it can be expected that all the deficiencies in the local and national offices are reflected within these circles. Enumerating these again would be repetitious, however, two deficiencies need elaboration as they particularly describe the condition of the organization for planning in the Philippines now. These are (1) lack of coordination, and (2) lack of authority. Lack of Coordination.-—It is not that the planners do not want to coordinate; rather, it is that they are not given the prOper framework to do so. There is serious overlapping of functions and 38Laquian, The City in Nation Building, p. 133. 120 responsibilities. The National Economic Council (NEC), for example, was designated as the central planning body for the Philippines, but in 1950 the National Planning Commission (NPC) was established to prepare national plans, in spite of the fact that NEC had an office of National Planning as one of its departments, which could very well have done what the NPC was supposed to accomplish. Later, in 1964, the Program Implementation Agency (PIA) was created. It was to fulfill the short-term programming and budgeting functions that was not being undertaken by the NEC or its Office of National Planning. However, the divisions of authority between the PIA and the NEC were vague and the PIA was assigned functions which overlapped with the long-range duties of the NBC. The Program Implementation Agency was empowered "to make the macro-economic projection of outlays and re- sources, of foreign exchange requirements and earnings that would be needed in planning the financing of deve10pment."39 The PIA then became a misnomer; it was concerned with annual budgeting, not with the implementation of plans. Moreover, the NEC had no authority to control or even to influence the annual programming process of the PIA. The PIA, on the other hand, was completely free to ignore any plans that the NEC might make. Another cause of poor coordination or total lack of coordi- nation in the planning organization is the relation of the NEC with the other departments of the government related with planning, such 39Wilcox, The Planning and Execution of Development Plans, p. 13. 121 as the Budget Commission, and the government banks and corporations. Coordination among these various agencies was practically nil: The policies and programs of the government departments and agencies up to the 1960's bore no relation to the provisions of the country's development plans. The Budget Commission prepared fiscal programs with priorities that differed from those included in the plans. The Central Bank ignored the plans in controlling credit and in allocating foreign exchange. The Development Bank adopted its own lending program; the other departments and agencies proceeded as if the plans did not exist.40 Lack of Authority,--The other deficiency in the structure of planning in the Philippines is the lack of authority of the central planning body. This stems largely from the fact that the policy recommendations of NEC have not been influential in directing develop- ment patterns in the Philippines. The main reason for this is its position in the planning organization (see Figure 16). The NEC was to coordinate with the departments under the President, and with the PIA; moreover, it was to recommend policies and plans to the Congress and the President. But the lines for coordination among departments were very vague, and both the Congress and the President himself have not given the NEC the political support it deserves. The President, in fact, "can call for economic advice from the Monetary Board, the Budget Commission, the Department of Finance, the Fiscal Policy Council, the Cabinet, the Council of Leaders or from ad hoc Cabinet committees."41 A former member of the Council has stated that it was 40Ibid., p. 10. 41 Robert Milne, ed., Planning for Progress: The Administration of Economic Planning in the Philippines (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1960), p. 30. 122 "the disregard by the President alone of policy recommendations of the Council which undermined the effectiveness of the Council."42 The four congressional members on the Council were assigned the responsibility to facilitate the approval by Congress of the economic policies and programs which the Council recommended, however, "these recommendations by the Council have not been sponsored in Congress by any of the congressional members serving in the Council."43 It cannot be argued that for planning to be successful, it must first of all, have the full participation and support of those who are going to implement it. Another factor, which also clearly shows how the concept of planning is viewed in the Philippines, is the peculiar organization of the NEC itself. In formulating the conceptual framework for a comprehensive policy planning approach in Chapter I of this thesis, the importance of a dynamic process was underscored. Planning is a continuum, and do not end with a Plan, or after a five-year period. It requires continuity, consistency, and constant attention. It is ironic, therefore, that NEC has "only one full-time member . . . the 44 chairman." The rest of the members are all ex-officio members who have their own primary duties and responsibilities to attend to. 42Salvador Araneta, "The Planning, Approval, and Implemen- tation of Economic Policy," in Plannianfor Progress: The Admini— stration of Economic Planning in the Philippines, ed. by Robert Milne (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1960), p. 144. 43Ibid., p. 43. 44Robert Milne, "Commentary--The National Economic Council and Its Relation to Other Government Agencies," in Planning for Progress, ed. by Robert Milne (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1960), p. 187. 123 THe failures of planning in the Philippines, however, cannot be attributed wholly to the administrative deficiencies. The problems cut across all cultural barriers and cover the entire range of the four planning dimensions. As in the Filipino family, the problems are a combination of physical, social, economic, and political entities. A member of the NEC summarized the failure to obtain acceptance and implementation of policies this way: We as a people, including many of our leaders, are not yet conditioned to accept in our minds the necessity and urgency of country programming in the Philippines. Many of us are still provincial in our thinking; many of us are individual- istic or partisan in our approach to things in general. Our own individual and group interests loom large in our views, and we are prone to consider that what is good for us individually or as a group should also be good for the country.45 Trends and Potentials Thus far, the problems and dilemmas of the Philippines have been exposed: the poverty and squalor of the slums and squatter settlements; the conflicts and ambiguities of Filipino traditional values; the disparities in the economic system; and the inefficiencies and deficiencies of the government. However, after the centuries of exploitation by colonizers and of seemingly unbearable hardships, the Filipino has endured them all. He has been patient, even tolerant of the ills and inequities in his society. His capacity to wait, together with a closer and an optimistic look at the future trends and potentials offer a hope of positive change. The increasing population, shifting economy, changing social structure, and the 45Filimon Rodriguez, "The National Economic Council, Past and Present," in Planning for Progress, ed. by Robert Milne (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1960), p. 46. 124 advent of a new national awareness all promise to transform a nation that aspires "to be great again."46 The Increasing_and Changing Population The population of the Philippines is increasing at a rapid rate. In 1948, there were only about 19.2 million people, with an average annual rate of increase of 3.06 per cent since 1939. Then the population grew to about 27.1 million in 1960, and to 37,000,000 in 1970.47 The present growth rate is 32.0 per 1000 population, which is about twice the average rate for the world. This rate of growth must be checked if economic growth is to coincide with the increasing population number. As the Philippines mature, its population is expected to change to a younger average age (see Table 3). By the year 2000, 39.6 per cent are expected to be under 15 years old; well over half, 56.9 per cent, would be between the ages 15 and 64, while those over 65 years old would constitute only a low 3.4 per cent. The birth rate (see Table 4) shows a steady decline from 45.6 per 1000 population during the 1960-65 period to 38.7 by 1980-85 and to 33.5 by the year 2000. During the same periods, the death rate is also expected to decrease from 13.3 to 8.6 and finally to 6.8 per 1000 by AD 2000. Surprisingly, the growth rate per 1000 pOpulation is projected to drop from 32.3 in 1960 to 30.1 by 1980, and finally, to 27.0 by the year 2000. However, the population will still increase 46From President Marcos' slogan: "This Nation shall be great again." 7Leonard Casper, "The Philippines," Encyclgpedia Americana, 1971 ed., XXI, p. 759d. 125 TABLE 3.--Age Distribution (per 1000 p0pu1ation) Ages 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 Per cent under 15 46.2 45.7 44.3 42.1 39.6 Per cent 15-64 51.3 51.6 52.8 54.9 56.9 Per cent over 65 2.6 2.6 2.7 2.9 3.4 ff Source: Frank Lorimer, "Analysis and Projections of the Population of the Philippines," in First Conference on Population, 1965 (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1966), p. 303. TABLE 4.--Rates of Birth, Death, and Natural Increase (per 1000 population) 1960- 1965- 1970- 1975- 1980- 1985- 1990- 1995- 1964 1969 1974 1979 1984 1989 1994 2000 Birth Rate 45.6 43.9 42.4 40.4 38.6 36.6 34.9 33.7 Death Rate 13.3 11.8 10.6 9.4 8.5 7.7 7.2 6.7 Growth Rate 32.2 32.0 31.8 30.9 30.1 28.9 27.6 27.0 Source: Frank Lorimer, "Analysis and Projections of the Population of the Philippines," in First Conference on Population, 1965 (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1966), p. 304. 126 appreciably in the future. The total population is eXpected to in- crease to 51.3 million by 1980 (see Table 5), and to 91.1 million by the year 2000. In the same year, the distribution of the total- population by sex will almost be equally divided at 46.5 million males and 45.3 million females. The population projections for the Philippines are impressive. However, as mentioned earlier, while the present rate of population increase should be checked, it is not so much a question of growing numbers, but rather of a balanced distribution. Fortunately, the massive migration to Metropolitan Manila has recently been accom- panied by a steady movement of people to the south, away from the congestion of Metropolitan Manila in the north, and to rural areas, away from the crowded cities.48 If this trend continues, the present over-concentration in the few major urban centers could be eased. As one study revealed (see Figure 18), a possible pattern of "ecu- menopolis" (world city) in the Philippines in the future is not a sprawling growth around Metropolitan Manila, but a string of settle- ments that stretch from Aparri in the north to Zamboanga in the south.49 48Pascual, "Internal Migration in the Philippines," p. 350. 49J. R. Stewart, "Patterns of Ecumenopolis in the Philip- pines," Ekistics, CLXIII (June, 1969), 437. The growth pattern is based on habitability rating with the following used as major criteria: (1) location in relation to a future central land axis; (2) land level (not necessarily coastal); and (3) exposure to typhoons. 127 TABLE 5.--P0pu1ation Projections--l960-2000a (in thousands) Ages 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 0-4 5,017.7 6,733.7 8,770.0 11,168.0 14,233.9 5-9 4,073.6 5,634.7 7,534.2 9,729.9 12,289.8 10-14 3,420.8 4,741.0 6,450.2 8,485.4 12,976.2 15-19 2,870.0 3,967.3 5,520.3 7,412.8 9,003.2 20-24 2,390.9 3,308.7 4,318.2 6,415.9 8,342.0 25-29 1,982.2 2,746.8 3,832.7 5,369.7 6,231.5 30—34 1,630.1 2,275.6 3.182.6 4,476.2 6,156.3 35-39 1,316.8 1,880.3 2,634.4 3,704.9 5,330.5 40-44 1,076.0 1,547.0 2,170.2 3,060.1 4,329.5 45-49 894.0 1,226.0 1,772.8 2,505.8 3,546.7 50-54 715.0 980.3 1,429.2 2,025.1 2,876.3 55-59 560.6 786.5 1,097.5 1,605.3 2,288.8 60-64 428.6 595.8 834.8 1,234.1 1,967.8 65-69 307.9 427.9 616.6 877.5 1,300.6 70-74 202.4 283.3 408.4 587.5 883.7 75-79 117.2 162.4 236.8 353.1 515.8 80+ 72.9 104.9 157.2 239.4 361.6 Total Male 13,663.0 18,999.0 25,912.0 34,978.0 46,483.0 Total Female 13,425.0 18,516.0 25,354.0 34,173.0 45,367.0 Grand Total 27,088.0 51,266.0 69,151.0 91,851.0 37,402.0 Source: Frank Lorimer, "Analysis and Projections of the Population of the Philippines," in First Conference on Population, 1965 (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1966): pp. 200-314. aAveraged from projections based on three hypotheses: (1) constant fertility as in 1960-65; (2) progressive decline in fertility beginning with 1965, with an accelerated downward trend during the years 1975-95; and (3) the age-specific fertility rates in each five-year period after 1965 are the arithmetic means of the rates of hypotheses 1 and 2. mm m 85 0 IO W ”LI. Source: J. R. Stewart, "Patterns of Ecumenopolis in the Philippines," Ekistics, CLXIII (June, 1969), 437. Figure 18.--Patterns of Ecumen0polis in the Philippines 129 The Shifting Economyp Although the prospects for a radical agrarian reform is yet remote, the economy of the Philippines, however, is not entirely a pessimistic perspective. One recent study concluded that "the per- ception of economic crisis in the Philippines is inaccurate. This point can be demonstrated if one examines information on the economy in detail, going behind the aggregates on which the usual evaluation are based."50 The shift in the economy of the Philippines is also reflected in the comparative contributions to the national income from the two sectors of agriculture and manufacturing: 43.3 per cent and 7.9 per cent reSpectively in 1948, which was substantially revised in 1958 to 33.7 per cent for agriculture and 17.7 per cent for manufacturing.51 This shows a growing shift of economic activities from agriculture to manufacturing, which is a healthy sign of diversification. The nation's foreign trade, while it is still dependent on the United States for some of its exports and imports, has seen some significant trends. In 1948, 71.0 per cent of Philippine eXports went to the United States and only 29.0 per cent to the rest of the world. By 1958, however, while 56 per cent went to the United States markets, a big increase, 44 per cent, went to other countries. Philippine im- ports from the United States accounted for 80 per cent of these total imports in 1949 and 13.3 per cent in 1958.52 These shifts indicate 50Averch, Crisis of-Ambiguity, p. xv. 51Corpus, The Philippines, p. 13. 52Golay, The Philippines, p. 48. 130 that the Philippine products are actively seeking other markets, establishing new trading channels, and making different financial arrangements. The pattern of almost total dependence upon the vicis- situdes of the United States market is slowly being modified. The changing economic growth patterns mentioned above will help to disperse and balance the distribution of economic resources in the country. This will accelerate the rise of the middle class, which will not only ease the tensions between the rich and the poor, but will eventually partially equalize the present disparities in the distribution of incomes, by at least bringing it to a tolerable level. Changes in the Social Environment It is not only the steady increase of a middle class that gives some hOpe for a brighter future; it is the betterment of the whole social fabric itself. As noted earlier, the death rate is decreasing and life expectancy is increasing from an average figure of about 12 years in 1902 to about 55 years in 1965.53 In 1960, the literacy rate of persons 10 years old and over stood at about 72 per cent. With the traditional high valued placed on education, more and more Filipinos are going and staying longer in schools. If not for anything else, the students are at least brought to a level of awareness and concern for public and national problems. 53Wilfredo Reyes, "Philippine Population Growth and Deve10p— ment," in First Conference on Population, 1965 (Quezon City: Univer- sity of the Philippines Press, POpulation Institute, 1966), pp. 425-26. 131 The Philippines has often been regarded as a nation that is unstable. This view, however, is somewhat inaccurate. A study re- vealed that "the crisis of crime has been overstated. It is Greater Manila, not the entire Philippines, that has a crime problem."54 The study further stated that the country appears to be politically stable. This stability rests in the rural sector voting along traditional lines with politicians responding primarily to rural demands. The HUK55 dissidence was regarded by the study as "a major nuisance . . . however, it does not appear to pose a revolutionary threat to the government."56 The study concluded that the Philippines have been viewed as a nation of crisis partly because of the kind of information produced by Philippine reporting systems. Thus, the notion of a national crisis turned out to be partly a crisis of information systems. The most significant change in the social environment in the Philippines is perhaps, the "loosening of family ties,"57 especially in the urban areas. Sociologists are divided in this controversial situation. There are those who believe that a breakdown in family ties would result in social and personal disorganization. On the other hand, some sociologists hold the opposite view: 4Averch, Crisis in Ambiguity, p. xviii. 55HUK is a short form for HUKBALAHAP (Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon or People's Japanese Army). The HUK's were organized in 1942 and started as a guerrilla group fighting against the Japanese. Now they are identified with the communist movement. 6Averch, Crisis in Anbiguity, p. xviii. 57Laquian, The City in Nation Building, p. 208. 132 The evils of anomie and apathy or the Opposite reaction of members of the "lonely crowd" losing themselves in ideological and messianic movements happen but they are the exception and not the rule. The more common reaction to loosening family ties is an exhilerating sense of liberation and ambition, for as people learned long ago, "city air makes man free."58 Whichever is more accurate, it might be postulated that for the Filipino, who traditionally have intense extended family ties, a slight loosening of family loyalties might have some positive and beneficial effects. Indeed, for those in the urban centers, in their struggle to attain material and cultural well-being through education and hard work, they encounter demands which conflict with the values of a closely knit extended family system. Under this stress, they often choose to sacrifice the traditional values especially when the extended family becomes a burden on personal advancements. The breaking away from extended family ties exposes the Filipino to wider horizons. This freedom, augmented by education and hard work, could steadily enkindle in him a sense of individuality, and hepefully, to a sense of national identity. The Advent of National Awareness Together with an improving and spreading education, and a slight loosening of family ties, there are other forces which shaped the current trends toward national unity. On one hand is the Fili- pino's constant struggle to free himself of his colonial past. Recently, he has succeeded in reducing the number of credits of segpigr, p. 209. See also Oscar Lewis, Five Families: Case Studies in the Culture of Poverty (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1962), for a discussion of "urbanization without breakdown." 133 Spanish that a student is required to take at universities.59 Pili— pino is slowly being recognized as the national language and there was even an attempt to have it replace English as the medium of in- struction in the universities. There are also a number of "irritants" in Philippine-American relations which serve to keep the Filipinos together. Among them is the system of "parity rights," or the rights of Americans to engage in business in the Philippines on equal terms as the Filipinos. This was required of the Philippines by the United States Congress of 1946 before the latter would legislate special treatment for Philippine exports to the United States. There is also the matter of the United States military bases, which has bred annoying controversies over conflicts of jurisdiction. These "irritants" have served to make the Filipino realize that ”the interests of his country are best protected and promoted by the Filipinos themselves, rather than being entrusted to the benevolence of 'special ties.'"60 The results of these trends have so far been very encouraging. The Filipinos are becoming more aware of the plight of his less fortu- nate brothers. Attempts at relocation and rehousing squatters and slum dwellers in MetrOpolitan Manila have been made with encouraging 61 success. Programs to reorganize the present administrative 59 . . . . Under some speCial agreement Wlth Spain, 24 credits of Spanish was required for graduation in college. This has been re- duced to 12 credits for those pursuing a Bachelor's Degree. 6OCorpus, The Philippines, p. 98. 61See Morris Jupenlatz, Cities in Transformation: The Urban Squatter Problem of the Developing_World (Queensland: University of Queensland Press, 1970); T. G. McGee, The Southeast Asian City (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967), and "Tondo Foreshore Urban Renewal Project: The Philippines," Ekistics, XXI (May, 1971). 134 structure have been made.62 Most recently, starting in the summer of 1971, the Philippines will launch an ambitious attempt to amend the entire Constitution. Already, the planned Constitutional Con- vention has produced stimulating controversies and debates. It will still be a considerable period of time before results and conclusions will be made. The nature of these conclusions are not yet known; they might not even materialize. However, if there is one thing that will result out of the proposed Constitutional Convention and the future trends, it is that in the process the Filipinos will discover their problems, realize their own potentials, and recognize that the solutions to their problems lie not in external forces, but will depend almost solely on themselves, on their own initiative, their own resources, and their own efforts. It is with this prOSpect that the policy recommendations in the next chapter were formulated. 62 . . . See the SpeCial Issue on Government Reorganization, Philippine Public Administration, XIII (April, 1969). CHAPTER V POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS: GOALS, OBJECTIVES, AND IMPLEMENTING POLICIES The framework for policy planning in the Philippines, which includes the physical setting, the social environment, the economic resources and the political institutions, have been discussed. These four planning dimensions are the dynamic forces that constantly mold the changing conditions of the nation. The diverse and complex problems in each of these planning dimensions have been disclosed, the trends in the future have been concisely assessed and the inherent potentials, recognized. How these problems may be solved or amel- iorated will now require the thoughtful formulation of guidelines or policies. This phase, which represents the culmination of the syn- thesis of the existing framework for planning, the problems, trends and potentials, will constitute the final stage in the policy planning process. These policy statements or plans, will in turn, form the background for the Comprehensive Plan, the preparation of which, together with Implementation, constitute the last stages of the gen- eral planning process. 135 136 The following policies, presented in a hierarchy of goals, objectives and implementing policies, are intended to effect an orderly and desirable growth and change in the Philippines. @313 Goals are universal values, and in effect, constitute the highest aSpirations of a society. They are the ideals which men have been aSpiring, albeit, through different means. In pursuing an orderly and desirable growth for the Philippines, the Filipinos should, in this author's Opinion, recognize, uphold, and aspire to adOpt and implement the following goals: GOAL ONE: THE RIGHT TO EQUALITY, JUSTICE AND LIBERTY. GOAL TWO: THE PRIVILEGE TO SEEK HAPPINESS, SECURITY, WEALTH, CREATIVITY, HEALTH, BEAUTY AND DIGNITY. GOAL THREE: THE FREEDOM FROM HUNGER, FEAR, IGNORANCE, MISERY, AND HOPELESSNESS. These goals are difficult to measure; most of them are non- quantifiable, and all are certainly difficult to attain. In fact, being abstract and somewhat ideal human values, they are not com- pletely attained. Nevertheless, they need to be incessantly pursued. After all, like Sir Galahad's quest for the Holy Grail, "it is the pursuit of the goal that enobles us, not its attainment."1 Objectives The pursuit of any goal requires measureable and attainable targets to be formulated. These are stated as objectives. They provide the guidelines and the destinations through which these goals 1Robert Young, "Goals and Goal Setting," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXII (March, 1966), 78. 137 are pursued. In order to guide the development of the Philippines toward a desirable pattern of development, the following objectives must be realized: OBJECTIVE ONE: IN CONSIDERATION OF THE DISECONOMIES OF URBAN CONGESTION, THE RAPID INCREASE OF SLUMS AND SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS, AND THE INEFFICIENCIES IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE MACHINERY, A NATIONAL URBAN GROWTH POLICY SHOULD BE ESTABLISHED WHICH WOULD GUIDE THE LOCATION AND CHARACTER OF FUTURE GROWTH CENTERS IN THE MOST EFFICIENT MANNER. The absence of a national policy to guide urbanization has resulted in the present congestion and chaos in the urban centers, and decline in the rural areas. While the Philippines has developed national economic development plans, the solution to urban problems have been relegated to the cities and other local units of govern- ment which are not given the necessary political powers and financial resources to do so. The rural areas, on the other hand, have been ignored to a very significant extent. The need for the establishment of a national urban growth policy is being felt. Almost all the international conferences on urban problems held during the past seven years have recommended that national policies, programs and budgets be established to urban and regional development as an integral part of a general strategy for 2 development. There are a number of reasons that support the creation of national growth policies, among which are: 2 . . . . . . . International Union of Local Authorities, Urbanization in Developing Countries, p. 19. 138 One: At present, the national government of the Philippines already practically exerts the sole influence in the location of population and economic growth and the character of urban development. The establishment of national policies would serve to give over-all direction to future growth programs of local units of government, and make them more consistent and integrated, instead of overlapping and duplicating functions and responsibilities. Two: The national government have influenced urbanization and economic growth, but each of these are directed at only a segment of the overall problem. The location and character of urbanization is frequently ignored. There is also no comprehensive linkage of the kind that a national urbanization policy would supply. A publication from a seminar on new towns sponsored by the United Nations in 1964 stated that "national development policies in the develOping countries do not fully recognize the spatial and locational aspects of economic growth, and as a consequence, these aSpects are generally neglected in development programs."3 Three: The serious consequences of allowing urbanization and economic growth trends to continue their present haphazard development is itself a strong argument for a concerted national policy to provide more conscious overall direction. Four: The meager economic resources of the country dictate that national long-range policies are essential to insure the wisest possible use of national resources for the economic and social health 3United Nations, Planning of Metropolitan Areas and New Towns, p. 31. 139 of the entire nation, rather than sparsely dispersing these resources through "pork-barrel" funding and other piece-meal approaches, which are both wasteful and inefficient. OBJECTIVE TWO: IN THE PROCESS OF DEVELOPING A COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH, THE NATIONAL POLICIES AND PLANS SHOULD BE FORMULATED TO BRING TOGETHER ALL PROFESSIONS INVOLVED IN THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE ENVIRONMENT, AND TO INTEGRATE THE PHYSICAL, SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DIMENSIONS IN PLANNING. The conceptual approach outlined in the second chapter of this thesis was develOped to achieve this objective. The target for comprehensiveness is twofold: One: That a multi-disciplinary team-approach be undertaken. This would mean that the physical planners--the architects, engineers, and designers should realize that they are involved in the routine activities of government. They have tended to dominate the limited sphere of urban development and have too often "failed to conceive of the significance of the city as a socio-economic tool or as a stimulus for growth and change."4 Their emphasis lies in the tech- niques of design, on the static form of an environment, on location and construction of facilities without sufficient reference to poten- tial and dynamic activities which the facilities must house. The economic planners, conversely, have tended to dominate the sphere of national deve10pment, concerning themselves with such broad aggregates as national income, per capita expenditures, the gross national product, and others. They have "paid surprisingly little attention 4 . . . . . . United Nations, Urbanization: Develgpment PoliCies and Planning, p. 79. 140 to urbanization and the importance of organizing in harmony, the functions and activities which are juxtaposed in the urban context."5 Moreover, the fallacy that economic planning is merely economics has resulted in "the underestimation of the critical roles to be played by administration and political leaders in both the formulation and im- plementation of economic goals,"6 which have social and physical implications. Countries have moved to supplement the traditional design- oriented planning process by adding skilled economists, and sociolo- gists into the process of planning and related organizational struc- tures. As yet, neither the designers nor the economists know precisely how their various skills will relate effectively in physical planning for complex environmental conditions.7 However, efforts are being made, in an increasing number of countries, to recognize that the physical planning process can be a significant tool for a nation's economic deve10pment.8 Two: That the physical, social, economic, and political planning dimensions be integrated and synthesized into one coherent and comprehensive plan. This is corollary to number one above. In this instance, it would mean the integration of physical planning 5Ibid., p. 10. 6Bertram Gross, The Administration of Economic and Development Planning: Principles and Fallacies, United Nations Publications (ST/TAO/M/32), 1960, p. 10. 7United Nations, Urbanization: Development Policies and Planning, p. 79. 8See Resources for the Future (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins Press, 1966). 141 with the socio-economic plans that have so far dominated planning efforts in the Philippines. National planning has been concerned more with the allocation of funds to various sectors than with the location of projects and their impact on regional and national development. It was stated previously that while the physical, social, economic, and political dimensions are separate and distinct, they are actually interrelated with each other. Nowhere is this inter— dependence more evident than in the Philippines. Comprehensive policies and plans, therefore, would mean that in all levels of government, in a hierarchy of authority and responsibility, develop- ment policies and plans must be eXpressed graphically in terms of land use and physical infra-structure, economically in terms of financial investments and activities, and socially in terms of peOple and social infra-structure. OBJECTIVE THREE: IN AN ATTEMPT TO REGULATE THE RAPID RATE OF URBAN-RURAL MIGRATION, WHICH HAS CAUSED DISECONOMIES OF URBAN CONGESTION AND RURAL DECLINE, THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT SHOULD ACTIVELY INFLUENCE THE LOCATION OF NEW INDUSTRIES AND THE MOVEMENT OF PEOPLE, AS WELL AS THE UPLIFTMENT OF THE DISADVANTAGED RURAL AREAS, THROUGH THE CREATION OF "URBAN GROWTH CENTERS," WITH A DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY OF "PLANNED DISPERSION." This development policy is twofold: one is directed toward urban deve10pment, in order to minimize the "pull" factors of Metro- politan Manila and more importantly perhaps, to create alternative points of attraction to stimulate and set in motion a series of social and economic changes; the other is directed toward rural development, in order to minimize the "push" factors of the 142 countryside and encourage the rural population to remain in the agricultural sectors of the nation. Industrialization and rural development must be considered together. Excessive stress is often laid on the urban-rural dichotomy, and agricultural development in modernizing countries tends to be neglected in favor of rapid in- dustrialization.9 As a result, agriculture has come to be a symbol of backwardness, while industrialization, as a means toward prosperity, and an end in itself. The national urban growth strategy to be implemented is "planned diSpersion." This would mean the selection of "growth centers" or loci of concentration which has great potentials for physical, social and economic deve10pments. The criteris for select- ing these growth centers would be varied. One criterion is the rural-urban migration patterns within the various regions of the Philippines, or the migration patterns of slum dwellers and squatters. A number of studies to decentralize MetrOpolitan Manila have been done. PrOposals have been made to build a ring of "counter-magnets" around the MetrOpolitan Manila region.10 These proposals, however, would only serve as pallative measures from a national standpoint. As seen from the migration patterns of the entire country (see Figures 10 and 11), and the places of origins of the squatters and 9International Union of Local Authorities, Urbanization in Develgpipg Countries, p. 21. 10See Yoland Vicente-Goli, "The Development of Counter- Magnets to Manila," Economic Research Journal, XVI (March, 1970); and the Institute of Planning, "A Planning Strategy for Metropolitan Manila, AD 2000," Ekistics, XXVIII (August, 1969). 143 slum dwellers, the immigrants come from places far from Metropolitan Manila. This would suggest that growth centers at these regions or places of origin are needed. The criteria of migration patterns used in a study by Richard Poethig11 concluded that Cebu City in the Visayas, Iligan City and Davao City in Mindanao are the most promising centers. The places of origin of the slum-dwellers of Metropolitan Manila would seem to indicate that a growth center is also needed in the Leyte-Samar region (see Figure 19). Additional criteria may be used, such as industrial feasi- bility, in which case the Iligan area would be a desirable site due to the existing Maria Christina Falls, which could provide adequate electrical power. Agricultural feasibility could also be a criterion, in which case Davao City with its extensive abaca and coconut plantations, or Negros Province, with its sugar plantations, and the Cagayan Valley Region, with its fertile valleys, would offer suitable potential sites for a growth center. There may be other criteria to be applied in the selection of these growth centers, however, the over-riding yardstick should be "the progress of the human condition with regard to income, social and individual welfare, and the ease, comfort, and convenience of the physical environment."12 A number of government incentives may also be used to en- courage the location of industrial firms in these growth centers. An 11Richard Poethig, "Needed: Philippine Urban Growth Centers," Ekistics, XXX (November, 1970). 2United Nations, International Social Review No. 2, United Nations Publications (ST/SOA/Ser. x/2), 1970, p. 14. 1UGUEGBR80 (cwsvan) manoanao Figure l9.--Possible Growth Centers for the Philippines 145 array of fiscal measures is available as inducement to entrepreneurs, such as tax abatements or exceptions for various excises or import taxes. The government might also undertake massive building of physical and social infra-structure and other positive measures to stimulate the advantages of industrial or agricultural operation. The strategy of rural development would be focused on raising agricultural output, both by increasing yield and by expanding avail- able arable land. In a country with a predominantly agricultural economy, the improvement of the rural sector should not be overlooked. Such measures as the improvement of seed selection, introduction of fertilizers, mechanization of farmwork, irrigation, and drainage, among others, may be applied. These projects are labor-intensive programs and can, therefore, use the existing skills. The creation of growth centers, together with the upgrading of the rural or agricultural areas could appreciably influence the relocation of people. Measures must be applied to deal with the problem of excess migration to large cities. Lessons from other countries which have attempted such programs may be learned. Main- land China, for example, used the following measures during the decade of 1950 to 1960: Mainland China . . . has carried out over the period of the decade a systematic and intensive campaign designed to "roun " and return rural migrants to their villages and reverse or halt the blind movement of peasants to towns. A great variety of measures, some of them drastic, have been employed, including, for example, the transfer of "surplus population of cities" to the countryside and to "hilly areas" to engage in agriculture, forestry and other projects requiring the mass application of labor; requirements of prompt registration by peasants and rural migrants upon entering cities; instructions to agricultural producers' cooperatives to welcome migrants back to villages 146 and to facilitate their readjustment to rural life through the provision of food and housing and other assistance; the application of peasants in order to avoid costs of trans- shipment; instructions to urban workers not to flaunt the attractions of urban life during their periodic visits to villages: "ideological education" in villages to help the rural p0pu1ation to understand the importance and significance of agricultural production; revision of various subsidies and social service provisions in cities which had tended to encour- age rural-urban migration (for example, subsidized housing for workers, payment of one-half of the medical expenses of workers' dependents, the issuance of food and clothing ration coupons, etc.); the granting by civil affairs departments in cities of travel and subsistence allowances to enable peasants to return to their villages.13 Some of these extreme measures would not apply in the Philip- pines. Instead, more positive incentives may be attempted, such as increasing income from agriculture, land reform or redistributing land to farmers, expanding employment opportunities in rural areas and providing facilities for health, education, welfare and recreation. Programs to improve commutation from rural areas to the "poblacion" may also be prOposed as alternatives to migration to the cities. OBJECTIVE FOUR: IN THE FACE OF ADMINISTRATIVE INEFFICIENCIES AND DEFICIENCIES, SUBSTANTIAL REORGANIZA- TION SHOULD BE MADE TO CREATE A VIABLE AND DYNAMIC ADMINISTRATIVE FRAMEWORK THAT WILL IMPROVE THE MACHINERY FOR THE FORMULATION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF DEVELOPMENT POLICIES AND PLANS, AND TO ACHIEVE MAXIMUM COORDIN- ATION AMONG VARIOUS DEPARTMENTS, AS WELL AS INSURE THE IMPLEMENTATION OF POLICIES AND PLANS. Although proposals may be formulated where only minor changes in the administrative set-up may be made, no less than a total and overall change of the whole administrative planning structure is 13United Nations, Report on the World's Social Situation, United Nations Publications (Sales no. l.63.iv.4), 1963, p. 98. 147 essential to promote effective and efficient planning in the Philip- pines. This is not to propose a new body, rather, an integration and differentiation of functions and responsibilities, in order to avoid costly and inefficient overlapping of authorities and activities. It is proposed that four departments be created to correspond to the four planning dimensions (see Figure 20): (1) the Department of Human Settlements, which would be reSponSible for rural and urban development; and (2) the Department of Natural Resources, in charge of the improvement and maintenance of environmental quality, both departments being under physical planning; (3) the Department of Human Resources, under social planning, which would be concerned with such issues as health, education, manpower, etc.; and (4) the Department of Economic Resources, under economic planning, which would be responsible for business deve10pment, trade, commerce and industry. All these departments should be located at the cabinet level, directly under the President, like the other executive departments such as the Department of Defense and the Department of Justice. The Department of Human Settlements might incorporate existing agencies concerned with rural and urban development, such as the Presidential Assistance on Community Deve10pment (PACD) and the Office of National Planning of the NEC and the National Planning Commission. The Department of Human Settlements could even be the existing National Planning Commission, with its powers and authorities extended to include: 148 PRESIDEJTT OF THE. Pl'HLSPPU’lES rfi i Ff ‘ nepan'rmm } ' oepammen'r or or economic 906181. Evetwmem‘ Dev-21.0mm J 608- 6UB° IEBSRJUWHHS llflTfl¥flfl€nfiS nemmmem rotpanimerrr (F amen ] OF 0F exam) TNE Human naTURaL IEPBRTmEmS senLqunTS RESOURCES l J L l S‘UB' sut- mmmmem‘s DEPBRmmS Imam: Devewvmen'r CESPBF-T IT? 6111 OF mine 866.1011 91.. .pEE'v EILOPmETTI‘ BUTHOR'ITIE‘ED ._— PROVJnaiaL 5’1..anth commISSIO'ne T < CA’T‘? PL ermine. l nrunxcapaL. comm“: salons me an The. comm1$$10n$ amnio cozxriciisev Figure 20.--Proposed Administrative Framework for Planning in the Philippines 149 One: Assisting and strengthening the public and private plan- ning institutions by providing financial and technical assistance to regional authorities and local planning agencies in their planning activities in the rural and urban sectors. Two: Undertaking the planning, financing, constructing, rehabilitation, maintenance and management of government housing for the entire nation and overseeing the housing activities Of the private sector. Three: Assisting in the development of a balanced, efficient and integrated transportation system which would include the highways, seaports, and airports. In order to carry out the above responsibilities, the Depart- ment of Human Settlements would have four sub-departments under it: the Departments of Rural DevelOpment, Urban Development, Housing and Transportation. The Department Of Rural Development would, of course, cover assistance at the rural level, while the Department of Urban Development would be responsible for the urbanized areas. Due to the difficulty of delineating the separate but related rural and urban areas, these two sub-departments would need to be closely co— ordinated. Both would be concerned with land use planning, community facilities planning, Open space, and the planning of utilities such as sewers, water, electricity, drainage and refuse collection and disposal. The Department of Housing would integrate all the existing departments and government corporations concerned with housing. This would include the existing Presidential Assistant on Housing and 150 Resettlement Agency (PAHRA) which acts as a coordinating body among the various agencies in housing; the People's Homesite and Housing Corporation (PHHC) whose primary Objective is to provide low-cost housing for the low-income group as well as provide community and institutional houses for the destitute individuals and families; and the CITRUS or Central Institute for the Training and Relocation Of Urban Squatters, which is reSponSible for the promotion of economic security and social stability Of former urban squatters. The Department of Transportation would cover the three modes of movement: land, air, and sea. It would be responsible for such transportation issues as mass transit systems, national highways, harbors or seaports, and major and minor public and private airports. Coordination must be accomplished horizontally among the various cabinet departments at the national level, and vertically, among the different planning agencies from the national to the local levels. A two-way process is sorely needed, whereby the main direction of deve10pment strategy and priorities decided on the national level will be used in planning on the lower levels and individual projects should influence planning decisions at the national level. Thus, the line of influence in the formulation of policies and plans would proceed from the Department Of Human Settlements, with its four sub- departments, to the Regional Development Authorities, which would act as the link between national and local policies and plans; then to the provincial planning agencies, which would have the city and municipal planning agencies, the latter also responsible for the "barrio" or community development agencies. The lines Of influence 151 should then revert back from the "barrios" to the national planning agency. The reorganization prOposed above will have definite ad- vantages: First: The important role Of physical planning in the plan- ning process is recognized. It is deplorable that in the developing countries, up to the present time have solely concentrated their planning efforts on socio-economic programs and have somehow ignored their locational aspects. Their planning methodologies, like in the Philippines, "do not as a rule, include a plan for land use, (on the) . . . assumption that if an appropriate allotment of capital is obtained, management, labor and land will follow automatically."14 The fallacy of such a concept is reflected in the haphazard and drastic development of urban centers. The prOposed reorganization would not only give physical planning the proper recognition it deserves, but would also give it the authority and influence it needs. Second: Placed at the cabinet level, the new Department Of Human Settlements will have more authority and presidential support which are so important if it is to influence the centralized decision— making process in the Philippines, and if policies are to be adopted and implemented. Third: Problems of coordination and overlapping functions will be minimized, if not eliminated due to the centralized and 14C. Haar, B. Higgins and L. Rodwin, "Economic and Physical Planning Conditions in Developing Areas," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXIV (July, 1958), 167. 152 integrated nature of the Department. The formulation Of policies and plans and the advising of the President on matters of community development will come only from one source, eliminating the questions of conflicting interests among various agencies in the present struc- tural organizations. Fourth: The need to simultaneously develop both the rural and urban sectors is recognized, thus allowing for more balanced and complementary allocation Of resources to both of these areas. OBJECTIVE FIVE: IN ORDER TO GUIDE THE FORMULATION OF SOUND POLICIES AND THE PREPARATION OF EFFECTIVE PLANS, AS WELL AS TO FACILITATE THEIR IMPLEMENTATION, THE GOVERNMENT SHOULD EMBARK ON MASSIVE EDUCATIONAL AND RESEARCH PROGRAMS, WHICH WOULD INCLUDE CONTINUING RESEARCH, INFORMATION SYSTEMS, AND DATA GATHERING ON RURAL AND URBAN ISSUES; SUSTAINED AND INTENSIVE PUBLIC EDUCATION TO ELICIT INFORMED AND ACTIVE CITIZEN PARTICIPATION; AND A GENEROUS PROGRAM TO TRAIN COMPETENT TECHNICIANS AND PROFESSIONAL PLANNERS. The value of research and information systems in planning cannot be overemphasized. Effective planning for urban development depends largely on the availability and analysis of information. Adequate basic information is essential for the formulation and im- plementation of plans and policies for urban development. Improving the information system will in many cases mean improving the process . . . 15 . . . of deCiSion-making. This would also mean imprOVing the methods used in the information and data gathering. The need for an improved information system is critical in the Philippines. A recent study 15International Union Of Local Authorities, Urbanization in Developing Countries, p. 31. 153 on the economic and political development in the Philippines arrived at a conclusion which differed sharply from the conventional views and perceptions about the country. In its conclusion, the study stated that: . . . information generated by the Philippine reporting system is sometimes wrong, sometimes inconsistent, Often ambiguous . . . if the reporting is bad, policy-makers are ill—informed and policy may be inapprOpriate. Policy-makers do perceive the Philippines through media other than the official reporting systems--personal Observation, the press and acquaintances . . personal observations are Often limited to Manila, which is vastly different from the rest of the country by practically any measure. Similarly, the Manila press provides a dubious characterization Of the state of the nation as a whole.16 Correct information is needed for sound decision-making and it seems equally important to generate informed and active citizen participation. The current awareness in the field of planning today is that plans are made not for people, but with pe0ple. This means that the public, who are supposed to be the benefactor of the plans, must have their interests articulated in the decision-making process. Unfortunately, in the Philippines, the majority of the people who are affected by national policy decisions have largely been apathetic and unre3ponsive. They have also been largely neglected. For example, the present atmosphere Of impending "revolution" embraces a confused majority that does not know what will happen. This includes the poor, who mutter over rising prices, and life's miseries, "but virtually none has joined demonstrations and other mass protest actions."l7 On the part of the decision-makers "in the making of 16Averch, Crisis of Ambiguity, p. 223. 17The State News, February 24, 1970, p. 4. 154 governmental policies . . . the compromises only produce bargains that are based on personal arrangements among the leaders, and not decisions that are derived primarily from the relationships between national resources and national needs."18 The greatest potential Of active citizen participation lies in its ability to considerably contribute to the successful execution or implementation Of plans. Moreover, in the process, the citizens become better informed about the services that are available to them and at the same time, in identifying the community needs and demands, the decision-makers become aware of the needs of the peOple. Participation by the citizens may be carried directly through involvement in the planning process, eSpecially during the preparation Of policies and plans, through public hearings, or in direct execution of projects and self-help programs. Indirectly, the citizens may participate through his vote and through the mass media. All possible means of communication should be used, including the press, radio, television and lectures, not only to inform the citizens, but to elicit interest in planning and awareness Of what they can do to improve their environment. Direct participation should be encouraged in the local levels where citizens are easily accommodated and heard. The highly organized slum and squatter organizations in the country have perhaps found the way for the possibilities of active citizen participation. Due to the squatter's realization that their survival depends on their strength, they have "learned to organize 18Corpus, The Philippines, p. 139. 155 and barter their votes for political protection."19 A broadening Of concerns is now needed, from purely local interests to those which have a broader or national consequence. In terms of indirect citizen participation, especially in national politics, since public participation is limited to periodic elections and referendums, what is needed is a guarantee that each citizen is free to participate whenever he wants to, unencumbered by external forces, and that the interests of the minority are never denied the Opportunity to be heard, and for the leaders and decision- makers to Offer the citizens their choice Of goals and decisions. The training of planners to formulate plans and draft policies become equally as important as the education of the citizens and the building of accurate information systems. However, this would not necessarily mean the training of more planners. While the Philippines, like most developing countries, does need more physical and social planners, what is perhaps more needed at this time are administrative planners trained to implement plans. These would serve to complement the many professional planners presently in the country, who are trained mostly in western schools of architecture, engineering and urban planning, and acquiring techniques Of urban design and physical planning. It has been shown that the failure Of planning in the Philippines is not so much the absence of plans as it is the absence of implementing devices and techniques, as well as the lack Of support from the politicians. The administrators and public Officials at the 19Laquian, City in Nation Building, p. 55. 156 higher echelon of government, such as the Regional DevelOpment Authority officers and top officials at the various executive depart- ments should become more involved in planning activities, and the politicians should be motivated to become engaged to a much higher degree in the preparation and execution of development plans. The training of professional comprehensive planners cannot be overlooked, of course, but it should be emphasized that their training should be highly suited and responsive to the unique and peculiar needs and demands of the Philippine environment, even though they attend professional schools in other nations and cultures. Implementing Policies Implementing policies form the third group in the hierarchy of deve10pment policies. They are more specific and are action- oriented. They are formulated in consonance with the defined goals and Objectives. Due to limitations in time and other resources, this study is concentrated on implementing policies for physical planning, and the relationship to the overall growth strategy of "planned dispersion," as well as ramifications on the social, economic and administrative aspects of planning in the Philippines. Three aspects of the physical environment that could effectuate desirable "planned dispersion" growth in the Philippines and that would need implementing policies at the national level are: (1) land use, (2) housing, and (3) transportation. Similar to the four plan— ning dimensions, these three physical aspects of the planning environ- ment are separate and distinct, but each is interrelated with each other. 157 The massive rural-urban migration and the resulting urban crisis has influenced land use patterns in the country and has sharply brought into focus the need for national guidelines on land use dev developments. Similarly, transportation developments have altered land uses. In fact, there is a continuous and cyclic relationship between land use and transportation. This cycle begins with any land use: commercial, industrial, residential, or recreational use. These activities on the land generate trips which are shown on planning maps as straight lines called "desire lines." These lines link points of origin to the point of destination which constitute the bases for determining transportation needs. The construction of a highway or other tranSportation facilities to meet these needs creates accessi- bility which permits people to get to a site, and allows the land to develop and acquire land value. These values, in turn, complete the cycle by contributing to the process of determing land uses. Housing, the other aspect, is highly dependent on transpor- tation facilities. One solution to the housing crisis, for example, lies in the opening up Of new land, away from the crowded urban centers, or by activating the existing urban centers themselves, by making them accessible through an effective national and regional transportation system. Housing also influences land use patterns. The shortage of the housing supply has caused "major changes in urban land tenure, urban land patterns, and urban land policy."21 20"Transportation and the City," Architectural Forum (October, 1963), 89. 21United Nations, "Urban Land Problems and Policies," Housing and Town and Countgy Planning, Bulletin no. 7, United Nations Publi- cations (ST/SOA/Serc. C/7), 1953, p. 55. 158 The following are the implementing policies designed to carry out the "planned dispersion" strategy: .National Land Use Policies Land is a basic resource; it is perhaps, also the most valu- able resource. However, an increasing population, with its related rapid urban development and expansion have put unexpected pressures on the use of land. The nature Of the development of land has pre- viously been left to the arbitrary nature Of the free market or to the narrow and short-sighted decisions of local units of government. The current development crisis is partly due to this practice. The local units are limited by the confines Of their jurisdiction. Critical development areas and ecological systems are rarely viewed by the locality in terms of their regional importance. Cooperation with adjoining governmental units are Often stunted by economic com- petition, which is fostered by the dependence Of local governments upon development related property tax revenues. A national land use policy is needed that will seek to control major developments and facilities, accommodate vital development needs, and protect important conservation areas on a national and regional basis. The following are the inherent components of a national land use policy: 1. POLICIES FOR LAND USE SHOULD BE FORMULATED ON A REGIONAL SCALE. Soundness of local urban land policies can in the final aIualysis, be measured largely in the context Of regional conditions. A region may be designated as an area which is connected or related 159 by large-scale or major facilities, large scale developments and comprehensive systems, that are Of more than local significance in their impact upon the environment. Major facilities to be dealt with include, but are not limited to, airports, regional and national recreational lands and facilities, large-scale developments, con- versely, may be measured by the amount Of land coverage, number of dwelling units, amount of water use or waste water effluent, number of employees and residents and/or visitors. 2. IN CONSONANCE WITH THE GROWTH STRATEGY OF "PLANNED DISPERSION," LAND USE POLICIES SHOULD BE FORMULATED TO EFFECTIVELY INFLUENCE THE LOCATION OF INDUSTRIES AND THE MOVEMENT OF PEOPLE OR THE SHIFT OF POPULATION CENTERS. Economic development programs should take into account the implications Of the resulting pOpulation movements to urban areas. These industries and population centers can effectively be controlled either by selective re-vitalization of existing growth centers or cities, or by building large-scale developments such as planned unit developments and planned "new towns,‘ at selected strategic locations. The latter is particularly effective in controlling and directing growth patterns. Growth centers located outside metrOpOlitan areas provide a near-at-hand destination for low-income out-migrant job- seekers from rural poverty areas. These persons and their families would otherwise move to the cities. The proximity Of new towns to rural areas will also likely enable these communities to attract those rural jobless who are reluctant to leave their native communi- ties. This portion Of the population constitute the hard core rural 160 poor. New towns also have the potential of attracting out-migrants from the central cities in search Of jobs.22 3. STRATEGIC USE OF TAX LEVIES, PUBLIC LOAN AND SUBSIDIZATION SHOULD BE MADE IN ORDER TO DISCOURAGE IMPROPER DEVELOP- MENTS OR MIS-USE OF LAND AND TO ENCOURAGE PROPER AND MORE DESIRABLE DEVELOPMENTS. Public loans and subsidization may be contingent upon com- pliance by the develOpers with the requirements of sound planning policies, thus directly influencing development patterns to conform to the defined and adopted policies. 4. LAND USE CONTROL MEASURES SUCH AS ZONING ORDINANCES, BUILDING REGULATIONS, SUBDIVISION CONTROLS AND HOUSING CODES, AND OTHERS, SHOULD BE ENCOURAGED FOR USE AT THE LOCAL UNITS OF GOVERNMENT, WITH GUIDANCE FROM THE PROPOSED DEPARTMENT OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS. Most local units of government, as yet, do not have land use control devices. A set of uniform ordinances should be prepared for these local units, and should be coordinated with and complemented by national land use policies. It should include a policy to reserve tracts of land for urban growth in order that urban development may be guided toward more desirable patterns. The policy should provide for easy acquisition of public land, for taxation of land owners in furtherance Of a definite land policy and for the control of land use according to adopted plans. Public lands are needed for a number of public uses and institutions and for government projects, such as low-income housing, 2 . . . . United States, AdVisory CommiSSion of Intergovernmental Relations, Urban and Rural America: Policies for Future Growth (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1969), p. 140. 161 where families have no legal ways of acquiring land under the present conditions. At the same time, public ownership of land will reduce land speculation. 5. THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT SHOULD EXERCISE ITS POWERS TO CONTROL URBAN LAND ALLOCATIONS, PUBLIC LAND ABUSE AND MISUSE. The police or regulatory powers, eminent domain and taxation should be used to control land or regulate its use, to acquire land for public purposes and to subsidize land developmenta and regulate or influence land use through tax levies. While it is generally recognized that the power of eminent domain does not carry with it the right to take land from one person and turn it over to another, land may be acquired in a compulsory manner from one private owner and sold to another if the sale is incidental the main purpose of slum clearance, urban redevelOpment or other purposes declared to be a proper public benefit. 6. PROGRAMS MUST BE DEVISED AND UTILIZED TO CONTROL PRIVATE LAND COST SPECULATION. In the Philippines, it is land, more than building costs, that deprives the lower-income group of home ownership. In some areas of the country, a small house made of bamboo and wood would cost only about $100, but a 400 square meter lot in town would run to $3000, thirty times the cost of the house.23 Among various methods which may be utilized to control land costs are: (l) confiscation during periods Of upheaval; (2) prior 23Abrams, Man's Struggle for Shelter, p. 57. 162 regulation on sale of land and resale; (3) rent controls; (4) building regulations; (5) zoning; (6) control of subdivisions; (7) requisition or control of deve10pment rights; (8) acquisition and sale of reserve lands; (9) tax incentive policies; (10) use of public subsidies with expropriation; (11) public acquisition of land in advance of indus- trial or residential settlement; (12) regulation by government agencies and the implementation of mandatory referrals of plans to these agencies; (13) reparceling of plots; (14) building of new towns; and (15) control of development through various financing schemes. 7. IN THE PROCESS OF LAND DEVELOPMENT, NATURAL AREAS SHOULD BE CONSERVED AND DIMINISHING NATURAL AND SCENIC AREAS SHOULD BE PROTECTED PERMANENTLY. The Philippines is still relatively sufficient in natural and scenic regions. However, land is a very limited resource. There will never be any appreciable addition to the existing inventory. These natural and scenic regions must therefore be identified and delineated in the national land use plans, and all necessary actions must be taken immediately to preserve them, in anticipation Of the diverse effects Of rapid urbanization and the current movement to the suburbs. 8. THE LAND REFORM CODE MUST BE IMPLEMENTED. This is a crucial element of the national land use policy. The implementation of land reforms will not only influence land development patterns, e5pecially in the rural areas, but will also alter land tenure systems. It could free the farmer Of his debts and will make him a landholder. Consequently, land reform could 163 have special ramifications on the economy of the nation, and to a large extent, on the socio-economic life of the tenants. . Land is still an abundant resource in the Philippines, but the rapid increase of population and the massive rural-urban migration have put tremendous pressures on land, that it can easily become a relatively scarce resource. These national land use policies must, therefore, be adOpted in the near future, in order to correct and control the use, misuse, abuse, non-use and re-use of land. National Housing Policies The growing shortage Of the supply of housing units, the rapid increase of squatter settlements and the proliferation of slum dwellers make the provision Of adequate shelter one of the most crucial problems that now confronts the Philippines. The housing need is threefold: new houses are needed, first, to remove the existing housing shortage and deficit; second, to replace the large quantity of slums and sub-standard housing now being occupied; and third, to meet the demands of the additional population increase, including both the natural increase and, in the urban areas, that created by the rural migrants. The provision of sufficient housing units to satisfy the tremendous demand, given limited administrative, technical and economic resources, is a challenge that requires no less than a combined national effort that will involve all sectors Of society and the economy--the government officials, the citizens, the rich and the poor, the laborers, the entrepreneurs, the private developers, the builders, and the land owners. 164 It should be indicated that there are four primary groups in the Philippines that all require housing. These are: (l) the upper socio-economic group that needs no assistance; (2) the new and growing middle-income group that has sufficient income to arrange for better housing if the necessary financing and credit mechanisms are established; (3) the relatively large lower-income group that could obtain better housing if its earnings through regular wages and possible small family savings could be augmented through more finan— cial and other assistance; and (4) the large sector of extremely low and irregular income. The latter group, by virtue of its size and meager financial resources, constitutes the most serious problem.24 The four housing groups must be recognized, and apprOpriate policies must be formulated to meet their unique and different needs. The following are therefore recommended to become integral policies of the proposed Department Of Housing: 1. A SYSTEM OF INSTITUTIONAL FINANCING FOR HOME BUILDING, WITH PROGRAMS TO OBTAIN SUFFICIENT MONEY TO LOAN FOR MORTGAGES SHOULD BE ESTABLISHED. This policy is primarily addressed to the steadily increasing middle-income families. These mortgages should have low equity (down payments), long amortization periods, and moderate interest rates. Financial institutions such as the Government Security Insurance System (GSIS), the Social Security Service (858), and the Development Bank of the Philippines (DBP) are already established and operational in the Philippines. These institutions help home-builders secure 4Glenn Beyer, Housing and Society (New York: MacMillan Co., 1965), P- 415. 165 various forms of financial assistance. However, their programs and interest rates need reexamination. Their functions and responsi- bilities need to be clarified, coordinated and integrated. A Home Financing Commission (HFC), modeled after the FHA in the United States, was established in 1957 and undertook to insure loans of up to 95 per cent of appraised value. Other loan associations of lesser importance Offer financial assistance, such as the Agricultural Credit and COOperative Financing Administration, which made loans available to small farmers and tenants, and the Philippine National Bank, which made loans to prospective home-builders. In Spite of these insti- tutions, however, there is still a "shortage of mortgage money, and as elsewhere, it is hard for the average worker to borrow the money with which to build his house."25 The interest rates have been from 8 to 13 per cent, and frequently, even higher. 2. CONSTRUCTIVE AND IMAGINATIVE PROGRAMS TO STIMULATE SAVINGS SHOULD BE INITIATED. This policy is primarily designed for the middle- and low- income families needing housing. Various programs to encourage savings should be promoted, and the savings should all be channeled for housing deve10pments. This may be done through the existing Savings and Loans Associations. Governmental encouragement of savings should also be done through favorable legislation, the con- trol of inflation, and under some circumstances, through the pro- vision Of initial capital. 25Abrams, Man's Struggle for Shelter, p. 227. 166 3. THE GOVERNMENT SHOULD UNDERTAKE MASSIVE PUBLIC HOUSING, WHICH WOULD ENTAIL PUBLIC SUBSIDIES, AND MORE IMPORTANTLY, AIDED SELF-HELP. This program would be concentrated on the large lower-income group and the even larger group with extremely low and irregular incomes. Subsidies, because it is necessarily limited considering the financial state of a develOping country, must be guided by clear and Objective principles. These subsidies might include capital financing, deficit subsidies, cash subsidies, interest rebates and write-downs of land and building costs.26 The limited economic resources and government subsidies would have to be supplemented by the next best alternative, which is aided self-help. This would require the labor of the individual family, as well as assistance of various kinds from the government. This as- sistance may simply be financial, or it may take the form Of assisting with the provision of building materials. It may provide aid in the development Of building sites, with roads, water and sanitation facilities. Further, the assistance might be loans of building equipment and machinery or it may provide either technical or physical assistance for the construction Of all or part of the house. It might also include the pre-construction of units, such as sani— tary facilities; or it may provide for any combination Of these above- 27 listed forms of assistance. 4. PROGRAMS TO LOWER THE COST OF BUILDING HOUSES SHOULD BE DEVELOPED AND IMPLEMENTED. 26Ibid., p. 223. 27Beyer, Housing and Society, p. 566. 167 Aided self-help would considerably lower the cost of home building, but other programs, to complement self-help should be carried out. Among these programs are: a. Standardization Of building processes and mass manufacture of structural, non-structural and other elements. The use of local materials and local building methods, eSpecially in the rural areas, where such materials are abundant. Native tradition have been thoughtlessly dis- missed as outmoded. However, "sometimes, one sees strong flat roofs made of local soil, and in the most primitive tribal villages, one often finds houses that are better examples of indigenous building craftsmanship than those found in some Of the more developed countries."28 Imaginative and practical housing regulations and design. This would include the revision of zoning ordinances and subdivision regulations, and allowing innovative housing designs such as planned unit developments and cluster housing. This would also entail the rewriting of building codes to bring housing standards and dimensions to reasonable proportions. Ceiling heights in the Philippine houses, for . 2 example, are "frequently exceSSive." 9 28Abrams, Man's Struggle for Shelter, p. 227. 291bid. 168 5. THERE SHOULD BE A SOUND PROGRAM OF URBAN RENEWAL AND RURAL RESETTLEMENT. An important element of housing programs should be sensible relocation of squatters and slum dwellers. A number of squatter relocation programs have been attempted in the Philippines,30 but most have been unsuccessful largely due to the unconcern, on the part Of the agencies, of the welfare of the residents, together with an uncoordinated system of eviction and relocation. In 1954, the Philippine authorities attempted to relocate squatters in Manila, 12 miles from where they lived, but the squatters returned, having sold their subsidized plots at a profit. In 1963, a more attractive resettlement plan was produced. Based on the as- sumption that one-half of the squatters wanted to be resettled rurally if given the agricultural land, 1000 families were tO be relocated at Sapang Palay, about 50 miles and a two—hour bus ride from Manila. The project has met a number of problems and difficulties, and despite the distance, almost one-half of the residents commute to Manila for work.31 Better programs of relocation and resettlement are needed, at the core of which should be an understanding and con- cern of the welfare of the squatters and the slum dwellers. 30 . . . . . . See Morris Jupenlatz, Cities in Transformation (Australia: University of Queensland Press, 1970); and Approdicio Laquian, Slums are for People (Manila: IM Press, 1969). 31United Nations, Urbanization: Development Policies and Planning, p. 123. 169 6. PROPOSALS TO HELP PREVENT SQUATTING IN THE FUTURE SHOULD BE FORMULATED, IN CONJUNCTION WITH THE URBAN RENEWAL AND RURAL RESETTLEMENT PROGRAMS. Programs such as rent controls, new land and housing tenures, COOperatives and condominiums and other forms of home ownership should be forwarded as viable alternatives and critically necessary measures. 7. AN INTEGRAL PART OF ANY RELOCATION PROJECT SHOULD BE AN OPPORTUNITY FOR ACTIVE CITIZEN PARTICIPATION. NO housing agency can ever begin to make an impression on the housing problem without the active participation of the people them— selves. The crucial difference between "working for" and "working with" the people should be understood by anyone who wishes to re- locate or resettle families. The above policies are meant to ameliorate or solve the housing crisis in the Philippines. It must be remembered, however, that as emphasized earlier in the previous chapters of this thesis, housing involves the physical, social, economic, and political aspects of the planning environment. Therefore, a more viable long-range policy might be programs which are directed toward raising the economic levels of the population to an adequate level, to organize a responsive and stable administration, and to educate the people, so that they can effectively participate in the government programs and become involved in the continuing process of improving their environments. National Tranpportation Policies In the Philippines, because of its mountainous and rugged landscape, and because of its insular pattern, transportation acquires 170 added significance in development strategies. Transportation also becomes a vital link in influencing the location of industries and the movement Of people, by creating accessibility and by Opening new land. Transportation policies that could influence the character and direction of growth and change to a desirable deve10pment pattern would include the following: 1. A MULTI-MODAL SYSTEM OF TRANSPORTATION SHOULD BE CREATED TO SUPPORT THE PROPOSED STRATEGY OF "PLANNED DISPERSION." This would mean the coordination and integration of air, water, highway and railway transportation systems. Up to the present time, these transportation systems have been built and maintained relatively independently by all levels of government and by private enterprise. As a result, this has created dysfunctions, not only in their individual operations, but also seriously affected the direction of growth of the country. It is now time that these transportation modes be planned and, perhaps, operated as one total system designed to contribute to economic and social development. 2. PORTS AND HARBORS SHOULD BE IMPROVED AND MODERNIZED TO EFFECTIVELY HANDLE THE INTERISLAND COMMERCE INDUSTRY AND MULTI-PURPOSE VESSELS SHOULD BE USED WITH ACCOMMODATIONS THAT ARE ADEQUATE FOR CARGO AND COMFORTABLE FOR PASSENGERS. Interisland tranSportation in a nation made up of 7000 islands, cannot be over-emphasized. Air transportation, as discussed in Chap- ter III of this thesis, seems adequate at present and even in the immediate future. But this mode Of transportation is not appropriate for movement of large numbers of people. Moreover, it is not within 171 easy reach of the common peOple in the rural areas, where the majority of the people reside. The next best alternative is water transpor- tation, which, while it is perhaps the most needed, is unfortunately, also the most neglected.32 The expansion and improvement of ports and harbors to meet passenger and freight needs in the future should be located and de- signed so that they encourage development consistent with the pro- posed land use and settlement patterns of "planned dispersion." 3. THE PROPOSED PAN-PHILIPPINE HIGHWAY THAT STRETCHES FROM APARRI IN NORTHERN LUZON, TO ZAMBOANGA IN SOUTHERN MINDANAO, SHOULD BE BUILT. When constructed and completed, this national highway (see Figure 19), will have considerable influence in the movement of peOple and the location of industries. It will not only provide access among various cities in the Philippines, but will at the same time Open new land for urban development. Care must be taken, how- ever, to design the highway system so as to preserve natural areas, good ecological systems and natural beauty. Already in its final stage of design, it still has the opportunity to learn of the exper- iences Of the more developed nations, Of the conflicts of highway building and the natural environment and human settlements. 4. THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT SHOULD ENCOURAGE, IF NOT ACTIVELY PARTICIPATE IN MAKING USE OF NEW TRANS- PORTATION TECHNOLOGY IN PLANNING, AND IN CREATING AN EFFECTIVE MASS TRANSIT SYSTEM IN THE LARGE URBAN CENTERS, ESPECIALLY IN METROPOLITAN MANILA. 32See Frederick Wernstedt, The Role and Importance of Philippine Inter-island Shipping and Trade, Data Paper No. 26 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University, Southeast Asia Program, Depart- ment of Far Eastern Studies, 1957). 172 The railroad has limited potentials for interisland travel, because of the rugged landscape and the insular character of the Philippines. It is, however, best suited for intra—island, and es— pecially intra-metropolitan transportation. Technology suggests that a rail type of ground transportation may be the best solution to short- and medium-distance inter-city travel. The use of monorails, for example, seem to be the best alternative in MetrOpOlitan Manila, where the roads are already congested with automobiles, jeepneys, and buses, but cannot be widened because of heavy deve10pments on both sides of the street. These are the development policies--the goals, Objectives and implementing policies that the Philippines must aspire and attempt to accomplish. Some of these policies are already being adOpted and desirable results being obtained. Others, however, will require more time, more effort and more sacrifices on the part of the Filipinos. Still others will demand drastic changes in existing Philippine in- stitutions and require Of the Filipino, fundamental and radical changes in his present attitudes and values. When adopted and followed by the decision—makers, together with the support and participation of the peOple, these development policies could effectively guide the Philippines toward a more desirable and efficient pattern of growth and change in the future. The adoption and execution Of these development policies is a significant decision to make. However, something which is more important and something which should become an integral part of the development policies listed above, is a strong and sustained 173 commitment by the Filipino peOple and their decision—makers, to work hard, this time not so much for themselves or their families, but more importantly for their country and their fellowman. National goals cannot be attained with purely personal or family interests. This crucial decision can no longer wait . . . the commitment must be made now. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION The Philippines is a developing nation and the process of urbanization that is taking place is similar tO those in other develOping countries. However, at the same time, the Philippines, in many respects,is unlike other growing nations today. The frame- work within which this urbanization takes place is unique, and is seen in the country's land, its peOple, its economy and its system of government. The land is insular in configuration; it is a group Of 7000 islands. The climate is tropical, the landscape is mountainous, and the natural resources are varied, rich, and abundant. The peOple are similarly varied. Converging from all over Asia, and literally iso- lated into distinct regions by mountains and seas, the Filipinos formed groups that drastically differed in language, customs, and beliefs. The contact with foreign powers in the past, the presence of Spain for 300 years and of America for 48 years, have only served to sever their indigenous ways and widen the gaps in their contrasting traditions. The economy is predominantly agricultural, although indus- trialization and diversity Of economic activity is slowly being 174 175 realized. The system of government is patterned largely after that Of the United States, but its practice has inevitably given way to the Filipino customs and traditions. The Philippines, as a growing nation, shares the problems and dilemmas of most developing countries: a high birth rate and pOpulation increase, which is coupled with a sudden and massive surge of rural migration into the urban centers and to the overcrowded "primate city;" congestion in the streets and in the residential areas; slums and squatter settlements; poverty, and mounting crime rates. Simultaneously, given a unique Philippine setting, the Filipino is confronted with problems that are uniquely his own: the ambiguities of his dualistic beliefs and traditions that are con- stantly challenged by the demands of modernization; the sharp and disturbing contrast between the poor and the rich; the gross inequities in the distribution of economic wealth; and the inefficient admini- strative machinery and rampant graft and corruption in the public offices, all stem from his singular past history and present culture and temperament. The vast resources and the complex problems that confront the Philippines are uniquely indigenous. It is, therefore, only logical that solutions peculiar to these conditions are required. These solutions--policies and plans--must be responsive not only to the complex problems of a developing country, but more importantly, be receptive of the unique needs and demands of the physical, social, economic, and administrative environments in the Philippines. 176 Summagy of Policy Recommendations A careful assessment and analysis of the Philippine physical, social, economic and administrative resources, together with a serious recognition of the nation's problems, as well as the future trends and inherent potentials, all reveal that in order to effectively guide the future growth and changes of the country toward a more desirable development pattern, the following policies, presented in a hierarchy of goals, Objectives and implementing policies, should be adopted: $21.3. l. The right to equality, justice and liberty. 2. The privilege to seek happiness, security, wealth, crea- tivity, beauty and dignity. 3. The freedom from hunger, fear, ignorance, misery and hOpelessness. Objectives 1. In consideration of the diseconomies of urban congestion, with its related rapid increase of slums and squatter settle- ments and the inefficiencies in the administrative structure, a national urban growth policy must be established which would guide the location and character of future growth centers, deve10pment patterns, and conservation areas in the most efficient manner. 2. In the process of develOping a comprehensive approach, the national policies and plans must be formulated to bring together all professions involved in the improvement of 177 the environment and to integrate the physical, social, economic, and political dimensions in planning. In an attempt to regulate the rapid rate of rural-urban migration, which has caused diseconomies of urban congestion and rural decline, the national government should actively influence the location of new industries and the movement of people, as well as the upliftment of the disadvantaged rural areas, through the creation of "urban growth centers" with a deve10pment strategy of "planned dispersion." In the face of administrative inefficiencies and deficiencies, substantial reorganization should be made in order to create a viable and dynamic administrative framework that will improve the machinery for the formulation and implementation Of deve10pment policies and plans, and to achieve maximum coordination among various departments, as well as insure the implementation of the defined policies and plans. In order to guide the formulation of sound policies and the preparation of effective plans, as well as to facilitate their implementation, the government should embark on a mas- sive education and research program which would include con- tinuing research, information systems studies and data gathering on rural and urban issues; sustained and intensive public education to elicit informed and active citizen participation; and a generous program to train more competent technicians and professional planners. 178 ImplementingiPolicies Land-Use Policies.-- Policies for land-use should be formulated on a regional scale. In consonance with the growth strategy Of "planned dis- persion," land use policies should be formulated to effec- tively influence the location of industries and the movement Of people or the shift of population centers. Strategic use of tax levies, public loan and subsidization must be made in order to discourage improver deve10pments or mis-use of land and to encourage prOper and more desirable developments. Land-use control measures such as zoning ordinances, building regulations, subdivision controls and housing codes, and others, should be encouraged for use at the local units of government, with guidance from the proposed Department of Human Settlements. The national government should exercise its powers to control urban land allocations, public land abuse and mis-use. Programs should be devised and utilized to control private land cost speculation. In the process of land development, natural areas should be conserved and diminishing natural and scenic areas should be protected permanently. The land reform code must be implemented. 179 HousingfiPolicies.-- A system of institutional financing for home-building, with programs to Obtain sufficient money to loan for mortgages should be established. Constructive and imaginative programs to stimulate savings should be initiated. The government should undertake massive public housing, which would entail public subsidies, and more importantly, aided self-help. Programs to lower the cost of building houses must be develOped and implemented. There should be a sound program of urban renewal and rural resettlement. PrOposals to help prevent squatting in the future should be formulated, in conjunction with the urban renewal and rural resettlement programs. An integral part of any relocation project should be an Opportunity for active citizen participation. National Transportation Policies.-- A multi-modal system of transportation should be created to support the proposed strategy Of "planned dispersion." Ports and harbors should be improved and modernized to effectively handle the inter-island commerce and industry, and multi-purpose vessels should be used with accommodations that are adequate for cargo and comfortable for passengers. 180 3. The proposed Pan-Philippine highway that stretches from Aparri in northern Luzon to Zamboanga in southern Mindanao should be built. 4. The national government should encourage, if not actively participate in making use of new transportation technology in planning, and in creating an effective mass transit system in the large urban centers, especially in MetrOpOlitan Manila. These are the development policies, the goals, objectives, and implementing policies that the Philippines must aspire and attempt to accomplish. When adopted and followed by the decision-makers, together with the support and participation of the citizens, these development policies could effectively guide the Philippines toward a more desirable and efficient pattern of growth and change in the future. The Need for Further Study The development policies proposed above are by no means complete. As mentioned in the introduction Of this thesis, the focus of the present study is necessarily restricted because Of certain limitations. Further studies, therefore, will have to be made to supplement the present work. Such studies would concentrate on the social, economic, and administrative planning aspects in the Philip- pines. Issues like public health and education, the regulation of pOpulation growth, the maintenance Of peace and order, and other social concerns are all important in guiding the growth of a nation. And since the Philippines is also an industrializing country, further studies will have to be done on ways to expand employment 181 Opportunities, increasing productivity and the gross national product, raising the local, regional and national revenues and in- comes, and raising the standard of living. Additional research and analysis is also required Of the administration of public agency activities, and the functions and services of the total governmental framework, in order to make them more effective, reSponsive and efficient. Lastly, the policy recommendation above will have to be re— fined in order to become Operative. Detailed programs that will carry out these general policies will have to be formulated and implemented. Planning is a continuous process, therefore, these programs will need to be constantly refined, to become responsive to the changing needs and demands of the planning environments of the country. And the questions as to who, where, when and how, will all have to be answered through continuous research and education. In conclusion, Jose Rizal is quoted again. This time, however, it is addressed to the 1970's, to a new peOple with new moods, now problems, and new aspirations; but nevertheless, with as much Optimism and hOpe as Jose Rizal had when he wrote these words over a century ago: Tomorrow we shall be citizens of the Philippines, whose destiny will be a glorious one, because it will be in loving hands. Ah, yes, the future is ours! I see it rose-tinted; I see the move- ment that stirs the life of those regions, so long dead, 1 lethargic. I see towns arise along the railroads, and factories everywhere . . . I hear the steam hiss, the trains roar, the engines rattle! 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"Economic and Physical Planning: Conditions in Developing Areas." Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXIV (July, 1958), 167-73. Hollensteiner, Mary, and Esquivel, Maria Angelina. "Human Factors in Private, Low-Cost Housing." Philippine Sociological Review, XVII (January, 1969), l-26. Institute of Planning, University of the Philippines. "A Planning Strategy for MetrOpOlitan Manila, AD 2000." Ekistics, XXVIII (August, 1969), 140-48. Institute of Public Administration. "Research Findings on Problems of Local Government." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, III (January, 1959), 11-15. . "The System of Local Government in the Philippines." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, III (January, 1959), 7-10. Lorimer, Frank W. "Analysis and Projections of the Population of the Philippines." First Conference on Population, 1965. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, Population Institute, 1966. "Mindanao Development Authority: A New Concept in Philippine Economic DevelOpment." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, V (January, 1961), 321-39. Nez, G. "Methodology for Integration of Economic and Physical DevelOpment." Ekistics, CXVII (May, 1964), 217-394. Poethig, R. P. "Needed: Philippine Urban Growth Centers." Ekistics, XXX (November, 1970), 384-86. Samonte, Abelardo G. "Regional Development Authorities: Role, Structure and Feasibility." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, XII (April, 1968), 110-23. 187 Special Committee on National Housing. "Squatting and Slum-Dwelling in MetrOpOlitan Manila." Ekistics, XXVII (January, 1969), 29-36. Special Issue on Government Reorganization. Philippine Journal Of Public Administration, XIII (April, 1969), entire issue. Stewart, J. R. "Patterns of EcumenOpOlis in the Philippines and Australia." Ekistics, XXVII (June, 1969), 434-43. "Tondo Foreshore Urban Renewal Project: The Philippines." Ekistics, XXXI (May, 1971), 361-70. "Transportation and the City." Architectural Forum (October, 1963), 75-90. Vicente-Goli, Yolanda. "The DevelOpment of Counter-Magnets to Manila." Economic Research Journal, XVI (March, 1970), 171-89. Young, Robert. "Goals and Goal Setting." Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXII (March, 1966), 65-83. Unpublished Materials and Other Sources Abueva, Jose V. "Social Background and Recruitment of Legislators and Administrators in a Developing Country: The Philippines." Manila, 1963. (Mimeographed.) Republic of the Philippines, People's Homesite and Housing Corporation. "Preliminary Report on Housing Needs: Metropolitan Manila." UN-PHHC Housing Research Team, Quezon City, 1963. (Mimeographed.) The State News. Michigan State University. February 24, 1971. (NewSpaper.) GENERAL REFERENCES Books Aschman, Frederick T. "The Policy Plan in the Planning Program." Planning 1963. Chicago: American Institute of Planning Officials, 1963. Bello, Walden F., ed. Modernization: Its Impact in the Philippines. Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1967. 188 Berry, Brian J. L., and Meltzer, Jack, eds. Goals for Urban America. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1967. Chapin, Stuart, Jr. "Foundations of Urban Planning." Urban Growth and Form. Edited by W. Hirsh. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963. Cook, Theodore Stuart. City Plaqning Theory: The Destiny of Our Cities. New York: PhilOSOphical Library, Inc., 1969. Cordero, Felicidad V. General Sociology: Focus on the Philippines. Manila, Philippines: College Professors Publishing Corp., 1967. Goodman, William, and Freund, Eric. Principles and Practice of Urban Planning. Washington, D. C.: International City Managers Association, 1968. Guthrie, George M., ed. Six Perspectives on the Philippines. Manila, Philippines: Bookmark, 1968. Hawley, Amos Henry. Papers in Demography and Public Administration. Manila, Philippines: University of the Philippines Press, 1954. Herbert, John, and Van Huyck, Alfred. Urban Planning in the Developing_Countries. New York: Frederick Praeger, Inc., 1968. Hirsch, W. Z., ed. Urban Life and Form. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963. Hunt, Chester. Sociology in the Philippine Setting. Quezon City, Philippines: Phoenix Publishing House, 1963. McGee, T. G. The Southeast Asian City, New York: Frederick Praeger, 1967. Moynihan, Daniel P., ed. Toward a National Urban Policy. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1970. Rodwin, Lloyd. "Metropolitan Policies for Developing Areas." Future Metropolis. Edited by Lloyd Rodwin. New York: George Brazillier, 1961. . Nations and Cities: A Comparison of Strategies for Urban Growth. Boston, Mass.: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1970. 189 Spencer, Joseph. Land and People in the Philippines. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1954. Zabilka, Gladys. Customs and Culture of the Philippines. Tokyo, Rutland: C. E. Tuttle Co., 1963. United Nations Publications Administrative Machinery_for Planning in the ECAFE Region. United Nations Publications (E/CN.ll/CAE P.l/L.3), 1961. Decentralization for National and Local DevelOpment. United Nations Publications (ST/TAO/M/l9), 1962. European Seminar on Urban Development Policy and Planning, United Nations Publications (ST/SOA/ESW'P/l962/l), 1962. Planning for Balanced Social and Economic Development: Six Country Case Studies. United Nations Publications (ST/SOA/56.E/Cn.5/ 346/Rev.l), 1964. Report on the Symposium on the Planning and Development of New Towns. United Nations Publications (ST/SOA/Ser.C/70), 1966. Selected Experiences in Regional Development. United Nations Publications (ST/SOA/lOl), 1970. Seminar on Regional Planning (Tokyo, 1958). United Nations Publications (ST/TAA/Ser.C/35), 1958. Articles Abrenica, Cesar B. "The Political Framework of DevelOpment Strategy." Economic Research Journal, XIV (June, 1967), 16-24. Aquino, Erlinda A. "The Challenge Of Regional Development in the Philippines." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, XIII (July, 1969), 381-98. Beckman, Norman. "Development Of National Urban Growth Policy." Journal of the American Institute of Planning, XXXVII (May, 1971), 146—61. Canto, Renato G. "Economic Planning Machinery in the Philippines: An Appraisal." Economic Research Journal, XV (December, 1968), 136-54. Chapin, Stuart F., Jr. "Taking Stock of Techniques for Shaping Urban Growth." Journal of the American Institute of Planning, XXIX (May, 1963), 76-87. 190 Doerr, Arthur H. "Changing Land Use Patterns of the Philippines." Journal of Geography, LX (May, 1961), 221-25. Dotson, Arch T. "MetrOpOlitan Problems in Asia and Some Solutions." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, VIII (July, 1964), 227-33. Faithful, W. G. "Local Government and Planning." EROPA Review NO. 8, (June, 1968), 1-17. Friedman, John. "The Urban-Regional Frame for National DevelOpment." International Development Review, Washington, D. C., VIII (September, 1966), 9-14. Laquian, Aprodicio A. "The Asian City and the Political Process." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, XIV (January, 1970), 8-20. . "Manila's Urban Renewal Program." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, X (July, 1966), 176-83. Poethig, Richard P. "An Urban Squatter Policy for MetropolitanMani Manila." Solidarity, IV (November, 1966), 20-32. ‘ Ramos, Carlos P. "Central Role of Development Administration in Urban Growth." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, XI (July, 1967), 210-15. Santiago, Asteya-Manalad. "Reorganizing for Housing and Urban Development." Philippine Journal of Public Administration, XIII (April, 1969), 214-32. Sucgang, Roberto R. "Social Planning for Housing and Community Participation." Philippine Sociological Review, XII (March-April, 1966), 178-84. Ulman, E. L. "Trade Centers and Tributary Areas of the Philippines." Ekistics, X (July, 1960), 5-11. Viloria, Leandro A. "Education for Planning: Special Circumstances in Low-Income Countries." Philippine Planning Journal, Weisman, Ernest. "Regional Development Planning." Philippine Journal Of Planning, I (April, 1970), 29-33. Yamane, Felipa C. "The Social Framework of Development Strategy." Economic Research Journal, XIV (June, 1967), 25-31. 191 Agenoy Reports Calcutta MetrOpOlitan Planning Organization. Basic Development Development Plan: Calcutta Metro District 1966-1986. and Planning Department, 1966. First Report, 1962. Calcutta: The Organization, 1963. Chicago Department of City Planning. Basic Policies for the Chicago: The Department, Comprehensive Plan Of Chicago. 1964. Preliminaiy_Proposals for 4,000,000 byi2000! The The Joint Program. Guiding Change. Twin Cities MetrOpOlitan Area: Joint Program, 1964. . Twin Cities Area Metropoiitan DevelOpment Guide. Twin The Joint Program, 1968. Cities MetrOpOlitan Area: The Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission. 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