MODELS OF BEHAVIOR IN

MERICAN RIGHTIST LITERATURE:

A STUDY OF POLITICAL VALUES
AND LIT ERATU RE

Thesis for the Degree of M. A.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
JACK W. SATTEL
1971

 

 
 

 
 

I LIBRARY
Michigan State
University . _

 

ABSTRACT

MODELS OF BEHAVIOR IN AMERICAN RIGHTIST LITERATURE:
A STUDY OF POLITICAL VALUES AND LITERATURE
By

Jack W. Sattel

This thesis is an effort to combine the perspec-
tives of political sociology and the sociology of liter-
ature. Its purpose is to analyze a limited body of
fiction belonging to the political culture of the ex-
treme American right. By abstracting from his literature
both a portrayal of the forces of history and an elemen—
tal conception of good and evil, the concern is with
making explicit the constellation of values by which the
rightist interprets his social world and orients himself
to American society.

The body of fiction analyzed is a product of the
renewed rightist movement of the decade of the 1960's.
All are political novels dealing in a realistic fashion
with either a fictive present or future. All the novels
are distributed primarily through the organizations, pub-
lishing houses, and book stores of the right. All the
novels are of the didactic genre, functioning within the
rightist political culture both as socializing agent and
a total, idealized statement of the rightist critique and

program for American society.

Jack w. Sattel

A content analysis was undertaken of the entire
sample aimed at eliciting a classification of the re-
curring themes of good and evil, change and history.

The methodological device employed was the construc-
tion of both a positive and negative h§32y_ypg which
were taken to convey in an elemental fashion a portrayal
of political reality consonant with and generated out of
the world-view of the rightist himself.

It was found that the positive hero embodies not
only sociological characteristics which seem reflective
of the rightists' own social position, but also a set of
values and attitudes intended to mobilize the reader
toward rightist politics. In a similar fashion. the
negative hero functions to concretize the need to fight
the evil he represents, galvanizing the reader toward
action. Both models, insofar as they are assimilated
and believed by the reader. serve to win support for the
ideology and programs of the right.

Further, the configuration of values of both posi-
tive and negative heroes are suggested less by previous
research regarding the "marginality" or "extremist-per-
sonality" usually attributed to the rightist political
actor, than by certain recurring themes in the traditions
of American political history. In particular, the right
does not exist as an isolated phenomenon beyond the pale
of American political traditions. but is both a part of

and reflection of the American ideology itself.

 

llllll'lllll'l

MODELS OF BEHAVIOR IN AMERICAN RIGHTIST
LITERATURE: A STUDY OF POLITICAL VALUES AND LITERATURE

By

:L
x"-
a

\
Jack WI’Sattel

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1971

 

[Illi‘llll

LIST OF TABLES .

INTRODUCTION

TABLE OF CONTENTS

THE USES OF LITERATURE IN SOCIAL RESEARCH .

THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF OUR SAMPLE .
THE POSITIVE HERO IN RIGHTIST LITERATURE
THE NEGATIVE HERO IN RIGHTIST FICTION .

CONCLUSIONS .
REFERENCES .

APPENDIX A .
APPENDIX B .

13
19
no
53
58

60
61

 

y a
o
,
e
x
.
3
T U
) v
1
l a
d
I
V
A
A

lll'll!

Table
1.

LIST OF TABLES
Page
Occupations of male positive and negative
heroeS.....o..............23

Occupations of female positive and
negative heroes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Education of positive and negative heroes. . #6

INTRODUCTION

In this century, that section of the political
spectrum known as the "extreme right" has experienced
three periods of public ascendency: the movement
centering around Father Coughlin in the 1930's; the
McCarthyism of the early 1950's; and, the current re-
surgence of rightist sentiment and activity of the late
1960's around such figures as George Wallace or such
organizations as the John Birch Society. Each of these
three movements contained a variety of political belief
within themselves and each differ in significant ways
from the other.1 Neither of the two previous movements
were able to make serious inroads toward the seizure of
significant power in this country although, as a minority
movement, each was able to cause individual disconfiture
to many of their political opponents and targets.

The concern in this thesis will be limited only to
the most recent phase of rightist activity--that of the
past decade. The focus will not be upon any single or-
ganization or party but rather upon what I will later

attempt to show is a generalized political culture.

 

1Seymour Martin Lipset, "Three Decades of the
Radical Right: Coughlinites, McCarthyites, and Birchers".
in Daniel Bell, The Radical Right, 1964, pp. 373-hu6.

within this political culture, Just as within the estab-
lished parties, there exists a spectrum of policies and
politics, acceptable strategies and tactics. Westin has
suggested a continuum within the right that has at one
pole, the "hate" right of the Gerald L. K. Smiths and the
George Lincoln Rockwells, offering various combinations

of anti-Semitism and anti-Black sentiment; while at the
other pole is found the "semi-respectable" right of the
southern white Citizens Council or the Free Men Speak
Society. For Westin, a group like the John Birch Society
stands perhaps between these poles. The components for
inclusion on his continuum include a rejection of the
existing political system, its politicians and parties; a
refusal to believe in the integrity and patriotism of those
who lead the dominant institutions; the assumption of solu-
tions at hand to international and social problems and the
presence of conspiracies when such solutions are not found;
and, the advocacy of "direct action", ranging from the for-
mation of new political parties, secret organizations,
public pressure campaigns through the use of hate-propa-
ganda and calculated violence. Clearly, no one of these
components is in itself definitive of the rightist political
culture: in fact, the components are less suggestive of a
continuum unique to the right than of many traditional Amer-
ican values that are seldom given public espousal but are

real nonetheless.

 

2Alan F. Westin, "The John Birch Society: 'Badical
Right' and 'Extreme Left' in the political context of World
War II," in Bell gp_cit., pp. 239-268.

In the years which have passed since Westin's form-
ulation, much of the public dialogue, at least as conducted
within the mass media, has revolved around the extent to
which such behavior and beliefs are generalized throughout
society. Like the activity associated with the Left today,
the right has enjoyed publicity and exposure in the media
that is both partial and distorting at the same time.

This is probably a necessary consequence of failing to
participate in the reigning ideology of corporate liberal-
ism-~particularly at a time of structural stress and chal-
lenge for that system--but also is probably a result of
the encapsulating nature of the medium itself. One ques-
tion this thesis will attempt to answer however, is the
extent to which the Right has been able to manipulate
contemporary and historical political symbols within their
own constituencies and extend their politics into new
constituencies and potential power.

More importantly, the rightist political response
can, and should, be understood as a response to a failure
in the American political economic system to provide mean-
ingful goals and alternatives for this segment of the
American population. Most analysts of the American right
have not seen fit to include this proposition into their
thinking about the problem. An early tendency in the
sociological literature was the focus upon the "extremist"

political actor himself as the form for understanding his

political behavior. The assumption often was of the
essential viability and unchanging structure of the
social system with individual deviations past a certain
configuration being labeled pathological, gig. extremist,
in both a left and right direction.3 This literature has
value for the insights it provides into the personality
of the political actor, yet unless one makes a psycho-
logistic assumption that the politics (and other values)
of a culture are merely the reflection of individual idio-
syncracies, we must look elsewhere for understanding the
politics of the right.

Unfortunately, the most dominant sociological ten-
dency has the quality of being a structural variety of the
same side of the coin-~the focus upon the marginality_of
the political right Eléférllé a working or "stable democ-
racy".u At the macro-theoretical level the concern is
with the right in a search for validation of the various
dissonance reduction models while the "middle-range" con-
cern has been with exercise of the essentially related
notions of status-politics. Thus, considerable sociolog-

ical literature exists indicating disproportionate support

 

3of. Edward A. Shils, "Authoritarianism: 'Right'
and'Left'," in Studies in the Scope and Method of "The Au-
thoritarian Personality", ed. Richard Cristie and Marie Ja-
hoda, 19544, pp. 24439.

This phrase and approach most characterizes the
work of Seymour Martin Lipset and his associates. See, for
example, the overview of Lipset by T. B. Bottomore,
"Conservative Man", New York Review of Books,
October 8, 1970, pp. 20-24. ——'

 

for the right among those in status-threatened positions--
typically, the semi-professional and more skilled blue-
collar experiencing real or imaginery loss of status and
prestige in the face of a changing social structure. By
such change is usually meant l) a technology calling for
new or different forms of expertise, and 2) demands pro-
duced by black and other ethnic mobility and migration.
The major weakness of this literature for those concerned
with understanding the entire fabric of American politics
has not been the failure to achieve closure at the macro-
theoretical level, but rather that this literature has
produced little to demonstrate continuity of the variety
of rightist politics with the politics and culture of
mainstream American life. Many of the specific attributes
of the rightist political culture such as exaggerated
nationalism and patriotism, anti-communism, racial or
ethnic stereotypes exist throughout the American nation.
In an exploration of these linkages between the "extreme"
and the "mainstream", the sociologist's focus is properly
shifted from the merely idiosyncratic to an understanding
of the entire social system--illuminating not only the
right but the quality and nature of all American institu-
tions.

This thesis, then, will attempt several things: The
first is a delineation of the dominant values of the
political culture of the right as revealed in its own

literary products. Fictional literature, even in the

ll“! LI II It fl A .III' all [

 

context of politics, achieves viability by a portrayal

of reality consonant with the world-view of the reader.
Analysis of such literature provides an articulation of
values and ideals not ordinarily reached by survey methods--
which is to say, a total articulation of values and be-
liefs unstructured in a prior fashion by the survey device
or instrument itself. Our analysis of this literature

will add to the empirical description of the American right.

Secondly, we will be concerned to analyze the inter-
play between the ideals and values found in the literary
products of our sample, attempting to abstract those con-
figurations which serve as didactic models for behavior.
Such models should provide examples of the core set of
values around which socialization of the rightist political
actor is achieved.

Finally, it will be argued that the rightist political
culture is not the product of "extremist" individuals or
historical aberration, but is both a part of and reflection
of the American ideology itself.

THE USES OF LITERATURE IN SOCIAL RESEARCH

The use of literature as a basic resource for soc-
iological research is not wide spread. In part this
reflects the sociologists over-whelming fascination with
a single tool--survey technique-~and the problems most
ameanable to that technique. On the other hand, little
attention has been paid to the theoretical function of
literature and art beyond merely formal restatements of
the idea that artistic consciousness and production are
determined by varieties of social being.5 This repre-
sents a real loss to the sociologist. Fiction, film,
the visual arts, all can contain some of the most telling
truths about society and the individual. This is true
whether the sociologist approaches the works of the
greatest dramatists and novelists of an era or those
products of the clearly second rate and those producing
for the mass media or pulp magazines. In any of these
cases, literature, as a form of communication, demands
that a central problem be defined within the context of
a given societx that this problem be developed in terms
consistent with the shared image of that society, and in

terms of the individuals who compose it.

 

5cf. Milton Albrecht, "Does literature reflect
common values?", American Sociological Review, 21:6 (1956),
pp. 722-29: George Huaco,_THe SficIoIogy of Film Art, 1965,
esp. pp. 18-22; James H. Barnett, "The sociology of art",
in Merton §t_al, Sociology Today, 1959, pp. 197-21u.

 

7

"Literature tells us not only what a

society was like in a past age, but

also what the individual felt about

it, what he could hope from it, and

how he thought he could change it or

escape from it....the fictional character

...sees and records not only the real-

ity around him, but his hopes, wishes,

dreams, and fantasies as well. The

social meanings of this inner life of

the individual are related to the cen-

tral problems of social change."6

If literature presents datum at all levels of human

behavior, the sociologist dealing with it must de-limit
and order that experience in a meaningful way. The
writer or artist has already chosen his limitations: to
whom and for whom he is speaking, the important and sal-
ient observations to be made in his product, and the
convincing and believeable truths about human nature that
must be ennunciated. The sociologist has been less clear
in specifying the social and institutional forces that
impinge upon the writer, his product, and his audience.
And, turning the problem about, the sociologist has been
erratic in specifying the impact of art and various aes-
thetic forms upon and within social institutions. Art
has many social contexts whether as commodity, icon, fet-
ish, or propaganda. Albrecht notes that directly or in-
directly, "art may bolster the morale of groups and help

create a sense of unity, of social solidarity: as used

by dissident groups, it may create awareness of social

 

6Leo Lowenthal, Literature, Popular Culture,
and Society, 1961, p. XV.

issues and provide rallying cries for action and for
social change....(art) may thus be used to criticize
as well as to support the social order while performing
essentially the same function: that of heightening
awareness of the context in which it appears and con-
stituting an objective form symbolizing essential
values of that context."7

It is this last aspect of art which is most impor-
tant for our concerns. A political movement which in-
corporates deep, thorough-going criticism and dissatis-
faction with existing society such as does the American
right, posits an alternative in its own image. The
implementation of such a total program seems to require
not only a statement of political principle and strategy,
but also a definition of new and desireable values and
attitudes, a critique of the old and corrupt society,
and a feasible definition of how the new is to be
achieved. What we should want to know is not only the
official ideology and program of a political group, but
also the "folk" or unofficial version of that ideology
as it exists in the non-elite milieu of that political

group or movement.8 In this context, art--particu1arly

 

7Milton C. Albrecht, "Art as an institution",
American Sociological Review, 33:3, (1968), p. 390.

8Bo Anderson, "Revitalization movements", re-
print from Universitetet Och Forskningen, Uppola Univer-
sitet, number 17.

lO

fictional literature--functions very well. Not only
will such literature give support and expression to the
goals of a social movement, it is also able to represent
the values it embodies as a full and distinct way of life.
Such literature, best understood as didactic fic-
tigg, has considerable tradition and a variety of forms.
One of the best known examples of this literature exists
in the school of socialist realism associated with the
period of full—blown Stalinism in the Soviet Union, Here,
the attempt to bring an entire society to large-scale
industrial capacity included the subsumption of all art
and literature to that task. Literature and other atten-
dent art forms of the period repeatedly and thoroughly
stressed those values and attitudes seen necessary by the
political elite to produce the "industrial man".9 Other
previous examples in this country include the Horatio Alger
genre of fiction of the last century and the sizeable
political movements which formed around the utopian fiction
of the close of the 1900's-—best typified by the series
of works following Bellamy's Looking_Backward. Similarly,
the inclusion and importance of social science fiction in

the genre of Robert Heinlein's Stranger in a Strange Land

 

9Paul Hollander, "Models of behavior in Stalin-
ist literature: A case study of totalitarian values and
controls", American Sociological Review, 31:3 (1966),

pp. 352-36u.

11

or Robert Rimmer's The Harrad_§§periment seems to figure
both as socializing agent and program in large sectors
of the youth culture of the late 1960's.

The form of didactic literature has not only aes-
thetic but sociological significance. Central to such
works is the provision of models of behavior for the
participating audience. The literary device most suited
to such portrayal is the personification of good and evil
in what are usually called "positive" and "negative"
heroes. Hollander is correct when he points out that the
core of any value system is revealed when conceptions of
good and bad are laid bare.10 His study of the positive
and negative hero in Soviet literature is important not
only because these literary stereotypes stand as offi-
cially designated models of behavior but because presen-
tation of these models involved a summary of the entire
system of Stalinist values and the ways and means by which
that regime thought the internalization of such new values '
and attitudes would best proceed. Hollander's description
of Soviet literary models as important for Stalin's system
of social control is true in varying degrees of the models
for behavior in the literature of all literate cultures:
"there are many areas of life difficult to bring under ade-
quate institutional control..., covered by explicit rules,

political instructions, or ideological propositions. Per-

 

lOIbid., p. 353.

12

sonal relationships are a prime example, which, by their
diffuseness and inherent privacy, are difficult to bring
under satisfactory political-institutional control."11
Literature and all art provides a potential penetration
of this diffuseness and privacy.

It is what we have thus far called "models for be-
havior" which function as ideal structures not only in
the socialization but in the preservation of the integrity
and viability of rightist beliefs for the individual actor.
It is however to be expected that considerable disjuncture
will appear between the idealized norms and values existing
only in our literature and the realized structures and
behavior of the right. What should not be lost sight of,
is that it is the idggl, though incompletely or partially
institutionalized, that usually serves as the basis of
action and behavior. The ability of the sociologist to
"unmask" the ideology of the right (or any social group)
by merely pointing to this discrepancy between ideal and
actual is easily achieved, yet it often fails to extend
our understanding of that ideology in precisely those
ways and nuances most meaningful to the participant. The
abstraction of models for behavior from the literature of
our sample is then, primarily, a methodological device
which allows us interpretation of the symbols by which the

rightist constructs his own political reality.

 

llIbid.

THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF OUR SAMPLE

The most general criterion for inclusion of a book
in the sample of this study is that it be a novel that
receives circulation among the political right. Exactly
how books were selected will be treated below, but here
we want to indicate the general sociological context of
our sample.

As suggested earlier, theoretical elaboration of a
sociology of art and literature has been rudementary.
Albrecht and Barnett, in two separate reviews of the in-
stitutional structures of art, note the existence of a
variety of models which posit art as particular forms
of interaction between the artist and the public or quite
often, as between artist, critic, and public.12 Both sug-
gest that major structural change in society--whether
political, economic, etc.--affect art and literature only
in mediated or indirect ways; that is, through those social
structures which uniquely constitute the social matrix of
art. Considerable ambiguity attaches itself to exactly
what these unique social structures might be. Typically,
they involve the artistic phenomena itself, including raw

materials, specialized skills, tools, etc.: the artist and

his various roles; disposal and distribution systems in-

 

12Albrecht, Barnett, QB cit.: see also Hugh D.
Duncan, Language and Literatgge in Society, 1953.

13

14

cluding publishers, theaters, museums; critics and re-
viewers with attendent formal priciples of judgment or
aesthetic: and, finally, the various publics or audiences.

Little precision exists in the formulation of inter-
change and exchange among these various structures.
Clearly, some are operative at the individual or psych-
ologistic level: others are primarily cultural or social;
many may influence or be influenced by other than artistic
processes. However, taken together they do have a heuris-
tic value which allows the context of the literature of
our sample to emerge.

The original intention of this thesis was not merely
to analyze political novels of the right but works that
were patently "utopian" in genre. The feeling was that
not only would a utopian response--a response understood
as a Egtgl description of the institutions and procedures
of a fictional society or state-~be directed toward that
which was seen as vitally problematic in the existing
political realm, but would also best offer a transcendent
or ameilorative gesture at the same time. Some of the
novels analyzed are clearly this--Hunt's Alpaca, for
example; while others are dystopian in effect--McMichael's
Journal of David Q. Little or Ayn Rand's Anthem.13 All
works analyzed in the sample are, however, set or oriented
toward future action and all involve plots set in a poli-

tical background. Thus all deal with a history that has

 

l38ee Appendix A for a complete list of sample.

15

yet to happen in a political setting most convincing to
sympathetic interpretation by the rightist. The plots
are realistic in style; major characters, whether nega-
tive or positive hero-types, were generally introduced
early and with little ambiguity as to character type.
Many of the same characteristics which Hollander noted
about the socialist realist novels he studies, were also
found to be accurately descriptive of the novels of this
sample--particularly marked features of tendentiousness,
plot and character simplification, and politicalization
of conflict.l)+ In sum, these are definitive of the di-
dactic form.

The books analyzed include two written by the top
figures in two rightist organizations--the well-known
H. L. Hunt and William Campbell Douglass, the organizer
of the "Let Freedom Ring!" network, described in their
own literature as "the hard-hitting, tape-recorded,
anti-Communist messages delivered by telephone 24 hours
a day across the country". Other authors such as Taylor
Caldwell and Ayn Rand are regular contributors to right-
ist political journals and magazines. None of the other
authors have achieved the considerable general circula-
tion of these last-mentioned writers; only these latter

two, for instance, are published by companies other than

houses generally acknowledged as rightist or conservative.

 

l”Hollander, 92 cit.

16

This means eleven of the thirteen works analyzed originate
from such houses as Western Islands which is a publishing
house for the John Birch Society or the Arlington House
which, although organizationally unattached, often pub-
lishes for rightist authors or audiences. The actual num-
ber of copies distributed is unknown. However, all the
works included in our sample are readily available for
purchase in rightist bookstoresng advertised in their
magazines; and, available from the lending libraries of
their organizations.

In our introduction above, it was suggested that lit-
erature can be seen to function as a socializing agent for
the novice political actor, and as a continuing re-inforce-
ment for the previously initiated. There is some impres-
sionistic evidence that it is the latter which is more im-
portant for our sample. When asking for "anti-Communist
books-~especially novels" in any of the bookstores visited,
my request was invariably met first by a pro-offering of
a book of the factual expose variety rather than the re-
quested novel suitable for the sample. It would not be
until I was able to establish myself as "knowledgeable"

that novels were offered and then with a discussion of

 

l5The john Birch Society maintains bookstores
called American Opinion Bookstores, in all areas in which
it is politically active. These bookstores are staffed
with members of the Society. Not as wide-spread as the
Birch Society stores are independent, local outlets such
as the Conservative Bookstores found in two Michigan cities.

17

their literary merit ("it's exciting and realistic,...a
convincing plot", etc.). It seemed as if this kind of
intercourse is reserved for those already sure of their
politics and who would already share many of the assump-
tions about the world that these novels make.

The sample was generated out of the literary review
columns of the American Opinion magazine (edited by Robert
Welch of the Birch Society) and the American Mercury (an
organizationally-unattached magazine of national circu-
lation) from the period 1960 through l968--the feeling
being that this period marked the period to public ascen-
dency of the newest phase of rightist activity. This
list produced eight books understood as political novels
in the sense outlined above. To these eight, five further
works were added at the recommendation of staff members of
the bookstores where the books were purchased.16

The content analysis undertaken of the entire sample
was aimed at eliciting a classification of the recurring

themes of good and evil, change and history. An analysis

schedule was constructed that allowed first, the indexing

 

16The novel Anthem by Ayn Rand pre-dates this
period but was included because this work in particular
seems to function in this political culture as a "classic"
and was regarded generally by bookstore members as impor-
tant. The other well-known works of Miss Rand such as
Atlas Shrugged, etc., are not inluded in the sample because
they receive wide circulation outside of the rightist po-
litical culture. For an attempt by a rightist literary
critic to place this entire literature within a classic
mode--particularly in regard to the proper portrayal of
the hero in fiction-~see E. Merrill Root, "And a philoso-
phy for today", American Opinion (October, 1964) pp. 57-67.

18

of the usual socio-economic attributes of all hero-types
such as age, occupation, etc., along with an adjective
check-list that allowed classification of all descriptive
words and phrases relevant to the personality, physical
appearance, and inter-personal behavior of each fictional
individual portrayed. This provided a rudementary profile
of recurring stereotypes and themes. In addition to this
item-analysis, the schedule provided for an initial listing
of the type of social interaction found to be most appro-
priate to each hero-type--whether religious, sexual, eco-
nomic or ideological. In much the same manner, an effort
was made to classify the various presentations of the
forces of history and social change. The schedule simply
allowed for the listing of those images, concepts, and
metaphors within which the fictional actors played their
roles and action took place. Special attention was paid
to the awareness of class differences and conflict, whol-
istic concepts of society and change, and mystical (1;§.,

conspiratorial) conceptions of history.

THE POSITIVE HERO IN RIGHTIST LITERATURE

If a prototype of the positive hero exists, it is
probably best suggested by Leo Lowenthal's description of
the "idols of production" that peopled the popular bio-
graphies of the family magazines current in the early
part of this century.17 Regardless of the historical
reality, it was these idols of production-~portraying
the "rugged individualist" in his almost classic form--
which were intended to serve as educational models for
all readers to emulate. These highly-colored journalistic
accounts conveyed very clearly the image that it was only
by the efforts of these exceptional few that the founda-
tion of freedom, science, art, and civilization itself,
existed at all.

This is not to say, however, that the rightist pos-
itive hero is merely a re-creation in fiction of the idols
of the past. It is not the specific attributes of either
class or personality that today's rightist hero shares
with the idols of production--the positive hero of our
sample is seldom a full-blown capitalist indulging in
self-satisfied knowledge of work well-done and leisure
well-earned. Success on such scale is not available to
the hero of our fiction, engaged more in a struggle against
the evils of a society gone wrong or astray, than in the

ordinary, if Spartan, daily competition of early American

 

l7Lowenthal, 92 cit.
l9

20

capitalism, Rather, it is a tremendous nostalgia for past
idols and ideals which permeates the novels of our sample.
It is as if many of the satisfactions attributed to the
earlier period such as work strenuously but well-done,
pride in individual accomplishment and expertise, enjoyment
of obvious truths of God and country, all would charac-
terize the activity and ideals of the rightist hero were

he not found, often against his will, in struggle against
evil people and wrong beliefs.

Such nostalgia is important because it is different
in quality from the mere attachment to past traditions and
values that most sociologists attribute to the rightist
population. Lipset and Raab, for example, rest a large
part of their explanation of rightist political behavior
on what they call a Quondam complex describing a condition
of those who have more of a stake in the past than in the
present.18 In such an explanation, the rightist is simply
holding to out-moded or dis-utilitarian values and beliefs
in the face of "reality", usually for psychological reasons
of distinctive self-image. However, the nostalgia that
attaches itself to the positive heros in our sample is not
merely a condition of wanting to live in the past. Rather,

it articulates values to be striven for in present personal,

 

18Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics
of Unreason: RightwingwExtremism in America, 1790-1970, 1970,
pp. 460-463.

21

social, and above all, political action. The attributes
and values of the positive hero are more often cast as com-
mon human values that motivate all good men; that are seen
by the rightist as intrinsic rather than merely historical.
The rightist hero functions as a protagonist demonstrating
these universal characteristics in the present situation,
hopefully carrying the realization of these same values
uncorrupted into the future. While the development of
these novels and their plots are in many ways naive, none
really posit a return to a past history or society as their
resolution.

This emerges more clearly if we compare some of the
simple demographic differences between the positive and
negative hero. The following tables will summarize the
education and occupational characteristics of the forty-
four (44) positive and forty-five (45) negative figures in
our sample. Such characteristics, often important for the
sociologist as experimental parameters, are important for
different reasons in literary presentation where they serve
as the rough framework upon which the personality and
values of the hero-type is built. Characteristics as oo-
cupation or education conveys not merely a single item of
information to the reader but often an entire pattern of
associations usually attributed to an individual in such
an occupation or of such an age, etc. They serve as a
shorthand which allows the reader to quickly either identify

or reject a fictional character, particularly where such

22

chacteristics might have high salience in the world view
of the reader. For example, we would expect some measure
of identification to be generated among rightist readers
by a casting of the positive hero in social roles akin to
those of the reading audience. Conversely, the negative
hero should be distant either in social class or social
status.

Table 1, below, is a single listing of the occupa-
tions of the major male positive and negative heroes in
our sample. The table is largely self-explanatory although
clarification of the term "bureaucrat" is required. Des
spite its acceptance into the sociological litany, "bur-
eaucrat" and "bureaucracy" continue to carry a pejorative
connotation of make-work, manipulation from the top, and
interference in the affairs of those who really produce.
The popular image of the "do-nothing" politician is the
best example of such a bureaucrat and it is precisely
such a depiction of politicians as bureaucrats that forms
the largest single occupational category of the negative
hero in rightist literature. Likewise, all business and
military figures cast as negative heroes also are "bur-
eaucratic" in this mode--the businessmen are executives
in large corporations greedy for profit even at the ex-
pense of co-existence with evil and/or communism; the
military figures are often non-combat staff officers
buried deep in Pentagon intrigues far removed from con-

frontation with the enemy.

23

Table l.--Occupations of male positive and negative heroes.

 

Positive Hero (n=28) Negative Hero (n=37)
Military or Police 6 Military ("Bureaucrat") 4
Politician ("Statesman")6 Politician ("Bureaucrat") 13

("Bureaucrat") 1
Business (corporate) 5
Business (self-employed)2
(corporate ex.) 1 Professional (Scientist/
professor) 8
Professional (engineer/ (misc.) 5
scientist)3
(medical/physician)4 Union ("Bureaucrat") 1
(journalist) 2
(teacher) 1 Skilled Labor 1
Religious 2

 

 

The positive hero is, in large part, defined in op-
posite to the negative hero. Where the negative hero is
typically a non-producing bureaucrat (a fuller treatment
of the negative hero will be undertaken below), the pos-
itive hero is primarily a man of action and a man of 239-
duction. The politician is no longer merely a bureaucrat;
rather, he is a statesman capable of defining political
solutions, inspiring confidence in, and successfully lead-
ing others. The military men are away from Washington,
usually in the field or combat. Most notedly, the busines-
smen are most often found to be self-employed, scornful of
the inefficiency and corrupting nature of the large cor-
poration.

This same emphasis on action and production produces

interesting contrasts in the literary development of the

24

character of scientists and other highly educated pro-
fessionals. The negative hero scientist is typically a
professor or intellectual, who, while possessing great
scientific knowledge, really has little practical knowledge
and even less understanding of common, more mundane, truths.
The work he does is esoteric, described even in the best

of these novels in cryptic terms often leaving the reader
with some uncertainty as to what exactly the scientist is
doing and what possible social contribution he makes. Just
the opposite describes the work of the positive-hero sci-
entist. Usually, he is more of an engineer capable of
meeting everyday problems of production and capable of
giving technical solutions to the twists and crises of the
plot. Very similar in presentation is the physician
positive-hero who is capable of possessing great scientific
knowledge with practical application of medicine. In all
occupational roles, the positive-hero is distinguished by
the obvious product of his labor.

Interesting, however, is the failure of the positive
hero to be strictly drawn as a reflection of the occupa-
tional structure of the rightist population itself--a re-
flection we might have expected. Repeated sociological
investigation locates the rightist activist in the lower
levels of the bourgeoisie, often the owners of smaller in-
dependent businesses and professional practices, and among

the lower prestige white-collar jobs of the working class.

25

The major exception to this is the predictable pattern

of the somewhat higher status and class position of the
leadership of the organizations of the right.19 Rightist
ideology, on the other hand, locates its enemies in the
institutions and beliefs of liberalism-—which essentially
means those who occupy dominant positions in national
government, national media, and the universities. The
data in Table I indicates the positive hero generally is
located in occupations of higher status and prestige than
those held by the rightist reader; the positive hero seems,
in fact, to be reflective of the existing leadership of
the rightist movement.

One reason for this perhaps lies in the large auto-
biographical component in many of the novels, themselves
authored by either spokesman or leaders of the rightist
organizations. What seems more important, however, is the
repeated emphasis in all the novels on the need for gig-
cipline to the authority, directives, and foresight of a
few key individuals in each novel. In all of the books of
our sample, successful struggle against communism is de-
pendent upon good leadership. And success in leadership
in such struggle is usually depicted as being dependent

upon many of the same factors responsible for success in

 

19Ibid., p. 310.

26

business or professional life. Adherence to the authority
of this "natural" leadership is displayed by all positive
figures and figures as one of the most important traits of
the positive hero. Such discipline is less a matter of ex-
ternal conformity with the directives and orders from the
leadership than an internal cognitive acceptance of the
"rightmoSS" of the way by which the leadership has ascended
to his superior position. That is, the leader is a natural
leader: the product of a social Darwinism that thrust him
forward at just the needed crucial time. Submission to such
discipline is acknowledgement of the rightousness of the
social forces that produced the leadership.

If such capacity for activity and production are the
primary attributes of the male positive hero, few such
virtues are attributed to the female positive hero. In all
the novels, the plot is dominated by male figures and male-
oriented concerns: the depiction of women in both positive
and negative hero-types is completely within traditional
role expectations placed upon women in our society. That
means a woman is identified primarily by her relation to
"her" man which is a relationship typically of service, if
not subservience, in either the place of business or the

home. Table II summarizes the data quite succiently.

27

Table ll.--Occupations of female positive and negative heroes.

 

Positive Hero (n=l6) Negative Hero (n=8)
Housewife 6 Housewife 1
Secretary/Assistant 4 Bureaucrat (Gov't) 3
Sexual Object 2 Sexual Object 3
Journalist 2
Scientist 1
Student 1 Student 1

 

 

Whether as housewife or secretary, the positive attributes
of women are most clearly in focus in those roles where she
is of service to a man. The female positive figure typically
provides ego-support and creature-comforts to her active

and productive partner. Even in those roles that are not
necessarily reflective or complimentary to those of a par-
ticular male, such as a scientist or journalist, the womanly
features of the positive female figures are established by

a description of her in terms of warmth, submissiveness,
beauty, and all the other characteristics of her more tradi-
tional sister. In those situations where the woman is iden-
tified only by virtue of being an accessible sexual object
as mistress or lover, the positive figure provides more than
just sexual pleasure for her man; she may be the source of
sound worldly advice and the only cosmopolitan figure in

all the novels that is also a positive hero. By contrast,
the negative female hero is sexually manipulative, self-
seeking, and ambitious--in many respects, she assumes at-

tributes that would be positively regarded in the male.

28

In sum, women of either type are incidental to the plot of
these novels and serve only in the very circumscribed and
limited roles described above.

Sexual relations for the positive hero are properly
undertaken only with one's spouse. This corresponds with
an emphasis on the primacy pf the family as the source of
almost all intimacy, and a de-emphasis on the possibly
hedonistic distractions sexual encounter may have for the
positive hero. Sexual activity itself seems to be unimpor-
tant and treated with little significance throughout the
novels analyzed. This has several forms: There is no
sexual explicit dialogue in any of the books; even the
hyper-sexual activity attributed to the negative heroes is
suggestive and only hinted at. There also intermittently
appears a naive anti-Freudianism articulated by the pos-
itive hero, playing upon the popular misconceptions of
psycho-analyses' singular preoccupation with sex. In one
novel (The Disppssessed), the negative figures are speci-
fically psychoanalysts, and psychoanalysis itself is shown
as an ideology of "brainwashing" and totalitarian control.
Finally, the positive hero is repeatedly cast as rational
and ascetic zigrgrxlg the sensual and possibly decadent
negative hero. Such Puritanism becomes highly functional
for the positive hero: By avoiding the distractions and

temptations of illicit sex, he is portrayed as having that

29

much more energy for other--more important--tasks and once
more the primacy of the family is again re-affirmed.
Closely associated with depictions of sexuality in
these novels is the very careful and unusually detailed
descriptions of the physical appearance of the positive
and negative heroes. The positive male hero is invariably
described in terms of strength and impressive physique--
he often gives the "craggy impression of inner force": he
is a "spare but stalwart man", "knotty-shouldered but lithe
of step". Much attention is paid to his eyes, whether they
are "flashing eyes beneath shapely brows", "eyes...with
strange banked fires of emotion", or merely "eyes dancing
with humor". The positive woman, shunning ostentation and
chimeral glamour, is more often than not merely described
as "comely" or "pert". Even if it is suggested she is
"extraordinarily beautiful", no detailed description is in
order other than to say she is the "fairest of the fair"
and the possessor of an "earthy eternal (sic) beauty".
What emerges is a tendency for many of the personal and
social characteristics of a positive hero that we would
ordinarily expect to be delineated through interaction
with others or by self-reflection, to be conveyed through
rather simplistic adjectival formulas such as above. A
very similar tendency was noticed by Lowenthal in his de-
scription of the idols of production and consumption. In

both cases, it is as if the author wanted to impress on the

30

reader that the hero must be understood in terms of bio-
logical or ethnic inheritance: that the individual's per-
sonality and social life are primarily reflective of intrin-
sic biological factors over which little control or change
is possible.

Such factors play directly into the existing racial
and ethnic stereotypes that many Americans, rightists or
not, share and perpetuate: the positive hero is a blend of
the heroes of text-book history and Hollywood judged by the
standards of beauty, grace, and physical appeal of white
America alone. The negative hero then is described and
judged wanting by these same standards. If the negative
male hero is described as handsome, it is only to insinuate
he is effete or guilty of moral turpitude: the negative
female hero may be beautiful but a beauty flawed by conceit
or fancy. Of even greater interest, however, is the com-
plete absence of negative heroes who are usually stereo-
typed in American culture--there are no Negro or Jewish
negative heroes in these novels. This is unusual partic-
ularly in the face of the repeated observation in the soc-
iological literature of the rightist's tendency to indicate
anti-Negro and anti-Jewish sentiment in response to survey

interviews.20 This suggests the possibility that scape-

 

20Ira S. Rohter, "The righteous rightists", Trans-
Action; 4:6 (1967) pp. 27-35; Lipset and Raab, pp cit., pp.
351 ff.

31

goating and projection of these stereotypes may have less
salience in the rightist political culture than indicated
by previous research. This is not to deny that racism in
this subculture or the mainstream exists, but rather that
it does not form an overt pivot around which rightist
politics revolve. The constellation of beliefs that form
American racist ideology are seldom articulated as such;
they form part of the natural order of things about which
questions seldom occur.

A good example of this can be found in the few senten-
ces introducing a minor positive figure who is also "inci-
dentally a Negro":

"Judge Hannibal would be a great American--
if he could only forget he is an American
Negro. He asks us to forget his color--but
he never forgets it. He is one of the most
race-conscious men in the country--and he
should be the least. He is so brainy, so
personable, so widely esteemed...."(The Spirit
of '76)
The positive image of Judge Hannibal is enhanced and con-
solidated a few paragraphs later when it becomes evident
he will overcome his consciousness of color to join in the
struggles along side the major positive figures.

Three things are important about this presentation.
The first is that the very mention of race in this case is
rare among the books surveyed; as I have said above, overtly

racist themes and stereotypes seem to have little importance--

being neither challenged nor directly affirmed. Second is

32

the quality of the response to the initial insistence of
the Negro’s consciousness of race and blackness. It is
the response of typical resentment to anyone who would
not immediately choose to be "100% American like them-
selves", coupled with the indignation at the realization
that this is precisely what is being affirmed. The re-
sponse is that of most white Americans and is not simply
attributable to the rightist. Related to this and the
few other similar passages elsewhere in this book and
the others, is the appearance of racially-identifiable
figures only as positive hero types. Such figures are
all successful as individuals who have overcome their
(admitted) liabilities of race or ethnicity gg individ-
pglg. Judge Hannibal has "made good on his own and
[madgl himself a useful citizen...It could be true for
all Negroes--it really could". The formula for success--
the formula of the positive hero--is in typically American
fashion available to all regardless of race, class, or
national origin. The possibility of uniqueness in the
position of American black people is not discussed: it
simply does not appear as problematic in the social uni-
verse of these novels.

What emerges out of this therefore, is less a picture
of overt racial superiority than an affirmation of gpppp
or class superiority. In fact, it should be stressed
here that all distinctions and attributes of the positive

hero we have thus far made are important distinctions;

33

they are quite consciously presented as the prime indica-
tors of how the world divides itself into good and evil--
we and they. Such a presentation ultimately becomes an
ethic which has its base in an appeal to the experience

of the reader--the moral validation of the positive hero's
action, values and even physicality, is made on the basis
of a participation and sharing in similar life-experiences
as the reader's own. The difference being, however, that
the positive hero is shown to be capable of transforming
what might be experienced as liabilities in the real world
of the reader, into the very formula of success. The pos-
itive hero is like "us"; but by becoming like him, we can
assert our own values and priorities to win. While this
sort of argument may well be ad hominem, it functions in
these novels as a powerful device of asserting group con-
sciousness and group superiority, while simultaneously re-
iterating the ethic of individualism and mission carried
through the positive hero.

The capacity for outrage is another characteristic
which is expressed repeatedly in both the thought and
action of the positive hero. In most cases the foil or
target of such outrage is the negative hero whose over-
riding characteristic is captured very well by the title
of one of the novels-~The Equivocal Men. In this book
none of the equivocal men are really "evil"--their weak-

ness is a lack of inner strength and an incapacity to

34

experience moral indignation at the obvious outrages per-
petuated around them. They are all men of the system--the
titles of each chapter best suggests who they are and the
malaise that affects them:

"Man of Letters

Man of Means

Man on the Brink

Man of Learning

Man of Emptiness

Man of State

Man of Obsession"
The sceptical intellectual, the jaded millionaire, a power-
hungry bureaucrat--they are all merely "troubled" by what
they see around them as the Big Powers "co-exist", religion
and morality bend under liberality and situational ethics,
and crime rises. The equivocal men are "uncertain", "of
doubtful nature", "ambiguous"; in a previous era they would
be labled "bleeding hearts". For the author in his intro-
duction, they are "the most dangerous men in America".

As a consequence of his outrage, however, the positive
hero is able to act in the face of such danger and inaction.
He is able to cut through the immobilizing bureaucracy that
is seen to pervade all aspects of modern life; as statesman,
he is not bound to observe the niceties and conventions that
surround the detente between Russian Communists and American
liberals. Nor is he required to observe the drawing-room

conventions that would prevent him from punching an insin-

uating reporter who has written insultingly of him.

35

The positive hero will behave, in fact, along the
classic lines described by Svend Ranulf's study of moral
indignation and the psychology of the lower-middle classes.21
The satisfaction of punching your opponent in the nose may
be the immediately preferred solution, but the positive
hero recognizes such pleasure is only transitory. More
usually the solution is found in public exposure and cen-
sure of liberal ineptitude and equivocation; reduction of
the offending figures to their "rightful place in the
scale" and the elevation of the outraged and previously
grieved to his proper place. It is suggested that retri-
bution, not revolution, is the necessary antidote; it is
punishment--a punishment that "fits" the offense--that is
sought rather than revenge. In Banulf's terms, it is the
recourse to a society of law in which the laws are more
generally punitive, "efficient", and less disposed to con-
sider "extenuating circumstances" and the "big picture".
The positive hero must have the capacity for outrage but
also justice in his own fashion.

Closely related to the positive hero's capacity for
outrage is the enthusiasm or zeal by which he distinguishes

himself in all tasks and undertakings. This occurs in two

 

21Svend Ranulf, Moral lndignation and Middle
Class Psychology, 1964.

36

distinct forms: First, and primarily, the positive hero

is enthusiastic about the skills and labor he performs in
his occupation. He articulates a willingness to work hard
on all tasks; he is never bored or alienated from his work
§§_§gpp although he is often portrayed as frustrated by
less-than—competent superiors who lack both insight into
the job that must be done and a willingness to see it done
correctly. The positive hero further "understands" the
need to perform all jobs--however menial--with enthusiasm
and competence. Often the description of how the positive
hero actually works includes quite explicit admonishments
on the virtues of hard work and the necessity of enthusias-
tically receiving it. Such work is its own reward. The
positive hero is neither a careerist nor toady to mere
economic incentive. He has faith that the good life will
include hard work; anticipation for easy reward is minimized
and deprecated throughout all the novels.

It can not help but strike the sociologist that the
positive hero here displays that same enthusiastic instinct
for workmanship which sixty years ago Veblen felt to be the
potentially redeeming factor of industrial, capitalist civil-
ization. Such enthusiasm is not confined to the workplace
although it originates there. Rather, this "instinct"--
understood by Veblen as the zealous accomplishment of con-
structive work-~is diffuse and influences the pursuit of

all other activity in an individual's life. So it is with

37

the positive hero. Growing out of a shunning of career

and material reward as the goal of work-~activity is a
continued enthusiasm and zeal in all further undertakings

of the positive hero-~particu1ar1y in the political struggle
against the negative hero and his liberalist ideology.
Ironically, both Veblen's workman and our rightist hero
exhalt work as the foundation for the moral man and the

good society.

The willingness to embrace and exhault work as both
necessary and redeeming is a response to the forms of labor
in our society probably unique to the rightist political
culture. Whatever the reality of two-income families and
moonlighting jobs, the mainstream's ideological concern is
away from work itself with an emphasis more on leisure and
the consumption work brings. Much of the appeal of the
organized right resides in this recognition of the continued
centrality of work in the lives of most people--and, most
importantly, the re-inforcement of the dominant myths and
ideology surrounding such work that a doctrine of receiving
work enthusiastically ultimately accomplishes. The ability
to "lose oneself in work" is only one possible response to
the alienated labor of our society--but it is the one the
rightist can most logically put forward.

Finally, the positive hero brings the same zeal to his

practice and beliefs of religion. The positive hero is not

 

necessarily a Christian although when he is, it is of the

38

fundamental variety uncontaminated by liberal theological
modifications and "this—worldliness". More often, however,
he is simply a "believer" in the working out of Divine Order,
modest in his own estimation of his role but self-assured

of the integrity of his beliefs. Such faith is articulated
essentially as an understanding of this Order and man's
subordinate and lesser place in it. Religion is neither
questioned nor elaborated upon but is assumed to function

as guidance in all important matters and tight corners. It
is very much the faith of the practical man.

The God of the rightist novel is not an interventionist
and accomplishes no gppp g; machina. The matter is less
clear about the Devil; evil men and evil deeds occur and
must be fought against by the positive hero. The communist
and his ideology are predictably the prime manifestation of
evil in the world, but it is always made clear that evil men
and thoughts have existed throughout history. The positive
hero has the insight and faith to realize this while the
liberal negative figure is portrayed as never quite capable
of achieving that same understanding. The result is a bi-
furcation of the social world into those believing in the
existence of evil and the necessity to fight against it,
and those who are beguiled by what is portrayed as spurious
"sociological or materialist" arguments of relativity and
situational ethics. The positive hero does not attempt to

proselytize in an effort to close this gap. The gap reflects

39

one more "fact" of the world that must be recognized and
dealt with. The positive hero wins not by converting his

enemy but by overcoming him.

THE NEGATIVE HERO IN RIGHTIST FICTION

Rapport and empathy with the positive hero and the
struggles he faced were based, as we have seen above, upon
establishing the essential identity of the reader's own
values and life-experiences with those of the fictive hero.
The use of stereotypes, while occurring, was perhaps less
than we might have expected from didactic fiction. Rather,
the positive hero was seen to be convincing primarily on
the basis of shared, and presumably, common human values
available in the reader's own life, allowing, or perhaps
the word should be forcing, the inference that the positive
hero is a person much like the reader.

The situation is different with the presentation of
the negative hero. The negative hero is the central lit-
erary mechanism by which the enemy is defined; coupled
with the presentation of the positive hero, a rudimentary
political socialization of those modes of behavior to be
both emulated and avoided or fought against can be con-
sidered completed. The unique image of the negative hero
emerges in several ways: There is a tendency toward early
identification of all characters as to hero-type and, typ-
ically a subsequent literary development of this character
along a single personality dimension. This is most apparent
with the negative heroes who are often introduced with a
few adjectives indicating a general unsavoriness or hints

4O

41

of weaknesses and faults to be later revealed. Such traits
are usually indicated in the description of the negative
hero's physical appearance or presentation whereby his eyes,
physique, or perhaps handshake, are clues to underlying and
more fundamental negative characteristics. The negative
hero will also receive less over-all articulation as a fic-
tional character but instead appears as the embodiment of
one or two well-defined negative values. Thus, a major
negative hero will typically be "ambitious" and "ruthless"
but little attention will be paid to his inner musings, the
possibility of self-doubt or self-examination except as a
sign of weakness, and to possible obstacles to the machina-
tions he must accomplish in attaining his ends. In this
sense, the negative hero, more so than the positive hero,
is one-dimensional and stereotypical. He is readily iden-
tifiable, and undergoes no "changes of character" by either
his own efforts or the social forces around him.

Unlike the positive hero, who emerges as a singular
composite of the various positive values and characteris-
tics described in the previous section, the negative heroes
are of two distinct varieties. The first, by far the most
important both by fictive elaboration and simple ennumera-
tion, is the "equivocal man" mentioned in the previous
section, and the cluster of values which surround him. The

equivocal men are sociologically very similar to the posi-

42

tive hero but lack the same mppgl qualities that made the
positive hero successful and worthy of emulation. They

are passive to the social forces around them-~clearly open
to manipulation and unable to act even in their own behalf
in times of crisis. The other general type of negative hero
occurs less frequently, but is present either in the back-
ground or central plot in all the novels analyzed. He is
the active agent of communism--the figure of evil throughout
the world. This spectre is often distant and appears only
in vague outline, but always he is capable of possessing

and exercising great power. It is he who is behind the
shape of history, operating only by Machiavellian principles
and only in pursuit of his own ends.

Both figures contribute to the rightist's view of the
forces and individuals in the social world which are arraigned
against him. The communist, with all the power of evil in
the world at his disposal, stands ready to move at any sign
of weakness displayed by the positive hero. The equivoca-
tors, while never actually communists, are often either their
pawns or victims; in either case, they are unreliable in the
struggle and serve only to undermine the work and determin-
ation of the positive heroes. They become, as we have pre-
viously mentioned, the "most dangerous men" of all.

A. The depiction of the communists and their ideology

is less interesting than the portrayal of the equivocators

43

and their ilk. The picture of the communist which emerges
is predictable and follows exaggerated American anti-come
munist stereotypes. The communist is the person "behind"
all civil and social conflict; when he has not actually
caused an incident, he is always able to exploit it to his
advantage. The ends or values which might motivate him are
never made clear except to say that his is a single-minded
mission to control and destroy. Above all, such a person
is portrayed as unprincipled and gxpeditious. No consider-
ation to religion, the family, the values or desires of
others ever is entertained by him except as to how he might
subvert them. Further, all means, no matter how reprehen-
sible, will be employed by the communist--murder, torture,
deception are the first alternatives to action that he ever
considers.

The communist is disciplined and non-spontaneous in a
fashion quite dissimilar to the emulative discipline of the
positive hero. The communist is "machine-like" and "calcu-
lating" carrying out orders in a reflexive and unyielding
fashion. Where the need for discipline on the part of the
positive hero is understood and internalized, the discipline
of the communist is a consequence of fear and punishment
from the hierarchy above him. In several of the novels the
positive hero will speak enviously of the power and effic-

iency such discipline can wield, but usually concludes that

 

44

ultimately such discipline, bred of fear and evil designs,
is contemptible and dangerous. Always coupled with such
discipline is the ceaseless activism of the communist--an
activism which dictates he be ever on the alert to secure
advantage and success. The communist suffers no lapse in
either discipline or activity; all his efforts are directed
toward the objectives of "international communism".
Finally, the communist is always portrayed as a male.
The one exception to this is a single occurence of a female
communist who is in turn described solely in masculine
characteristics of both physique and habit. This peculiar
limitation can, in part, be explained by the complete ac-
ceptance of traditional sex-role definitions by the authors
and their mileau--a strong and autonomous figure such as
the communist is presented as, is not readily ascribable
to a woman. Even more important, however, are the cruel
and tortuous methods employed by him. Intended to add to
the general repugnance of the communist, these methods give
overtones of a sexual sadism and depravity which seem to
surround him. In descriptions of his physical being, much
is made of his "unusual features", his "obeisity", his "male-
ness...that captivated the opposite sex", his "foreign-ness"
which might be "semetic" or, more specifically, "his shiny
yellow face and glabrous scalp", and, his "imposing...brute

strength". The character of the communist in these respects

45

has its counterpart in the themes and fears which surround
the foreigner, the exotic, and particularly, the black Am-
erican male. To repeat, however, explicit descriptions of
either sexual or sadistic behavior does not occur in these
books; the sublimated and suggestive descriptions of the
communist are firmly not meant to titillate but to disgust
and outrage the reader. They contribute to the generally
reprehensible character of the communist and his ideology.
B. The repugnance of the communist is established
in a very matter—of-fact fashion. There is clearly no
need felt to elaborate the reasons why he is to be regarded
as a proper model for vilification—-he emerges as evil in-
carnate. The treatment of the equivocal negative hero
proceeds more carefully, with greater attention paid to
developing his precise identity and the source of his weak-
nesses and failing character. The central trait of the
equivocator is not the disciplined cruelty and deception
of the communist, but rather his inability to act decisively
in any capacity. In the context of these novels, this
means most particularly, an unwillingness to align with
the values, goals, and struggles of the positive hero. The
source of such inaction is attributed to three distinct
characteristics of the negative hero--the equivocator is
"over-educated", elitist, and hedonistic. Considered to-
gether, these traits constitute the charge that the equiv-

ocator's fatal weakness is his cosmopolitanism.

46

The equivocator is "over-educated" in the sense that

he has been exposed to the arguments of pendants and pro-

fessors to such an extent that all arguments and major de-

cisions are merely academic to him.

He is portrayed as

constantly searching for extenuating circumstances which

will allow him to either "explain away" or minimize all

forms of moral and social deviancy which properly outrages

both the positive hero and the rightist reader. The equiv-

ocator meets all situations with words rather than deeds;

in this fashion, he undercuts and weakens the positive hero

by dissipating the focus of his fury and outrage. By mod-

erating the tone of the criticism of the communist, by

finding "excuses", the equivocator reaps the well-known

charge of aiding the communist even if he himself is not

a communist. The equivocator becomes the archtype of the

Liberal in the rightist litany.

The literary device by which the "over-educated"

nature of the negative character is established is of

interest. In the display of the educational levels of

both hero types below, there appears little significant

difference between the two:

Table lll.--Education of positive and negative heroes.

 

Positive Hero (n=26)

Negative Hero (n=30)

 

Male Female Male Female
High School 1 l l -
College 10 3 15 2
Professional 10 l 10 2

 

 

47

While in many of the cases, the level of education was
neither specified nor deducible from the context or de-
scription of the character, it is apparent that being
"over-educated" is not simply a function of years spent
in school. As we saw in the previous section, the person
who utilizes an education in action and production is
highly regarded. Yet if we recall the occupational
characteristics of the negative hero from the discussion
above, we likewise remember the dominant position of the
"bureaucrat" in the rightist's world. Such bureaucrats
invariably appeared in positions of power, above the
positive hero and working against his ends. The injustice
of such a situation is stressed repeatedly in all the
novels; it creates one of the central tensions in their
plots and finds resolution in the same fashion. No criti-
cism is made of hierarchy and power-relations as such;
rather, the entire focus is upon the illegitimacy of
ascension to such positions by those who have only "mere
book-learning". The bureaucrat's potential product of
expertise is denied. The theme recurs in which he is con-
cerned only with theory and fantasy with no understanding
of how to "make a dollar or turn or turn a lathe".

The entire notion of the "over-educated" man embodies

the experience of resentment that other empirical studies

48

have suggested permeates the life of the rightist.22 Such
resentment has as its expression not a clear understanding
of the power relations of modern American society, but a
mistrust of higher education and the other institutions of
this society. The rightist himself has typically not had
access to such education; he encounters the institutional
intricacies and complexities of the society only in a neg-
ative and interfering way as they intrude upon his own life
with their peculiar inefficiencies and modes of alienation.
In many ways, the understanding of the centrality of a
well-educated and bureaucratically-sophisticated minority
in the reproduction of everyday life in this society is
sound--whether held by a rightist or a social scientist.
What is unique in the portrayal of the rightist's exper-
ience in these novels, however, is the focus of resentment
on the means of achieving such social roles and positions.
Neither questioning the roles themselves as might the left-
ist, or rationalizing their form and necessity as does the
organizational theoretician, the rightist is left with only
a bitterness at the injustice of the situation.

The theme of the cosmopolitan negative hero is con-
tinued by stressing, in the same fashion, his essentially
elitist arrogance and contempt for common people and com-

monly-held values. Such elitism is depicted as flowing

 

22Rohter, pp cit.

49

from two sources: The first is the very process of "over-
education" itself--the experience of dealing with the merely
abstract and academic. The process of "over-education" in-
culcates a false set of values by stressing the ideal over
the real; the impossible over the practical. At the same
time, the very process of education insures that the intel-
lectual and the dreamer will ascend to self-perpetuating

and illegitimate positions of power. Several authors men-
tion the "tyranny of the pseudo-intellectual" and the
"mis-educated".

The elitism and arrogance of the "over-educated" does
not simply reside in the process of education alone, how-
ever. As we have already seen of many of the other positive
and negative traits, such elitism also is seen to have
ultimately biologic roots. The negative character is re-
vealed to have "always" considered himself better than
others--particularly in intellect (in the male role) and
in beauty (in the female role). The negative character is
vain and inflated, gravitating naturally to the self-con-
gratulatory and unreal world on intellectuals, the univer-
sity, and the useless maze of big government. Such elitists
seek out each other to mutually re-inforce their vanities
and egoism--always at the expense of the "common people".

It is this particular aspect of elitism which will usually

serve in these novels as explanation of the equivocator's

SO

flirtation with and attraction to the hard-core communist.
Communism, depicted always as a philosophy and theory of
efficient and rational domination of the many by the few,
is most attractive to the lpp§p_needs of the vain. The
communist, of course, will always recognize such vanity
and the other personal weaknesses it signals, using the
equivocator for his own ends and discarding him as soon
as it suits his purposes. There is no sympathy for one
used in this manner; the equivocator's inherent faults
make his destruction predestined and just.

The cosmopolitan character of the equivocating neg-
ative hero is completed with a description of his tendency
toward hedonism. Unlike the exaggerated sexual depravity
attributed to the communist, the equivocator is portrayed
in a state of almost lethargic moral decay. His conceit
and vanity have their counterparts in social relations of
promiscuity and indolent pleasure-seeking. He strives after
mere excitment rather than love; his tastes-~whether in
leisure, food, sex, or culture--are exquisite and arti-
ficial. For the male negative character, there appears
intimations of effeteness and homosexuality-~although as
in the treatment of the communist, these themes are not
explicit nor developed as plot-lines. Sexuality exists
only as one more avenue that the equivocator--incapable of
self-motivation and discipline, but with all the ambitions
of the self-important--exploits to secure and hold his ad-

vantaged social position and access to power.

51

The description of the values and characteristics of
the equivocal negative hero is directed to converge on
both a depiction and critique of the Liberal and his world.
The picture of the liberal and the distortions it includes,
is in many ways grotesque. Yet it is worth recapitulating
for the light it throws on the rightist's perception of
the society in which he lives. The tendency of these
novels is to portray all social relations in terms of
dominance or submission--in short, to make all social
relations power relations. The result is a world where
the rightist protagonist faces not only the communist as
enemy, but also stands with the entire power structure
of the liberal and his creation-~the vast welfare state--
arrayed against him. Liberalism, as a philosophy and
practice, is held accountable for the growth and alien
character of the bureaucracy of big government; similarly,
it is the permissiveness of liberalism that has fostered
the ascendency of public officials who are morally corrupt
and uncomprehending of the dangers of communism. The
rightist can have pp recourse to either these men or the
institutions they serve in his own efforts to redeem society.

The situation the rightist will eventually face, there-
fore, is a decision to carry his own struggles outside the
existing channels of legitimate political power. The pos-

ture of the rightist positive hero is in this respect an

52

awkward one--clearly unwilling to align with the currents

of revolution as it exists in this century, the most he

can offer as an alternative at this time is an opportunity
to begin a long and arduous struggle of redemption. It is
the portrayal of the possibility of winning that is the most
important thrust of the entire sample of novels for the
rightist and within the rightist political culture itself.
The dominant metaphor of the novels is one of purifica-
tion; by adding to the sense of urgency and crisis, the
books function in a quite self-conscious fashion as calls

to action. The books themselves become one more weapon with

which to wage the just battle.

CONCLUSIONS

The discussion thus far has aimed at generating a
model of those values which serve to guide the rightist
political actor in both positive and negative directions.
We have attempted to show that the positive hero embodies
not only sociological characteristics which seem reflective
of the rightists' own social position, but also those
characteristics such as discipline and outrage which are
intended to mobilize the reader directly. In a similar
fashion, we saw that the negative hero functions to con-
cretize the need to fight the evil he represents, galvan-
izing the reader toward action. The configuration of
values in both models appear as instrumental or pragmatic
rather than absolute or directed to ultimate goals. This
is a somewhat surprising finding given the absolutist terms
in which the rightist movement is usually described in the
sociological literature, yet it can be attributed to the
fact that any political movement vying for power in a ser-
ious fashion will allow itself the widest options of con-
tingencies and alternatives. In this respect the models
figure as guides to a variety of possible actions; both
models insofar as they are assimilated and believed by the
reader serve to win support for the ideology and programs
of the right.

It remains to briefly comment on how the sample of
literature we have analyzed functions in the material day-

to-day situations of those who read it. We must begin by

53

54

noting that sociologists have been weak in providing in-
formation other than attitudinal about the rightist and
the social classes from which he is typically drawn.
Public and sociological attention has been away from those
groups that one critic has labeled as the "white majority
between poverty and affluence"23 for the past decade with
perhaps the ironic exception of the problem of right-wing
extremism and thinking among them. One implication of
such neglect which surely does not escape these people is
that social and state concern is only forthcoming as they
themselves become sufficiently vocal and visible problem-
atic. The movements and programs of the right draw a good
deal of their initial strength and appeal simply because
they are available in the lacunae of meaningful--and
needed--programs left by the vacuum of the politically
liberal center.

Of course, simply being "available" does not suffic-
iently explain why some people are drawn from this milieu
into rightist politics while others are not. Clearly, only
a small minority of the white working and middle-classes
have been drawn into active rightist politics--contemporary

liberal and sociological stereotypes of "authoritarian

 

23The phrase is used as the title of Louise Kapp
Howe, The White Majority: Between Poverty and Affluence,
1970. The point here, as James McKee pointed out to me,
is not that there have been pp studies of the "white ma-
jority", but that the glare of attention has been upon
the poor, the blacks, etc.--and when attention was turned
to this majority, it was largely unsympathetic.

55

worker, etc." aside. One quality of the literature we have
analyzed, however, does suggest a primary appeal: While
the density and concreteness of day-to-day life in these
classes is usually sifted out of most sociological analyses,
it is a style of life that many other social critics, novel-
ists, and observers have correctly described as stressing
the sensory, the detailed, the non-abstract. In such a
context, literature or art--propaganda or program, in order
to succeed must similarly partake of that level of detail
and abstraction. It is in these respects, that the liter-
ature and program implicit in our sample succeed very well
indeed. Hoggart's description of the strictures on the
literature and art of the working and middle classes of
Britain seem generally appropriate:

"(It)...is essentially a 'showing', rather

than an 'exploration; a presentation of what

is known already....It has to deal with rec-

ognisable human life, and has to begin with

the photographic, however fantastic it may

become; it has to be underpinned by a few

simple but firm moral rules".2

Such a "showing" premises all of the literature we have

analyzed. The rapid and clear introduction of hero-types;
the unequivocal stances they assume; the use of familiar

images and problems each of the novels incorporate serve

to repeat and reflect the material conditions of life in

 

2”Richard Hoggart, The Uses of Literacy, 1961, p. 100.

56

these classes. The moralism of the didactic style, easily
dismissed by the intellectual or the avant garde, strengthens
the appeal and validity of the literature to both the rightist
and non-rightist reader. All of the novels of our sample
attempt treatment of large themes of good and evil; while
similar genre perhaps exist in the romance magazines or
situation scripts of television, no comparable fiction that
is not politicized in the direction of our sample is as
readily available or as attractive.

Further, what has emerged from these novels is less
a picture of a "paranoid style" of politics to use Hof-
stadter’s sweeping pejorative, than a constellation of
values with obvious linkages to the mainstream of American
cultural and political beliefs. The right-~at least as
revealed in self-depiction through the novels we have
analyzed-~appears with strong roots in the experiences of
American life. While few contemporary sociologists will
venture statements comprehensive of anything as broad as
"American Society" or "American life", such statements do
exist from the previous generation of social scientists
and are illuminating on this point. Robin Williams, for
example, in the early 1950's attempted a sociological in-

terpretation of American society and American values.25

 

25Robin Williams, Jr., American Society: A Soc-
iological Interpretation, 1952, esp. pp. 3861442.

57

In an outline of major value configurations, he began by
emphasising the stress Americans traditionally place on
"achievement", "activity", "strong moral orientation", and
so on through a list of fifteen such value-configurations--
all of which would be quite compatible and comprehensible
to our fictive positive heroes.

The point here is not to say there exists no differ-
ences between the rightist stance and what we have called
the "mainstream". Rather, to repeat the proposition made
at the beginning of this thesis: The right does not exist
as an isolated phenomenon beyond the pale of American po-
litical tradition-~a point much of the sociological liter-
ature has sought to make. The rightist position, though
clearly at base an expression of alienated existence, is
one of the several peculiar mixes of traditions and values
which can be found within most American politics. The
reasons why people are drawn into the ranks of the right
are diverse; the full answer may have to do with anxieties
of status or even personality-types although the evidence
of this thesis does not suggest this. It suggests instead
a choice of political alternatives based on what is availa-
ble to the individual as determined by the quality of
existence in the social classes in which he lives. If such
a choice seems to reflect a paucity of vision or nobility,
its causes lie outside the individual and his class, and

with the society as a whole.

REFERENCES

9.

10.

11.
12.

13.

REFERENCES

Albrecht, Milton, "Art as an institution", American
Sociological Review, 33:3, 1968, pp. 383-396.

Albrecht, Milton, "Does literature reflect common
values?", American Sociological Review, 21:6,

1956, pp. 722-290

Anderson, Bo, "Revitalization Movements", reprint num-
ber 17, Universitatet Och Forskningen, Uppsala
Universitet.

Barnett, James H., "The Sociology of Art" in Merton
pp gl., Sociology Today, 1959, pp. 197-214.

Bottomore, Tom, "Conservative Man", New York Review
p£_Books, October 8, 1970, pp. 20-24.

Duncan, Hugh, Language and Literature in Society, 1953.
Hoggart, Richard, The Uses of Literacy, 1961.

Hollander, Paul, "Models of behavior in Stalinist
literature: A case study of totalitarian values
and controls", American Sogiological Review,

31:3. 1966. pp. 352-36h.

Hollander, Paul, "The New Man and His Enemies--A study
of the Stalinist conceptions of Good and Evil
Personified" unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Princeton
University, 1963.

Howe, Louise Kapp, The White Majority: Between Poverty
and Affluence, 1970.

Huaco, George, The Sociology of Film Art, 1965.

Lipset, Seymour Martin and Raab, Earl, The Politics of
Unreason: Rightwing Extremism in Americay 1790-

1220, 1970:

Lipset, Seymour Martin, "Three Decades of the Radical
Right: Coughlinites, McCarthyites, and Birchers",
in Daniel Bell (ed.) The Radical Right, 1964,

pp- 373-446-

58

14.

150

16.

17.

18.

19.

59

Lowenthal, Leo, Literaturengopular Culturgy and
Society, 1961.

Ranulf, Svend, Moral Indignation and Middle Class
Psychology, 1964.

Rohter, Ira S. "The righteous rightists", Trans-
Action, 4:6, May, 1967, pp. 27-35.

Shils, Edward A., "Authoritarianism: 'Right' and
'Left'", in Richard Cristie and Marie Jahoda,
Studies in the Scope and Method of "The
Authoritarian Personality", 1954, pp. 24-49.

Westin, Alan F., "The John Birch Society", in
Daniel Bell (ed), The Radical Right, 1964,
pp. 239-268.

Williams, Robin, Jr., American Society: A Socio-
logical Interpretation, 1952.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

The following is a complete listing of all books analyzed:

1.

2.

10.
11.

12.

13.

Alexander, Holmes, The Equivocal Men (Conservative

Book Club: New Rochelle, N.Y.) N.D.

:gThe Spirit of '76: A Political Novel
oféghe Near Future, (Arlington: New Rochelle, N.Y.)
l9 .

Caldwell, Taylor, The Devil's Advocate, (Crown: N.Y.)
1952.

Douglass, William C., The Eagle's Feathers, (Free
Men Speak, Inc.: New Orleans) 1966.

Franklin, John (pseud.), The John Franklin Letters,
(Bookmailer: N.Y.) 1959.

Hugt, H.L., Alpgca Revisited, (H.L. Products; Dallas)
19 7.

Lumpkin, Grace, Full Circle, (Western Islands: Boston,
Mass.) 1962.

McMichael, R. Daniel, The Journal of David Q. Little,
(Arlington: New Rochelle, N.Y.) 1967.

Post, Clinton Thomas, The Conservative Crime, (Expo-
sition Press: N.Y.) 1968.

Hand, Ayn, Anthem (Signet: New York) 1946.

Taylor, Maurice E., Two Witnesses, (Dorrance and Co.:
Philadelphia) 1968.

Wagner, Geoffry, The Dispossessed, (devin-Adair: New
York) 1956.

Woodbury, David, Five Days to Oblivion, (Devin-Adair:
New York) 1963.

60

APPENDIX B

The use of qualitative methods in sociology continues
to be an uncommon tradition despite the often tendered
opinion that such methods hold particular promise for the
discipline. The qualitative methodologies--particularly
content analysis-~are uneven in their development and ap-
plicability to many problems; the feeling one has in at-
tempting a study necessarily involving such techniques
(as this thesis does) is of too few paradigms available
for consultation to the problem at hand. The methodologi-
cal techniques and perspectives which contributed most to
the development of this thesis are found in Martin Martel
and George McCall's essay, "Reality-Orientation and the
Pleasure Principle: A Study of American Mass-Periodical
Fiction (1890-1955), in Dexter and White (ed.) People, Soc-
iety and Mass Communications (1964), pp. 283-333.

Of particular help was Martel and McCall's insight
that "heroes and villains" can be thought to embody,
respectively, the positive and negative values of an era
or of a society. In this thesis, the "heroes and villains"
became, of course, the positive and negative hero which
were seen to function as embodying the values, aspirations
and legitimate practices (behavior) of the rightist polit-

ical actor.

61

63

Secondly, this thesis is indebted to the Martel and
McCall essay for its discussion of how the purely "socio-
logic" characteristics of a piece of fiction is capable of
interpretation in a qualitative fashion. It was by a focus
on the simple ethnographic characteristics such as occupa-
tion, education, etc. that allowed the construction and
abstraction of the series of social identities which be-
came my construct of the positive and negative heroes. The
activities of the fictive characters within these rudimen-
tary social statuses allowed inferences of the values and
activities which best seemed to "fit" these statuses.

Because content-analytical methodologies are usually
cited for their refusal to allow valid replication, the
following list of fictive characters and their initial
coding of demographic/ethnographic characteristics is
given. The list is composed of the fictive characters
sufficiently elaborated in the sample as to hero-type to
allow inclusion in the sample; it is not a list of all
the fictive characters that weave in and out of the plot-
lines of these novels since such a list would include
characters of no particular literary impact-~characters
which are merely supportive or "bit-players". The list
is, rather, composed of all those characters seen neces-

sary to build and sustain the plot-line.

LIST OF FICTIVE CHARACTERS

 

 

I
CD $43. g® it;
'0 , I I

NRHE 5/3,? 3 if; muffin“) g g “at;
-_ m. manage: I + 5 M ”ammu- B u: ..
”Law“ 5mm ‘ + D M murmur 3 V —-
ism.“ can“. I :- 3 F my - w ..
A!» Omen? \ + 9 M as are: - w -
_:A.Ms 161559. \ 1- "’ M mum» - w -—
rg. favour“ \ 1- C. M [OWN-t!” E '0 ""

um: 6mm” ! 1' D M BOMMESS Q- to -- e
,qum name» i 1’ c. F sanctum - u '-
gKARA STORM I "‘ 3 F meme? C u C
“menace. I -" D M pou'n cum - N E
1.23:." Airmen» I - D M ”swan 1 " w E
,cunrre- 1.th I "' (L 1‘1 fou'tricinat‘! c w 5
H331»; Hewdf’ l "’ D H BusitVts: L - U 5
inch: FIJI-Ted l " 3 H l’mkssu'ml - M) E
PKOKO Dvogsxa | - D H Sting-{gr J " (W E
l‘\ in: C“: I " Ca M Sela/tori" E C, u) E.
BWAUK I -- D M ,mih-‘rflo—r ‘L -' '3: .LJ 5
3am Ohm-e. 9. + B M “MS/um) 1L 2 1 t w "
PM” Omaha: 2 1' B M Jam/1's:- ; " u} --
Sula Suck 2. + B F IWA (Ii? 1 ' U "‘
{imp Srm .: ~ c M mmmww‘ c. w a
‘ Cm boar.» .2 " D M «wags.» B u) E.
NW 3ilmabsu' .1 " C. M fol ift‘ca'nu R w 5'
T. L. 1.0“"; ,2 -— D M ““155an C l4) 5
_.,Dwt:5/sr Left] a? I. B N 70 ”7'16:th B («J E
57m" taro! )- " B F Rowan}: "' w 5'
NA THU-he...» .2 '- B F BWAueMI D w E
Goo. Fo'MM'mw o? " " M Qua-kennel” 8 w 5
San) . B‘uuiqaw .2 -" D M Bucuumr B to 6
Son Le a. I... .2 - D :1 (3th B to a
“Tom Shade. .2 - ~ H 3M“ - w 5.
Hanna) Dun/w: .3 + C M Miln'ruyul c, w -
(”AREA Bazaar 3 + B ) F (Houuwkc " Lo "

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

O\
4:-

 

(9

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

6 f ’9 .631}
O 4 .
um: ‘6. i t? 4: / cum-vow a"; "I, of e"
Jim“ 0:133:13» .3 4" "' M Tcflcuca Q N "‘ A
1,135. Cknirru'vo 3 + "' F Hoaxeufir: - U '-
Dn. Dod7¢ 3 4’ D 43*! Mcdoénl C, u) -
. Hnruuc (’Aklsul 3 "’ " H Milfirnmy - w E
. Dwiqur Numb-r ‘/ + "' M Mcdnéal C to - T
, BCJ‘L Hutu?“ ‘I + "' F “OK-ffildlfc’. "' w "" T
‘Tokny New ‘1 4’ B F SexunIOciur " w "’
(Tom MAT-m» 4 + C. M Medaént. c. (J - 4r
,3»: Yea) 4 " D H Bur/ales: . - 0 c-
fiuozflxo ‘I - C. M Busituis: B - L C, p,
7 Tnsiurki ‘/ " " H mild—MY B a) C2 a
ham Steam 1‘! " A F' sruoenn' 73 w 5/6.-
M&.Hnaa:}aw 5' «P - M STATJJMnfl - N -- w
JauuFmauiw J + B M n'a/{ruy 3, w — H
knmmim Flam/U, 55 "' " , F Hokswaié " , L0 , ;
. Feuseuwnnfilla 5 " " M unable - h) E 7
-. fle‘Old HRH“ 5 " D M Bunk”: ‘ w E r
L UuAN Ammln 5 +' B M 81'an saw) I w " r
T Mecca HR»; 6 + A F Sfudazur -- w -
L 9499». rm. 6 - o M Fades...“ c. - E L
.. ”’43- 60'4an 9 ‘f' "' F “omits“?! - Lt) -' _
be. Kenn» 7 + -- M Mcdm’al c, w —- ,
-flauic Benxrov ‘7 - '- F flue—mew - w c/
SAG-T. __ , 7 e,- I", ,H Seisurbr ¢ w (L
i-IMEZ. 7 "' B F" Saran/03.1% 3 L0 6'
r Datum Lorrie. 8 + c. M Boathou- R u —
a“NM-i! 3:37 7 * "' F Jeannie/5n R L.) —
LLAMJL Ken“ 3 "' C. H thcssniun) C..- u) E
ifluor 1&4?an 3 " "' N Bummer 9 w C
LEAR-491,11, I I , 8 -’ C- F Sexual 0W "" («J E
lmewcyLMTe 9 - -' F Stxulaaxfi’ -— OJ 6
H Macaw-e7 TAYIu q 4’ 8 F Housed.“ 3 LJ "'
L Ma. Bailey q 4" D M Quiver: A L0 -
waging]... a -— B M meme.» A to 5
L Equalfiw ’0 t l? M ENmbaac. '- "" --

 

65

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ff, g? ,3
N R ”C Av}, 49.0 V21” “)6" etc w’A‘noF’ é? re, 35’ '1."
LIBERT'Y To 4' -— F' Scxun/ 033.1 a -- -

L ‘fixe Sou/0c!" IO "’ D “ Badenucw -' -' C
,Jncoc ‘I-eourto‘b H + D M STRTESMAN - w - _
Dc. fidnn ll 4’ C M th‘i’hpy C L...) '
Jim-w. Bevan.» H + B F' S c cndmv B u '-
Da. SM»... n + D M matey R w —

‘ Ravel II + A H clean), I? w '-
T. M. Inge“. [I H "' D M PM‘f‘s’SoL Q« L.) E
. PM! New-m» H - D H mm...“ B u e: ,_
j Yemwm H - -' M BwnenucM' -- , c/
new rem/I )2. + 13 M M; Irma. B a) -
Flt-A“ 72446:” ’1 4' ~' F Sec. .Mss'r "‘ l4) '-
L DmLcuouToérL '9. " C" M S‘c/ebr/er C (A) 6'
_M:r«. fear :1 —- c M Iran-Fem. & w 5
(RM). Am v»): 13 + B m HIM-may - a.) -- .
y 6. Nam 13 +- p M 5,. mince... c w - V
awn/Xe. I? —- —- [‘4 (“Fauna —- w c;
J—oHfl Rmkmrémi I 3 " D M Satyr/Err 3 LJ 5'
c./. flip/Ne 13 ._ c, N m'lirmy 1? w 55
.SHM‘SMO w I3 + c M guinea/4; c L.) .- q
J'o Hut-ma Kim» )3 ‘i' B F Sdmfisr C— U) -'

 

 

CODE:

1.
Appendix A.

2.
context:

Education :

Age pp years where given or direct

0-21 years
21-30 years
31-50 years
50 + years

High School
College

Professional

Communist

66

old
old
old
old

one» cow»

Applicable only to negative hero:
Equivocator

OF]

Title number refers to sequence of books as given in

ly inferred from

Y