A TAGMEMIC ANALYSIS OF PANGASINAN CLAUSES By Pacita Fernandez Yaptenco A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Linguistics and Oriental and African Languages 1967 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks are due to the College of Agriculture, Uni- versity of the Philippines for partially financing my studies here at Michigan State University; and to the De— partment of English, Michigan State University, through its former chairman, Dr. C. David Mead, for a graduate assistantship that enabled me to finish my master's program. I am indebted to the valuable guidance and suggestions of the members of the thesis committee, Miss Helen Ullrich and Dr. David G. Lockwood, especially the chairman, Dr. Ruth Brend. To the Department of Linguistics and Oriental and African Languages, through the chairman, Professor James P. Wang, and the staff, especially, Dr. Ralph Barrett, Dr. James A. Noonan and Dr. Roger w. Shuy, I wish to express my appreciation for the help and encouragement extended to me during my stay. Lastly, to my husband, to whom I dedicate this work, and to my children, Monique and Cecile, my gratitude for their inspiration and understanding without which this extremely rewarding educational experience would not have come to fruition. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . LIST OF APPENDICES . . LIST OF SYMBOLS . . Chapter I . INTRODUCTION . II. PANGASINAN CLAUSE CLASSIFICATION III. THE TRANSITIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE IV. THE INTRANSITIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE V. THE DESCRIPTIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE. VI. THE TRANSITIVE IMPERATIVE CLAUSE VII. THE INTRANSITIVE IMPERATIVE CLAUSE VIII. THE DEPENDENT CLAUSE IX. SOME COMMENTS ON TRANSFORMATIONS OF CLAUSE— LEVEL TAGMEMES . . . . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES. . . . . . . . iii Page ii iv vi UV Lu U? r 1 U7 KL) Table LIST OF TABLES Fillers of Clause-Level Slots Pangasinan Personal Pronouns Pangasinan Demonstrative Pronouns. Aspect Markers in Pangasinan Verbs Summary Table of Nuclear Constructions iv ’1 1 9) Cu (D O“ O\. LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix I. Sample Passages Illustrating Pangasinan Clauses . . . . . . . . II. Tables “U S1) 0‘) (D O\ O O\ \j‘l LIST OF SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS l+ :(+...+) Trans. Ind. Intrans. Ind. Desc. Ind. Trans. Imp. Intrans. Imp. trans. ind. intrans. ind. desc. ind. obligatory optional both tagmemes are optional, bu: the first does not occur Without the second, and the second can occur alone the first is optional and the second is obligatory, but both can occur both tagmemes are optional, but the two must occur together independent transitive indicative independent intransitive indic— ative independent descriptive indic— ative independent transitive imper— ative independent intransitive imperative dependent transitive indicatigr dependent intransitive indic— ative dependent descriptive indicative agent—focussed goal— focussed instrument—focussed vi R Sub- Cl. Rel. Sidentifier Aidentifer Gidentifier L T Rea. Pur. mod. appos. part. pron. adv. referent-focussed predicate subject agent goal instrument referent subordinator clause relator subject identifier agent identifier goal identifier location time reason manner purpose condition modifier emphatic appositive particle noun pronoun adverb vii adj. v nph pron. ph. adj. ph. vph loc. ph. demons. det. fl Redupl. // // adjective verb noun phrase pronoun phrase adjective phrase verb phrase locative phrase demonstrative pronoun determiner zero allomorph reduplication boundary marks for independent clauses boundary marks for dependent clauses predicate modifier on phrase level predicate transitive predicate of transitive agent- focussed clause predicate of transitive goal- focussed clause predicate of transitive instrument- focussed clause predicate of transitive referent- focussed clause viii I. INTRODUCTION Pangasinan is one of the major languages spoken in the Philippines. It is spoken in the province of that name and in border towns of the neighboring province of Tarlac, both provinces located in the northern part of Luzon island. The speakers are by no means monolingual for geographical as well as historical reasons. To the north and east of the Pangasinan-speaking region lie the Ilocano- speaking provinces; to the south, the Pampango and Tagalog- speaking regions. Pangasinan adult speakers, therefore, can speak at least two of the languages of these polyglot areas. Because of colonization, Spanish and English are just as familiar to most of the speakers, with the latter much more so because of its use as the medium of instruction in all schools from third grade up. For all the voluminous language studies made of Tagalog, Cebuano, Ilocano, Pampango, Maranao and other exotic Philippine languages, however, by native speakers as well as by teams of linguists from other countries, there is very little definitive and exhaustive investigation made of Pangasinan. Paul Schacter of the University of California at Los Angeles pointed out the unavailability of descriptive literature, necessitating a mere "skeletal presentation of Pangasinan" in his contrastive analysis of English and Pangasinan (Schacter, 3). The Schacter work was aimed at "pointing the short- est route to mastery of the basic structure of English for native speakers of Pangasinan. Such a route is conceivedtfif] as a set of instructions to be given the speaker of Pangas— inan, enabling him with least effort to move from the structure of his language to the structure of English." (Schacter, 1) This Schacter set out to do with a de- scription of Pangasinan grammatical structures using the transformational theory of Noam Chomsky. A more recent linguistic study of Pangasinan is one on the verb system of that language by N. B. Epistola. Using the transformational theory, she has devised "a set of rules which will explicitly define the role of verbal constructions in the over-all Pg grammar." (Epistola, A) The rules are formulated according to the generative—trans— formational principle: that grammar is "a device for gener- ating all and only the grammatical sentences of the language." (3) Her thesis is that "the verb which deceptively plays a simple role in Pangasinan . . . can be observed to actually dominate the entire Pg grammar as long as its infinitely varying transmutations can be accounted for as economically as possible." (2) The present work is an attempt to describe Pangasinan clauses using the technique of tagmemics. The theory of language on which tagmemics is based has been expounded by Kenneth L. Pike in his Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the Structure of Human Behavior. Longacre in his Grammar Discovery Procedures cites Pike's key ideas, "trimo- dalism" of language and "patterning" as the bases for the relatively new brand of grammar that is tagmemics. On Pike's trimodalism he states "language is structured in three semiautonomous but interlocking modes, phonology, grammar, and lexicon." (196A, 7) Therefore, instead of the old structural point of View of American linguistics that language is structured into successively ascending layers of structure where "phonemes built into morphemes which in turn built into syntactic units" (7), this new point of View allows for a "certain amount of congruence between phonological and grammatical constructions . . with a certain inevitable incongruence." (8) Descriptions of language may then deal with "the grammatical structure of phonological strings and the phonological structure of grammatical strings." (8) Patterning is another key point in Pike's theory of language which Longacre cites: Central to human behavior is PATTERNING. . Granted the centrality of patterning in human be- havior it follows that we should require that a linguistic theory give centrality to linguistic patterns. . . . The brand of grammar . . . (tag- memics) attempts to present linguistic patterns in straightforward and summary fashion--although elaboration of a pattern is necessarily step-wise and detailed. Such patterns when carefully de— scribed for one language may be compared and con- trasted with patterns described for another language. That tagmemics labels linguistic patterns in some fashion is here an advantage; it is diffi- cult to compare things that do not bear names. Patterns thus described and labelled conform to 'the first significant attribute of a pattern' (compara- bility). (13-14) Tagmemics labels the linguistic patterns inherent in language "syntagmeme" for construction and "tagmeme" for the elements of a construction. The tagmeme is a functional point (not necessarily a point in fixed linear sequence) at which a set of items and/or sequences occur. So intimate is the correlativity of function and set that each is mutually dependent on the other; the function can— not exist apart from the set nor has the set signi- ficance apart from the function. (Longacre, 15-16) Tagmemics also focuses attention on the relationships between the patterns of a language. It assumes that . every language has a grammatical hierarchy discoverable within the framework of that language and applicable to the language as a whole. Tag- memics thus carefully distinguishes emic levels from mere layering tendencies and from multiple nesting of type within type on the same level. (Longacre, 16-17) Pickett in her work on Isthmus Zapotec (13) illustrates this feature of language with a graph showing the inter- relationships of the different hierarchical levels in a language. A portion of the graph is reproduced here: T———+SENTENCE LEVEL«——— ‘ECLAUSE LEVEL . (:PHRASE LEVEL WORD+LEVEL____J :- .....\ With the tools of tagmemics as outlined above, the present work focuses on the clause as a structural level in the grammatical hierarchy of Pangasinan. Because no attempt is made in this paper to present the other emic levels, it is intuitively assumed that they are existent. Mention will be made in the course of describing the struc- ture of the Pangasinan clause of the phrase and the sentence as structurally relevant to the description. The data for this study was obtained from four novels, two short stories, and the Pangasinan sections of two issues of a newspaper: Maria C. Magsano's Bales na Kalamangan, a novel published in Dagupan City, Pangasinan by the Pan- gasinan Review, Inc. in 1952; Samban Agnabenegan, a novel by the same author and published in Dagupan City by the same publisher in 1954; Juan C. Villamil's Ampait ya Pagbabawi and Imis na Kapalaran, two novelettes (place of publication is probably Dagupan, but publisher and dates of publication are not available from the copy whose ori— ginal cover and prefatory pages have been mutilated); Manuel Biay's "Petang na Aro," a short story published in the July 24, 1966 issue of the Pangasinan Courier, a weekly newspaper published in Dagupan City, Pangasinan by the Pangasinan Review, Inc.; Leonarda C. Carrera's "Zosette," a short humorous sketch published in the June 5, 1966 issue of the Pangasinan Courier; E. M. Macalanda's "Bii Abong Cocina," a column for homemakers in the Pangasinan Courier, June 5, 1966 and July 2A, 1966 issues; and the Pangasinan section of the news "Balbalita" in the June 5, 1966 and July 2A, 1966 issues of the Pangasinan Courier. Besides the langu— age texts, self-elicited data was used whenever additional information was needed. The dialect which is made to repre— sent Pangasinan in this paper is that of the town of Binmaley, the hometown of the writer, and that of the neighboring city of Dagupan where the novels, stories and newspapers were published. The idiolect is that of the writer. Pangasinan Phonology.--Pangasinan has nineteen seg- mental phonemes and suprasegmental phonemes of stress and pitch (Schacter's work, from which this paper borrows the phonological description, mentions the phonemic features of pause and open transition but these and other features like clusters, syllabication, and dipthongization are deemed to be insignificant to the subject matter of this paper and will not be delved into). The examples given here to illus- trate the phonemes are all taken from the Schacter work (See page 7). The Suprasegmentals.--Pangasinan has two degrees of stress, strong and weak. The following minimal pairs illustrate how the placement of stress distinguishes mean- ing (only the strong is indicated): /kawanan/ 'a waste' /kawanan/ 'right side' /tila/ 'let's go' /t11é/ 'a lie' /laki/ 'grandfather' /laki/ 'man' bilabial dental PANGASINAN CONSCNANT CHART h ‘1 I back alveolar palatal velar velar glottal Stop v1. p t k vd. b d g nasal m n g spiraht s h trill r lateral 1 semi-vowel y w Illustrations: /ba153/ 'reciprocate' /palss/ 'changc of clothing' /duka/ 'poor' . /tuka/ 'vinegar' /t3m5g/ 'Jrowsihess' /Lam5k/ 'mash' /manaya/ 'rcally' /nanay/ 'mother' . /gahék’ 'den' /hwibisfl 'Thursday' /aru/ 'love' /tuiuk/ 'yield' /y3gy5g/ 'earthquake' /pag5w/ 'chest' PANGASINAN VOWEL“ CHART Front Central Back high 'u mid ail low Illustrations: /iba/ 'companion' /bibii/ 'women' /ubi/ 'a sweet tuber' /ugugaw/ 'children' /3bat/ 'answer' /bit5w3n/ 'star” /karuman/ 'yesterday' /agaw/ 'day, sun' —- _—- “' ’FollowsSchacter's four-vowel system, with the occurrence of /e,o/ restric‘efi to borrowed Spanish words. uSchacter has /&/ instead. There are three pitch levels (Epistola, 7): /1/ low /2/ mid /3/ high three terminal contours: rising, fading, sustained The normal intonation pattern is a 232 plus one of the terminal contours (Epistola, 7). Pitch is contrastive on a higher structural level (probably a sentence). For example, intonation contour is one of the contrastive- identificational features of the interrogative sentence. Illustration: /ma9akan si Nanay/ /ma9akan si Nanay/ 2 232 2 231 (Mother is eating) (Is Mother eating?) Pangasinan Orthographic Symbols.—-In this paper, the illustrations for the different clause types are written in ordinary orthographic writing, instead of the usual phonemic writing. To facilitate the reading of Pangasinan data, the following list shows the correspondence between the phonemes and their conventional orthographic symbols (the variations in spelling by the writers of the language texts used are indicated): Phonemes: p t k b d g Ortho- graphic symbol: p,f* t k,c* b,v* d g Phonemes: r 1 y w i O-symbol: r l y u,w i,e ue,e *Used in Spanish names and words. Phonemes: p t k b d g Ortho- graphic symbol: p,f* t k,c* b,v* d g Phonemes: r l y w i O-symbol: r l y u,w i,e ue,e *Used in Spanish names and words. II. PANGASINAN CLAUSE CLASSIFICATION For a working definition of clause in this paper, the following definition from Elson and Pickett (6A) is used: A clause construction is any string of tagmemes which consists of or includes one and only one predicate or predicate-like tagmeme among the constituent tagmemes of the string, and whose mani- festing morpheme sequence typically, but not al- ways, fills slots on the sentence level. In Pangasinan clauses, the predicate consists of the verb or its equivalent and the modifiers most closely related to it. The deliberate exclusion of "subject" as an identifying tagmeme in the above definition applies equally well to Pangasinan clauses which often contain covert "subjects" (in that third person singular is not expressed in some instances but only occurs as a zero allomorph) as well as overt ones; this omission, however, does not make of the Pangasinan "subject" an optional tagmeme. Pangasinan clauses are of two major types: independent and dependent. The Pangasinan independent clause occupies a nuclear slot in a sentence and therefore can simultaneously be a sentence as well. The dependent clause, on the other hand, is derived from the independent clause and contains all the features of that type, with the addition of a 10 ll dependence-marking introducer; as such it cannot occur as a complete sentence but occupies a peripheral slot on that _ higher level as well as on the phrase and clause levels. Cross divisions of this classification further dis- tinguish clauses on the basis of their predicate fillers and the grammatical mode of the predicate. On the basis of the class of fillers that manifests the predicate, Pan- gasinan independent or dependent clauses are either transi- tive, intransitive, or descriptive. The transitive and intransitive predicates are mani- fested by substantives which are aspect-marked and function like verbs*(both Schacter and Epistola recognize this significant characteristic of Pangasinan "verbs"); the descriptive predicate is manifested by substantive and adjective phrases. On the basis of grammatical mode, Pangasinan clauses are either in the indicative, imperative or interrogative modes. Another possible category, subjunctive, is not dealt with here for lack of data; the interrogative mode, upon analysis of the data on hand, was found to be more appropri- ately classified and analyzed on the sentence level. Matrix 1 shows the clause types of Pangasinan, determined after contrastive analysis based on the above criteria and the procedures suggested by Longacre (1964) for identifying and describing clause-level tagmemes and structures. The nuclear or minimum form as well as the *Will be designated as verbs or verb phrases throughout. 12 maximum expanded ones of the clause types will be described in the sections devoted to each clause type. ‘ ' Matrix 1 -- Clause Types Indicative Imperative Independent Transitive X X Intransitive X X Descriptive X Dependent transitive X intransitive X descriptive X Within the structure of the clause, there is a re- lationship between the predicate and the other constituent tagmemes, resulting in a phenomenon which Pike calls "focus" in his "Syntactic Paradigm" (1963). Focus directs the attention to "one of several relations--without essen- tial emotional overtones—-between a predicate and some other part of a clause," (219) theSe relations being "be- tween the action of the predicate and its actor, or be- tween an action and its goal, or between an action and some other person, thing, or locality relevant to it. In each of these types, the physical event-~the etic situation, the denotation--is constant . . . But the emic focus--the l3 directed attention of the observer (or speaker) to one of the relations of the activity as reported-—becomes con— trastive. Some one of the substantive components of the clause serves as the FOCUS-COMPLEMENT of this FOCUSSED ACTIVITY-RELATION of the predicate and often is formally marked as such." (217-218) In Pangasinan clauses, this focussed item is formally marked by verb affixes and particles as well as specific classes of demonstratives and of personal pronouns. A more detailed discussion of focus will be presented later in Section III on the Transitive Indicative clause. III. THE TRANSITIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE Nuclear Form.-- +Pred. Trans. Ind. +Agent Trans. Ind. +Goal ilnstrument iReferent The nuclear formula given here does not show any item in focus, but is a composite of the nuclear formulas for the four subtypes given below. Slot Fillers.--Transitive indicative predicate is filled by verb phrases with transitive verbs as head and qualifying words and phrases as immediate modifiers. These immediate modifiers include (1) augmentatives like the negative ag 'not,' adverbial expressions and particles like la 'already,' gar; 'please,' lawari 'almost,' met 'also'; and (2) manner phrases so semantically inseparable from the head verb as to function like a unit with it, and therefore is structurally different from the peripheral tagmeme Manner, e.g., sinmegep ya maganat '(he) went up in a hurry,‘ inmalagey ya angurang '(he) stood up, headed (somewhere)'. Transitive agent, goal, instrument and referent are filled variously by different sub-classes of substantive phrases structurally identifiable by means of contrast in focus. Table 1 shows these structurally contrastive phrases. 1U 15 Transitive Sub-Types.--On the basis of Focus, the following are the four; sub-types of transitive indicative clause: Agent focussed (Af) Goal-focussedp(Gf) Instrument-focussed (If) Referent-focussed (Rf) Nuclear Formulas for the Four Sub-Types.-- A = +Pt:Vph* +A:nph +G:nph f 1 3 manlilinis si Nanay na dingding cleaning Mother the wall (Mother is scrubbing the wall) G = +Pt:vph +A:nph +G:nph 2 l lilinisan nen Nanay so dingding being cleaned by Mother the wall (The wall is being scrubbed by Mother) H II f +Ptzvph +A:nph2 +G:nph +Iznph 3 1 panlilinis nen Nanay na dingding imay escoba use for by Mother the wall that brush cleaning (Mother is using that brush for scrubbing the wall) Rf = +Ptzvph +A:nph2 +G:nph3 +R:nphl ililinisan nen Nanay na dingding si Bai cleaning for by Mother the wall Grand- mother (Mother is scrubbing the wall for Grandmother) *Predicate tagmemes are undistinguished here; however, they represent contrastive tagmemes and will be discussed later. 16 Focus and Grammatical Functions.--On the basis of focus, the clause level nuclear tagmemes filled by sub- stantive (noun and pronoun) phrases in Pangasinan transi- tive clauses are found to have bipartite grammatical functions when in focus. The "focus" function is equated with and will be termed ”Subject" in this paper. That is, whenever a tagmeme is in focus, it has the function of Subject as well as its other basic function, i.e., agent, goal, instrument, referent. Matrix 2 shows the focus and non-focus roles or functions of the clause-level tagmemes of the different transitive clause sub-types. Matrix 2 Transitive Tagmemes Clause Sub-Types Agent Goal. Instrument Referent Af subject goal instrument referent Gf agent subject instrument referent If agent goal subject referent Rf agent goal instrument subject Looking down the tagmeme vector columns, the bi- partite functions for each tagmeme are the following: Agent tagmeme as subject - focus function as agent — non-focus function 17 Goal tagmeme as subject - focus function as goal - non-focus function Instrument tagmeme as subject - focus function as instrument - non-focus function Referent tagmeme as subject - focus function as referent - non-focus function Structural Manifestation and Class Fillers.—-In Table l, the contrastive substantive phrases are labeled by numbers to identify the functions. Thus, NPhl phrases manifest the focus tagmeme, Subject; NPh2 phrases manifest the agent tagmeme; NPh3 phrases manifest the goal and instrument tagmemes; NPhu phrases manifest the referent tagmeme. Contrast among these substantive phrases is achieved by the different particles and specific classes of demon- stratives and personal pronouns which manifest the included phrase-level tagmemes (Tables 1, 2 and 3). It will be noted that the phrase fillers for goal and instrument clause tagmemes are the same: NPh3; they are contrastive neverthe- less by virtue of the obligatory character of the goal and the optional one of the instrument? as well as by virtue of their different functions. A syntactic paradigm will best show the functions and their fillers: -- *0.-‘---~~ a...“ —.-.----‘.- « c.--.-...~-—..—_.-.— *In the Af, Gf and Rf clauses. l8 NPh1 manifesting agent-as-subject il- P Af G I amunggos imay akulaw na sira ed bulong na punti wrapped that old woman a fish in leaf of banana (The old woman wrapped a fish in a banana leaf) NPhl manifesting goal-as-subject P A I Gf pinunggos to ed bulong na punti imay sira wrapped by her in leaf of banana that fish (The fish was wrapped by her in a banana leaf) NPhl manifesting instrument-as-subject P A G If amunggosan to na sira imay bulong na_punti used to wrap a fish that leaf of banana in by her (The banana leaf was used by her to wrap the fish) NPhl manifesting referent—as—subject P A I impunggosan to ed bulong na punti wrapped for by her in leaf of banana G Rf imay ugaw na sira that child a fish (She wrapped a fish in a banana leaf for the child) NPh2 manifesting agent I G P A f pinunggos nen akulaw ed bulong na punti imay sira wrapped by old woman in leaf of banana that fish (The fish was wrapped by the old woman in a banana leaf) - o..—-.__--_ «-q... --.-~———-- 4. a. *For contrastive types, see Table 5. Nhenever context is clear as to which P is meant, only svnbol P is used. l9 NPh3 manifesting goal P Af G I amunggos imay akulaw na sira ed bulong na punti wrapped that old woman a fish in leaf of banana (The old woman wrapped a fish in a banana leaf) NPh3 manifesting instrument P Af G I amunggos imay akulaw na sira ed bulong na punti wrapped that old woman a fish in leaf of banana (The old woman wrapped a fish in a banana leaf) NPhu manifesting referent P Af G I amunggos imay akulaw na sira ed bulong na punti wrapped that old woman a fish in leaf of banana R para samayflggaw for that child (The old woman wrapped a fish in a banana leaf for the child) Just as the substantive phrases are formally marked for focus, so are the verbal phrases manifesting the transi— tive predicate. Transitive verbs are inflected with focus- indicating affixes, besides the aspectual affix markers. The following is a list of such focus markers (the complete list of aspect and focus markers are found in Table A). in agent—focussed clauses verb unmarked P Af G mansasalog si Tatay na masitas watering Father the plants (Father is watering the plants) 20 in goal—focussed clauses in —en P A Gf sasalogen_ nen Tatay iramay masitas being watered by Father those plants (Those plants are being watered by Father) instrument-focussed clauses impan- pan- impa- + —i- -pa- + -i— P A If impansalog nen Tatay imay nanurasay sira used for watering by Father that where washed fish (plants) (Father used the fish washing for watering plants) P A If pansasalog nen Tatay imay nanurasay sira being used for by Father that where washed fish watering (Father is using the fish washing for watering plants) P A If impaisalog nen Nanay imay nanurasay sira asked to be used by Mother that where washed fish for watering R, ed 81 Tatay to Father (Mother asked that the fish washing be used by Father for watering plants) 21 I P A f papaisalog nen Nanay imay nanurasay sira is asking that by Mother that where washed fish it be used for watering R ed 81 Tatay to Father (Mother is asking that the fish washing be used be used by Father for watering plants) in referent-focussed clauses -an P A R G isasalogan_ nen Tatay si Nanay na masitas watering for by Father Mother the plants (Father is watering the plants for Mother) Emphasis Versus Focus.--In emphasis, according to Pike (1963, 219) "some one substantive is singled out for a direct isolated overlay of emotional connotation without formal (emic) reference to or dependence upon its relation to the activity to which it is in (etic) fact related." It is "independently applicable to tagmemes without restriction as to their prior involvement in focus." (Pike, 196A, 8) The dichotomy between focus and emphasis, each independent tagmemeS of the other, has resulted in Pangasinan clause” which are either focussed unemphatic, focussed emphatic, or unfocussed unemphatic and unfocussed emphatic. Emphasis in Pangasinan clauses is achieved by changing the more commonly used Predicate-Subject word order into Subject-Predicate, and 22 by the use of an apposition agent usually a pronoun which is obligatory whenever the agent tagmeme occupies an emphasis position. Suprasegmentals like pitch and intensity also seem to signal emphasis; however, no definitive state- ment can be made regarding these because there was no access to recorded data to support this hypothesis. The following are examples of focussed and unfocussed tagmmes with and without the added feature of emphasis: Focussed unemphatic P A G f dineral mo imay galawgalaw na agim destroyed that toy of brother-your by you (The toy of your brother was destroyed by you) Focussed emphatic Gfe P A samay galawgalaw na agim dineral mo that toy of brother-your destroyed by you (It was the toy of your brother which was destroyed by you) Unfocussed unemphatic P A Gf dinait nen Nanay imay kawes ko sewed by Mother that dress my (My dress was sewed by Mother) Unfocussed emphatic A6 P Aarpcu‘. Gf Si Nanay dinait to imay kawes ko Mother sewed by her that dress my (It was Mother who sewed by dress) 23 The Maximum Expanded Form of the Transitive Indicative C1ause.--The maximum expanded form of this clause type in— cludes the following peripheral tagmemes: Clause Relator, Time, Manner, Location, Reason, Pur- pose, Condition, Actor identifier,* Goal identifier* The above list of peripherals is given in an unordered list instead of an occurrence form because 01 the high degree of variation in permitted order of occurrence. It is possible that two other peripherals can occur as well: instrument identifier and referent identifier; the corpus studied, however, yielded only the two identifier tagmemes above. Distribution of Peripheral Tagmemes.--Ihe following are the most frequent combinations of nuclear and peripheral tagmemes that were observed: Nucleus Time P Af G manpipikal si mayaman » ya onla ed cine preparing to go the rich (woman) to go to movie T nen onsabi si Miguel when will arrive Miguel (The rich woman is preparing to go to the show when Miguel arrives) *Tentatively classified on the clause level, but very possibly belongs on the phrase level. 2A Nucleus, Location 'P 'G 'Af manaalagar na luluganan imay laki waiting for a conveyance that man L diad silong na kiew in under of tree (That man is waiting for a ride under a tree) Agent, Aidentifier, Predicate, Goal, Reason sakey ya olup day senadores one of group they senators Aidentifier ya ipapangulo nen Sen. R. that headed by Sen. R. P G so mannengneng na walan kipapasen na corporaciones investigating what there is situation of corporations Rea. lapud kapipirdi na govierno because loss of government (A group of senators, headed by Sen. R., is investi- gating the status of the corporations because of the loss incurred by the government) Nucleus, Reason P G Af mipapayabol na panbilay to si masiken begging a liVelihood old man his Rea. ta anggapoy anapan to because work his none (The old man begs for his liVelihood because he does not have a job) 25 Nucleus, Location, Time P A Gf L Pmod. T dalawen to ka dia lamet ed mantombok iran agew will visit he you here again in following these days (He will visit you here again in the next few days) Nucleus, Manner, Location P A M tinaynan to ya angurang ya maganat left (him) she walked on hurriedly L diman ed arap na abong there in front of house (She left him in front of the house, walking off in a hurry) Time, Nucleus T Pmod A P A Gr anggan kapigan agto nalinguanan nen Miguel si Fermin until when not he forgotten by Miguel (Miguel will never forget Fermin) Agent, Aidentifier, Time, Nucleus, Reason Af Aidentifier si Marita ya balobalo ni ed Manila Marita who very new still in Manila T P A Pmod. kanengneng to ed simbaan impaitonda to la Fermin as soon as she the church asked(it) she already seen to be stopped R Rea. ed conductor ta inmepas la to conductor for got off already (As soon as she saw the church, Marita, who is a stranger in Manila, asked the conductor to stop the bus so she could get off) 26 Time, Nucleus, Goal identifier T P A Gf Gidentifier nen nangel toy tawag inggaton to so libron babasaen to when heard he call put down he the book reading he (When he heard the call, he put down the book he was reading) Clause Relator, Nucleus, Reason Cl. Rel. P A makalanor ed saya pinakna nen Presidente related to this desired by President Gf Rea. so panalat ed 31 Jefe pian napaer iray lames ya nagagawa the replace the Chief so stopped the inequalities that happening (In addition to this, the President chose to replace the Chief to stop the irregularities) Agent, Clause Relator, Aidentifier, Nucleus A Cl.Rel. Aidentifier P A Gf si Maria balet ya manlilinis inggaton toy panis Maria but who cleaning put down she broom (Maria, on the other hand, who is cleaning, put down her broom) Nucleus, Goal identifierl, Gidentifier2 P A Gf Gidentifier Gidentifier inggaton to so bigao ya awit to ya anggapoy lugan put down she the basket that she that none contents carried (She put down the empty basket she was carrying) 27 Nucleus, Condition Gf Pmod A P C siopaman ya ondalan tampol dan nabirbir no kabat da whoever who passes by at once recognize if know they they (They can readily recognize whoever passes by if they know him) Nucleus, Purpose P A Rf G initdan to ray ugugaw na panggalawan da given by him the children a place to play their Pur. pian naayat da ray amigos dan ondago so cajole they the friends their to come (He gave the children a playground so that they can get their friends to come) Peripheral Slot Fillers.-—The fillers of peripheral slots are the following: Location is filled by locative phrase/clause; Time and Duration are filled by temporal phrase/clause; Manner is filled by manner phrase/clause; Reason is filled by reason phrase/clause; Purpose is filled by purpose phrase/clause; Condition is filled by condition clause; Identifiers are filled by de- pendent descriptive clauses, dependent intransitive indicative clauses, and dependent transitive indica- tive clauses. Elsewhere in this paper it has been stated that particles play an important role in the structure of clauses. 28 It is worth repeating at this point that they are an im- portant identificational-contrastive feature of peripherals in that they fill obligatory slots in many of the phrase and clause fillers of peripheral tagmemes; however, they are not the sole basis for contrast because there are others: the functional meaning of each peripheral and the external distribution of each. These particles also act as introducers or markers of dependence in dependent clauses; for this reason, they are listed in the section on Dependent Clause. One other peripheral—like (and treated as such here) tagmeme is the Clause Relator, which has been so named be- cause it has been observed to connect clauses with one another much like the English conjunctions. It fills the introducer slot of independent clauses, just as the particle fills the introducer slot of dependent clauses. Some examples are naogonoyan 'a little later,' tan 'and,' balet 'but.' Aside from these temporal expres- sions and conjunctions, various kinds of phrases also fill the Relator slot; but as far as the data analyzed in this paper is concerned, no clauses have been found to fill this slot. An unusual characteristic of this slot is that its fillers also fill, concurrently, the peripheral slots of Time and Manner. Because of tfiflis duality of the Relator tagmeme, it might be possible in a more comprehensive study to isolate its purely peripheral function on the clause 29 level and its relator function on the sentence or possibly discourse level. IV. THE INTRANSITIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE Nuclear Form.-- +Pred. Intrans. Ind. +Subj. Intrans. Ind. iReferent Slot Fillers.--Intransitive indicative predicate is filled by verb phrases with intransitive verbs as head and qualifying words and phrases as immediate modifiers. Verbs that fill the head slot are either of the purely intransi- tive class of verbs that take no object or of the class of verbs which can function either as transitive or intransi— tive by the transforming feature of affixes. Besides aspect, transitivity or intransitivity is indicated in the affix system of Pangasinan verbs. The class of verbs that take an object (or is transitive) is marked as such by certain affixes which at the same time show aspect; the class of verbs that do not take an object (or is intransitive) is marked as such by certain affixes which at the same time indicate aspect (Table A). Certain verbs that can either be transitive or intransitive are aspect-marked, but there is no distinction as to their transitivity or intransitiv- ity morphologically. The tagmeme having an agent function is referred to here as Intransitive Subject because the bipartite functions 30 31 of agent and subject have unified into Subject alone for the intransitive clause type . The Intransitive subject slot is filled by NPh1 (see Table l). Statistically, the most frequent word order of the nuclear tagmemes is Predicate Subject. Illustration Pmod. P S ag akasel imay masiken not answered that old man (The old man was unable to answer) The Maximum Expanded Form of the Intransitive Indicative Clause.--The Intransitive Indicative clause in- cludes the following peripheral tagmemes in its expanded form, given here in an order formula based on the most frequent linear order: Clause Relator, Time, Manner, Location, Subject Identifier, Condition, Reason, Purpose Slot Fillers.--The peripheral slots of the Intransi- tive Indicative clause are filled by the same manifesting classes as for the transitive clause. Distribution of Peripheral Tagmemes.--Co—occurrences of more than two peripherals are common but the maximum number of such occurrences in this type of clause is four. The following are the most frequent combinations of nuclear and peripheral tagmemes in this clause type: 32 Time, Nucleus T nanlapud inkabalo nen ama to ever since widowed by father her Pmod. P ag lan balot angasawa not never got married anymore (Ever since her father was widowed, he has never married) Clause Relator, Nucleus, Location Cl. Rel.S P Pmod L tan saya inmalagey ya linmala ed dokulan to and this stood up went already to bedroom his (And he stood up, already headed for his bedroom) Time, Nucleus, Location, Purpose T P P mod. kayari ton inerep so silew amaarap la after he turned off headed already the light L Pur. ed dokulan to ya manpainawa to bedroom his will rest (After turning off his light, he headed for the bedroom to rest) Subject, Sidentifier, Predicate S Sidentifier si Maria ya abayag lan agoonlad sociedad Maria who long already not go to society P nababaingan feeling shy (Maria, who has not gone to society functions for a long time, feels shy) 33 Nucleus, Reason P Rea. iretiret ed belat na bayong ya anginan toy niog walks with at heaviness where put he coconuts difficulty of bag (He shambled along because of the heavy bag where he has placed coconuts) Nucleus, Location, Purpose, Reason P L S Pur. onlad Baguio si Fermin ta manaral ed Academia Militar will go Baguio Fermin for will at Academy Military to study Rea. ta sikato so gabay ton panaralan for it is the like he where to study (Fermin is going to Baguio to study at the Military Academy because that is where he wants to study) Nucleus, Condition, Reason Pmod. P S C agontonda yan bakal no agonsoko iray communistas not stop this war if not surrender the communists Rea. ta yooput met nen Estados Unidos so biskeg to for also by States United the strength her exerting (This war is not going to end if the communists do not surrender because the United States is exerting her military might) V. THE DESCRIPTIVE INDICATIVE CLAUSE Nuclear Form.-— +Pred. Desc. +Subj. Desc. Slot Fillers.--The descriptive predicate is filled by adjectives or adjective phrases having adjectives as heads, and by nouns or noun phrases having nouns as heads. The descriptive Subject is called by that term because this tagmeme has only one function (i.e., that of a descriptive subject) in this clause type, and like the intransitive subject, it is manifested by substantive phrases of the nphl group (see Table l). Illustration: P A kayogyogtanan ya anak si Maria youngest child Maria (Maria is the youngest child) The most frequent linear order of the nuclear tagmemes is Predicate Subject; however, there are almost as many Subject-Predicate ordered examples. These SP clauses not only differed from the PS clauses in word order but also in the tagmeme fillers. It is also in this clause type where emphasis was most prevalent. 3A 35 The nuclear form of the Subject—Predicate ordered descriptive clause is +Subj. Desc. +Pred. Desc. +Appositive Subj. Desc. The descriptive subject is filled by noun phrases of the nphl group and by pronoun phrases with the siak group of personal pronouns as heads (not 35 group); the appositive subject is filled only by pronoun phrases, with the ak group as heads. The Subject being preposed to the predicate is in emphasis position, and the appositive subject becomes obligatory. Illustration Se P si Maria kayogyogtanan ya anak Maria youngest (she) child (Maria is the youngest child) Se P Sappos. si Maria tan saray amimiga to makalkalakal ira Maria and the friends her very sensible they (Maria and her friends are very responsible and sensible) The Maximum Form of the Descriptive Indicative Clause.—— The same peripheral tagmemes observed in the preceding clause types were also noted in the Descriptive clause. Clause Relator, Time, Manner, Location, Sidentifier, Condition, Purpose, Reason 36 Two was the maximum number of peripheral co—occurrences. The following are the nuclear-peripheral combinations most frequently occurring: Nucleus, Time P T ambetel ed sayan kabuasan cold on this morning (It is cold this morning) Nucleus, Time, Location P S T L malikeliket si Juan nen kaakseb to ed petek di Maria very gay Juan when as soon he in front they M. as got off (Juan looked very gay as soon as he got off in front of Maria's house (hers and her parents) Nucleus, Time, Reason P T ambetel so dalin ed saman ya kabuasan cold the earth on that morning Rea. ta kasumsumpal na uran for just finished the rain (The ground was cold that morning for it had just rained) Nucleus, Manner P S Pmod M melagak nin tuloy ya kulang ed kalakal small I still who lacking in maturity (I was young then, quite immature) 37 Subject, Condition, Predicate S C P sa lantiy sugat lalo no aralem mabayag ya onabig a really wound especially long get healed if deep (A wound, especially if it is deep, really takes a long time to heal) Clause Relator, Subject, Sidentifier, Predicate Cl. Rel. S likud ed ciudad na Angeles saray limaran kabalbaleyan except for city of Angeles the five towns Sidentifier ya inggangan nen Presidente ya iyan ed pakaoley na‘PC which ordered by President which put under of PC jurisdiction P so Arayat, Candaba, Magalang, Apalit tan San Luis are A. , C. , M. , A. and S. (Except for Angeles, the five towns which were ordered put under PC control by the President, were Arayat, . . .) Nucleus, Reason S S Sappos. Rea. saray rosas mankirlap ira ed corona ran linaew the flowers sparkling they in crown their dew (The flowers sparkle because of their crown of dew) Nucleus, Purpose, Reason P S wala ed arap na salming si Alin Dolores there in front of mirror Ali Dolores is 38 Pur. ya papalitengen to so lupa tan indengan to observing she the face and form her Rea. lapud impangisali to na balon kawes to because try on she a new dress her (Ali D. is in front of the mirror, admiring herself because she has just tried on her new dress) Nucleus, Location, Reason S Pmod. Sappos. P L saray totoo ag ira masmasel ed simbaan the people not they very talkative in church Rea. lapud pasnok ya naawat da nen sermon because scolding received at sermon which they (The people were very quiet at church because of the reprimand from the priest during the sermon) Pangasinan Adjectives.——It has been mentioned that the descriptive clause predicate slot is filled by adjectives or adjective phrases, and nouns or noun phrases. These two classes of fillers are characterized by a system of affixes which act as adjectivizers and nominalizers. Pangasinan adjectives can be grouped into four kinds: existential, locative, noun + adjectivizers and/or redupli- cation, and "canonical" adjectives. The terms "existential" and "locative" are borrowed from Epistola's work (13-14). The existential adjectives are: wala 'there is' anggapo 'there is none' The locatives are: wadya 'here' wadtan 'there' wadman 'there' 39 (near addressee) (far from addresser and addressee) For want of a better term, the adjectives which take no affixes and are neither the existential nor the locative variety have been called "canonical" in this paper. examples are baleg melag asul Some 'big' 'small' 'blue' The adjective stems that are formally marked by ad- jectivizers and/or the process of reduplication are derived from nouns or other adjectives, the "canonical" kind. The following prefixes transform noun roots into adjective stems: ma- as in -sabit 'thorn' + ma- = masabit 'thorny' makapa- as in -ibeg 'envy' + makapa- = makapaibeg 'enviable' an- (am- preposed to stems with bilabial initial consonants an— preposed to all others) as in -betel 'cold' + am- = ambetel 'cold' -dukey 'length' + an- = andukey 'long' sanka— + —an as in -1inis 'cleanliness' + sanka-, —an = sankalinisan 'cleanest' Reduplication is a characteristic feature of Pangasinan morphology. It occurs in verbs as well as in adjectives and nouns. The adjectivizer-marked and "canonical" adjectives are subject to partial reduplication of the stem, with the resultant meaning of intensification. It is relevant to A0 note here that sometimes, instead of partial reduplication, intensification is achieved by the use of Spanish ma§"more,' as in mas masamit 'more sweet' To illustrate reduplication, matabol 'juicy' +Redupl. matabotabol 'very juicy' makapaibeg 'enviable' +Redupl. makapapaibeg 'very enviable' andukey 'long' +Redupl. andukdukey 'very long' The above adjectives, all four kinds, can be nominal- ized by the addition of a preposed demonstrative determiner of the saman group + £3 which then makes the possible filler of a resultant noun phrase into aAdescriptive clause subject. Thus, 3 P say matabol so gabay ko the juicy that liked by me (It is the juicy one that I like) 3 P say sankalinisan so sankaabigan the cleanest that the best (The cleanest is the best) Noun roots take affixes, transforming abstract nouns into other nouns which belong to the same class but which have more specialized meanings. These abstract noun stems are the same stems to which aspect-marking affixes are attached to transform them into "verbs." The following nominalizing affixes have been observed from the data here analyzed, but the list is probably far from complete: Al ka— as in kakaebat 'the kabililay 'the way of answering' way of living' ka- + —an . kakapuyan_ 'weakness' katatakutan 'source of fear' paka- as in pakasumpal 'the pakaugip 'the panag- panagpesak 'the (or panang-) panangibaga 'the manag- managtanem 'one managsabukol 'one Some aspect-marked verbs can be ing the placement of stress. Thus, ability to finish' ability to sleep' way to wash clothes' way of telling' who farms' who fishes' nominalized by chang— mipapayabol 'is begging' mipapayabol 'beggar' ipapatey 'have someone killed' ipapatey 'the way to die' Another way of nominalizing aspect—marked verbs is the addition of demonstrative pronoun determiners, the resultant noun phrase being a filler of a descriptive clause subject slot or an emphatic agent slot or an in- transitive subject slot. To illustrate, descriptive clause subject S Sappos. P say amisag na niog sikatoy mangan the cracked a coconut he will eat (The one who cracked the coconut is the one who will eat it) A2 transitive agent emphatic Ae P G samay manpepesak akalmo na cuarta that washing clothes found some money L ed bulsay pantalon in pocket pants (The one who is washing clothes found some money in the pants pocket) intransitive subject emphatic S P e samay midadait ontotoktok that asking to knocking sew on someone else's machine (The one who is asking to sew on our machine is knocking at the door) VI. THE TRANSITIVE IMPERATIVE CLAUSE Nuclear Form.-- : Address +Pred. Trans. Imp. + Agent Trans. Imp. +Goal :Instrument :Referent The presence of the optional nuclear tagmemes of instrument and referent points to all the possibilities of focus in this clause type. Slot Fillers.-—Imperative transitive predicate is filled by verb phrases having verbs as heads. Imperative verbs are inflected only with certain affixes marking aspect. Table A shows the aspectual affixes and the specified imperative affixes. This difference in fillers is one of the bases for contrast between the indicative and imperative clause types. Another basis for contrast is the kind of aspect expressed by the predicates. The imperative verbs only express the non-perfective aspect, both the durative and non-durative kinds; the indicative verbs express both the non-prefective and perfective aspects. A third contrast lies in the agent filler of the imperative clauses. The agent tagmeme has a limited class of slot fillers in that it can only be manifested by a A3 AA certain group of pronouns: the 2nd person singular and plural, and a lst—2nd person plural. An optional address tagmeme manifested by nouns is sometimes postposed to the pronoun agent, or preposed to the whole clause for emphasis as in Address P Af G L Maria, manaliw kay belas ed tindaan Maria, buy you rice in market (Maria, go buy rice in the market) The class of pronouns which manifests the agent tagmeme is either of the a5 group or the kg group. The ak group occurs if the imperative clause is agent-focussed, as in P Af G mangan ka niyay (na + iya + so) pising eat you this vegetable (You eat this vegetable dish) The kg group occurs if the imperative clause is either goal— focused, instrument-focused, or referent-focussed, as in P A Gf akan mo yay (iya + so) pising eat you this vegetable (You eat this vegetable dish) Linear order is a significant feature of imperative clauses. Whereas the indicative clauses have a free (more or less) ordering of nuclear tagmemes, the imperative clauses usually have a strict Predicate-Agent word order; however, when negation is introduced as a predicate modifier, the order is slightly changed into A5 Pred. mod.:negation, Agent Imp., Pred. Imp. head:verb as in P Af Pmod. A P mandait ka agka mandadait sew you not you sewing (You sew) (Don't sew) The Maximum Form of the Transitive Impprative Clause.-— The transitive imperative clause includes the following peripheral tagmemes given here in an unordered form: Clause Relator, Condition, Time, Manner, Location Reason, Purpose The maximum number of peripheral co—occurrences for this clause type observed in the data was two. Distribution of Peripheral Tagmemes.--The following nuclear-peripheral combinations illustrate the most common occurrences of the transitive imperative clause. Clause Relator, Nucleus, Reason Cl. Rel. Pmod.Af P G balet agka mansalsalita na ag manepeg but not you speaking a not proper Rea. ta pian agka makalmo na kakulkul mo so that not you find an enemy your (But don't say anything improper so that you'll not make an enemy) A6 Condition, Nucleus C P Af Pmod G no bilbilang mabli so carne manaliw ka lay pising if in case expensive meat buy you vegetables already (If meat is expensive, just buy vegetables) Time, Nucleus T P A Gf no kasilonget isegep mo iratay akabalaybay when as soon as dark bring you those hanging in up the laundry line (As soon as it gets dark, bring up the laundry) Nucleus, Manner P<¢G) A Pmod. M linguanan mo la ya singa ag mon balot akabat forget(him) you now as though not you never known (him) (Forget him as though you've never known him) Time, Nucleus, Location T P A Gf L naani no ngarem dalaw yo si Maria ed hospital later when afternoon visit you Maria in hospital (Later in the afternoon, visit your friend, Maria at the hospital) Nucleus, Reason, Purpose P A Pmod. Gf 1aos yo la tay pangakan yo finish you now that eating your Rea. Pur. ta pian no onbangoy agi yo et napigalawan yo so that when wake up sister your play with you then (Finish eating so that when your sister wakes up, you can play with her) VII. THE INTRANSITIVE IMPERATIVE CLAUSE Nuclear Form.-- : Address +Pred. Intrans. Imp. +Subj. Intrans. Imp. : Referent Slot Fillers.--The optional address tagmeme is filled by a noun. The predicate is filled by a verb phrase, the head of which is a verb of either the intransitive class or the transitive-intransitive class; like the transitive imperative verb, the intransitive imperative verb expresses only certain aspects and can occur only with certain af- fixes. Table A shows the aspectual affixes which can occur with the intransitive imperative (as well as the transitive imperative) verb. The subject tagmeme is filled by pronouns only of the ak group. Illustration Address P S R anako mitongtong ka ed saratay sankaili my child talk with you to those visitors (My child, please talk to the visitors) A7 A8 The Maximum Form of the Intransitive Imperative Clause.-—Most of the peripheral tagmemes found in the other clause types also occur in the intransitive imperative clause, although the distribution is not as extensive. The maximum number of peripheral co-occurrences observed was two. The following are the nuclear—peripheral combi- nations observed: Nucleus, Reason P S Pmod. Rea. mandilamos ka lan boker ta sipor ya antam met la wash face you now alone for from that know also already the start you (Wash your face by yourself because you've known how for a long time now) Nucleus, Clause Relator, Reason Time, P S Pmod.Cl'Rel' Pmod. Rea. laka la balet ya makauna tapian makala kay irongan go you now but ahead so that can get you seat (But you go ahead so that you can get seats) Nucleus, Reason T P S Pmod. Rea. natan laki la ta onggapo la so misa now go you now for will begin the mass now (Better go now for the mass will start soon) A9 Nucleus, Time P S R T mirongo ka ed siak ed sayan agew dine with you with me on this day (Dine with me today) Nucleus, Location, Purpose P S L Pur. samar ka ed tindaan ta isaliwan mo ak na timbey pass by you in market so buy for you me a thread (Pass by the marketplace so you can buy thread for me) Nucleus, Purpose P S Pmod. Pur. laka la ta abet mo ra go you now for pick up you they (Go pick them up) Condition, Nucleus C P S P mod. no onla kayo ya masaksakbay ugip kayo la sirin if go you very early sleep you now then (If you're leaving early, then you'd better go to bed now) Condition, Nucleus, Location Reason C P S Pmod. L no agyo naabot so train lugan kayo la ed jeepney if not you catch up the train ride you already in jeep R ta pian ag kayo nalabian so that not you benighted (If you don't catch the train, ride the jeep so that you won't be benighted) VIII. THE DEPENDENT CLAUSE Pangasinan dependent clauses are of various types distinguished by partially ,A. their external distribution. The types have a common nuclear form which consists of the nuclear tag- memes present in all of the independent indicative types. The same peripherals found in the independent types are also found in the dependent types, although co-occurrences of more than two are rare. "One basis for contrast between the independent and the dependent indicative types is the presence of an obligatory introducer tagmeme in the latter. This tagmeme acts as a dependence marker and at the same time indicates the external distribution of the whole de- pendent clause. Paralleling the independent clause types, therefore, the dependent clause types are: dependent transitive indicative (and each focus sub-type and emphatic variant) dependent intransitive indicative dependent descriptive indicative Depending on the dependent markers which indicate their external distribution as well, dependent clauses manifest the different peripheral tagmemes of the independent types such as Time, Manner, Location, Identifiers, Condition, Reason, or Purpose, as well as dependent slots on the 50 51 sentence level. Dependent clauses have been observed to manifest one nuclear tagmeme: goal; perhaps a more in— tensive search will yield more. Nuclear Form.-- +Subordinator +Nuc1ear Trans. Ind., Intrans. Ind. Desc. Ind. Slot Fillers.--The subordinators or dependence markers are filled by particles. The following is a list of such particles: nen 'when' legan 'during' no 'if' ya 'who is, which is, that' ta 'for, because, so that' pian, piano 'so that' ta pian, ta piano 'so that' lapud 'because' kanian 'that is why' ta ompan 'for it might' The second part of the bipartite dependent construction is filled by the nuclear forms of the independent indicative clause types. 52 Illustrations dependent transitive indicative clause Sub. P Af G nen mandadait si Nanay na kawes ko when sewing Mother a dress my (When Mother was sewing my dress) dependent intransitive indicative clause Sub. P Pmod S lapud sinmabi ya asakbay si Nanay because arrived early Mother (Because Mother arrived early) dependent descriptive clause Sub. P S ya kayogyogtanan ya anak si Maria that youngest of child Maria (That Maria is the youngest child) The Maximum Form of the Dependent Clause.--The same peripheral tagmemes found in the independent indicative types are found in this clause, so no attempt will be made here to list them individually. IX. SOME COMMENTS ON TRANSFORMATIONS OF CLAUSE-LEVEL TAGMEMES Particles have been shown in the various clause types to be identificational-contrastive features of substantive phrases, modifier phrases, and dependent clauses. They also play a role in the transformability of one tagmeme or tagmeme sequence to another. Nuclear portions as well as the peripheral tagmemes of transitive and intransitive indicative clauses transform to descriptive indicative subject with the addition of the particle §p_preposed to the predicate. For example, intransitive indicative subject P S L linma si Maria ed dayat ed Binmaley went Maria to sea in Binmaley (Maria went to the seashore in Binmaley) transforms to descriptive indicative subject S P si Maria so linma ed dayat ed Binmaley Maria went to sea in Binmaley (Maria was the one who went to the seashore in Binmaley) 53 5A transitive indicative goal P A G f dadaiten nen Nanay so kawes ko sewing by Mother the dress my (My dress is being sewed by Mother) transforms to descriptive indicative subject S P samay kawes ko so dadaiten nen Nanay that dress my sewing by Mother (My dress is the one Mother is sewing) transitive indicative instrument P A G If impanbekal nen Nanay na dalin imay wasay used to cultivate by Mother the soil the axe (The axe was used by Mother to cultivate the soil) transforms to descriptive indicative subject S P samay wasay so impanbekal nen Nanay na dalin that axe used to cultivate by Mother the soil (The axe was the one used by Mother to cultivate the soil) transitive indicative referent P A Rf G initdan nen akulaw imay ugaw na sira given by old woman that child a fish (The child was given fish by the old woman) 55 transforms to descriptive subject S P samay ugaw so angitdan nen akulaw na sira that child given to by old woman the fish (That child was the one to whom the old woman gave the fish) intransitive indicative locative P S L linma si Maria ed dayat ed Binmaley went Maria to sea in Binmaley transforms to descriptive indicative subject S P diad (dia + ed) dayat na Binmaley so nila nen Maria here in sea of Binmaley went by Maria (It was in the seashore in Binmaley where Maria went) The resultant descriptive clauses above (containing transformed tagmemes) can be 'fillers of nuclear tagmemes for transitive, intransitive and descriptive indicative clauses. The particle ya is substituted for the particle g9, turning the descriptive predicates into modi- fier phrases. To illustrate, descriptive indicative clause S P samay kawes ko g3 dadaiten nen Nanay (My dress is the one Mother is sewing) becomes a transitive indicative goal 56 P A T Gf Gidentifier isulong ko nabuas imay kawes ko ya dadaiten nen Nanay wear I tomorrow that dress my which sewing by Mother (Tomorrow, I will wear the dress which Mother is sewing) descriptive indicative clause S P diad dayat na Binmaley g9 nila nen Maria (It was in the seashore in Binmaley where Maria went) becomes -: the subject of another descriptive clause P S Sidentifier marakerakep imay dayat na Binmaley ya nila nen Maria very beautiful that sea of Binmaley where went by Maria (The seashore of Binmaley where Maria went is very beautiful) descriptive indicative clause S P samay ugaw s3 angitdan nen akulaw na sira (The child was the one to whom the old woman gave the fish) becomes ,. intransitive indicative subject P Pmod. L S amawil 1a ed abong imay ugaw returned to house that child already Sidentifier ya angitdan nen akulaw na sira whom given to by old woman the fish (The child to whom the old woman gave the fish has returned home) 10. ll. BIBLIOGRAPHY Brend, Ruth. "A Tagmemic Analysis of Mexican Spanish Clauses." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Uni- versity of Michigan, 196A (Mouton & Co., The Hague, to appear). Elson, Benjamin and Velma Pickett. An Introduction to Morphology and Syntax. Sta. Ana, California: Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1962. Engel, Ralph and Robert E. Longacre. "Syntactic Matrices in Ostuacan Zoque," International Journal of American Linguistics. Vol. 29, 1963, pp. 331-3AA. Epistola, Nieves B. "The Pangasinan Verbal System: A Sketch." Unpublished Master's thesis, ' Harvard University, 1965. Flores, Francisco G. "A Contrastive Analysis of Selected Clause Types in Cebuano and English." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1962. Forster, Janette. "Dual Structure of Dibabawon Verbal Clauses," Oceanic Linguistics. Vol. 3, Summer 1964’ pp. 2—6—1480 Fries, Charles G. The Structure of English. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1952. Hockett, Charles F. "Two Models of Grammatical De- scription," Word. Vol. 10, pp. 210-23A. Lee, Ernest. "Non-Focus Verbs in Maguindanao," Oceanic Linguistics. Vol. 3, Summer 196A, pp. A9-57. Longacre, Robert E. "String Constituent Analysis," Language. Vol. 36, 1960, pp. 63-88. . Grammar Discovery Procedures. The Hague: Mouton & Co., 196A. 57 l2. 13. 1A. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 2A. 25. 58 Lusted, Ruth, Claudia Whittle and Lawrence A. Reid. "The Use of Matrix Technique in an Analysis of Atta Personal Pronouns," Oceanic Linguistics. Vol. 3, Summer 196A, pp. 138-160. Newell, Leonard E. "Independent Clause Types of Batad Ifdgao," Oceanic Linguistics. Vol. 3, Summer 196A, pp. 171—199. Nida, Eugene A. Morphology. Ann Arbor, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 19A9. Pickett, Velma B. "The Grammatical Hierarchy of Isthmus Zapotec." Ph.D. dissertation. Language. Vol. 36, 1960. » Pike, Kenneth L. "On Tagmemes, nee Gramemes." International Journal of American Linguistics. Vol. 2A, 1958, pp. 273-278. ________. "Matrix Permutation and Conflation," Anthropological Linguistics. Vol. A, 1962, . "A Syntactic Paradigm," Language. Vol. 39: 1963: pp. 216-230- "Theoretical Implications of Matrix Permutation in Fore (New Guinea)," Anthropological Linguistics. Vol. 5, 1963, pp. 1—23. ________. "Discourse Analysis and Tagmeme Matrices," Oceanic Linguistics. Vol. 3, Summer 196A, pp' 5-250 . Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the Structure of Human Behavior. 2nd edition. The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1967. Reid, Lawrence A. "A Matrix Analysis of Bontoc Case-Marking Particles," Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 3, Summer 196A, pp. 116-137. Schacter, Paul. A Contrastive Analysis of English and Pangasinan. University of California at Los Angeles, June 1959. (mimeo). Shand, Jean. "A Matrix of Introducer Tagmemes," Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 3, Summer 196A, pp. 110-115. Thomas, David and Alan Healey. "Some Philippine Language Sub-groupings: A Lexicostatistical Study," Anthrppological Linguistics, Vol. A, 1962, pp. 21-33. APPENDICES 59 S-nl__f‘"_' '_~ .w51‘.- APPENDIX I SAMPLE PASSAGES ILLUSTRATING PANGASINAN CLAUSES 6O 61 A. Desc. Ind. S:nphl P:adj. l.//Sayan laki atagey// tan this man tall and Desc. Ind.* d . h. 2.//me io mam mistizo chino na daiset.// quite almost- Chinese a little mestizo Trans. Ind. P: A: nph2 Efg//‘7G:npr‘11 3 //SaAkaagpit to; mel a balkot,// tan carrying- he small package and under-his— arm Trans. Ind. Lzlo . h. P: v. nph2 G°nph M ' A 2M l A.//diad s ke a ato sankalibit t y mel g a maleta.// in one of hand carrying he small suitcase Trans. Ind. . P:Vph A:nph Gznph Aagggi““rbt headI/F“‘7L‘m_d. .//T\&§ 5.//S y sombrer to asaniban ton maong so lupa to the hat his covered it well the face his *In these clauses, if the 3rd person singular pronoun manifests afocussed tagmeme (i.e., transitive agent-as-sub_ ject, 'intransitive subject, transitive goal-as-subject) it takes the form of a zero allomorph; otherwise, it occurs as to. // // Independent clauses. ( ) Dependent clauses. 62 trans. ind. szesc. ind.* Sub:part. P:Vp A:nph2 Sub:part. P:adj.ph. i mod. head A head od. 6.(k nian agto nibaga nen vangelina no maong ya impanlupa.)// that-is- tell by Evangelina if good the-way-the- why not she face—looks Source: Samban Agnabeneggn, p. 6. Intrans. Ind.* P:vph head?//A\\“~.mod. l.//Nankalkalna ya sinmegep,// went-quietly went-up Intrans. Ind.* P: v 2.//nantondAtonda stopping-now-and-then intrans. ind. Sub:part. P:vph S:nph1 head mod. 3.(ta ompan nalanor so puso to ya mansakit) for might will the heart to get sick affect her intrans. ing,* Sub:part. P:vph Reazreason ph. A head’//A\‘mod. 5//\::\\\‘\\\g_ A.(no nakesawan a maong e pantatatdang to.)// if will-get- much in climbing- her tired steps *In these clauses if the 3rd person singular pronoun manifestseafocussed tagmeme (i.e., transitive agent-as- Subject, intransitive subject, transitive goal-as-subject) it takes the form of a zero allomorph; otherwise, it occurs as 33. // // Independent clauses. ( ) Dependent clauses. 63 Trans. Ind. Cl.Rel. fgvph G:nphl ~L:1oc.ph. head 5.//"Anganko ipawil toa pa met e abo g m // tan maybe take- he really to house our and back me also Intrans. Ind. Loc:adv. S:nphl P:vph mod . ead 6.//diman kami la manayam there we already will-live trans. ind. szesc. ind. 2 Pznph S:nph head od. mod. head 7.(ta amta to met ya kabokbokoran kon anak.)// for knows also the only I child he that Sub:part. P:vph A:nph 2 Source: Samban Agnabenegan, p. 5. *In these clauses if the 3rd person singular pronoun manifestsa focussed tagmeme (i.e., transitive agent-as- subject, intransitive subject, transitive goal-as-subject) it takes the form of a zero allomorph; otherwise, it occurs as pg. // // Independent clauses. ( ) Dependent clauses. 6A TRANSLATIONS A. 1. This man was tall and 2. looked a little like a Chinese mestizo. 3. Under his arm was a small package and A. in one hand, he was carrying a small suitcase. 5. His hat completely covered his face 6. so that Evangelina could not tell if he were handsome. B. 1. She went up the steps slowly 2. stopping now and then 3. for it might affect her heart A. if she got too tired in climbing the steps. . . . 5. "Maybe he will take me home and 6. there we will live 7. for he knows that I am the only child." APPENDIX II TABLES 65 Tobin 1. Pilloro of onqu-lovoi Ilou «lot.2 I :(Mououo. aorta) prom: 53 group flaw-1: all; «loan: on. group ”‘02' W21 port.1: 2 60.0.0.8 gall 61'0“? port?! o_o port.1: g donono.: inn group puke: 2 demon-.8 2'1 0°"? "rto: 2”” x 1 C L A 0 8 I 2 A 0 H B I I 8 room : ’ mm : con. : INSTRUHDI‘I' : stream : m1 I ; dotnlnph/prouph. : Wt3 I «obi 35!“.2 olup]: : m} I «lot.1 gonzoflzuph : m“ I «and ; dame 3 : dot.1 I Oport.1 : dobl I +purt.1 : +muph/prou.ph. : dot. I 3 (goo-on. o port.) 2 : x 8 I dot. I _+_(¢ dI-ou.+port.2) : dot.2 I flea-on. +purt.2) : 60.1 I oport.1 : pro-.2 5 group : 2 8 : 2 : put-$.13 2 : port.1: 2 : d't.2 I;(Od0loun.4‘plrt.2) A: : anon-.2 2... group 3 x : x : Colon-n inn group : demon-u inn group : prom: .181: group a park: 31/21 : : : : port.2: 2 parka: _o : porn}: :d/aro : z : : dOIOII.: 3935 group : x I : f I z I part.2: 31/33 a ' : 3 I : z . : : 3 llth I 1 «lot.1 _0_ (“.2 : NP»1 I 340%. 9 lawn/proud»: m} I +dot.1 :dot.z+8:uph : NPh,’ I «lot.l 1 «on, : +l:uph/proo.ph. : dot. I 1 (gluon. wort.) : «L1 I o purt.1 : éltnph/prondm. : z a : x ““1 I :_ pothl : pro-.3 55 group : dot? u :(odo-ono. Opnl'tcz) x dot.1 I o perhl : : : : at : dot.2 I :(odououo. open?) : «noun: inn group : pIrt.1: a : dot.2I ;(+¢onouo.oport.2) 2 x : s : proud 52 group : pork: 31/93 : demon-.1 a! group I proud oiuk group I l 2 I : port.1: nun/5 . : : port.2: y_o : purtu: :d/Ero : dououn “on group : : : do-ouo.: lump group I I t t 2 purines 39/31 : : : pas-La: 31/33. 1 3 2 3 x u : : : I ; dot. 1 dot. : m I dot. :dot. +B:nph : m I o dot. o 11mph : In, I «lot. :_ dot. : "“2 1 2 i 3 1 2 : 1 g 1 2 : +5:nph/pron.ph. : aot.1 I + porn:l : dot. I d; douou. 0 port.) : +F:uph/prou.ph. : x : x : dot.1 I 3 port.1 : clot.2 I flue-on. wort?) : demonnd inn group : donl I + pol-Ll : z : : It : dot.2 I flue-on. wort?) : pox-Ll: g : pubis gg . dot.2 :2 ;(+douono.+port.2) 3 prom: 33 group : duo-5.: 1%! group : : prom: lilk group 3 3 x z : pox-$.12 211/35 2 parka: :2 : : port.1: 3c ’35; x x : : 3 (lo-onla Inn group I : : demons“ sauna anoup I s : a : purine: J/g‘ : 8 l mt02= 31/99, J a 8 i : : : z : m2 I ; dot.1 z dot.2 I m} I Mohl :dot.2 03mph 2 m} I «Iota :_dot.2 +n:nph : MI I :dot. +Hznph/pron.ph. : : : : I 0E:npu/prou.ph. : dot.1 I + port.1 : dot.1 I 0 port.1 1 dot. I :(idolouo. oport.) : 3 z : : dotol'l ; port.1 : «oi.2 I :(odouou. sport?) : 4015.3 . 1_(+dIIonlo *Pn‘tvz) : prom: I_k, 81'0“? R z z : x f : : g 3 z x I 3 x x z z z 3 z z x z z : a g : : : : : : x z I : t x a : z x 1 ; 67 TABLE 2.—-Pangasinan personal pronouns. Familiar Honorific The 55 group: singular lst ak 2nd ka kayo 3rd O ira, ra plural lst kami (exclusive) lst tayo (inclusive) ti lst & 2nd ita, ta ti 2nd kayo ki 3rd ira, ra ira, ra The E9 group: singular lst ko, ta* 2nd mo yo 3rd to da plural lst mi (exclusive) lst tayo (inclusive) ti lst & 2nd ta ti 2nd yo yo 3rd da da The si + ak group: plural 1st siak 2nd sika sikayo 3rd sikato sikara plural lst sikami (exclusive) lst sikatayo (inclusive) sikiti 1st & 2nd sikata sikiti 2nd sikayo siki 3rd sikara sikara *When the actor is lst person singular and the ob- ject is 2nd person singular or plural, as in aawiten ta ka 'I am taking you along.‘ taking I you along 68 TABLE 3.--Pangasinan demonstrative pronouns. The Aman The Saman The Iman Group Group Group Meaning Singular aya saya (i)ya 'this, this one' aman saman iman 'that, that one' (object far from speaker and addressee) atan satan itan 'that, that one' (object near the addressee) Plural araya saraya iraya 'these' araman saraman iraman 'those' (see aman) aratan saratan iratan 'those' (see atan) 69 TABLE A.--Aspect markers in Pangasinan verbs. man- + Redupll stem (~man - ~ mend Aspect Affix Illustrations Perfective continuative nan- nandait ak 'I sewed (for a length of time)’ instantaneous in-, -inm- insalog ko may inuras 'I used the rice washing to water (the plants)' tinmekleb imay ugaw 'The baby turned over on his tummy' in- + -an indaitan koy kawes to "I sewed a dress for her' impan- impansalo ko may inuras 'I used t e rice washing to water (the plantsi' impa- + -i- impaisalo ko may inuras ed sikato 'I let h m use the rice washing to water (the .plants)‘ a- akarun as ak 'r—n‘dfia- a- e redupli- akarkarun as ak cated stem '1 sIIpped (repeatedly)' ama- amaalay tambal 'She asked someone to buy medicine' an-(-sn-~am-) aningkat na alama (singkat) 'She caught a crab (deliberately)' nipa-, ni- nikaLto may lulutoen Re 'The food I was cooking accidentally spilled' aki- akidait ak ed sikara 'I sewed at their place (using their machine;' aka- akapaltog na too 'He unintentionally shot a man' Non-Perfective duretive" um- + Redupli- umpapawil ya inagewagew cated stem 'He comeshome everyday' (~ un - -u9-) 5' i- + Redupli- 1 a awil to cated stem 'Ee Is giving it back' " pa. + Redupl. pasusum alen to may programs stem + —en 'He s~wa ting for the program to end' " Redupl. pa- papaisum al to may trabajo to + -1- 'He is av ng his work finished for him by someone' " pan- + Redupl. pansasalo ko may inuras ' stem 'I am us ng the rice washing to water (the (ram - ~pag-) plants)’ " pi- + Redupl. pidadait ko stem '1 am Having something sewed for me' so mandadait ak 'I am sewing' 7O ‘ —— _1‘—‘.!‘"'- ’ Aspect Affix A Illustrations Non-Perfective (con't.) durative" mi- + Reduplil. midadait ak . stem '1 am sewing (using someone else' 3 machine)‘ na- + Redupl. nas usumpal ko la stem malmost done with 1t' " Redupl. stem tetepetan da + -an ey are asking him questions' " Redupl. stem tetepeten da so agawa + -en hey are asking him about what happened' " pi- + Redupl. pitotontongan da stem + -an 'They are talking with him' so ' pi- + Redupl. pigapayungen da stem + -en 'T ey are letting him share the umbrella' " i- + Redupl. isasalitaan da . stem + -an 'They are talking in his behalf' " _ mang- + -i- + mangitatanem na pigaran kamatis Redupl. stem 'He is pIanEing a few tomatoes' " pang- + -i- + pangi a alan en kod si maestra to Redupl. stem '1 am asking hIm to greet his teacher' + -en non-durative um- um awil ak ' 'I w return' ' stem + G pawilka affix back' ' -an ban atan to ak na piano She will teach me piano' ' i- awil ko may sinaliw ko 11 return what I bought' ' i- + -an isaliwan koy kawes to ' wIl 11 buy a dress for her' ' man- mandait ak 'i will sew' ’ mang- + -i- mangitanem kay kamatis 'Plant tomatoes' ' mi- midait ak 'I will sew (using somebody's machine)’ na- nasum 81 kc 'I—wTIT—finish it' I pa— pasum al mo ‘ p. _ 3 , . _ 3 'Wait for it to finish' ‘ pa- + -en pasum alen ko ' 'I wiII wait for it to end' ' pa- + -1- paisum a1 ko may trabajok 'I wIII Iet someone finish my work' ' pa- + -i- + paisaliwsn koy kawes to -an 'I wIIl ask someone to buy her a dress' * pan- pansalo ko may inuras 'I w use the rice washing to water (the plants) ' pi- pisalo moy tanaman ko 'Wa or my plants, too (together with yours)’ s pi- + -an . piton ton on motay sangkaili 'TaIk wIEE the visitor' " occumwith imperative. verbs. uIII Occurswith imperative verbs modified by negation. .oEmemmp mpmcfioLODSm m an omosoompcw .oomp unmocoooo mcfiocoommppoo m was some mmsmao pcoucmqmocH nomme mecsH.msmsch.npsm + .ocH.mcmsuoHcompm+ 71 Loamcfivponsm+ .UGH .mcmmpcfi pcmvcomom .QEH omcmupcw Lnnsm+ .QEH cmcmpch ovmhm+ mmms©©¢u .QEH cmcmpch pampmwmmu pcmESMamcHH Hmow+ I OQEH emcmpe ucmm<+ OQEH omcmme oompm+ mmmh©c<+ .QEH cmcmhe oocfl comma onnsm+ .ocH .omma comsm+ .ocH ‘ommo oocH omcmpch .nnzm + cocH cmCMchH ocmpm+ gccH cwcmpch H.nnsm m m as“ o ngcum+ no: 0+ socu<+ no>n m+ m H.nnsm m m was a no: H+ so: 5+ no: <+ ca>u m+ H .nnsm asacuu+ mags <+ gg>uowpm+ do .finzm mnocuc+ anocu¢+ £Q>ummpm+ m< .ccH .mcmne pchQonUcH Ehom mmmaosz moome mmdeo .mCOHpoSmecoo nomaosc mo magma mmmeezmnl.m mqm