A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE INFLUENCE OF
SEX, RACE, AND SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS
ON THE ATTITUDES OF CHILDREN TOWARD
AUTHORITY FIGURES

Thesis for the Degree of M. S.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
RANDALL DAVID SCOTT
1969

c..-4—.u~c.--—Ia ‘fifi... I ‘

 

 

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE INFLUENCE
OF SEX, RACE, AND SOCIOECONGVIIC STATUS ON THE ATTITUDES
OF CHILDREN TOWARD AUTHORITY FIGJRES

By

Randall David Scott

An Abstract of a Thesis
Submitted to
Michigan State university
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

‘MASTER.OF SCIENCE

School of Police Administration and Public Safety

College of Social Science

 

 

 

 

TABSTRACT

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE INFLUENCE
OF SEX. RACE, AND SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS ON THE ATTITUDES
OF CHILDREN TONARD AUTHORITY FIGURES
By

Randall David Scott

This is a study of attitudes and perceptions of
the police officer and other authority figures held by
second grade children from diverse backgrounds-~10wer-
class Negro, middle-class Negro, and middle-class white.
Researchers to date differ in their views on the import-
ance of sex. race and socioeconomic status in the various
dimensions of human attitudes and behavior, prompting the
present research study, in which the relationship of each
of these variables of sex, race, and socioeconomic status
to attitudes and perceptions of authority figures is ob-
served. The policeman and other authority figures were
selected because of the role they are believed to play
in extending the child's attitudes and perceptions of
rules and authority from the family to the larger society.
Subjects' responses to questionnaire items concerning au-

thority figures, to an attitude-toward-police scale

Randall David Scott

and to a subjective picture-drawing exercise were ana-

lyzed to determine differential response along sex, ethnic

or socioeconomic status lines. Only socioeconomic status

was found to be a significant variable in the analysis.

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE INFLUENCE
OF SEX, RACE, AND SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS ON THE ATTITUDES

OF CHILDREN TOJARD AUTHORITY FIGURES

By

Randall David Scott

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

School of Police Administration and Public Safety

College of Social Science

1969

ACKNONLEDGMENTS

The author is indebted to the Sears-Roebuck
Foundation, the staff of the National Center on Police
and Community Relations, Miss Barbara Johnson of the
Chicago Board of Education, researchers Dr. June Tapp
and Dr. Judith Torney, and the teachers and administrators
of the target schools. without their assistance, this

study could not have been accomplished.

11

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION AND PROBLEM STATEMENT............
Introduction................................
The Problem.................................
Five hypotheses...........................
II. REVIEH OF THE LITERATURE......................
Hess and Others, Political Socialization
StudY.....................................
Easton.and Dennis...........................
Kohlberg's Moral Development Typology.......
Derbyshire's ”Patrolman Bill" Evaluation....
Literature on the Early Development of
the Child.................................
Socioeconomic Status and Early DeveIOpment..

Literature on Sex Differences...............

summary.0.000IOOOOOOOOCCOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOO...

III. HYPOTHESES AND METHODOLOGY....................
Hypotheses..................................
Methodology.................................

Design....................................
Instruments...............................

Analysis and presentation of data.........

PAGE

\nUUH

10

13

15
16
18
20
22
22
2h
2’4
27
29

CHAPTER PAGE
IV. NEGRO AND HHITE MIDDLE-CLASS ATTITUDES
TONARD THE POLICE.......................... 33
Differences................................ 33
Similarities............................... 36
V. MIDDLE-CLASS ATTITUDES TOWARD OTHER
AUTHORITY FIGURES.......................... #0
President.................................. 40
Teachers................................... “1
Hypothesis Considered...................... 42
VI. COMPARATIVE NEGRO MIDDLE-CLASS AND LOWER-
CLASS ATTITUDES TOWARD POLICE AND
AUTHORITY.................................. N3
Attitudes Toward Police.................... 43
Attitudes Toward Other.Authority Figures... 53
Absence of the Father...................... 54
VII. INFLUENCE OF SEX ON ATTITUDES TOWARD
AUTHORITY.................................. 56
Hypothesis Considered...................... 62
VIII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS...................... 6h
Hypotheses Restated........................ 64
Conclusions................................ 6h
Suggestions for Further Research........... 65
BIBLIOGRAPHY....................................... 67
APPENDIX: TEST INSTRUMENTS........................ 72

iv

TABLE
I.

II.

III.

IV.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

LIST OF TABLES

Demographic Characteristics of School
Communities................................
Racial Characteristics of Schools............
Portune Scale: Distribution of Scores.......
Negro and White Middle-Class ReSponses to
Attitude Items on the Authority and Legiti-
macy of the Policeman......................
Negro and White Middle-Class ReSponses to
Attitude Items on the Benevolence of the
Policeman..................................
Negro Middle-Class and Lower-Class Reaponses
on the Fortune Scale.......................
Rank Order of ReSponses to Portune Scale by
Middle- and Lower-Class Negro Children.....
Responses to Free-Drawing Exercise: Chicago
and Los Angeles............................
ReSponses of Lower- and Middle-Class Negro
Children to Attitude Items on the Policeman
as an Authority Figure.....................
ReSponses to Select Items, Portune Scale, by

seXIOOOOOOOOOOOOOO000......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

V

PAGE

25
26

35

37

39

#4

45

#8

50

58

TABLE PAGE
XI. Responses to Attitude Items on the Authority
and Legitimacy of the Policeman, by Sex..... 59
XII. Responses to Attitude Items on the Benevolence

of the Policeman, According to Sex.......... 63

vi

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION AND PROBLEM STATEMENT

I. INTRODUCTION

A recent study concluded that:

Every piece of evidence indicates that the
child's political world begins to take shape well
before he even enters elementary school and it
undergoes the most rapid change during these
years...The truly formative years of the maturing
member of a political system would seem to be
those years between the ages of three and thirteen.
(Easton and Hess, 1962)

The obvious implication for adults is that if
children learn to accept political institutions and
leaders as legitimate--as possessing legal and rightful
power--this acceptance is internalized, making the influence
of external rewards and punishments less effective
and facilitating stable political authority. That
is, there is less reliance on the policeman on the
corner as a deterrent and less reliance on "kickbacks"
or favors to accomplish what should rightfully be done
anyway.

Later work on the same project indicates that
children do learn to accept political institutions and
leaders as legitimate, and that the child's relationship

toward ”points of contact“ with the system-~authority

figures such as the policeman--p1ays a vital role which
pervades the whole socialization process (Easton and
Dennis, 1968). It is theorized by Hess and his assoc-
iates, as well as by Kohlberg, that the socialization
process proceeds in the same manner regardless of
ethnicity or socioeconomic status, only the rate of
development being affected, with a higher rate of
deveIOpment being associated with the higher ethnic

or socioeconomic status. Several considerations

raise doubts about the foregoing statement of general
applicability. First, the Hess study itself admits

to an insufficient sample of non-whites and rural or
Appalachian whites. Secondly, the current work in
develOpmental child psychology strongly indicates that
cognitive patterns (ways of looking at the world) and
basic attitudes (prediSpositions to act) are formed by
the age of three (Pines, i969). Ample evidence exists
that child-rearing practices vary enormously with socio-
economic status and ethnicity (Sears, Levin, Maccoby and
Sears, 1957; Lewis, 1961: Maccoby, Gibbs and others, 196#;
Jeffers, i966; Cahill, 1967: Pines, 1969), hence allowing
differences in socioeconomic class and ethnicity to
emerge as differences in cognitive patterns and atti-

tudes. Finally, socioeconomic status and ethnicity have

proven to be significant in enough studies of various
dimensions of human attitudes and behavior that they
cannot be ignored (See K.Johnson, 1969: Derbyshire,
1968).

II. THE PROBLEM

The question therefore arises: Do attitudes
toward authority differ with ethnicity and socio-
economic status? The research herein described concerns
itself with the foregoing question, as it relates to
Negro secondograders from a lower-class inner-city
neighborhood and an outlying middle-class neighborhood,
and to white second-graders from a middle-class neighbor-
hood. Alternate hypotheses generated by the problem (and
discussed in greater detail in the chapter on methodology)

are:

1. No difference exists in the attitudes of
second-graders toward authority figures, regardless
of socioeconomic status or race.

2. Attitudes of children toward authority
figures vary with socioeconomic status, regardless
of race.

3. Attitudes of children toward authority
figures vary with race, regardless of socioeconomic
status.

9 b. Attitudes of children toward authority
figures vary with socioeconomic status and with
race.

5. Attitudes of children toward authority

figures are as related to sex of the child as they are
to socioeconomic status or race.

Following Chapters
The following chapter will deal with related

literature, followed by a discussion of the hypotheses
and methodology. Subsequent chapters deal with actual
discussion of the research findings, as they relate

to the above hypotheses.

CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Hess and.Associates Political Socialization Study

Hess, with various others, has inquired into
early political socialization in a study of over
twelve thousand grade school children in four regions
of the United States, Hess and Easton (1962) find
that the phenomenon ”most apparent to most children
in the realm of politics” is the existence of an
authority outside the family and school: this exter-
nal authority is specifically represented in the

1 They further note

Presidency and the policeman.
that emotional, rather than rational, processes are
at work on these cognitions of external authority:
favorable feelings are developed for, as an example,
the presidential form of authority long before much
concrete knowledge about it is developed.

Hess and Torney (i967) theorize from the data
(the same body of data referred to above) that re-
ciprocal role relationships are the key to political

socialization--that the child learns to see his own

 

1The child becomes increasingly aware of other in-
stitutions of authority, such as courts, Congress, and lo-
cal elected officials as he grows older, say Easton and
Dennis o

behavior in relation to that of some other person

or institution and that role expectations are learned;
the child learns the rights and duties of the indiv-
idual in relation to the rights and duties of the
system. As Hess and Torney see it, early political
socialization begins with an attachment to the nation
which is stable. basic, and "exceedingly resistant

to change." Authority figures and institutions

are perceived by the child as powerful, competent,
benign. infallible, and to be trusted. Laws are

Just and unchangeable, with punishment inevitable for
wrongdoing. The child's points of contact with the
system are persons--the President and the policeman--
later becoming institutions, abstractions, and the
roles occupied by the persons. These points of
contact--the President and the policeman--are also
the visible authority figures and compliance with
authority and law is mediated through these figures.
Hess and Torney point out that the family can also
strongly influence attitudes toward authority, roles
and compliance. While the family and strong authority
figures influence attitudes. the school appears as
the primary source for content, information and con-

cepts. For children of low socioeconomic status it may

be the ggly source (Hess and Torney. 1967: Coleman, 1965).
The Hess and Torney study indicates that the school is

"a central and dominant force in the political social-
ization of the young child" and that the period between
grades three and five is especially important in ac-
quiring political information.

Of particular relevance to the present research
are the channels through which socialization into the
compliance system--that part of the system requiring
the individual ”to deal with regulations and authority
figures and also to respond with some degree of self-
direction“ (Hess and Minturn. 1967)--is theorized to
take place. First, there is a fund of positive feel-
ing for the government. especially the President, which
extends to include laws and other abstractions as dis-
cussed above. Secondly, the child's socialization
comes about through a "core” of respect for power

wielded by authority figures. eSpecially policemen.1

 

1Hess and Torney find the policeman to be in.a strained
position. Though the schools present a nurturant image of the
policeman, the child learns early that the police have the duty
to capture and to punish lawbreakers, leading to mixed feelings
about law and law enforcement. They note the fact that "ideal
statements” about government and authority are more stable
longitudinally than statements about how things work may be
directly related to this early ambivalence about a powerful
authority figure.

A third channel is experience in compliant roles at home
and school. Finally, there is the normative belief

that all systems of rules are fair.

Easton and Dennis

Easton.and Dennis (1968) have done more exten-
sive work on the data described above, especially as it
relates to the police officer. In addition. a free
drawing exercise was utilized as an exploratory instru-
ment, in which over six hundred children drew pictures
of various authority figures (information is only
available concerning the policeman). Evaluation of
the pictures was on the basis of content: whether
the policeman was seen as performing a protective. pro-
hibitive or punitive activity. Over fifty per cent of
the drawings emphasize punitive or prohibitive activity,
indicating that the policeman's capacity to direct and
punish emerges as salient to the child. The policeman
also appears as physically dominant. being drawn sev-
eral times larger than the comparison objects, such as
an automobile or other people. and as physically and
verbally active. Crime detection and prevention
activities seldom appear in the drawings. The child's
questionnaire rating of the police bears out the central-

ity of the capacity to direct and punish. Seventy-eight

per cent of second graders and sixty-eight per cent
of third graders think the policeman "can make many.
people do what he wants" (48 per cent of second
graders say he "can make almost anyone do what he
wants"). Sixty-six per cent of the fourth graders
think the policeman ”can punish many people” and
thiry-seven per cent say he "can punish almost any-
one.” From the above data, Easton and Dennis con-
clude that "the child is impressed with the presence
of a power over and beyond that of father or mother
and one that even parents. as potent as they may ap-
pear to the child, cannot escape." (1968) Policemen
are seen.as the "seed out of which a sense of the
legitimacy of the authority structure springs."
Through the policeman, the child "is encouraged in
the belief that external authority should and must be
accepted,” reinforcing a similar posture he is early
encouraged to adopt toward the President and the
government. Lending further legitimacy to the police-
man is the affective impression of benevolence and
dependability. However, the child's feelings about
the police. as noted above in discussing Hess and Tor-
ney (page 7. Footnote), are highly ambivalent, as

is indicated in the way the child rates the policeman.

10

Even though children rate the policeman very high on
”would want to help me if I needed it" (71 per cent
of second graders think the police "would always want
to help me if I needed it" and another in per cent
say "almost always”), they rate him very low on the
statements "I like him” and ”is my favorite.” The
conflict. according to Easton and Dennis, is between
the punitive cognitive image and the affective im-
pression of benevolence and dependability. None-
theless, the report estimates that “if we had been
able to construct some sort of index of respect by
collapsing all our ratings into a single measure (no
attempt was actually made to do so), we would have
found that the child has a fairly high level of respect

for the policeman."

Kohlberg's Moral DeveIOpment Typology

Kohlberg characterizes society as a system of
defined complementary role relationships (1968).
similar to the concept expressed by Hess and Torney
and related above. In becoming socialized into the
system, the child must implicitly take the role of
others toward himself and toward others in the group.

These role-taking tendencies, representing various

11

patternings of shared or complementary expectations.
form the basis of all social institutions. In one
Kohlberg study, the moral development--of attitudes

and values concerning right. wrong. good and bad--

of seventy-five boys was observed at three year in-
tervals over a twelve year period. In addition,
cross-cultural studies have been carried out in several
foreign countries. Kohlberg concludes from these stud-
ies that moral development is an invariant sequence

in six stages coming one at a time and always in the
same order. The sequential nature of moral develop-
ment does not appear to be culture bound: development
is still sequential in Taiwan, Turkey. Yucatan. Malay-
sia or in.an inner-city ghetto, only the rate of develOp-
ment varies. The six stages can be classified into
three levels: pre-conventional. conventional. and post-
conventional. At the pre-conventional level (ages

four to ten. with significant growth from eight).
”good” and ”bad" are interpreted in terms of physical
consequences, regardless of human.meaning or value, or
inlterms of the physical power of those who enumerate
the rules and labels of good and bad. Toward the end
of this period reciprocity develops. but on.a pragmatic
9_u_19_ ppp app basis. At stage three (conventional level)

12

”good" is that which pleases or helps others and is
approved by them--the child conforms to stereotypical
images of what is majority or ”natural” behavior.

At stage four of the conventional level, maintenance

of the status quo is perceived as valuable in its

 

own right. The post-conventional level is character-
ized by a major thrust toward autonomous moral princi-
ples with validity and application apart from the au-
thority of groups or persons who hold them and apart
from the individual's identification with these persons
or groups. Stage five is the ”official” morality of
American government as embodied in the thought of the
writers of the Constitution, with a ”social contract"
orientation defining ”right” actions in terms of
standards critically examined and agreed upon by the
whole society. Stage six is oriented toward decisions
of conscience and toward "self-chosen ethical princi-
ples appealing to logical comprehensiveness, universal-
ity and consistency”--principles such as justice. the
reciprocity and equality of human rights, and reSpect
for the dignity of human beings as individual persons.
Development of attitudes and values appears to
Kohlberg to be related to cognitive development. with

increasing differentiation and increasing integration.

13

Kohlberg theorizes that the reason for invariant develop-
mental sequence, regardless of culture, is that ”each
step is a better cognitive organization than the one
before it." Each stage takes account of everything
present in the previous stage. but the child makes

new distinctions and organizes into a "more comprehensive

or more equilibrated structure." (1968)

Derbyshire's “Patrglman Bill” Evaluation

Perhaps the most directly related research find-
ings available at this time are those of Derbyshire in
assessing the effect of the ”Patrolman Bill" program.
a program designed to foster an improved image of the
policeman among minority group children in Los Angeles
(Derbyshire, 1968). Derbyshire hypothesized a greater
degree of antipathy toward the police on the part of
pupils of low socioeconomic backgrounds and a positive
change in perception of the police on the part of those
low socioeconomic status children exposed to the Patrol-
man Bill program. Third grade public school pupils
from three divergent ethnic and social class categories
were asked to draw pictures of the policeman at work
as an ”assignment" in art class. One low socioeconomic

status group was asked to draw the pictures two weeks

14

prior to Patrolman Bill's visit and on the third day
following the visit. Each picture was evaluated by
four independent raters (Derbyshire and three fourth-
year resident psychiatrists) on.a seven-point scale
for the degree of aggressiveness, authoritarianism.
hostility. kindness, goodness, strength and anger
expressed in the picture. An additional rater. work-
ing independently. performed an item analysis of
police task performance on the basis of the picture's
content (similar to the method used by Easton.and Dennis,
1968, above). Comparison of the ratings yielded no
significant difference between the item analysis and
the evaluation by the four raters on the entire field
of the picture. From the results. the image of po-
lice behavior held by the children fell into four
categories: (1) aggressive-~fighting. chasing, shoot-
ing-~(2) assistance with negative overtones--unloading
a paddy wagon, searching a building. in,a car with
prisoners, giving traffic tickets--(3) neutral--walk-
ing, riding in a patrol car. directing traffic-~(h) as-
sistance with positive overtones--talking with children.
giving directions.

In the pre- and post-test group. there was a

significant shift from responses in the neutral or

15

negative categories to the positive assistance image.
tending to verify the hypothesis that ”personal contact
with policemen under informal. non-threatening con-
ditions significantly reduces children's antipathy."
Significant differences also appeared between the three
highly diverse groups tested. The group from Watts.
predominantly lower socioeconomic status Negro child-
ren, expressed less antipathy toward the police after
the program than was originally expressed by the most
positive group (white middle-class). Just how perma-
nent a change may be effected by a single exposure was
not studied: however, Derbyshire cautions that "exper-
ience of others who have researched attitudes and atti-
tude change suggests that changes of this nature last

only until future negative experiences."

Literature pp Eaply Development pf 222.22112
Research currently underway at Harvard University

indicates the crucial importance of the child's first
three years (Pines. 1969). White and others at the
School of Education Pre-School Project have been con-
cerned with the development of cognitive ability-~how
knowledge is acquired, retained and used--since the
project began in 1966. So far the project has tenta-

tively classified five prototype mothers according to

16

their manner of interacting with the child, and is now
developing scales on thirty-six categories of infants'
characteristics.

Bruner and others at the Center for Cognitive
Studies at Harvard are exploring the manner in which
the infant establishes communication with and perception
of his environment. They have established that inter-
action with adults is essential in developing skills
such as talking and manual dexterity. Lack of inter-
action thwarts expectancy--the expectation that the
child's behavior will draw a response--and discourages

learning.

Socioeconomic Status 229.2EIAZ Development

Kagan and others at the Department of Social
Relations at Harvard are involved in the study of
class differences in early childhood develOpment. In
a three-year longitudinal study of infants from their
fourth to thirty-eighth month. as yet unpublished
(Pines, 1969), class differences began appearing at
eight to twelve months and became apparent in every
one of the basic skills which the child learns during
his first three years. Kagan has observed that the

middle-class infant develops a closer attachment to

17

the mother due to the greater frequency and duration

of contact with the mother, and becomes more attentive
to the mother's actions and to nuances in the mother's
actions. His greater attentiveness is accompanied by
the development of a bigger stock of "schemata“ with
which to try to eXplain unexpected things in his environ-
ment. In lower-class families where homes are crowded.
with constant noise from children and television and
with little contact with the mother. stimuli are "tuned
out” and learning is minimal. The child of the poor.
according to Kagan, lacks the attachment to the mother
which leads to acquisition of the mother's language

and values. has developed few schemata and has developed
little ability to cope with the unexpected in his en-

1 He has learned a kind of impotence and

vironment.
is less persistent at difficult tasks. verbal and non-
verbal.

Hess (196h) finds indications that modes of
verbal and social interaction characteristic of low
socioeconomic class mother-infant relationships "induct
the child into patterns of poverty by restricting the

range of verbal, social, ideational and economic oppor-

tunities."

 

( 6) 1Note Bruner's concept of "thwarted expectancy'above
p.1 .

18

However. Golden and Birns (1968) find no differ-
ence when comparing infants up to two years of age from
three socioeconomic groups on intellectual performance,
using two independent measures of cognitive functioning.
No difference by socioeconomic status was noted in

language development at age two in the same sample.

Literature pp Sp; Differences

Oetzel (1966) has compiled an excellent one-
hundred page annotated bibliography of the older liter-
ature on sex differences and sex-role learning. re-
petition of which would only be redundant. More recent
work by Kagan and Lewis (1965) and Goldberg and Lewis
(1969) indicates significant sex differences in be-
havior as early as thirteen months of age. In the
above two studies, the same group of infants was ob-
served in interaction with their mothers at six months
and in their behavior toward mothers, toys and a frus-
tration situation at age thirteen months. Girls
showed significantly greater dependence (reluctance
to leave mother, vocalization to mother, looking at
mother, remaining in close proximity to mother). In
a frustration situation. girls cried and indicated

distress, while boys actively tried to circumvent the

19

source of frustration, although boys also indicated

some distress. In play activities, girls' activities
involved more fine muscle coordination while boys'
activities involved gross muscle coordination, were

more boisterous and vigorous, and exhibited more ex-
ploratory behavior. All girls selected toys with faces,
while boys did not select toys with faces at all (note
Kagan's work concerning reactions to faces in the follow-
ing paragraph). A definite relationship was noted be-
tween the mother's degree of close contact with the
infant at six months and the infant's behavior at thir-
teen months toward the mother. Goldberg and Lewis hy-
pothesize that parents reinforce behaviors they consider
sex-role appropriate: the child learns these sex-role
behaviprs in the same way he learns any appropriate

res nse rewarded by parents.

Kagan (1969) finds there is a sex difference in
"...babbling...in the service of attentional processes..."
in response to eXposure to faces. Girls are more attent-
ive to faces and vocalize in reSponse to them. Moore
(1967) finds a positive correlation between the vocal-
ization in response to faces exhibited by infant girls

and later development of Speech: no such correlation

appears for boys.

20

Hess and Torney (1967) note that girls express
more attachment to personal figures in the social and
political systems while boys are more concerned with

events and are more activist.

Summary
Concepts set forth by the preceding authors

basic to the preSent research center around the idea
that children develop many of their ways of looking

at the world at very ages, perhaps even before the

age of three, and that interaction between the child
and adults--first the mother. later the father and
other authority figures--is crucial to the development
of most, if not all, of the child's skills and attitudes.
Cognitive development and moral development--perception
and internalization of concepts of right and wrong--
are thought to be related. Higher stages of moral de-
velOpment are believed to derive from development of
the child's ability to make finer distinctions and to
better organize. Class differences in the early de-
velopment of the child are noted and attributed to
differential child-rearing practices, with greater
interaction between the middle-class infant and adults.

The policeman is stressed as an important authority

21

figure and contact point with society at large in extend-
ing the child's perceptions and attitudes toward authority
from the family to the system of laws and role relation-
ships present in the larger society. The present re-
search attempts to assess children's attitudes toward

the policeman and other authority figures to determine

the relationship of factors such as socioeconomic status.
race and sex--all of which are important variables in the
literature reviewed--to attitudes and perceptions regard-

ing these authority figures on the part of children.

CHAPTER III
HYPOTHESES AND METHODOLOGY
I. HYPOTHESES

Of the possible hypotheses suggested by the
literature, five are presented here.

First, the null hypothesis is that no difference
exists in the attitudes of children toward authority
figures, regardless of socioeconomic status or race.

In some studies. socioeconomic status, though theorized
to be important, was found on empirical test to have

no significant relationship to other variables (Johnson,
1969). Hess and Torney consider socioeconomic status

a significant factor only insofar as higher status is
associated with more rapid develOpment of attitudes (Hess
and Torney, 1965), and Torney has been unable to estab-
lish a significant difference between the white and
Negro responses in the political socialization study
(Torney, 1969).

An alternative hypothesis, supported by much
of the literature. is that attitudes of children to-
ward authority figures vary with socioeconomic status,

regardless of race. Johnson (1969) observed this at

23

the junior high school level. The reverse side of this
hypothesis is that attitudes vary with race, regardless
of socioeconomic status. Some support for this hypo-
thesis (as well as the previous one) comes from the like-
lihood of differential child-rearing practices among
Negro families engendering differential attitudes.

However, Child-rearing practices seem to be as
much class-determined as ethnic (Sears, Levin and Mac-
coby. 1957: Maccoby and Gibbs, 1964: Jeffers, 1964: Ca-
hill, 1967). allowing for any of the above hypotheses.
as well as the hypothesis that attitudes of children
toward authority figures vary with both socioeconomic
status and race.

A final hypothesis is that the relationship of
some other variable, such as sex or the absence of the
father. is as significant as race or socioeconomic
status. Hess and Torney (1967) found significant
differences between boys and girls in several areas
of political socialization, including girls' greater
attachment to personal figures as symbols of government
and authority, and girls' greater acceptance of all
systems of rules and laws as just. Kohlberg (1963)
concludes that girls are more compliant and tend to

internalize social and moral codes earlier than boys.

2N

II. METHODOLOGY

Design

Three schools were selected from census areas
consisting of all-white middle-class, all-non-white
middle class and all non-white lower class (see Table
I). None of the schools engaged in bussing pupils,
so the school pOpulation should reflect the character-
istics of the census area. Racial composition of the
target schools suggests that this is so. as can be
noted from Table II. Two intact Classrooms were se-
lected at random in each school. Greater randomization
would of course been desirable, but the hard facts of
research life required a minimum amount of disruption
of normal school routine. Similarly, the researcher
would have preferred to control for mental age, a
variable Hess and Torney (1965) found to be signifi-
cant, but this was not feasible. Consequently, there
'was a marked variation in the students' ability to
handle the test materials, particularly among the
students at the inner-city school. Testing was ac-
complished within one Class period for each classroom,

generally in the absence of the regular teacher.

25

TABLE I

DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF SCHOOL COMMUNITIES

Census Area: 27 14 73
(Inner-City) (Northwest)(Far South)

Percentage Negro 87% .O5£ 96.2%

Percentage Other

Non-White 1.u 2 .6

Percentage under 18 39.1 27 38.8

Percentage over 65 5.4 14 2.7

Median School Years

Completed 8.? 10 12

Median Family Income $4119 $6650 $8315

% Incomes under $3,000 36.3 11 2.7

% Incomes over $10,000 4.1 19 31.3

% Unemployed Males 13.5 3 2.8

% Sub-standard Housing

Units 26.9 1 1.6

Population per Household 3.h5 2.8 H.15

Median Number of Rooms,
All Units 3.3 A.6 5.3

(Kitagawa and Taeuber, 1963)

26

TABLE II

RACIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF SCHOOLS

 

 

School: A B C
(Low SES) (Middle-Class Negro) (White)

Total Enrolled 1212 1383 728

% White 8 o 97.7

% Negro 76.2 100 .7

% Other Non-White 15.8 0 1.6

(Chicago Board of Education, 1968)

27

Instruments

Free Drawing Exercise. This technique follows
the procedures used by Derbyshire (1968). with the
regular teacher providing the class with crayons and
manila paper at the time usually devoted to art lessons.
The "Assignment" is to draw a picture of a policeman
at work. Teachers are instructed to make no suggest-
ions as to content, other than that they are especially
interested in the student's impression of a policeman
going about his work. As in the Derbyshire study,
pictures are subjected to an item analysis of role
performance items and classified according to the four
categories established by Derbyshire. In view of
Derbyshire's finding of no significant difference be-
tween ratings based on analysis of the whole field
of the picture by trained psychiatrists and ratings
based on role performance, analysis by psychiatrists
was omitted from the research design. As in the
Derbyshire study, the basic purpose of the free draw-
ing technique is to determine the kind of image of the
police held by the child.

Questionnaire. The pencil-and-paper question-

naire. administered orally by the researcher, consists

 

 

 

 

 

 

t‘”
.4.

 

28

of fifty attitude items related to government. authority
figures, law and citizenship. Those attitude items
related to government and citizenship are derived from
the political socialization questionnaire arrived at
after several pilot tests by Hess and others (Hess and
Torney, 1965) and used in the above cited study.1
Items related to authority figures and laws are derived
primarily from am instrument found to be reliable by
Hess, Minturn and Tapp in a cross-national study of
socialization into compliance systems (1969). The
present instrument relies more heavily on pictures
to sustain the subjects' interest and to make questions
as unambiguous as possible (Appendix I includes the
questionnaire and Fortune Attitude-Toward-Police Scale).
Portune Attitude-Toward-Police Spglp. The Por-
tune Scale consists of twenty simple statements of opin-
ion about the police. each ranked on a three-point scale
(Agree, Don't Know. Disagree), with values assigned to
each degree of the scale (Agree=2, Don't Know=1. Dis-
agree=0 for items favorable to the police: for unfavorable

items, values are reversed). As used by Fortune, the scale

 

1A1so available as ADI-9365 from the American Docu-
mentation Institute. Library of Congress.

29

was a five-point scale arrived at by standard Thurstone-
Chave judging of one-hundred-five statements by one hundred
junior high school judges. Preliminary testing for this
study indicated that second-graders who experienced
difficulty with the five-point scale could handle the
three—point scale. and that a retest on a face-to-face
interview basis correlated with the test at the .90

level. Portune's work with the scale indicates it may

be treated as a Lickert scale: the value for each item may
be added up and a cumulative score reached--the higher

the score the more favorable the child's attitude to-

ward the police.

Analysis and Presentation 2: Data

 

General. The author is aware of the possibility
that the sampling procedure used may have introduced
a Cluster effect, wherein the similarities within a
classroom overbalance the expected variations within a
random sample. as described by Campbell and Stanley
(1963). Under similar circumstances Tapp adOpted what
was termed the "conservative strategy" in assigning sig-
nificance levels and establishing criteria for selection
and analysis of items (Hess, Minturn and Tapp. 1969: Tapp.

undated). In the first stage of examining the Tapp data,

30

results for which the probability was .001 or less were
selected. Where the theoretical expectations seemed

to reinforce the statistical results, effects having
probabiltiy levels between .01 and .001 were examined.
A similar strategy has been followed in the present re-
search, although not rigidly. since the analysis was
not computerized.

Presentation of data will be in tabulations by
percentage or by contingency tables, as appropriate
for clarity.

Questionnaire. Questionnaire items were first
arranged into contingency tables by socioeconomic sta-
tus and by sex. Middle-class responses were further
arranged by race. A chi-square test of significance
for each questionnaire item was run, testing the re-
lationship between white and Negro middle-class, be-
tween middle-class and lower class Negroes, between
girls and boys and between lower-class boys whose
fathers lived at home and those whose fathers did not
live at home. No comparison was made between white
middle-class and Negro lower-class children's responses.
since white and Negro Middle-class reSponses did not
differ significantly. Frequencies for certain related

items were combined, for example, responses to items

31

asking the subjects to choose characteristics of a "best
citizen (child)" and a "best citizen (adultLP and chi-
squares by sex and socioeconomic status were run as above.
Those items found significant beyond the .01 level are
generally presented in percentage form. Other related
items are presented in rank order according to frequency
of response.

Portune Spglp. Principal test of significance
for the Fortune Scale was the t-test for difference be-
tween means, according to the formula t==EEEEEb-.
Spearman's Rank-Order Correlation (Rho-coefficient) was
also used to determine the correlation between groups.

A second t-test was run from the rho-coefficient. ac-
cording to the formula t= WW. Although the
chi-square test cannot be used with the Fortune Scale
as such, it was possible to arrange a contingency table
by frequency of favorable. don't know or unfavorable
responses for lower and middle-class Negroes and cal--
culate a valid chi-square. Responses of various groups
to the Fortune Scale are indicated by rank~order tables,
comparison of means and medians, and percentages.

Fppp Drawing Exercise. Derbyshire's technique

of item analysis of role performance items has been fol-

lowed, with the assumption that the four categories of

32

police functions established by Derbyshire would continue
to apply. Responses were examined in terms of number
and per cent of responses falling into each category,
with attention paid to interactions between socioeconomic
status and sex. The drawing exercise was also used as

a reliability check for attitude items related to the

police image.

CHAPTER IV
NEGRO AND JHITE MIDDLE-CLASS ATTITUDES TONARD THE POLICE
I. DIFFERENCES

In general, Negro and white middle-class responses
to items concerning the policeman are quite similar. On
the Fortune Scale. both groups are generally favorably
diSposed toward the police, with the difference between
means not significant on the t-tests. However, compari-
son of the distribution for the two groups readily in-
dicates a more positive attitude toward police on the
part of white children which is not reflected in the
means due to the wider low range of the white scores
(see Table III). Ranking reSponses to each item. white
and Negro middle-class second graders differed on only
four items:

Number 12. "Policemen are dedicated men." Whites
responded more negatively to this than to any other
statement on the scale, while Negroes reSponded to
about half the items more negatively and half the items
more positively.

Number 13. "Police tpy pp act big shot." While

whites responded quite favorably to this item (fifth out

”Id
Ind

r1:

(I.

7‘.

 

34

of twenty), only three items received a more unfavorable
response from Negroes.

Number 15. "Police help pp_pp help myself." While
most Negroes agreed with the statement, it ranked low
in white reSponses.

Number 12. "Police are brave men." Ninety-six
per cent of the middle-class Negro children endorsed
this statement, for the most positive response of the
twenty items, while whites responded more favorably to
eleven other items.

The largest percentage of unfavorable reSponses
(not counting ”don't know" answers) on any one item
for Negro middle-class children was 37.6 per cent, for
whites. 26.7 per cent. No one item could really be said
to have received an unfavorable response, in the sense
that a majority responded unfavorably. The comparatively
limited range makes it difficult to explain the few differ-
ences which did occur, and no really adequate explanation
presents itself.

On questionnaire items concerning the police. only
one item showed a significant difference between groups:
"dhose rules are most important?" with more whites sel-

ecting the policeman (significant at .001 level).

1'!
J"

K, as)
\.A)

I\)
\I)

A)
( I)

...2:
J

35

TABLE III

FORTUNE SCALE: DISTRIBUTION OF SCORES

 

 

§gggp % of Total ReSponses % of Total ReSponses
White Middle-Class Negro Middle-Class

(Most Favorable)

40 8.3% 4%

39 10 8

38 23.3 13.5

37 8 4

36 5 6

35 10 11.75

34 5 6

33 8.3 u

32 10 11.75

31 3.3 8

30 0 9.9

29 3.3 0

28 O 4

27 0 2

26 0 2
11-25 0 6
10 and Under 5 0

(Least Favorable)
Mean Score-White Middle-Class.... 34.58

Mean Score-Negro Middle-Class.... 33.3LI

36

II. SIMILARITIES

As already mentioned in the preceding section,
Negro and white responses for middle-class children
are generally quite similar. 91.7 per cent of white
scores and 86.3 per cent of Negro scores on the Portune
Scale were thirty or over on a forty-point scale,
highly favorable and not differing significantly.
Questionnaire items related to attitudes toward police
indicate no significant difference in perception of
the policeman as a strong authority figure (see Table
IV. p.37), as well as a benevolent one (Table V).

Since no drawings were received for white pupils.
white and Negro children could not be compared on the

free-drawing exercise.

37

TABLE IV

NEGRO AND WHITE MIDDLE-CLASS RESPONSES TO ATTITUDE ITEMS
ON THE AUTHORITY AND LEGITIMACY OF THE POLICEMAN

Percentage of Those Responding

"Most wrong to disobey" Npgpp Epipp
Mother 14 3.5
Father 12 13.8
Teacher 10 0
Policeman 55.3 82
Multiple answer 6 0

"Least wrong to disobey"

Mother 19.5 17
Father 12 7.5
Teacher 51.2 62
Policeman 1? 13

"Worst to be punished by"

Mother 13 7-3
Father 17-4 34-5
Teacher 8.7 7.3
Policeman 58.7 51

No significant differences on chi-square.

38

TABLE IV (continued)

"whose rules most important?" Z of Those Responding
Negpo White
Mother 13 0
Father 20 0
Teacher 4 5
Policeman 62 95
2.
X = 14.71:, 3 df
P=<.001

"Whose punishment most feared?"

Mother 8 13.3
Father 35.5 25

Teacher 4 11.7
Policeman 51 48.3

Difference not significant.

“Nho can make you follow a
rule or a law?"

Mother 88 71.7
Teachers 68.6 56.5
President 84.3 78

Policeman 88 83.3
Friends 9 6.7
Mayor 68.6 71.7

Difference not significant.

‘nn"‘

“‘1.

39
TABLE V

NEGRO AND WHITE MIDDLE-CLASS RESPONSES TO ATTITUDE ITEMS
ON THE BENEVOLENCE OF THE POLICEMAN

"Who helps you and your family the T of those responding

most?" Npgpp flpgpp
Teacher 3 3
President 18.5 22
Father 35.4 45
Mayor 7 ‘ 3
Policeman 24.6 23
Soldier 10 3

"Do...want to help you when % ”yes" responses

you need it?" Npgpp gpgpp
Teachers 94 95
Mother 98 98
President 47 55
Father 90 94-9
Policeman 80 95
Minister. Preacher, Rabbi 52 65
Friends 76 68
Mayor 52 53

(No significant differences)

CHAPTER V
MIDDLE-CLASS ATTITUDES TOWARD OTHER AUTHORITY FIGURES

As with responses toward items related to the
policeman. there was little significant difference be-
tween middle-class white and Negro children's reSponses
to questionnaire items related to other authority figures.
Only one item yielded a significant difference: this was:

"22 you like the President pf the United States?"

 

 

significant at well beyond the .001 level (X1: 25.7. a=io.5).
with middle-class Negroes responding much more negatively.
Only forty-one per cent answered "yes" compared with 86.6
per cent of the white pupils. As a symbol of government,
the President was chosen more frequently than any other
alternative by both groups, with many who answered "no"

or "don't know" to "Do you like the President?" nonethe-
less selecting the President. As having real authority,
only the policeman received more "yes" reSponses to "Can...
make a person follow a rule or law?" (see Table IV. pp. 37-
38). On helpfulness ("Does the President want to help

a person when he needs it?") the President received

fewer "yes" reSponses than any other figure listed

from the middle-class Negro children, and only slightly

more than the lowest from the white students. On more

41

immediate helpfulness ("who helps you and your family
the most?”). both white and Negro middle-class children
indicate the President behind their fathers and the police-
man but ahead of the teachers, mayor or soldier (Table V,
p. 39). All responses considered. the President is seen
as having both symbolic and real authority, but, at
least for this sample at this time, there is no strong
attachment, particularly among Negro middle-class child-
ren. nor is he viewed as eSpecially benevolent. At the
date of testing, the President had not yet been in
office six months, which. together with the parents'
attitudes, may hve had some bearing on the apparent

lack of strong emotional ties.

Teachers. Teachers are seen as wanting to help
by ninety-five and ninety-four per cent white and Negro
students respectively, but not really contributing
materially (three per cent indicated the teacher on
"Who helps you and your family the most?"). Nor is the
teacher seen as a potent figure: over half of both
groups picked the teacher as the figure "least wrong to
disobey." Only two per cent of the white and four per
cent of the middle-class Negroes considered the teacher's
rules the most important. Less than ten per cent of

each group thought it was "worst to be punished by" the

42

teacher.

Hypothesis considered. Considering again the
hypothesis that attitudes of children toward authority
figures vary with race, regardless of socioeconomic
status, it would appear from the foregoing discussion
that where socioeconomic class is held constant. little
significant difference can be found between racial groups.
Those differences which were observed are insufficient
to support the hypothesis and may be due to imprecision
in determining socioeconomic status in the samples or

to other methodological problems.

CHAPTER VI

COMPARATIVE NEGRO MIDDLE-CLASS
AND LONER-CLASS ATTITUDES TOWARD POLICE AND AUTHORITY

I. ATTITUDES TONARD POLICE

Turning now to class comparisons with race held
constant, a great many significant differences emerge.
On the Portune Scale. the means for the lower-class and
middle-class Negro groups differ well beyond the .005
level on the t-test. Likewise, as seen in Table VI,
the two groups differ well beyond the .005 level on
the chi-square. Particularly strong disagreements exist
between the two groups on four statements:
Police keep the city good.
The police are mean.
The police offer you money to tell on other kids.
Police use clubs on people for no reason at all.
Middle-class Negro children responded very unfavor-
ably to the first two items while lower-class Negro child-
ren responded very unfavorably. Just the reverse is
true of the second two items above: lower-class children
responded very unfavorably while the middle-class child-

ren responded very favorably (see Table VII). Two obser-

vations might be made concerning the above. The first is

44

TABLE VI

NEGRO MIDDLE-CLASS AND LONER-CLASS RESPONSES ON THE PORTUNE SCALE

Middle-Class Lower-Class
Mean score 33.34 30.8
Median score 34 32

t= 2.31, P=.005
2.
X: 12.37, 2 df, P=<.005 (0:.001= 13.815)
SCORE DISTRIBUTION

 

 

Spppp % of Total ReSponses % of Total Responses
Middle-Class Lower-Class

40 (Most 4% 6.4%
Favorable)

39 8 2

38 13.5 6.4

37 4 2

36 6 8.5

35 11.75 4.3

34 6 12.75

33 4 4.3

32 11.75 10.6

31 8 o

30 9.9 2

29 O 8.5

28 4 2

27 2 6.4

26 and under 8 23.4

(Least Favorable)

45

TABLE VII

RANK ORDER OF RESPONSES TO FORTUNE SCALE BY MIDDLE-
AND LOMER-CLASS NEGRO CHILDREN

 

 

 

Item Number Rank of Lower-Class Rank of Middle-
Response Class reSponse
1 1 (Most 16
Favorable)

2 17 18

3 11 13

4 5 9

5 4 2

6 6 19

7 18 5

8 19 4

9 3 8

1O 9 12
11 7 15

12 14 10
13 13 17
14 12 6
15 10 3
16 15 11
17 8 1 (Most
Favorable)
18 2 7
19 20 (Least 20 (Least
Favorable) Favorable)

20 16 14

46

that the last two items are concrete statements apparently
relevant to the experiences of an inner-city second grader,
while students in the middle-class neighborhood are less
likely to have had such experiences or to have know—

ledge of such experiences. Secondly. responses on the
first two items indicate an ability on the part of
middle-class children to handle more abstract ideas

(born out by differential response to a sequence on
ability to distinguish between rules and laws, and sug-
gested by the work of Hess and Torney[1965]).

Eppp Drawing Exercise. Responses on the free
drawing exercise by both groups differ in much the same
manner as the Portune Scale responses. While 67.5 per
cent of the reSponses of middle-class Negro children
fall in the most positive category, only thirty-six
per cent of the children of low socioeconomic status
depict an image of the policeman falling in the most
positive category. Roughly half the lower-class child-
ren depicted the policeman's activities in a "neutral"
manner, as opposed to a quarter of the middle-class
Negro children. thus accounting for 93.5 per cent of
the middle-class children in the two categories. It
might be noted that even the responses of inner-city

Negro children indicate considerably less antipathy

47

to the police than is shown by most of the children in
Derbyshire's study, responding quite similarly to the
group tested three days following exposure to a program
designed to enhance the child's image of the policeman.
Table VIII compares groups in the Chicago and Los
Angeles studies.

Further differences in the way the two groups
view the policeman are evident in the questionnaire
reSponses to items concerning the police officer. In
the area of liking the policeman, the more favorable
attitudes are shown by the middle-class youngsters,
ninety-eight per cent of whom responded "yes" to the
question "Do you like policeman?" compared to seventy-
nine per cent of the lower sociOeconomic group. A
large majority of both groups felt that "policemen
want to help me when I need it." However, reSponses
on items related to the policeman as a symbol of govern-
ment or authority indicate that lower-class Negro child-
ren see the policeman as the prime authority figure
much more so than do middle-class children. Asked to
choose among alternatives the two which most nearly sym-
bolize the government. lower socioeconomic status pupils
chose the policeman over all others. On the sequence

concerned with the relative strength of teacher, mother,

48

TABLE VIII

RESPONSES TO FREE-DRAWING EXERCISE: CHICAGO AND LOS ANGELES

 

 

 

 

Image L-C Negro M-C White Post-test M-C Negro L-C Negro
LA LA L-C Negro Chicago Chicago

Agressive 33% 12.5% 17.5% 0 6.5%

Assistance,

Negative 20 12.5 3.5 7 10.5

Neutral 37 56.75 29 26 49

Assistance,

Positive 10 18.25 50 67 35

Chi-square, Chicago Middle-and Lower-Class Negro: 7.90, P=.05

49

father and policeman, an appreciably greater percentage
of lower-class children chose the policeman as "...worst
to be punished by...". "...whose rules most important...".
and "...whose punishment...feared the most...". signifi-
cant beyond the .001, .02 and .01 levels. respectively.
Middle-class responses on these items show greater
diversity, rather than perception of the policeman as

the sole figure of authority (see Table IX).

However, there does not seem to be a continuum of
development as theorized by Hess and Torney (1965).
According to Hess and Torney, lower-class children, be-
ing farther behind in development of attitudes. should
Show greater affective response toward the policeman--
that is, they should have a strong emotional tie with
the policeman, which would later diminish as they developed
awareness of other contact points with the system. Such
is not the case, however. Lower-class children perceive
the policeman as ppp authority figure, and many fear him
("sometimes afraid" to talk to policemen--fifty-four per
cent "yes" answers), but that doesn't mean they have to
like him. and many do not. Hence, a lower response on
the blunt question, "Do you like policemen?". lower

scores on the Portune Scale and subjective responses

50

TABLE IX

RESPONSES OF LOWER- AND MIDDLE-CLASS NEGRO CHILDREN
TO ATTITUDE ITEMS ON THE POLICEMAN AS AN AUTHORITY FIGURE

 

 

 

Figures symbolic of Percentage of those reSponding
Government Lower-Class Middle-Class
Policeman 38.9 17
Washington 29 17
President 13.9 38.9
Don't know 8 4
Voting 2 6
Uncle Sam 2 5
Supreme Court 1 3
Congress 1 7
Flag 1 14.9
X2: 27.28, 8df P=<.001
"Most wrong to disobey"
Mother 6 14
Father 9.3 12
Teacher 9.3 10
Policeman 37.2 55-3
Multiple Responses 37.2 6

X2: 35.86, 3df
P=<.001

51

TABLE IX (continued)

 

 

"Least wrong to disobey" Percentage of those responding
Lower-Class Middle-Class
Mother 7 19.5
Father 7 12
Teacher 46.4 51.2
Policeman 17 17
Multiple answers 21 0

)3: 12.62. 4df, P=<.02

"Worst to be punished by"

Mother 9 13
Father 6 17.4
Teacher 0 8.7
Policeman 64.5 58.?
Multiple answers 19 0

)8: 10.20. 1: df, P=.02

"Whose rules most important"

Mother 4 13
Father 4 20
Teacher 14 4
Policeman 80.5 62

)(?= 8.12, 3 df. P=<;02

52

TABLE IX (continued)

 

 

"Jhose punishment most Percentage of those reSponding

feared" Lower-Class Middle-Class
Mother 0 8
Father 7 35-5
Teacher 0 4
Policeman 94 51

X2: 12.19, 3 df

P=<.01

"Who can make you follow
a rule or a law?"

Mother 97.? 88
Teachers 74.4 68.6
President 85.7 84.3
Policeman 84 88
Friends 25 9
Mayor 64 68.6

(Not significant)

53

(drawings) indicating greater antipathy toward the po-
lice than shown by middle-class Negro children. Results
of this section of the analysis definitely support the
hypothesis stated earlier that attitudes of children
toward authority figures vary with socioeconomic status,
regardless of race. and refute the null hypothesis that
no difference exists in the attitudes of children to-

ward authority figures. regardless of any variable.
II. ATTITUDES TONARD OTHER AUTHORITY FIGURES

As mentioned earlier. lower- and middle-class
children differ in their conception of symbols of
government. While lower-class children view the
policeman as symbolic of government and authority,
middle-class children recognize several figures as
important, with little difference between figures.
The two groups differed on questionnaire responses
in this area at beyond .001. as can be seen in Table
IX, p.50. Where lower-class children consider the
policeman as worst to be punished by, having the most
important rules, and worst to disobey, middle-class
Negro children recognize the roles of others, partic-

ularly the father. in areas of authority.

54

III. ABSENCE OF THE FATHER

Considering the traditional view of the broken
home as the source of multiple emotional and deviance
problems (Finichel, 1945: Gardner, 1959: Freud, 1963),
it is interesting to note that lower-class boys from
households where no father was present responed very
much like lower-class boys with both parents living at
home. Even on the item "Does your father want to help
you when you need it?" the significance level on the
chi-square test was .75--a seventy-five per cent
chance of there being no difference at all. Seldom
did any item yield a difference of more than ten per
cent between the responses of boys from intact and
broken homes: in no case was there a significant differ-
ence.

Portune Scale responses also agreed closely. with
the mean for boys from broken homes at 30.83 and those
from intact homes at 30.5.

Of course. crudely categorizing by the presence
or absence of the father at home does not indicate
the quality of home life experienced by the child. As
Komarovsky (1964) points out, many (about two thirds)
lower-class couples consider their marriages as un-

happy, and McCord, McCord and Thurber note serious

55

disturbance on the part of lower-class children from
intact homes with high rates of marital conflict (1962)1
Nonetheless, presence or absence of the father in the
home has had no apparent effect on the reSponses of
lower-class boys in the present study, eliminating at
least one possible outside factor which could have in-

fluenced the results of this study.

 

1The same researchers also noted that many effects
often attributed to paternal absence may be more likely
in association with certain parental characteristics more
often found in broken families--intense conflict, rejection,
deviance.

CHAPTER VII
INFLUENCE OF SEX ON ATTITUDES TOWARD.AUTHORITY

As discussed above in the review of the liter-
ature, many authorities agree that there are sex differ-
ences in certain areas, although not necessarily on
how these differences develop. Upon reviewing the
literature, it appeared possible that differential re-
sponse by sex of the child might outweigh any differ-
ential reSponse by race or socioeconomic status. thus
nullifying the validity of the research. Therefore,

a test of this hypothesis was included in the analysis.
From the available data. the hypothesis cannot be sup-
ported. Some differences were apparent, but not at

any appreciable level of significance. Portune Scale
reSponses for boys and girls closely paralleled one
another, generally differing by less than ten percentage
points on any one response. Of the three exceptions
where responses differed by more than ten percentage
points, the differences were still below acceptable
levels of statistical significance on the chi-square:
at the ten per cent level of probability for the state-
ment "Without policemen. there would be crime every-

where," and the fifteen per cent level for "The police

57

are stupid," as shown in Table X. Mean score for
lower-class boys was 30.5. only 0.3 below the mean
for all lower-class children tested. Mean for middle-
class Negro boys was 32.4, 0.94 below the mean for all
middle-class Negro children tested. Responses to the
free-drawing exercise yielded similar results, with
no significant difference between boys' and girls'
responses. controlling for class. Girls did tend to
include more female figures in their pictures than
boys, but indicated an image of the policeman very
much like that depicted by boys.

While no significant differences existed be-
tween girls' and boys' responses to questionnaire
items. a trend toward more diffuse responses on the
girls' part when required to choose among authority
figures was evident. In the sequence on comparative
power and legitimacy of mother, father, policeman
and teacher, boys' reSponses indicated perception
of the policeman as having the greatest amount of
authority. power and legitimacy, while a smaller
plurality of girls selected the policeman. Table
XI compares boys' and girls' responses on these items.
Similarly, on the question ”Who helps you and your

family the most?" the policeman, father and soldier

58

TABLE X

RESPONSES TO SELECT ITEMS, PORTUNE SCALE, BY SEX

2-pt 1-pt O-pt
response response response

"The police are
stupid."

Boys 63% 16% 20%

Girls 81 8 11
X2: 3.83
P=.15

"without policemen, there
would be crime everywhere."

Boys 70% 8% 21%
Girls 83 11 5
X2: 4.29

P=.1O

59

TABLE XI

RESPONSES TO ATTITUDE ITEMS
ON THE AUTHORITY AND LEGITIMACY OF THE POLICEMAN BY SEX

Percentage of those reSponding

Ears mils
"Most wrong to disobey"
Mother 11% 10%
Father 12 8
Teacher 7 13
Policeman 48 43
Multiple responses 20 24
(Not significant)
"Least wrong to disobey"
Mother 8 24
Father 8 13
Teacher 62 37
Policeman 21 13
Multiple responses 8 10

2: 4.9, 4 df,
P= .30 (not significant)

60

TABLE XI (continued)

Percentage of those reSponding

Boys Girls
"worst to be punished
by”
Mother 8% 17%
Father 8 20
Teacher 4 6
Policeman 72 44
Multiple response 8 10
2
= 5.86, 1+ df

P=.25 (not significant)

"Whose rules most important"

Mother 7 11
Father 13 11
Teacher 5 17
Policeman 75 60

(Difference not significant)

"Whose punishment most feared"

Mother 4.5 6
Father 11 41
Teacher 2.5 3
Policeman 82 5O

2: 10.97, 5 df
P=.10 (marginal)

61

TABLE XI (continued)

Percentage of those responding

Ears 9331.8.
"Who can make you follow
a rule or law?"
Mother 94% 89%
Teachers 67 76
President 89 78
Friends 20 6
Policeman 92 81
Mayor 66 63

(Difference not significant)

62

account for eighty per cent of the male responses and
sixty-eight per cent of the female responses. For
other relevant items, see Table XII. In observing
sex differences within a class, on only one item did
the responses show an appreciable difference. The
antipathy toward the President shown by middle-class
Negro pupils is greater for girls than for boys, with
the difference approaching statistical significance (.05).
Viewing the questionnaire reSponses shown in the
above tables. it would appear that not only is there
no support for the hypothesis of sex as a variable of
equal or greater influence than socioeconomic status,
but that certain expected relationships between male
and female responses failed to appear. Using similar
materials with white students, Hess and Torney (1965)
reported that girls were more attached to personal
figures of the system than boys were. particularly
to the President and policeman. As reported above,
the reverse proved true in the present study, where
girls expressed less attachment to the President and
a lesser degree of recognition of the authority and
legitimacy of the policeman, although at less than

statistically significant levels.

63

TABLE XII

RESPONSES TO ATTITUDE ITEMS
ON THE BENEVOLENCE OF THE POLICEMAN, ACCORDING TO SEX

Percentage of those reSponding

says sins.
"Who helps you and your
family the most?"
Teacher 2% 5%
President 9 9
Father 2? 29
Mayor 4 14
Policeman 39 27

Soldier 17 12

CHAPTER VIII
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

This study has concerned itself with five hypo-
theses about the relationships between race. socio-
economic status and sex to attitudes held by second
graders toward authority figures. These hypotheses.
briefly restated. were that:

1. No difference exists in the attitudes of
second graders toward authority figures, regard-
less of socioeconomic status or race.

2. Attitudes of children toward authority
figures vary with race, regardless of socioeconomic
status.

3. Attitudes of children toward authority
figures vary with socioeconomic status. regard-
less of race.

4. Attitudes of children toward authority
figures vary with socioeconomic status AND with
race. '

5. Attitudes of children toward authority
figures are as related to sex of the child as
they are to socioeconomic status or race.

Of these, only the hypothesis that attitudes to-
ward authority figures vary with socioeconomic status
was supported, at least in the case of middle- and
lower-class Negro second graders (No sample of lower-
class whites was available for comparison). Middle-

class white and Negro children responded quite simi-

larly, as did boys and girls, although some trends

65

were noticed toward more diffuse responses on the part
of girls and toward atypical lack of attachment to
authority figures on the part of girls. This hypo-
thesis of socioeconomic status as a significant variable
and the supporting findings are consistent with the
literature noting the relationship between class differ-
ences in child-rearing and class differences in cogni-
tive develOpment from infancy on, and the relation-

ship between cognitive development and the develop-

ment of attitudes and perceptions of authority figures.
whether a longitudinal study would show similar results
might be worth looking into. Certainly such a study
would yield considerable information on the attitudes

of young people toward authority figures, especially

in the development of differential boy-girl attitudes--
an area where existing studies diverge substantially.
Indeed, research on attitudes toward authority beginning
at age three and running into high school would appear
advisable on the basis of the work currently underway
at Harvard. and of Hess and Torney, Portune, Miller

and others discussed earlier in this study. A great
deal needs to be done yet in the area of the interaction
between socializer and socializee--between mother or

teacher or policeman and the child--both in the dynamics

66

of the relationship and in the correlation between
the attitudes and actions of the socializing agent
and the attitudes and actions of the child. Some
preliminary work in this direction has been done

by Miller and others (1969) with teachers and police.
Biber and Lewis (1949) with teachers, and Hess and
Torney (1965), as well as a number of researchers
now interested in the mother-infant relationship.

What seems to be needed is sufficient information
to allow the formulation and testing of a theory in-
tegrating the various concepts studied in research
so far conducted at points along what may be a continuum

of develOpment and interaction.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. BOOKS

Campbell, Donald, and Julian Stanley. Eyperimental
and Quasi-experimental Designs for Research. Chicago:
Rand-McNally. 1966.

Coleman, James 8. (ed.). Education and Political
Development. Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1965.

 

Fenichel, O. The Psychoanalytic Theory Lf Neurosis.
New York: Norton and Company. 1945.

Freud, Sigmund. Three Essays on the Theory Lf Sexuality.
New York: Basic Books, I963.

 

Greenstein, Fred 1. Children and Politics. New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1965.

Hess. Robert. and Judith Torney. The DeveIOpment 92
Political Attitudes in Children. Chicago: Aldine
Publishing Company. I967.

Jeffers, Camille. Living Poor. Ann Arbor: Ann Arbor
Publishers, 1967.

Komarovsky, Mirra. Blue Collar Marriage. New York:
Random House, 196.

Powers, E. and Helen Nhitmer. An Experiment in the
Prevention Lf Delinquency. New York: Columbia
University Press. 1951.

 

Sears, Robert R., Eleanor Maccoby, and Harry Levin.
Patterns Lf Child-Rearing. Evanston and White Plains:
Row, Peterson and Company. 1957.

68

B. GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS

Bureau of Research. Development. and Special Projects.
Chicago Board of Education. Student Racial Survey.
Chicago: Chicago Board of Education, 1968:

Easton. David, and Jack Dennis. The Development 2:
Basic Attitudes and Values Toward Government and
Citizenship duripg the Elementary School Years,
Final Report. Office of Education. Department of
Health. Education and Welfare. CRP 1078. Washing-
ton: U.S. Office of Education.

 

 

Hess, Robert D., Leigh Minturn and June Tapp. Authorit .
Rules and Aggression: a Cross-National Study Lf the
Socialization Lf Children into Compliance Systems.
Office of Education. Department of Health, Education
and welfare, CRP 2947. Washington: U.S. Office of
Education. in Preparation.

 

Hess. Robert D., and Judith Torney. The Development Lf
Basic Attitudes and Values Toward Government and
Citizenship duripg the Elementary School Years, Part I.
Office of Education, Department of Health, Education
and welfare, CRP 1078. washington: U. 8. Office of
Education, 1965.

 

Kitagawa. Evelyn, and Robert Taeuber. Chicago Community
Fact Book. Chicago: Chicago Community Inventory. 1963.

Portune, Robert G. The Cincinatti Police-Juvenile
Attitude Project. Office of Law Enforcement Assist-
ance, U.S. Department of Justice. Washington:
Government Printing Office, 1968.

C. PERIODICALS

Bayley, Nancy. and E.S. Schaefer. "Correlations of
Maternal and Child Behaviors with the Development
of Mental Abilities: Data from the Berkeley Growth
Study." Sociepy for Research in Child Development
Monograph. XXIX (1964T 63-79.

69

Biber, Barbara, and Claudia Lewis. "what Young School-
children EXpect from Their Teacher," Genetic Psycho-
logy Monographs, XL (19U9), 3-97,

Derbyshire, Robert L. "Children's Perceptions of the
Police: a Comparative Study of Attitudes and Attitude
Change," Journal 2: Criminal Law, LIX (June, 1968),
183-190.

Easton, David, and Jack Dennis. "The Child's Image of
Government,” Annals g: the American.Academy of Politi-
cal and Social Sciences, CCCXLI (September, I965 .

Easton, David, and Robert Hess. "The Child's Political
World," Mid-Nest Journal 9: Political Science, VI
(1962), 229-2h6.

Goldberg, Susan, and Michael Lewis. ”Play Behavior in
the Year-01d Infant: Early Sex Differences," Child
Development, LX (March, 1969), 21-31.

Golden, Mark, and Beverly Birns. "Social Class and
Cognitive Development in Infancy," Merrill-Palmer
Quarterly, XIV (1968), 139-199.

Hess, Robert. "Educability and Rehabilitation: the
Future of the Welfare Class," Journal of Marria e
and the Family, XXVI (November,—i9657: 5522329.

Kagan, Jerome. "Continuity in Cognitive Development
During the First Year," Merrill-Palmer Quarterly,
XV (1969), 101-119.

Kagan, Jerome, J. Hosken and R. Watson. "Child's
Symbolic Conceptualization of Parents,” Child
Development, XXXII (1961), 625-636.

Kagan, Jerome, and Michael Lewis. "Studies of Attention
in the Human Infant," Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, XI
(1965). 95-127.

Kohlberg, Laurence. "The Child as Moral Philosopher,"
Psychology Today, II (September, 1968), 12-15.

 

Kohlberg, Laurence. "Moral Development and Identification
in Child Psychology,” Yearbook of the National Society
for Studies Lg Education, LXII TI9637, Part I.

7O

McCord, Joan and William, and Emily Thurber. ”Some
Effects of Paternal Absence on Male Children,"
Journal 2:.Abnormal and Social Psychology, LXIV
(March, 19627, 361-369.

Moore, T. "Language and Intelligence: a Longitudinal
Study of the First Eight Years,” Human Development,
X (1967).

Pines, Maya. "what Babies Are Teaching Harvard," New
York Times Magazine, July 6, 1969, 8-13.

 

D. ESSAYS AND ARTICLES IN COLLECTIONS

Cahill, Imogene. "Child-Rearing Practices in Lower
Socio-economic Ethnic Groups," The Urban R's, Robert
Dentler, Bernard Mackler, and Mary Ellen Warshauer,
editors. New York: Frederick Praeger, 1967.

Maccoby, Eleanor, and P.K. Gibbs. "Methods of Child-
Rearing in Two Social Classes," Readings in Child

Development, W.E. Martin.and C.B. Stendler, editors.
New York: Harcourt, Brace, 196M.

Oetzel, Roberta. "Annotated Bibliography," The DevelOp-
ment 9: Sex Differences, Eleanor Laccoby, editor.
Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1966.

 

E. UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS

Hess, Robert D., and Leigh Minturn. Apthority, Rules and
Aggression. Research PrOposal presented to the U.S.
Office of Education, 1967. (Mimeographed.)

Johnson, Knowlton. Socioeconomic Status as Related 32
Junior High School Students' Attitudes Toward Police.
Unpublished Master's Thesis, Michigan State University,
East Lansing, 1969.

 

 

 

Miller, Martin. Personal Communication, October, 1969.

Tapp, June. Field Manual. Manual prepared for Office of
Education Cooperative Reseach Project 2947, undated.
(Mimeographed)

71

Tor
ney
, Judi
th
. Per
sona
l Communicat
ion
, Feb
ruar
y. 196
9.

APPENDIX: TEST INSTRUMENTS

1. How old are you right now? Put an X in the box that tells
how old you are.

SE1 AD 9E]
6|] [:1 10C]

2. when was your birthday? Circle the month you had your
birthday in.
Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec

3. Are you a (1) boy E] or
(2) girl? [3

1... Does your mother live with you in your house? YES I]
U
5. Does your father live with you in your house? YES B

6. When your father works, he has a certain kind of Job.
What kind of Job does he have?

(Circle the number of the answer that comes closest
to describing what your father's job is or was like.)

1. He works at odd jobs--anything he can get.

2. He works in a factory, mill, or at some other job
where he works with his hands.

3. He works with his hands in a job that takes a long
time to learn.

it. He works in a store or office for somebody else; or
he works for the government, or is in charge of other
workers in a factory. He usually wears a white shirt
and tie or uniform to work.

5. He works in an office or company where he is in

charge of other workers. Or, he owns a small store
or business. He has had some special training.

Hote: Items #6 and #7 omitted from final study.

 

C

 

Page 2

6. He works at a Job which requires many years of
college and also special training.

7. He owns a large business or factory.
8. My father doesn't have a Job. He is not working now.
9. I don't know what my father does.

7. When your mother works, she has a certain kind of Job.
What kind of Job does she have?

(Circle the number of the answer that comes closest
to describing what your mother's job is or was like.)

1. She works at odd Jobsuanything she can get.

2. She works in a factory, mill, or at some other Job
where she works with her hands.

3. She works with her hands in a job that takes a
long time to learn.

1].. She works in a store or office for somebody else;
or she works for the government, or is in charge of
other workers in a factory. She usually wears a dress
or uniform to work.

5. She works in an office or company where she is in
charge of other workers. Or, she owns a small store or
business. She has had some special training.

6. She works at a Job which requires many years of college
and also special training.

7. She owns a large business or factory.
8. My mother doesn't have a Job..She is not working now.

9. I don't know what my mother does.

8. Do you like to talk to teachers? YES C]
no D

9. Are you smetimes a little afraid to? YES D
NO I]

10. Do you like to talk to policemen? YESCI
NOD

11. Are you sometimes a little afraid to? YES D
N0 [3

 

-'
‘e

3

12. Do teachers want to help you when you need it? YES B
NO

Does your mother want to help you when you need

mt!
not]

114.. Does the President of the United States want to help
a person when he needs it?

YESD NOD DON'T KNOWD

13.
it?

15. Does your father want to help cu when you need it?
ml] NOD DON'T KNOWa

16. Do policemen want to help you when you need it?
YESEI NOD DON'T mom]

1?. Does your minister, priest or rabbi want to help you
when you need it?
YESE] NOE] DON'T KNOWE]

18. Do your friends want to help you when you need it?
YESEJ NOE] DON'T KNOWD

19. Does the mayor want to help a person when he needs it?
YESCI NOD DON'T KNOWE]

20. Does the mayor have the power to punish you when you
do wrong?
YESEI NOE] DON'T KNOND

21 . Does your mother have the power to punish you when
you do wron ?
YES NO I] DON ' T KNOW I]

22. Does the President of the United States have the
power to punish a person when he does wrong?
YESEI NO [I DON'T KNOW [J

23. Does a judge have the power to punish a person
when he does wrong?
YES [:1 NO I] DON ' T KNOW E]

214.. Do teachers have the power to punish you when you do
wrong?
YES D NO D DON ' T KNOW CI

25. Does your father have the power to punish you when
you do wrong?
YESD NOD DON'T KNOWD

26. Do your friends have the power to punish you when

you do wrong?
we [—1 mm H nmn :1: mm..- ['1

.
'. “Ht—3"!”

27. Do you like your father? YESE]
NOE]
ImNHPKNmJ[3
28. Do you like your mother? YESCI NOE]
meTIMMM E]
29. Do you like your teachers? YESE] NOD
DmUTImow13
30. Do you like policemen? YES El NO U
INNN'TPIGSOW'EJ
31. Do you like the mayor? YESD N0 E]
DmnTImowcj
32. Do you like the President of the United States?
YESC] NOE! meT RENE]
33. Here are some pictures that show what our government
is. Pick the 2 that show best what government means
to you.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

     

i VOTE
HERE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

6. I l CONGRESS

 

 

    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I 9. I JI DON'T KNOW]

 

 

31+. If the mayor came to your school to give a
prize to the boy who was the best citizen, and he had

these boys to choose from, which 2 boys would he pick
as best citizens?

A‘ f

Someone who works hard. Someone who always obeys them Someone who helps others.
laws.

 

{units-:1

   
   

Someone who is interested in the

Someone who votes and gets others
way our country is run.

to vote.

 

 

   

 

 

 

Someone everybody likes. [:] Someone who goes to church.

 

[:] I don't know what citizen means.

35. Here's a guessing game: some of these
are laws and some aren't. See if you can tell.

1. Brush your teeth every morning. Is this a law?
YESIZ] NO E] DON'T KNOW[:I

2. Don't cheat in school. Is this a law?
YESIZI NOII] DON'T KNOWIZI

3. Cars must stop at stop signs. Is this a law?
YESD NOE] DON'T KNOWD

1&- Get to school on time. Is this a law?
'YESEJ ZNOEJ IDON'T KNOW[]

Alwa 3 vote. Is this a law?
YES NOE] DON'T KNOWE]

36. Here are sane people: a mother, a father--let's
say they're our mother and father--a teacher, a policeman.
Pick the one It's most wrong to disobey (Disobey means to

do something someone tells you not to).

 

    

It.“
-‘l--.'..'
.-:.L"'---.:.

Q:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I [Poucmum

 

 

37. Now, who is it the least wrong to disobey?

L IMOthOI‘ IFatheH ITeacherI I IPolicemanI

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

38. And now, who is it worst to get punished by?
L [Motherl I IFatherI r [Teacher] IPolicemail

 

 

 

 

 

39. Are there rules that children have to obey that
grown-ups don't?

rest] NOE] DON'T KNOWCI

14.0. Are there rules that both grown-ups and children
have to follow?

YES D NO D DON'T KNOW D
14.1. Whose rules are most important?

      

av
.jll- -.
----- II:.::.

"IlI-sf

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I POLICEMANI

 

14.2. Whose punishment do you fear the most?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I IMothor I Father I Teacher I IPoliceman

 

 

 

 

 

14.3. If the President came to your town to give prizes
to the two grown-ups who were the best citizens, which of
these grown-ups would he choose? (Hint: go through the

pictures and pick one, then go back through and pick the
other

 

Someone everybody likes. I] Someone who works hard. D Someone who goes to church.

(MORE PICTURES ON NEXT PAGE)

   

Someone who always obeys the~

Someone who is interested in the
laws.

way our country is run.

1

fi

1 Someone who helps others. [:] 1 don't know what citizen means.

1414.. Who helps you and your family the most?

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

1 IFATHERJ

 

 

 

I IPRESIDENfl

 

 

 

 

 

I SOLDIER J

 

POLICEMAN

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A m

a 4; 3;}
/~—«‘ 1

\‘\
- a’ 1
\\ .
MAYORI

 

 

 

RE. Can your mother make you follow a rule or law?

YESE] not] DON'T KNOW 4:]

E6. Can teachers make you follow a rule or law?
YESE] ‘NOEJ DON'T KNOWIZI

A7. Can the President of the United States make a

person follow a rule or law?

YESD NOD DON'T KNOWD

u8. Can a policeman make you follow a rule or law?

YEsD NOD DON'T KNowE]

N9. Can your friends make you follow a rule or law?

YESU NOD DON'T KNOWU

50. Can the mayor make a person follow a rule or law?

YESCI NO [:1 DON'T KNOW CI

1O

PORTUNE ATP SCALE

1.

10.

Police keep the city good.
as NO DON'T KNOW

Police accuse you of things you didn't do.
YES NO DON'T KNOW.

The police are stupid.
YES NO DON'T KNOW

Police protect us from harm.

YES NO DON ' T KNOW

The police really try to help you when you're in trouble.
YES NO DON'T KNOW

The police are mean.

YE N0 DON ' T KNOW

The police offer you money to tell on other kids.
YES NO DON'T KNOW

Police use clubs on people for no reason at all.

YES NO DON ' T KNOW

The police keep law and order.

YES NO DON ' T KNOW

Without policemen, there would be crime everywhere.

YES NO DON' T KNOW

11

11. You can rely on the police in times of distress.

YES NO DON'T KNOW
12. Policemen are dedicated men. ("dedicated" means they
think more of doing their job then of themselves)

YES NO DON‘T KNOW

13. Police try to act big shot.
YES NO DON'T KNOW

1h. The police are always med at kids.
YES NO DON'T KNOW

15. Police help me to help myself.
YES NO DON'T KNOW

16. Police represent trouble instead of help.
YES NO DON'T KNOW

17. Police are brave men.

YES NO DON'T KNOW

18. The police are protective of our country.

YES NO DON ' T KNOW

19. Police don't even give you a chance to explain.

YES NO DON'T KNOW

20. Police try to get smart with you when you ask a question.
‘YES NO DON'T KNOW

WhMGAN STATE munwyw Llemms‘
I
I

Hijfljitfllllll‘WI l

3174 5429

3