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‘SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS OF URBAN
'COLOURED AND ASMNCOMMUNJTTES
IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

Thesis for the Degree of M. A.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
STEVEN A. SHEDD
1972

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SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS OF URBAN COLOURED AND ASIAN COMMUNITIES
IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

ABSTRACT

This thesis explores the socioeconomic position of two small racial
groups, Coloureds and Asians, in the white-dominated Republic of South
Africa. Heretofore, these two groups have received comparatively little
attention from geographers. The bulk of the literature is directed at
the white-African clash of interests. However, throughout the history
of the white-imposed form of domestic colonialism in South Africa, Colour-
eds and Asians have performed valuable economic and administrative func-
tions for the dominant whites, and earned for themselves a socioeconomic
position midway between whites and Africans.

At the present time the South African government is engaged in a
massive spatial redistribution of the four racial groups in an effort to
maintain white economic and political supremacy. This program places
Coloureds and Asians in an acute crisis, for in theory their close ties
with the white economic structure, to which they relative prosperity is
attributable, would be severed. They would be forced to develop their own
economic structures.

This thesis poses the questions: Has there in fact been any change
in Coloured and Asian socioeconomic status since the inception of apartheid?
What characteristics of each group are associated with high socioeconomic
standing? What is the extent and nature of competition for socioeconomic

statUs between Coloureds and Asians?

A factor analysis test is employed for 1946 and T960 Coloured and
Asian socioeconomic variable data to bring out significant variable clus-
ters which are statistically representative of Asian and Coloured socio-
economic position.

It is concluded that there has been no change in the position of
Coloureds and Asians in the white economic structure. Apartheid has not
been extended as yet to Coloureds and Asians. It is found that Moslem,
Gujarati-speaking Asians in white collar positions in urban Asian communi-
ties of small size have the highest incomes. Further, it is concluded
that this small Asian community is associated with poor, blue collar
Coloureds. Thus it lends credence to the notion that Asians have dis-

placed Coloureds in socioeconomic status.

SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS OF URBAN COLOURED AND ASIAN COMMUNITIES
IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

By

Steven A; Shedd

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

'MASTER OF ARTS
Department of Geography

I972

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I

II

III

IV

INTRODUCTORY COMMENTS AND REVIEW OF LITERATURE .....

Purpose ........................

CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND .................

Pluralism Literature ..................
Definition and Typology of Colonialism .........
The Stratificational System of the Colonial Society . .

HISTORICAL REVIEN--THE EVOLUTION OF A SOCIETAL
PARADIGM ........................

Religious Paradigm ...................
Cultural Paradigm ...................
Industrialization and Urbanization-~Catalysts to
Change ........................
Asian-White Interaction ................
Apartheid and the Racial Paradigm ...........
Caste and Class Development Under Apartheid ......
Emerging Spatial and Structural Design .........

A STATISTICAL EXAMINATION OF ASIAN AND COLOURED SOCIO-
ECONOMIC STATUS ....................

Variables for Analysis .................
Hypotheses. . . . ...................
Observation Units ...................
Factor Analysis--l946 Data ...............
Factor Scores-~1946 Data ................
Factor Analysis--196O Data ...............
Factor Scores--196O Data ................
Summary ........................

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ................
BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................

ii

PAGE
1
14

l7

T7
25
3O

98
100
107
108

Ill
ll8

11.
12.

LIST OF TABLES

Demographic Structure of the South African

Population, l904-1970 ..............

Coloured and Asiatic Crude Birth and Death

Rates, 1956-1965, 1969 .............

Population Growth in South African Urban

Centers, l9ll-l960 ...............

Average Monthly Employment and Wage Levels in

Selected Industries, T969 ............

Variables Used in the Factor Analysis ......

Percentage of Urban Asians and Coloureds
Accounted for by Observation Units, By

Province ....................

Varimax Rotation Analysis, Rotated Factor

Loadings for 1946 Data .............

Extreme Loadings for 1946 Factor Analysis. . . .

Factor Scores for 1946 Data .........

Varimax Rotation Analysis, Rotated Factor
Loadings for 1960 Data ........

Extreme Loadings for 1960 Factor Analysis. . . .

Factor Scores for l960 Data. . . . . . . . . . .

Page

13

15

50

7O

78

87

89
91
98

101
103

1.

LIST OF MAPS

Republic of South Africa. . . . . . . .....

Urban Asian Community Size ...........

Urban Coloured Community Size .........

iv

10
11

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY COMMENTS AND REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The post World War 11 years have witnessed an upsurge in national-
istic activity in the Third World and there has been a parallel increase
in p0pular and scholarly writings on the varying development problems of
the newly independent states. The popular literature abounds with the
themes of Westernization versus Traditionalism, industrialization versus
subsistence activities, plural versus homogeneous societies, and so forth.
Scholarly research has also been intimately involved with the developing
states, particularly African, as is exemplified by the spread of African
studies programs throughout the Western world. No less than other social
scientists. geographers have played an important role in studying the
interplay of human and physical forces in Africa. The names of William
Hance, Harrison Church, Edward Soja, Peter Gould, and Harm de Blij, to
. mention a few, are as well-known to African specialists as they are to
geographers.

However, scholarly interest in African studies, and particularly
among geographers, has been concerned primarily with Africa north of the
Zambezi River. The growth problems of West, Central, and East African
states have been explored in depth by geographers, political scientists,
anthropologists, historians, and sociologists alike to the virtual exclu-

sion of Southern Africa. There is a dearth of modern English literature

l
on Portuguese Africa and little more on Rhodesia and South West Africa.

The Republic of South Africa has received considerably more attention, but
hardly enough in relation to its actual and potential continental economic
power and the controversial deve10pment process in which it is presently
engaged.

In brief, since l948, the ruling white minority of the Republic of
South Africa has adopted a comprehensive devel0pment policy designed to
maintain its political and economic control over the three non-white racial
groups--the native black Africans, the pe0ples of mixed racial stock--
Coloureds, and the Asians, who are largely from the Indian sub-continent.
The program, initially called apartheid and now officially labelled as
multinational development, was promulgated in response to the influx of
all racial groups, but in particular the African, into the Republic's
urban centers in the preceeding 30 years. The cities had formerly been
the domain of the whites.

Apartheid called for a massive redistribution of the non-white groups
to maintain a white numerical superiority in the cities. Africans were to
be resettled in eight “historico-logical" homelands where they would be free
to pursue traditional pastoral and agricultural activities in keeping with
each group's cultural traditions. Although industrial development of each
homeland is envisioned, the necessity for some Africans to temporarily re-
side in cities is acknowledged, but these Africans would have a primary
allegiance to their respective homelands, to which they would return per-

iodically. As is the case with other developing states, South Africa is

 

1For a good account of the history of Portugal in Africa printed in
English see James Duffy's Portuguese Africa. A similar and later version
of the book is his paperback (Penguin) Portugal in Africa.

 

 

engaged in an aggregating process; the use and ownership of the means of
production—-land, labor, and capital, are becoming centralized in urban
centers. Apartheid is a decentralizing scheme, and as such, it is reac-
tionary (in the strictest sense of the word). The changes in the morphology
of South African society and the spatial patterns of population settlement
should be of continuing interest to social scientists.

In marked contrast to the lack of scholarly literature is the wealth
of popular literature written concerning South Africa.2 The revolutionary
activity elsewhere in Africa as opposed to the reactionary white-controlled
policies of Southern Africa are amply illustrated by the popular press.

The South African social scientific literature has largely been the
preserve of non-geographers and South Africans, and has been characterized
by its emphasis on structural topics--socia1 stratification, cultural
pluralism differential acculturation, etc.. Pierre van den Berghe has
written extensively on social stratification in South Africa, but with
particular reference to the Asian community.3 Leo and Hilda Kuper, the
former a sociologist and the latter an anthropologist, have discussed

4 Leo

within-group stratification for Africans and Asians, respectively.
Kuper has analyzed the life chances of an emerging African bourgeoisie

under a white-imposed economic framework in Ag_African Bourgeoisie. Sheila

 

 

25ee the New York Times for the most authoritative and up-to-date re-
porting of South African events, and also see Peter Webb, "On a Collision
Course," Newsweek, April 27, 1970, 40-49, for an in-depth summary of events
in South Africa.

3Pierre van den Berghe, Caneville, the Social Structure of a South
African Town (Middletown, Connecticut, 1964) and South Africa, A Study in
Conflict (Middletown, Connecticut, 1965).

4Hilda Kuper, Indian People in Natal (Durban, 1960) and Leo Kuper,
An African Bourgeoisie TNew Haven, 1965).

 

 

Patterson and W. P. Carstens have studied in depth the Coloured racial
group, the former providing an overview of the position of Coloureds with-
in the white economic, political, and social systems, and the latter
studying the social structure of a rural Cape Coloured reserve.5

The historical and anthrOpological literature is voluminous and is
marked by its emphasis on the confrontation between Europeans and Africans
and the consequent juxtaposition of different cultural traditions. Philip
Mayer, D. H. Reader and B. A. Pauw in studies of the East London hinter-
land point out the differential impact of Western culture upon African
migratory labor.6 In a similar vein, Eric Walker, Leo Marquard, W. M.
Macmillan, and C. W. de Kiewiet stress the clash of blacks and whites as
the significant theme throughout South African history.7

Likewise, economists have focused on the various growth problems
before and after the implementation of apartheid, and they include 0.
Hobart Houghton and Ralph Horwitz.8

Geographers have focused primarily upon studies of urban morphology
and space relations and the broad spatial patterns of the races. In the

first category, Peter Scott and D. Hywell Davies have studied Cape Town,

 

5Sheila Patterson, Colour and Culture in South Africa (London, 1953)
and W. P. Carstens, The Social Structure of a Cape CoToured Reserve (Cape
Town, 1966).

 

6Philip Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen (Cape Town, 1961), B. A. Pauw,
The Second Generation (Cape Town, 1963), and D. H. Reader, The Black Man's
Portion (Cape Town, 1961).

7Eric Walker, A History of Southern Africa (New York, 1957), Leo Mar—
quard, The Peoples and Policies of South Africa (London, 1957), and C. W. de
Kiewiet, A History_of South Africa, Social and—Economic (London, 1946).

 

 

 

 

8Ralph Horwitz, The Political Economy of South Africa (New York, 1967)
and D. Hobart Houghton, The South African Economy (Cape Town, 1964).

Scott in terms of its complex multi-racial residential pattern,9 and Davies

with respect to the dynamics of central business district growth.10

12

Kuper,
1

Watts, and Davies1 and Brookfield and Tatham have written of the spatial
pattern of the races in the city of Durban with respect to various socioJ

13 14

economic variables. Monica Cole, Donald Pettersen, 15

and Fair and Green
have stressed spatial patterns of mining and industrial development along
the Witwatersrand with only passing reference to the racial pattern of
settlement.

In the second category of South African human geographical literature
are the overviews of the distribution of races across South African and
studies of regional development. Carter, Karis, and Stultz16 emphasize the
developmental problems of the Transkei, the first self-governing Bantustan,
with reference to the dominant white political and economic ideologies.

Fair and Green17 have studied the growth problems of the Transkei, but with

 

9Peter Scott, "Cape Town: A Multi-Racial City," Geographical Jour—
- nal, Vol. 121, 149-57.

100. Hywell Davies, Land Use in Central Cape Town: A Study in Urban
Geography (Cape Town, 1965).

 

 

1lLeo Kuper, Hilstan Watts and Ronald Davies, The Racial Ecology of
Durban (New York, 1958).

 

12H. C. Brookfield and A. Tatham, "Distribution of Racial Groups in
Durban," The Geographical Review, Vol. XLVII, No. 1, 44-65.

 

13Monica Cole, South Africa (London, 1966).

 

14Donald Pettersen, "The Witwatersrand: A Unique Gold Mining Community,"
Economic Geography, Vol. 27, 209-21.

 

15L. P. Green and T. J. 0. Fair, Development in Africa: A Study in
Re ional Analysis with Special Reference to Southern AfrTca (Johannesburg,
IQBZ).

 

16Gwendolen Carter, Thomas Karis, and Newell Stultz, South Africa's
Transkei: The Politics of Domestic Colonialism (Evanston, 1967).

 

 

17Fair and Green, op. cit.

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the most emphasis placed upon economic development. Fair and Shaffner18

have reviewed changes in the spatial distribution of the races from 1951-
1960 and note that implications of differential racial fertility, mortal-
ity, and migration upon government development policy. Attention is
devoted almost exclusively to areal relationships between Africans and
whites and the implications for continued white domination.

The most recent of the South African geographical literature, M.
E. Sabbagh's "Some Geographical Characteristics of a Plural Society:
Apartheid in South Africa,“ reviews the conflicting aims of political
ideology and economic desirability in their areal context.19 Primary
emphasis, as in the Fair and Shaffner article, is placed on population
movement and growth of Africans and whites since the inception of apar-
theid.

In sum, the dominant theme pervading both scholarly and popular
writings of South Africa is race, and in particular, the confrontation
between a dominant white minority and a powerless African majority.
Government spokesmen and apartheid ideologists also stress the overwhelm-
ing importance of black-white structural and spatial relationships as
crucial to the process of development in South Africa. What has been
ignored by geographers and South Africans are the two other "racial"
groups in South Africa--the Coloureds and Asians. Sabbagh perceptively
notes:

A second issue is the surprising disregard of Asiatics--

that is Indians--and Coloureds. . . . and one rarely
finds reference to these groups in policy statements.

 

18T. J. 0. Fair and N. Manfred Shaffer, "P0pu1ation Patterns and
Policies in South Africa, 1951-1960," Economic Geography, Vol. 40, 261-
74.

 

19M. E. Sabbagh, "Some Geographical Characteristics of a Plural
Society," The Geographical Review, Vol. 58, No. 1, 1-28.

 

The scheme of Separate Development is directed at the
Bantu, and account is taken of Coloureds and Indians
only in so far as they relate to the central objective.

20
Rhoodie and Venter in their study of the socio-historical roots of apartheid
philosophy state that Coloureds and Asians "do not constitute as great a
threat to the establishment and maintenance of Western culture as do the
Bantu," and therefore, "Like the Indians, the Coloured group constitutes
only a minor aspect of the colour problem as a whole."21
Fortunately, as has been previously noted, other social scientists
have studied these two "racial" groups. In the main, analysis has been
a structural rather than spatial orientation. Non-geographers have been
more interested in the history and internal relationships among members
of the two groups, than they were in the areal extent and variation in
characteristics of the two groups. Although some attention has been paid
to the structural position vis—a-vis the dominant white man, the spatial
implications of apartheid on Asians and Coloureds have yet to be examined.
Analysis from a spatial point of view provides insights to the
dynamics of the apartheid scheme. 0f the two components of apartheid,
the spatial and the structural, the spatial redistribution is the most
important to government planners. The privileged power position of whites
will be left intact, but the planned spatial redistribution of peoples
will attempt to counteract well-established patterns of population growth.
Therefore, a spatial analysis seems well-suited to the phenomena at hand.

Moreover, a spatial analysis is applicable to the description and

explanation of the South African cultural landscape, because while govern-

 

201bid., 6.

21N. J. Rhoodie and H. J. Venter, Apartheid (Pretoria, 1959), 9.

ment spokesmen have labelled the Coloured and Asian groups as minor prob-
lems on a national level to be dealt with, their significance in numbers
on a regional level is much greater. In 1960, Coloureds and Asians ac-
counted for only 9.5% and 2.5%, respectively, of the total p0pulation, as
compared with 19.4% for whites and 68.6% for Africans. It is this gross
percentage breakdown of the population which has led the government to
minimize the problems of apartheid implementation with respect to Colour-
eds and Asians.

Even on a provincial level of aggregation the numerical importance
of Coloureds and Asians is masked by the preponderance of Africans and
whites. Coloureds make up 24.8% of the Cape, 1.5% of Natal, 1.7% of the
Transvaal, and 1.9% of the Orange Free State's p0pulation. The Asian
proportions are .4%, 13.2%, 1%, and 0%, respectively (in 1960, there were
only 7 Asians residing in the Orange Free State).

However, it is on a regional and urban level that Coloureds and
Asians assume importance for the apartheid scheme. This is ironic, be-
cause government spokesmen have long stated that apartheid is directly
primarily at Africans in urban centers--the very areas in which Coloureds
and Asians are numerically significant. Yet, the government considers
them as only minor aspects of the overall program. Coloureds are areally
concentrated in the Western Cape, and, in particular, the Cape Town metro—
politan area, where they account for slightly over 50% of the total pop-
ulation--up from 47% in 1951, and 44% in 1936. In Port Elizabeth, a
manufacturing port in the Cape Midlands, Coloureds accounted for 23.5% of
the city's population in 1960. In the numerous, small agricultural and

service centers of the Western Cape, such as Paarl, Worcester, Stellenbosch,

 

 

REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA
URBAN ASIAN
COWUNITY SIZE

1

 

 

1946

  

,a it’- A
#0

. O o 75 :50 300
l 1

L Q

 

I960

KILOMETERS

10

 

 

MAP2

 

 

     

REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

URBAN COLOURED
COMMUNITY SIZE

1946

 

300,000
200,000

55,000
2 7,000

16,000 5
4,000 Q 0
2,000 /
one 001 = 1,000 PEOPLE
‘ '0

O
. 1960
0 7? 15:

300 Km

 

 

L

 

 

MAP3

11

12

and Oudtshoorn, Coloureds make up half of the total p0pulation.

A similar areal concentration is evident for Asians which is not
discernible when viewed from a national or provincial level. In Durban,
the Republic's third largest city, Asians, in 1960, constituted 34.7% of
the population--the largest single racial segment, and up from 31.4%
in 1946. In Pietermaritzburg, Natal's second largest city, Asians ac—
counted for slightly more than 20% of the city's population.

Thus, in the Republic's second and third largest cities, the
implementation of apartheid must consider a sizeable community of Colour-
eds and Asians, respectively. That the government has heretofore believed
that they were insignificant to the overall development program is a
serious theoretical and planning oversight.

Moreover, a cursory glance at the demographic structure of the
South African population from 1904-1970 and the population projections
for the year 2000 (See Table 1) reveals an increase in the percentage of
the total population of the two groups from 11% in 1904 to 14.1% (Pro-
jection A) or 16.9% (Projection B) in 2000. Projection B is generally
thought of as the more realistic of the two. The two widely disparate
projections for the year 2000 reflects, on the one hand, a basic insecurity
regarding the future of white domination in South Africa, and on the other
hand, an acknowledgement of the fact that Coloureds and Asians will make
up an increasing proportion of the total population.

Examination of crude birth and death rates for Asians and Coloureds
for the years 1956-1965 and 1969 documents the rising Coloured and Asian
proportion at the expanse of whites and Africans. Since 1956, crude birth

rates for Coloureds have varied between 41.0 and 48.8/1,000 with the 1969

TABLE I

DEMOGRAPHIC STRUCTURE OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN POPULATION, 1904—I970

Census of 1904

 

 

 

 

 

 

% of

Group Number Total
White 1,116,806 21.6
African 3,491,056 67.4
Asian 122,734 2.4
Coloured 445,228 8.6
Total non-
White 4,059,018 78.4
Total Pop. 5,175,824

Census of 1921
White 1.519.488 21.9
African 4,697,813 67.8
Asian 165,731 2.4
Coloured 545.548 7.9
Total non-
White 5,409,092 78.1
Total Pop. 5.928.580

Census of 1946
White 2.372.690 20.8
African 7.805.515 68.5
Asian 285,260 2.5
Coloured 923.484 8.2
Total non-
White 9,019,259 79.2
Total Pop. 11,391,949

Census of 1960
White 3,088,492 19.4
African 10,927,922 68.6
Asian 403,868 2.5
Coloured 1.509.258 9.5
Total non-
White 12,841,048 80.6
Total Pop. 15,929,540

Year 2000-~Projection A

White 6,150,000 23.5
African 16,337,000 62.4
Asian 1,120,000 4.3
Coloured 2,560,000 9.8
Total non-
White 20,017,000 76.5
Total Pop. 26,167,000

*Projection B is generally regarded as the more realistic.
1970 estimate--M. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa, 1970, 24.

Source:

Census of 1911

 

I3

 

% of %
Group Number Total Increase
White 1,276,242 21.4 2.04
African 4,019,006 67.3 2.16
Asian 152,203 2.5 3.43
Coloured 525,943 8.8 2.59
Total non-

White 4,697,152 78.6 2.25
Total Pop. 5,973,394 2.20
Census of 1936
White 2,003,857 20.9 2.12
African 6,596,689 68.8 2.69
Asian 219,691 2.3 2.17
Coloured 769,661 8.0 2.74

Total non-

White 7,586,041 79.1 2.68
Total Pop. 9,589,898 2.56
Census of 1951
White 2,641,689 20.9 2.26
African 8,560,083 67.7 1.93
Asian 336,596 2.7 3.60
Coloured 1,103,016 8.7 3.75

Total-non
White 9,999,695 79.1 2.17
Total Pop. 12,641,384 2.19
Estimated ngulation 1970
White 3,779,000 17.7
African 14,893,000 69.9
Asian 614,000 2.8
Coloured 1,996,000 9.3
Total non-
White 16,200,000 82.0
Total Pop. 20,000,000 .
Year 2000--Projection 8*
White 4,588,000 14.7 1.21
African 21,361,000 68.4 2.30
Asian 1,382,000 4.4 6.05
Coloured 3,917,000 12.5 3.99
Total non-
White 26,660,000 85.3 2.69
Total Pep. 31,248,000 2.40

M. E. Sabbagh, 1904-1960, 2000, 4}

 

 

 

 

14

figure at 41.0/1,000. The crude death rate has steadily fallen from 20.
3/1,000 in 1950 to 16.5/l,000 in 1956 to 14.6/1,000 in 1969. This demo-
graphic transition, characteristic of the populations of deve10ping nations,
is the main factor responsible for the steady increase in the Coloured
percentage of the total p0pulation since inter-racial marriages have been
declared illegal. The Asian demographic picture is unique among South
African racial groups. The crude birth rate has actually increased from
30.6/l,000 in 1956 to 34.4/l,000 in 1965, and 37.8/1,000 in 1969. The

crude death rate has varied between 7.2/1,000 and 8.7/1,000, and was at

7.2/1.000 in 1969.22

This combination of high fertility and abnormally
low mortality has resulted in a high rate of natural increase, despite
state controls on immigration of Asians and a government subsidized pro-
gram to send Asians back to India.

Therefore, the future spatial and structural position of Coloureds and
Asians in the apartheid development program would seem to warrant more
attention than is presently devoted to them by geographers and government
officials. They make up a considerable proportion of the population of
certain cities, and, if demographic trends continue as before, the issue

of Coloureds and Asians in urban centers promises to become a relevant

problem for apartheid planners.

Purpose

This thesis envisions a three-fold examination of the socio-economic
position of Coloureds and Asiatics in white-dominated South Africa. First,

a conceptual framework will be presented outlining a variety of perspec-

 

22South Africa Statistical Yearbook, 1966, C-5.

 

15

TABLE 2
COLOURED AND ASIATIC CRUDE BIRTH AND DEATH RATES--1956—65, 1969

 

Year Coloureds Asians
CBR CDR CBR CDR
1956 44.7 16.5 30.6 8.2
1957 46.4 15.9 30.4 8.7
1958 45.7 16.4 30.8 8.2
1959 45.8 15.0 32.4 8.1
1960 46.6 15.6 29.7 7.6
1961 46.1 15.5 29.9 7.4
1962 46.5 15.1 30.0 7.6
1963 45.6 15.4 30.3 7.4
1964 46.6 14.8 33.3 7.4
1965 46.1 15.8 34.4 8.1
1969 41.1 14.6 37.8 7.2

 

Source: 1956-1965--South African Statistical Yearbook, 1966,
C-5.
1969--M. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South
Africa, 1970, 25.

 

 

tives on the nature of social stratification in South Africa. The ethnic
stratification or pluralism perspective of M. G. Smith will be presented
and compared with the more traditional caste and class stratification type.
In a more basic sense, the white-non-white relationship is one of the
dominant and the dominated, and, therefore, Ronald Horvath's definition
and typology of colonialism and the general types of social groups found
in a colonial society will be presented in an attempt to clarify South
African group interaction and relate it to a specific social structural
form. Particular attention will be paid to Asians and Coloureds as repre-
sentatives of Horvath's intervening group.

Second, a historical chapter will outline the evolution of white
South African paradigms or systems of control as they pertain to social

structural forms and Horvath's colonialism definition. The thesis will

16

study the structuring by whites of status equality with Asians and
Coloureds through the years. Social stratification in South Africa
has never been as rigid as the present apartheid program of racial
interaction implies. A11 social systems are dynamic entities, con—
tinually changing to meet inner-directed and outer-directed demands.
The historical review, on the one hand, provides a background for the
analytic section to follow, and on the other hand, will amplify the
conceptual framework.

Third, a factor analytic approach to Asian and Coloured status
will be used to determine the effect the apartheid ideology has had on
Asian and Coloured status and to discern within and between-group spatial
variation in socioeconomic standing. Census data for 1946 and 1960 will
be used. There are three dimensions to the factor analysis: the struc- '
tural, the spatial, and the temporal. Structurally, what is the group
socioeconomic status of Asians and Coloureds? Has it changed during the
period 1946-1960? Spatially, what variation is found in Asian and
Coloured status? In other words, in which urban centers are Asians
and Coloureds poor, and in which are they wealthy? The implications of
change in status will be related to the caste and class model of social
stratification and Horvath's typology of colonialism. Various hypo-

theses will be offered and tested for each of the three dimensions.

CHAPTER II
CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND

Social status, whether it be of an individual or a group as a
whole, is both ascribed by the individual and the larger society of
which one is a part. In Western, homogeneous, open-class societies,
status has been envisioned primarily as a function of income, occupa-
tion, and education. As such, status is to a great degree self-
assigned. In non-Western societies the societal component exerts a
greater influence in status determination, although there is a recent
body of literature which emphasizes the fluidity of social mobility in

traditional societies.23

In any event, full social stability, notes
Sheila Patterson, is achieved only when the individual status approxi-
mates the larger societal assignment.24 Characteristic of the imposi-
tion of Western control over Asian, Latin American, and African peoples
was the lack of concensus of status determination. Culturally diverse
peoples were imperfectly integrated under European economic and political

control. Clearly, status concensus among subordinate societies and vis- .

a-vis the European rulers did not exist.

The Pluralism Literature

 

In the past 30 years a large body of sociological and anthropo-

 

23See Arthur Tuden and Leonard Plotnicov, eds., Social Stratifica-
tion in Africa (New York, 1970).

 

24Sheila Patterson, Colour and Culture in South Africa (London, 1953),

 

171.

17

18

logical literature has been deve10ped to define the phenomenon of Western
colonialization as well as earlier instances of differential status deter-
mination as a structurally distinct form of social stratification. This
body of theory25 has been variously known as social pluralism, sociocul-
tural pluralism, and ethnic stratification, or more simply, pluralism.

Its initial proponent, J. S. Furnivall, a British economist working
in the Far East, perceived a discrete form of social stratification which
came into existence as a result of European commercial and industrial
expansion. His plural society-~internally autonomous and inclusive
political units ruled by an institutionally distinct numerical minority,26
is the most extreme expression of pluralism. M. G. Smith, the foremost
contemporary scholar favoring the utility of the concept of pluralism,
defines it generally as a "condition in which members of a common society
are internally distinguished by fundamental differences in their institu-
tional practice."27 Smith agrees with Furnivall's model of the plural
society, but states that the plural society is only a particular variant
of the generic type. In particular, he notes four deficiencies of Furni-
vall's model: (1) its restriction to and identification with the modern

colonial situation; (2) its correlated restriction to tropical latitudes;

(3) its restriction to the era of European industrial expansion and

 

25For a complete description of the pluralism concept see M. G.
Smith, "Social and Cultural Pluralism," Annals of the New York Academy
of Sciences, Vol. 83 (January 20, 1960), 763-87'and for a later refor-
mu1ation see Leo Kuper and M.G. Smith, eds., Pluralism in Africa (Los
Angeles, 1969).

 

 

 

26M. G. Smith, "Institutional and Political Conditions of
Pluralism," Pluralism in Africa (Los Angeles, 1969), 29.

27Ibid.. 27.

 

19

laissez-faire capitalism; and (4) its restriction to and identification
with multiracial communities.28 Pluralism, Smith declares, is confined "
neither to the Tropics nor to the last four centuries of human history. ,

Smith distinguishes two basic types of societies which are polar
opposites--h0mogeneous societies and societies displaying pluralism.
Homogeneous societies are characterized by all members sharing an
identical system of institutions. Smith agrees with Malinowski, Rad-
cliffe-Brown, and Nadel in defining an institution as a standardized
mode of coactivity characteristic of social collectivities.29 Such
conditions of institutional homogeneity, intrinsic to simple socie-
ties, are in direct contrast to the systematic institutional diversity
that constitutes pluralism.

Continuing, Smith notes that most industrial societies stand mid-
way between Furnivall's plural society and the homogeneous society. In
these so-called heterogeneous societies, the majority or almost all share
a common system of basic institutions, but are differentiated at the
secondary level of institutional organization "in which alternative oc-
cupation, political, religious, or ethnic institutions predominate."30

At this juncture Smith discusses the analytical distinction between
the cultural and social aspects of all institutions and its relevance for
pluralism. Whereas all institutional organization involves collective

norms, ideas, and symbols (culture), "all institutions have prominent

 

28M. G. Smith, "Some Developments in the Analytic Framework of
Pluralism," Pluralism in Africa (Los Angeles, 1969), 429.

29Smith, Institutional and Political Conditions, 30.

3OIbid., 35.

20

sociological aspects in the groups they constitute, and in the structures

of status and role which they enjoin."3]

Thus, institutional heterogeneity
may involve both social and cultural heterogeneity, but not necessarily
both.

In this context Smith distinguishes two modes of pluralism under
predominant societal heterogeneity. In one instance an institutionally
distinct minority compose territorially discrete enclaves. He cites the
various Indian reservations scattered about the United States and the
Indians of Chiapas in Mexico as examples of plural enclaves within hetero-
geneous societies. Alternatively, a heterogeneous society may contain
plural communities such as are found in the southern United States. These
plural communities satisfy the conditions necessary to distinguish plural
societies, but lack political and cultural distinctiveness and autonomy.
They are therefore subject to continuous influence by the larger society
surrounding them.32

In sum, Smith distinguishes heterogeneous societies with plural
features from those without, and in the former category, those societies
with plural enclaves from those with plural communities.

Numerous criticisms were directed at the initial conceptualization
of pluralism. Basil Davidson in his analysis of pluralism in Northern
Rhodesia raises the question of whether sufficient interaction between
p0pulation components occurs to justify the use of the term "society."

He states that in the early stages of white domination "Africans were no

more members of Northern Rhodesian society, as recognized and constituted

 

31Ibid., 34.

321 id., 35.

21

by duly enshrined authority, than the cattle and game for whom 'reserves'
were also soon marked out."33 The dominant Eur0pean minority established
no bonds, obligations, or rights with Africans, except those to their
immediate advantage. Davidson, therefore, prefers to draw a distinction
between a system of differential incorporation and a society, the latter
involving common values.

On the other hand, there are those who object to the pluralism
perspective because it tends to "minimize the coherence and integration
of their social systems" while emphasizing the strength and permanence
of their internal divisions. Pluralism exaggerates the unity and soli-
darity of the several sections and diverts attention from their many
internal divisions.34

In this respect, J. C. Mitchell, an advocate of pluralism, in a
study of stratification in Rhodesia suggests that as minority domination
continues, "the subordinate race becomes more and more dependent for its
subsistence and welfare on the economic and administrative system manned
by the dominant race and becomes less inclined to destroy that system by
violent protests."35

Pierre van den Berghe does not feel that institutional incompati-
bility based on differing cultural traditions is a necessary condition of

pluralism. Nor does he feel that much is gained by distinguishing plural

societies from societies with plural features and from heterogeneous

 

33Basil Davidson, "Pluralism in Colonial African Societies: Zambia/
Northern Rhodesia," Pluralism in Africa (Los Angeles, 1969), 217.

 

34Smith, Analytic Framework, 421.

 

35J. C. Mitchell, "Race, Class, and Status in South Central Africa,"
Social Stratification in Africa (New York, 1970), 338.

22

societies. According to the Smith formulation, the difference between a
plural society such as South Africa and a heterogeneous society with
plural enclaves and communities like the United States boils down to demo-
graphy, notes van den Berghe. "Surely whether the dominant is a majority
or a minority does not so profoundly affect the structure of a society

as to justify the use of a typology of a typology that implies important

qualitative discontinuities."36

van den Berghe prefers to regard plural-
ism as a variable and "to include cases of stratification based on race,
caste, estate, or class as instances of pluralism, even though the con-
stituent groups share the same general culture."37
In response to this and other criticism, Smith reformulated the
pluralism concept and considered two criteria as important in distin-
guishing pluralism as a distinct form. First, the system is maintained
by a dominant group through its use of political force, and, related
to the first, there is a lack of concensus regarding the legitimacy of
the system. As such, the plural situation is inherently instable and
requires the continuous application of political force by the dominant

group to maintain its cohesiveness.38

The writer has already mentioned
Mitchell's contrasting thesis of plural system stability. Such disagree-
ment between proponents of pluralism is indicative of the controversy
surrounding the concept.

Tuden and Plotnicov, in Social Stratification in Africa, do not

 

 

36Pierre van den Berghe, "Pluralism and the Polity: A Theoretical
Exploration," Pluralism in Africa (Los Angeles, 1969), 68-69.

 

37Ibid., 68.

38Tuden and Plotnicov, op. cit., 26.

23

regard pluralism as a structurally distinct enough form of social strati-
fication to warrant a special term. First, they note that those societies
that have been labelled as plural appear to differ from other stratified
societies in that the dominant group which mon0polizes political and
economic power also is racially distinct from the rest of the population.
Therefore, pluralism appears to be racial stratification, and, as such,

it means that "pluralism, as a social type, has been based on a biological

 

characteristic, a feature that is theoretically and methodologically un-

acceptable."39

Smith, however, has made it clear that one of the defects
of Furnivall's model was its racial characteristic and he prefers a cul-
tural distinction between the dominated and dominator.

Second, Tuden and Plotnicov point out that those societal conditions
which are described as pluralistic are invariably highly complex. It is
their feeling that this complexity has influenced scholars to regard such
conditions as pluralistic. "However, complexity, in and of itself, can-
not be a criterion for distinguishing a type of stratification or any
social form, for that matter," note Tuden and Plotnicov.40

Third, advocates of pluralism point out that legal sanctions are
not applied equally to all cultural sectors. However, this is not very
different from what occurs in all stratified societies. In Western socie-
ties this is a covert characteristic, but still recognized as objective
reality.41

Fourth, if one accepts Smith's notion concerning the inherent

 

24

instability of the plural society and the consequent need for coercion to
maintain the system, white-African conflict in Africa prior to indepen-
dence would seem to typify pluralism. However, when independence is
achieved, when the dominant whites are removed from political power,

one finds that suddenly the societies are no longer good examples of
pluralism. But, the whites have continued to occupy the stratum posi-
tions they held prior to independence. The system of social stratifica-
tion has not changed.42 In fact, in a number of African countries the
number of whites has increased, and they have not relinquished their
metropolitan citizenship.

This writer, along with Tuden and Plotnicov and van den Berghe,
does not feel that pluralism is a distinct enough structural form to
warrant unique terminology or analysis techniques. Traditional per-
spectives for the study of social stratification, such as caste, class,
and caste and class are applicable. Obviously, the recognized criteria
of these stratification types may not appear full-blown at once. One
must conceive of incipient caste and/or class systems, or, as Plotnicov
puts it, "class conflict in the absence of a class system" in his study
of the modern elite of Jos, Nigeria.43

The analysis of racial interaction in South Africa will be struc-
tured around the caste and class perspective of social stratification.

The caste and class concept will be amplified as the historical summary

of white, Asian, and Coloured interaction is outlined in a later chapter.

 

421m.

43Leonard Plotnicov, "The Modern African Elite of Jos, Nigeria,"
Social Stratification in Africa (New York, 1970), 299.

 

25

A Definition and Typology of Colonialism

 

Explicit throughout the preceeding discussion is Smith's notion
of the lack of concensus regarding the legitimacy of the dominant group's
monopoly of political power and the necessity for coercion to integrate
the various subordinate groups within the political and economic struc-
ture of the ruling group. Ronald Horvath has developed a conceptual
scheme by which one can systematically analyze the varieties and modes
of imposition of control by one group over another. This definitional
work is an integral part of a study of the nature of colonialism.

The single most important element, states Horvath, maintaining
the European-non-European relationship was domination.44 Horvath further
states that this dominator-dominated relationship is a discrete sub-type
of human relationships distinct from the technological determinant of
social stratification proposed by Gideon Sjoberg for non-Western cities.45

In short, Sjoberg, in a study of non-Western urban centers, which
were largely examples of Islamic civilization, suggested that the key
variable defining and implementing the emergence of an urban social
structure was a different level of technology. Further, Sjoberg notes
that the stratificational system of the "pre-industrial" city was patterned
along class lines. Patterns of intra-societal relationships found in parts

of the Third World, however, did not match the Sjoberg technological deter-

minant model.

 

v ‘7‘

44Ronaid a. Horvath, A Definition of Colonialism (Unpublished paper),

 

45Ronald J. Horvath, “In Search of a Theory of Urbanization: Notes
on the Colonial City," The East Lakes Geggrapher, Vol. 5 (December, 1969),
72.

 

26

Such a discrete system of classification, he notes, should be rooted
in a theory of colonialism. Domination is the fundamental distinguishing
mark behind the European imposition and deve10pment of urban centers in the
Third World, and hence, the territorially defined entity of which it is a
subsystem. Domination is closely related to the concept of power. Con-
siderable debate among scholars as to the nature of power has always been
prevalent. However, it is generally agreed that power refers to a human
social relationship where an individua1(s) is capable of exerting his will
on another despite resistance. Domination, then, refers to the ability
of an individual or a group of individuals to control the behavior and/or
territory of another individual or groups of individuals.

Horvath further notes that a second distinguishing mark of colonial-
ism is that it refers to group domination rather than domination by an
individual "or among individuals at the family or subclan level." Wide-
spread accord exists on this qualification.

A third variable differentiating colonialism from other forms of
domination is cultural heterogeneity. The domination of a group of indi-
viduals in a culturally homogeneous society is not colonialism. Rather,
colonialism is a domination process found in culturally heterogeneous
societies. By cultural heterogeneity, Horvath means the presence of
institutionally distinct collectivities and a social structure marked by
fundamental cleavages as a result of different cultural traditions. This
is not very different from Smith's notion of pluralism, and, indded, Smith
notes that colonialism is one variant of pluralism.

Fourth, colonialism is distinguished from imperialism by the presence

of significant numbers of settlers from the colonizing power. Imperialism

27

is a form of group domination over culturally (institutionally) distinct
peoples where few or no settlers migrate permanently from the colonizing
power to the colony. The United States, Canada, Australia, South Africa,
and New Zealand are examples of colonialism, whereas most of the West
African and South Asian states are examples of imperialism--few, if any,
settlers migrate from the imperial land to the colony.

A fifth variable to be considered is the relationship the colonial
and imperial groups have had with the pe0ple they have dominated. Horvath
suggests three basic types: (1) extermination; (2) assimilation; and (3)
neither extermination nor assimilation, for both colonialism and imperial-
ism. Whereas the first two relationships may be viewed as at opposite
ends of a continuum, the third relationship is characterized by its im-
precision and is designed as a catchall category. Colonialism with an
exterminative motif has occurred in varying degrees in Australia, New
Zealand, the United States, Canada, and South Africa, and colonialism
with assimilation as the primary motivating concept has occurred in the
Philippines and much of Hispanicized Latin America. Colonialism and
Imperialism with the lack of extermination or assimilation by the coloni-
zers or imperializers is characteristic of much of Subsaharan Africa.
Wholesale acculturation or eradication of the colonized did not occur.
Colonialism and imperialism without extermination or assimilation as a
motif seems to be peculiar to the British. Their policy in South Africa,
for example, oscillated between extermination of the native Africans and
assimilation via the mission station. It was marked more by the lack of
coherent policy with an emphasis on reaction to particular events, rather

than an explicit development strategy with definite long term goals.

28

A sixth and final variable noted by Horvath is the stage of the
political unit. Colonialism and imperialism have heretofore been re-
garded as restricted to the relationship between European states and the
peoples of the Third World. However, he notes, this position is inde-
fensible; "tribal peoples and city states have engaged in colonialism
and imperialism." The assumption that a state may behave one way toward
some of its subjects within its territorial confines and another way
toward groups outside the state boundaries is inconsistent with the use
of the term colonialism. Clearly, there can be no distinction between
the suppression of the non-Moslem peoples of the Southern Sudan by
Northern Moslems, the domination of East Pakistani Bengals by West
Pakistanis, and the imperialization of much of Africa, including the
Sudan, and Asia, including Pakistan, by Great Britain in the nineteenth
century.

Therefore, it is useful to insert a dichotomous variable to
differentiate international colonialism and imperialism-~those forms
of inter-group domination that transcend the boundaries of a recognized
autonomous state, from domestic colonialism and imperialism--that form
of inter-group domination occurring within the confines of a recognized
autonomous state. The final domestic-international variable has parti-
cular reference to South Africa, where, within the confines of a state,
whites are dominating the native black Africans, Asians, and Coloureds--
a form of domestic colonialism.

Implicit throughout Horvath's conceptualization of colonialism is
the element of process. The categorization proceeds from the very general

to the specific, and, hence, is analogous to the increasing complexity of

29

the evolution of mankind's social relations. From the very general varia-
ble, domination, which he holds as an integral part of human instincts,
he delineates the increasing complexity of domination as man's spatial
accessibility is enhanced. At this juncture it is suggested that human
relationships in South Africa have evolved to such an extent that a
seventh dichotomous variable may be in order. An informal-formal varia-
ble, to be distinguished from the one Horvath advances, to explain the
change from the British laissez-faire (the neither assimilation nor
extermination category) colonial policy to the Afrikaner-dominated
apartheid program, is suggested. This variable determines the expli-
citnous of the dominating group's ideology and occurs at a later stage
than the extermination, assimilation, and neither relationships. It may
be inserted below the domestic—international variable to indicate how
structured inter-group domination will be.

Because this last formal-informal variable is similar to variable
number five-~the relationship of the dominated to the dominator, it ex-
poses apartheid as a reactionary program. It is an attempt to jump back
to an earlier stage of the deve10pment of colonialism to forestall the
sharing of economic and political decision-making by non-whites. Given
the continuation of socio-economic trends prevalent up to and including
World War II, the domination of whites over non-whites in South Africa
would have conceptually jumped from inter-group domination to a form of
intraégroup domination stratified along racial lines. Apartheid may be
viewed, therefore, as a mechanism to entrench inter-group domination.
The rationale behind the favoring of inter-group domination as opposed

to intra-group domination will be discussed later in the paper.

30

The Stratificational System of the Colonial Society

 

Horvath has posited that domination is a key characteristic dis-
tinguishing urbanization in a number of Third World areas in contrast to
Sjoberg's technology determinant. A discussion of the stratification of
the colonial society, and the city as its sub-system, will readily dif-
ferentiate the colonial society as Opposed to the Sjoberg, class-oriented,
pre-industrial city. The example of South Africa will be offered to vin-
dicate this distinction.46

Horvath proposes that as many as three components of stratification
are present in the colonial city, including the population from the colonial
power, an intervening group, and the indigenous pe0ples from the surround-
ing countryside.

The resident colonial population constitutes the elite of the
colonial society and manipulates the important economic and political
power strings. In contrast to the example of industrial and pre-indus-
trial city models, the elite of the colonial city depend on an outside
source of authority for its legitimacy--their authority is not dependent
upon the consent of the local inhabitants. Initially, the South African
elite did depend on an outside source of authority, namely the Dutch East
India Company officials in Holland, but by the nineteenth century the elite
had assumed g; jagtg control over internal affairs. Horvath notes that in
many cases the elite differ racially from the other components of the city,
but suggests that culture is perhaps the important element distinguishing

the elite from all others. Tuden and Plotnicov, however, state that race

 

46See R. R. Reed, "Hispanic Urbanism in the Philippines: A Study of
the Impact of Church and State," Universityyof Manila Journal of East Asia-
tic Study, Vol. 11 (March, 1967), 143-63, for a discussion of the social
structure of the Philippine colonial city.

 

31

is a necessary condition in inter-group domination.47 To this writer the
less restrictive cultural condition is more acceptable, although the South
African case is clearly domination based upon race.

The South African elite are, of course, the whites who may be fur-
ther subdivided on the basis of language and culture into Afrikaans-
speakers and English-speakers. Prior to the World Depression of the 1930's
the Afrikaans-speakers--descendants of the first Dutch—Speaking settlers,
were largely a rural people engaged in agriculture and pastoralism. How-
ever, between the period 1910-1945, when South Africa experienced the
Industrial Revolution, Afrikaners participated inthe concomitant rural
to urban migration. As a result of this phenomenon and the subsequent
accession to national power of an Afrikaner-dominated party, the Afrikaners
are now well represented in urban centers in industrial and governmental
occupations, particularly the latter.

The second major component of the South African elite is English-
speaking whites. In marked contrast to the Afrikaners, they have always
been an urban group. Only in Natal are the majority of rural whites
English-speakers, and even then, they are outnumbered by urban English-
speaking whites. English-speakers are heavily represented in industry
and commerce and rarely does one read of English-speakers in the employ of
the government. Therefore, there is a bifurcation in decision-making
within the white elite with the Afrikaners concentrated in the political
arena and the English-speaking South Africans concentrated in the economic

‘sphere.

 

47Tuden and Plotnicov, op. cit., 357.

32

Some writers have further subdivided the white component by distin-
guishing a Jewish group composed of English-speaking, business-oriented
South Africans.48 This writer will consider only a two-fold stratification
of whites and regard the Jews as part of the English-speaking group.

A second major component of the stratificational system of the
colonial society is the indigenous peoples-~the dominated. Typically,
they form the bulk of the unskilled labor upon which the wealth of the
elite is based. A few occupy intermediate positions in the colonial
government bureaucracy, and, if and when, independence is attained, they
move into the decision-making roles formerly held by the exogenous elite.
But the large majority are unskilled industrial and agricultural laborers.
The bulk of political legislation is aimed directly or indirectly at this
group.

The various black African ethnic groups constitute the indigenous
peoples in South Africa. There are no less than eight major ethnic groups
represented, and white South Africans are quick to point out that whites
are the largest single ethnic group in South Africa, although they conven-
iently ignore or are not aware that there are strong social and cultural
barriers within the white group.49

A third major component of the colonial society is what Horvath calls
an intervening group. Two types of intervening groups are identified: one

resulting from miscegenation and/or inter-marriage and another from the

migration to the colony of a pe0ple from a country other than the colonial

 

48van den Berghe, Race, Class, and Ethnicity, 357.

 

49N. J. Rhoodie, Apartheid and Racial Partnership in Southern Africa
(Pretoria, 1969), 9.

33

power. The first type commonly is the result of an unbalanced sex ratio
within the elite. Typically, males of the elite will enter into unions
with indigenous females, although inter-racial mixing among other groups
is common. This group holds an economic and social status a niche above
the indigenous pe0p1es by virtue of their acceptance of the elite's cul-
ture, and, in many cases, a skin tone intermediate between the elite's and
indigenous peoples.

The Coloureds of South Africa are a good example of an intervening
group formed through inter-racial mixing. They were generated from white-
Hottentot-Malay-Bushman unions with some African admixture, particularly
in Natal and the Transvaal. Skin color ranges from a light tan, almost
indiscernible from that of the white grOUp, to dark brown. Physically,
some have easily noticeable Caucasoid features, whereas other have pro-
nounced Negroid features. Almost all Coloureds have adopted white culture,
particularly the Afrikaner variant. The only exception is a small, endo—
gamous, Malay Moslem community in Cape Town which has successfully resisted
the Christian religion.

The second type of intervening group, those people who migrated to
the colonized area from a country other than the colonial power, are a re-
sult of both external and internal stimuli. 0n the one hand, various
internal political, economic, religious, and social pressures have stimu-
lated international migration. Examples from Europe, China, and India
abound in the literature. 0n the other hand, on occasion colonial powers
have encouraged the immigration of other peoples. British colonial and
imperial policy in Subsaharan Africa affords examples of the encouragement

of such immigration.

34

Asiatics, almost entirely from the Indian subcontinent, are an exam-
ple of this second type of intervening group present in South Africa. The
impetus to their migration was provided by the need for cheap labor on
white-owned sugar plantations in Natal. Beginning in 1860, and continuing
until 1911, many thousands of Indians made the journey. Scholars have
divided the flow into two periods: the first consisting of largely male,
Tamil, Telugu, and Hindi-speaking Hindus, and the second comprising
Gujarati and Urdu-speaking Moslems. The former group is known as the
indentured flow, and the latter as passengers. Passenger Indians came
in response to the commercial and financial needs of the former group.

Also associated with each migrant flow was a secondary stream of depen-
dents--the wives and children of each male laborer. To this day passenger
Indians enjoy a somewhat higher status, although van den Berghe notes that
this distinction is fading with the passing of the older generations and
the incorporation of Asians into a Western polity and economy.50 As stated
above, an intervening group commonly holds an intermediate status between
the elite and indigenous peoples. They occupy lower and middle level
positions in the colonial bureaucracy, are semi—skilled and skilled arti-
sans and laborers, and dominate, in many cases, the commerce of the colonv.
In the literature one rarely finds reference to a significant agricultural
sector among intervening groups, although it is conceptually consistent
with the colonialism model. The South African case affords an example of
large agricultural segments among both Coloureds and Asians. Both, how-

ever, are disappearing with the industrialization of South Africa, despite

 

50Pierre van den Berghe, Caneville, The Social Structure of A South
African Town (Middletown, Connecticut, 1964),Tl72473.

 

35

the best efforts of the ruling whites.

In the preceeding discussion the writer has delimited a basic
pattern of human relationships found in much of the non-Western world.
Domination has been suggested as the determinant of such a relationship,
in contrast to the technology determinant of Gideon Sjoberg's pre-indus-
trial society.

The preceeding discussion of the components of the colonial society
implies, to some extent, the existence of a caste social structure, al-
though Horvath is not concerned with types of social stratification, but
broad inter-group relationships based on domination. However, particular
social structural manifestations of domination, such as class, caste, and
caste and class, may be fitted to subtypes of the colonialism model. For
example, a class structure may be classified as a form of stratified,
intra-group domination.

The use of the term caste in non-Indian (Asian) applications has
been criticized by Cox, Leach, and Dumont who insist that it is a pheno-
menon linked exclusively to Pan-Indian civilization. On the other hand,
another group of scholars finds cross-cultural utility for caste and insist
that broad structural similarities are found among many societies. The

51 As

problem, as van den Berghe notes, is essentially one of definition.
a minimum definition of caste in advance of the historical review, this
writer accepts van den Berghe's conception of caste as an endogamous, a-
scribed group into which one is born and out of which one cannot pass, and

which is ranked in relation to other groups. Alternatively, Tuden and

 

51van den Berghe, Race, Class, and Ethnicity, 351.

36

Plotnicov stress occupational specialization by endogamous groups in which
membership is based on ascription and between which social distance is
regulated by the concept of pollution as distinguishing marks of caste.52
By pollution one refers to inter-racial contacts on an egalitarian basis.
It is suspected that the nature of social stratification in South Africa
fits van den Berghe's definition of caste and probably Tuden and Plotni-
cov's.

From the analysis of colonialism and the case of South Africa it
is argued that South Africa is an example of formal domestic colonialism--
that form of inter-group domination where settlers from the colonial power
are present, where initially neither assimilation nor extermination char-
acterized the relationship between settlers and indigenes, and where at
the present time a formal policy determines interaction between the

dominant settlers and the dominated indigenes. The description of the

colonial city connotates the presence of a caste social structural form.

 

52Tuden and Plotnicov, 0p. cit., 16.

CHAPTER III
HISTORICAL REVIEW--THE EVOLUTION OF A SOCIETAL PARADIGM

The historical chapter to follow will relate the specific ideo-
1ogies through which Asiatic and Coloured status has been structured by
whites. In other words, the domestic colonialism relationship will be
outlined from the point of view of paradigms determining Coloured and
Asian status equality with whites.

At the outset let us define two terms which are central to the
theme of this paper. By status the writer refers to the position of an
individual or group relative to other individuals or groups within a
larger societal grouping or society. Status is evaluated both by the
larger societal group and the individuals or groups concerned. Group
status implies social stratification, which may range from an Open-class
system to a caste hierarchy.

The use of the term paradigm is virtually the same as that of a
dictionary's--an accepted model or pattern, or method for replication.
More precisely, it is an ideology governing the habitual interaction of
the various groups of South African society. It provides method by which
the dominant whites can deal with the status definition of Asians, Colour-
eds, and Africans. A paradigm may be rejected and a new paradigm accepted
(one cannot exist without the other) by the dominant group when the latter
is perceived to solve more status problems than the former. Status defini-

tion or determinant problems may arise from a variety of causes. For

37

38

example, changes in economy and/or government type may result in differen-
tial group access to the instruments of domination.

With respect to Horvath's colonialism terminology, his definitions
refer to general relationships, whereas a paradigm denotes the criterion
by which the dominant group implements domestic colonialism or whatever

variant of colonialism is present.

Religious Paradigm

 

Under the white-dominated system of political and economic control
where race is the paramount determinant of status, the Coloured group has
always enjoyed a favored position among the state's non-white groups. But,
throughout the history of white settlement in South Africa a profusion of
status determinants in addition to race have governed white-Coloured
interaction. They are, in part, a reflection on a laissez-faire British
colonial policy which at times encouraged the assimilation of its subjects
and at other times seeked to eradicate troublesome ethnic groups, as with

the case of the Zulu empire in Natal,53

and in part a reflection of chang-
ing economic systems.

A key to the understanding of initial status relationships between
whites and Coloureds can be found in the nature and purpose of the original
white settlement at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652. Settlement was initiated
by the Dutch East India Company to provision company ships engaged in the
East Indian trade. Transience and lack of permanence were key character-

istics of the settlement and company personnel. Company officials in

Holland continuously warned the first commander of the settlement, Jan van

 

53For an excellent account of the rise and fall of the Zulu state
see Donald Morris' The Washing of the Spears (New York, 1969).

 

39

Riebeeck, not to je0pardize trading relations with the native Hottentots
and Bushmen and not to meddle in the internal affairs of either group.54
In effect, the company held desirable the existence of two societies side
by side. Contact would be on a purely utilitarian, non-affective level.
This kind of social and economic setting was not conducive to rigid and
all inclusive status definitions. The initial, non-codified paradigm
structuring social mobility in the early Cape colony was religion. That
is, a Christian-non-Christian determinant was imposed by the dominant
whites as a prerequisite for legal entry to the highest status group.
Eric Walker notes that as early as 1656, it was recognized that a black
man (i.e., a non-white) who professed Christianity was the equal of a
white man, and he could not be enslaved.55 In other words, all other
factors ignored, a Coloured's chances of acceptance by whites was consi-
derably enhanced if he was a Christian. Christianity was the necessary,
but by no means the sufficient, condition for equality of status.

The religious paradigm, however, soon began to be undermined with
the release from service to the company of nine burghers in 1657 to pro-
vide a more adequate supply of provisions for ocean-going commerce. The
new farmers refused to do manual labor and relied instead on the importa-
tion of slaves from Asia and Madagascar to handle the heavy work. A social
structure based on slave and non-slave components was developing. This
increased permanence of European settlement, and, hence, a constant close
cultural and social relationship with early Coloureds forced the dominant

whites to redefine status equality from a religious to a cultural criterion.

 

54Er1c Walker, A History of Southern Africa (New York, 1957), 36.
5511313., 71.

 

40

This reconsideration of status equality was accelerated with the encourage-
ment of colonialization by Governor Simon van der Stel in 1687. The colony
began to change from an entrepot to an agricultural settlement. Rural
communities sprung up to supply the basic necessities and a few luxuries

to the European farms. In spite of the best European efforts to the con-
trary, the slave laborers gradually adopted the Christianity of their
masters. In addition, Walker states that some urban slaves took up skilled
trades in their spare time in hopes that they might make enough money to
buy their freedom.56 Faced with an increasingly Christian non-white group
and a growing body of free skilled tradesmen in the few small urban cen-
ters, the whites attempted to clarify their continued dominance. Status
equality with whites came to be associated with the essential Europeanness
of the Coloured, as those in the lowest status group, the slaves, were

clearly the least Europeanized.57

In the author's Opinion, this was not
a conscious reevaluation of status by whites, but a reaction to events
which they could not foresee.

This cultural bar did not at once take onthe rigidity which it
later developed in the nineteenth century. Sheila Patterson notes that
the religious determinant retained sufficient vigor through the eighteenth
century "to prevent slaveowners from making any great attempt to convert
their slaves to Christianity, for fear of the latter claiming their free-

58

dom."

With the gradual change from a religious based status determinant

 

551bid., 71.

57Patterson, op. cit., 172.
581bid., 172.

41

to a cultural based determinant came a decline in the number of inter-
racial marriages, and to a lsser extent, miscegenation. Perhaps the most
important factor accounting for this change was the accompanying increase
in the number of Eur0pean women in the colony. Women are not necessary
to the maintenance of a supply station, but are part and parcel to a
permanent agricultural colony. The inverse relationship between inter-
racial miscegenation and the number of white women in a colony is a well

established fact.59

The descendants of most present day Coloureds trace
their genesis to this initial period of white settlement.

The encouragement of colonization marked the end of an exclusively
imperialistic era in South Africa. While the white settlers were still
very much dependent on overseas markets for their welfare, the basis for
self-sufficiency in political and economic terms was established. This
period also marks the beginning of the formation of a caste and class
structural form. No longer would interaction between whites and non-whites
be restricted by company officials. The utilitarian bonds found under the

religious paradigm were to be replaced by the more personal, affective

white master-non-white servant relationship of rural farming areas.

Coloured-White Interaction Under a Cultural Paradigm

 

A convenient time with which to mark the effective demise of the
religious paradigm is 1824 when the British government freed all the slaves
throughout the empire. Coincident with the emancipation of slaves was also
the beginnings of the inclusion of large numbers of black Africans under

British rule. Continually recurring clashes between eastward moving whites

 

5910id., 18.

42

and southward moving Africans over cattle and land rights precipitated the
steady expansion of British control. The rationalizattwlfor a cultural
paradigm governing status sprung from this period during which non-Western
Africans were incorporated under British rule.

The inclusion of Africans had structural implications for British
colonialism. Heretofore, Coloureds by and large occupied the lowest social
and economic rung. Because of the virtual extermination of the original
inhabitants of the Cape and the symbiotic master-slave relationship, in-
creasing numbers of Coloureds acquired Western cultural traits. Therefore,
Coloureds gravitated to an intermediate status position between the domi-
nant whites and the recently included non-Western Africans. In and around
the Cape peninsula, Coloureds began to be employed as artisans and labor-
ers.60

At this juncture it is important to note the limited spatial extent
of the cultural paradigm. It held away only in the area around the ori-
ginal settlement of Cape Town. On the eastern frontier there were no such
nuances in status definitions. A rigid racial paradigm was apparent from
the outset. The movement by whites to the east was almost solely a move-
ment of the Afrikaner component, who quickly established a simple status

dichotomy of dominating whites and oppressed Africans.6]

Miscegenation was
not a behavioral norm (although it occurred) and religious, cultural, and
racial determinants were completely linked. In the fight for land and

cattle, only Africans were their enemies and it was only natural for such

 

501bid., 66-67.

6ILeo Marquard, The Peoples and Policies of South Africa (London,
1957), 14.

 

43

a black and white distinction, with no gray in between, to be made. Be-
cause the British were farther removed from the exigencies of frontier
life, they could afford to make various distinctions between Coloureds
and Africans. On the frontier such distinctions may have been tantamount
to absorption by the more numerous Africans.

With respect to Horvath's terminology, one may speak of a colonial
relationship as characterizing Afrikaner-African contact, but British-
African contact may be thought of as an imperial relationship. The Afri-
kaner component was expanding into and dominating African territory,
whereas the British imperial agents in Cape Town were reacting to this
expansion and incorporating Africans into the British Empire without ever
actively encouraging settlement of the frontier as an expansionary policy.
The British did settle approximately 5,000 veterans of the Napoleonic
campaigns inland from East London in 1820, but this resettlement was aimed
at stabilizing the frontier and separating the warring Afrikaners and
Africans rather than expanding the white sphere of control. The history
of British-African relations in the nineteenth century is largely one of
arbitration and attempts at settlement stabilization.

The spatial variation in status definitions at this point in time
will help to explain subsequent British and Afrikaner policies toward the
other non—white groups. Indeed, the present stances of Afrikaners and
English-speaking whites, as represented by the Nationalist Party and the
United Party, respectively, can be traced directly to the initial period
of race relations.

The British-imposed cultural paradigm of the nineteenth century came

to be known as Cape Liberalism, although by twentieth century standards it

44

was an extremely conservative paradigm. The impetus to this policy, notes
Patterson, was provided mainly by the British philanthrOpic movement work-
ing through missionary societies and their sympathizers in the colonial
administration.62 Cape Liberalism established the legal and political
equality of all non—whites with whites. Restrictions on the movement of
I Hottentots were erased and the principle of equality in the eyes of the
law was made explicit in 1828. During the period 1834-1838, all slaves
were emancipated. The Cape had a color blind franchise for males, which
in 1854, elected a colonial parliament consisting of two chambers.63

While Coloureds enjoyed political and legal equality with whites,
a laissez-faire economic policy maintained and later intensified a dis-
tinction between whites and Coloureds. The British colonial authorities
did not actively recruit Coloureds for better paying and more prestigious
occupations. As a result, a rough division of labor based largely, but
not entirely, on ethnic group deve10ped. As noted previously, Coloureds
in the Western Cape gravitated to artisanry and other semi-skilled and
skilled work, initially as a means to escape slavery, and later on a quasi-
hereditary basis. As the dominant whites abhorred all occupations, but
commerce, the professions, and farming,64 the movement of Coloureds into
the skilled trades may be regarded as a movement along avenues of the least
resistance. In other words, under the cultural paradigm of domestic colonial-

ism the only work completely free of any racial restriction on advancement

 

62Patterson, op. cit., 173.

63Leonard Thompson, Politics in the Republic of South Africa.(Boston,
1966), 24-25.

64Patterson, 0p. cit., 174.

45

was in the skilled trades.

A markedly different economic picture prevailed outside the set-
tled environs of the Cape peninsula. Here a racial stratification of
labor was present with Coloureds forming the bulk of the unskilled agri-
cultural labor and whites as the landowning farmers. Avenues to higher
economic positions were limited by the fact that agriculture was the sole
occupation. The dominant whites naturally monopolized the most prestigious
occupation.

It is important to note that no Coloureds were legally barred from
any occupations. The educational and/or monetary qualifications for most
of the positions held by whites precluded major inroads by Coloureds.

Had the political and legal rights of Coloureds been carefully
guarded, the social structure of the Western Cape may have evolved to
approximate the caste and class structure found in the United States. That
is, the social structural form would have been one of endogamous, ascribed
groups which are ranked in relation to one another, and which are internal-
ly stratified into relatively permeable social classes. Given the high
degree of cultural identity between whites and Coloureds and the considera-
ble extent to which racial intermixing had occurred previously, a fluid
situation may have arisen with most Coloureds remaining in the lower econo-
mic strata, while a few would have risen to economic, and perhaps social,
equality with whites. While most whites would have been at the top of the
economic ladder, some whites might have been represented in the lowest
economic stratum.

However, the political and legal safeguards given the Coloureds were

not exploited to the fullest extent. Conspicuously lacking throughout the

46

history of Coloured participation in colonial government has been a poli-
tical party explicitly devoted to maintaining and expanding Coloured
rights. Only in the last 10 years have numerous Coloured groups come
forward representing various special interest groups. Patterson states
that this lack of grOUp consciousness was a function of their feeling
that interests were one and the same as those of whites. She speculates
that this may also account for their failure to improve their economic
status.65 The failure of Coloureds to guard their precarious position
between whites and Africans is made all the more profound when it is
realized that of the 55 Cape parliamentary constituencies, Coloured voters
had substantial influence in 25, and were decisive in 7.66 When late in
the nineteenth century, voter qualifications in the Cape were raised as
a result of the inclusion of a number of African Reserves, no Coloured
opposition was heard. Although the franchise remained color blind, the
economic requirement was raised slightly and so defined that occupation
of land on communal tenure did not suffice, and a simple writing test in
English was introduced.67
Another factor which encouraged the decline of a cultural paradigm
structuring domestic colonialism was the deminuation of missionary efforts.
Considerable dislike of mission work directed at the African among frontier
whites was partially responsible, but probably more important was the weak-

ening of the effort as the earlier mission zealots and supporters died out.

 

65mm.

 

66Marquard, op. cit., 80.
67Thompson, op. cit., 25.

47

Three factors, then, worked to undermine the cultural determinant
of status: a laissez-faire economic policy, the failure of Coloured voters
to exploit the franchise, and a moderation in the educational and vocational
efforts of Christian missions.

As with the decline of the religious paradigm and the emergence of
a cultural paradigm, the point in time at which one can determine the
preeminence of a racial determinant governing domestic colonialism rela-
tionships is difficult, it not impossible. It is more accurate to con-
ceive of a slow decrease in acceptance of the cultural determinant by the
dominant whites concomitant with a rise of a racialist philosophy. This
change in paradigms is undoubtedly related to successive advances in home
rule by the settlers and a decline in metropolitan influence. Again, the
areal variation of the evolution of white consciousness of race is an

important element to consider in the emergence of the racial paradigm.

Industrialization and Urbanization-~Catalysts to Change

 

The catalyst of the racial paradigm can be traced directly to the
discovery of diamonds near Kimberley in 1867. Mining served as an impetus
to the industrialization of South Africa and effectively transformed it
from a static, agrarian colonial society to an industrial state with many
. of the characteristics of Western nations. Such a transformation implies
profound social structural changes. Customary, traditional paradigms
structuring status are easiest to rationalize given a no-change social and
economic situation. The history of whites in South Africa prior to indus-
trialization was one a pastoral and agricultural pe0p1e at a near subsis-
tence level with a consequent stable social structural form and set of

social relations. Industrialization demands a radical change in the sc0pe

48

and content of institutions and sets of social relations. It knows no con-
straints based on race. Similarly, industrialization, and its corollary,
urbanization, require a utilitarian, functional relationship among resi-
dential, commercial, and industrial sectors for Optimal use of the factors
of production-~land, labor, and capital. If the white-imposed system of
domestic colonialism was composed of only two culturally akin components,
white and Coloured, differences in physical appearance could be reconciled
with the requirements of an industrial society. The introduction of black
African and Asiatic groups to the industrialization and urbanization pro-
cess distinguishable from whites both on the basis of skin tone and culture
precipitated a linkage between color and culture as a determinant of
status. Agricultural devastation during and after the Boer War of 1899-
1902, forced numbers of whites off the land and into urban centers. These
were Afrikaans-speakers imbued with a racialist philosophy. As Leo Mar-
quard and Eric Walker note, the prospect of Africans and Asians in competi-
tion for jobs with whites was perceived as a threat to continued white
superiority. Marquard states:

South Africans see the small class of educated Africans

against a background of ignorance and semi-barbarism,

and they are afraid to distinguish between them lest

the small trickle of friendly association becomes a

swollen river of social amalgamation.58
Such thinking demanded a racial paradigm to ensure a permanent white domi-
nance of the polity and economy.

It is well to note that the Western Cape participated only indirectly

in the growth of mining and urbanization. Cape Town was a port of entry

for men and material headed for the mines, but was physically removed from

 

68Marquard, op. cit., 138.

49

the heady urbanization and industrialization occurring on the frontier.
Thus, a racial paradigm was already well-established in white minds by
the time diamonds were discovered at Kimberley and gold onthe Witwater-
srand. During a period in which fortunes could be made overnight, white
dominance would be threatened by modestly well-off, but non-Western and
black Africans. In contrast, black Africans in the Western Cape were al-
most non-existent. Cape Town did not experience as rapid a growth as did
the towns on the Witwatersrand. Traditional status arrangements were
maintained (See Table 3).

The preceeding discussion focuses on industrialization and urbaniza-
tion as the catalysts in the shift in colonial paradigms. The movement of
large numbers of Africans and Asians to the mining camps, and not the
presence of Coloureds in urban centers, accounted for the emergence of a
formal racial paradigm. A symbiotic economic relationship existed on
farms in the cities in the Western Cape between whites and Coloureds.
Longstanding, customary avenues of employment were Open to Coloureds and
whites.

Therefore, the long run logical consequences of a new paradigm were
lost on Coloureds. They did not conceive of any social, political, and
economic ramifications on themselves from the racial status determinant
resulting from an African and Asian urban influx.

Neither, apparently did the dominant whites. The period from 1910-
1948 witnessed a profusion of economic and political legislation designed
to maintain white dominance of the polity and economy. The measures lacked

coherent long term goals--a reflection on the fact that whites were in the

process of changing paradigms. Most aimed at controlling urban African

TABLE 3

POPULATION GROWTH IN SOUTH AFRICAN URBAN CENTERS, 1911—1960

Total White African Coloured Asian
Johannesburg 237,104 119,953 --ll7,151--
Cape Town 161,579 85,442 -- 76,137--
Durban 89,998 34,880 -- 55,118--
Pretoria 57,674 35,942 -- 21,732--
Port Elizabeth 37,063 20,007 -- 17,056--
Kimberley 44,433 17,507 -- 26,926--
Germiston 54,325 15,579 -- 38,746--
East London 24,606 14,899 -- 9,707--
Pietermaritzburg 30,555 14,737 -- 15,818--
Vereeniging/

Vanderbijlpark n.a.
East Rand 76,180 20,160 -- 56,020--
West Rand 87,722 20,789 -- 66,933--
12.2.1

Total White African Coloured Asian
Johannesburg 288,131 151,836 118,353 11,713 6,229
Cape Town 212,997 114,110 8,707 87,743 2,437
Durban 151,642 58,085 38,617 3,995 50,945
Pretoria 74,052 43,361 24,794 2,140 1,767
Port Elizabeth 52,298 26,303 11,472 13,203 1,320
Kimberley 39,702 18,288 13,048 7,446 920
Germiston 46,089 18,477 26,488 638 488
East London 34,673 20,374 11,601 2,006 692
Pietermaritzburg 36,023 17,998 9,992 1,089 6,944
Vereeniging/

Vanderbijlpark 5,433 1,843 3,242 171 177
East Rand 110,292 34,015 73,178 1,870 1,229
West Rand 66,598 20,579 43,895 1,513 611

1936

Total White African Coloured Asian
Johannesburg 519,384 257,671 229,122 22,482 10,109
Cape Town 344,223 173,412 14,160 152,911 3,740
Durban 259,606 95,033 68,698 7,649 88,226
Pretoria 128,621 76,935 45,312 3,392 2,982
Port Elizabeth 109,841 53,461 28,290 25,631 2,459
Kimberley 40,231 15,741 14,499 9,014 977
Germiston 79,440 32,564 44,572 1,498 806
East London 60,563 31,311 24,388 4,011 853
Pietermaritzburg 49,539 22,446 15,671 2,334 9,088
Vereeniging/

Vanderbijlpark 18,867 4,718 13,414 344 391
East Rand 182,697 54,342 123,365 3,246 1,744
West Rand 125,145 33,991 88,477 2,054 623

I911

 

 

50

 

 

51

TABLE 3
(continued)
1946

Total White African Coloured Asian
Johannesburg 765,457 332,026 387,175 30,222 16,034
Cape Town 470,911 220,398 35,197 208,451 6,865
Durban 372,269 130,143 113,612 11,449 117,065
Pretoria 244,887 130,810 104,532 4,444 5,101
Port Elizabeth 147,907 65,271 47,419 31,851 3,366
Kimberley 55,909 19,067 25,047 10,820 975
Germiston 131,618 52,609 75,886 1,930 1,193
East London 79,205 40,118 32,656 5,193 1,238
Pietermaritzburg 63,333 27,751 20,613 3,138 11,831
Vereeniging/

Vanderbijlpark 40,490 11,742 27.723 500 525
East Rand 211,126 72,261 132,679 4,188 1,998
West Rand 176,639 57,154 115,210 3,278 997

1960

Total White African Coloured Asian
Johannesburg 1,152,525 4|3,|53 650,912 59,467 28,993
Cape Town 807,211 305,155 75,200 417,881 8,975
Durban 681,492 196,398 221,535 27,082 236,477
Pretoria 422,590 207,202 199,890 7,452 8,046
Port Elizabeth 290,693 94,931 123,183 68,332 4,247
East London 116,056 49,295 56,603 8,431 1,727
Germiston 214,393 86,314 121,496 4,194 2,389
Pietermaritzburg 128,598 40,065 55,921 5,715 26,827
Kimberley 79,031 24,739 36,134 17,078 1,080
Vereeniging/

Vanderbijlpark 120,569 46,480 71,978 1,202 909
East Rand 504,513 159,083 329,537 9,349 6,544
West Rand 309,461 107,680 194,658 5,125 1,998
Source: l960--South Africa Statistical Year Book, 1966, A-25.

 

l946--Official Yearbook of the

Union of South Africa, 1948, 1001.

 

l936--0fficial Yearbook of the Union of South Africa, 1940, 1044.

 

l921--Officia1 Yearbook of the Union of South Africa, 1929, 879.

 

l9ll--Official Yearbook of the Union of South Africa, 1915, 157.

 

52

and Asian activities, but were adopted in response to, rather than in anti-
cipation of, a laissez-faire deve10pment policy.

Restrictive economic measures were first introduced shortly after
Union (1910). By the Land Act of 1913, Africans were prohibited from owing
land except in the Reserves. The legislation did not affect Coloureds, but
was the precedent for the restricting of Coloured land ownership in 1950.
In 1911, the Mines and Works Act was enacted. It empowered the government
to regulate the issue of certificates of competency in skilled occupations
in mining and engineering.69 Again, the law was aimed at restricting the
growth of a skilled black urban proletariat on the Witwatersrand, but was
ultimately to affect Coloured workers in the Western Cape.

The economic consequences of World War I intensified the anomalies
inherent within the cultural paradigm. The disruption of overseas trade
patterns necessitated a program of import substitution. The Witwatersrand,
with its established mining base and ancillary industries, an abundance of
capital and technical skills, and a plentiful supply of cheap, black labor,
was the primary industrial growth point. As the supply of white labor was
insufficient, small numbers of Africans were drawn into skilled and semi-
skilled positions. Their urban experience was breaking down ethnic peculiari-
ties and forging common working class bonds. One of the stOp gap measures
designed to maintain white dominance was the Colour Bar Act of 1926 which made

it illegal to perform a large number of skilled mining jobs.70

The greatest
clamor for the passage of the legislation was raised by white trade union-

ists--the individuals economically closest to the African proletariat, but

 

691bid., 141.
701bid., 141—42.

53

probably the farthest socially from the African.

The World Depression of the 1930's also contributed to the emer-
gence of a racial paradigm. During this period, as was the case pre-
viously with the Boer War, large numbers of poor, illiterate, Afrikaans-
speaking whites migrated to the Union's urban centers in search of jobs.
In contrast to the impetus behind the urban influx associated with World
War I, this movement was characterized by agricultural failure rather
than the lure of urban industrial job expansion. The rural, Afrikaans-
speaking, white component had always adhered to a rigid, racial para-
digm, and once large numbers of poor whites migrated to the cities and
a larger number of non-whites acquired a higher standard of living and
traits of Western culture, a customary cultural criterion for status
differentiation became difficult to rationalize. The poor whites re-
garded the non-whites, mainly Africans as an actual threat to white
dominance. In 1936, Africans were removed from the common roll in the
Cape and placed on a separate roll from which they elected four whites
to represent them in the national parliament. More attempts were made to
restrict the African urban influx and reserve skilled occupations for
"civilized", i.e., white, labor.71

Concerted measures were, however, held in abeyance by World War
II. The social and economic effects of the war were much the same as that
of World War I and the Depression and proved to be the final series of
events which ushered in a formal racial paradigm in 1948.

The preceeding discussion has traced the structure of white-imposed

domestic colonialism toward the Coloured intervening group from a customary,

 

7]Ibid., 138.

 

54

informal religious paradigm to a customary, cultural paradigm and has noted
the factors of urbanization and industrialization which fostered the rise
of a formal racial paradigm. In a spatial sense, the religious and cul-
tural paradigms emanated from the Cape with the British Imperial agents

in Cape Town formulating both policies. At the onset of mining and conse-
quent industrialization, the center of white power shifted to the frontier
where a strict racial paradigm governed status differentiation. Indus-
trialization created a semi-urbanized African working class with economic
interests and incomes which approximated that of some whites. The resi-
dential juxtaposition of urban whites and Africans forced a linkage of
color and culture to preserve white domination. As Africans were already
in the lowest status group by virtue of culture, would not race be a better
criterion. as both were coexistent? Coloureds were not directly affected
by the various economic measures, but the increasing racist texture of the

legislation established precedents for their future extension to Coloureds.

Asian-White Interaction

 

The Asians, a second intervening group, have been alluded to only
briefly. In addition to Africans, this group was a primary recipient of
progressively restrictive legislation.

Horvath notes that the type of intervening group represented by
Asians occupied intermediate positions in the colonial bureaucracy and
economy. This was not the case with initial Asian immigration to Natal.
The first migratory stream consisted of indentured agricultural labor.
Although their legal status in South Africa was never made entirely clear,
it was assumed that they would return to Indian once their period of

service was completed. Most did not, but, rather, encouraged their

55

families and friends to join them; hence, the second wave of "passenger"
Indians. The second group more accurately represented the second type
of intervening group as many of these Asians were active in commerce.

Throughout their residence in South Africa, a complex of cultural
and skin tone determinants have accounted for the Asian status within the
domestic colonialism system. This mixture of criteria is a reflection on
the period in which white evaluation was undergoing change. Asians were
of a non-Western Indian culture, but racially were neither Negroid nor
completely Caucasoid, or Mongoloid.

Legally, there was ambiguity surrounding their residence. For
many years the Union government attempted to repatriate Indians, but
without their support and the Indian colonial government's. Dr. Malan,
prime minister of South Africa during the 1920's, succinctly described
the majority of white opinion when he stated:

I must say that the Bill frankly starts from the general

supposition that the Indian as a race in the country is

an alien element in the pOpulation and that no solution

of this question will be acceptable to the country unless

it results in a very considerable reduction of the Indian

population in this country.72
Politically and economically, they were subject to erratic and sporadic
attempts to restrict their settlement to Natal. Asians were forbidden
to live in the Orange Free State and their residence and trading rights
in the Transvaal were contained to certain areas through a series of laws
passed between 1885 and 1919. Asians lost the franchise in Natal in 1896

even though the number of Asian voters was a small fraction of the white

electorate. By Law 3 of 1885, Asians were disenfranchised in the Transvaal.

 

726. H. Calpin, Indians in South Africa (Pietermaritzburg, 1949), 59.

 

56

Only in the relatively liberal Cape were the small group of Asians on an
equal legal and political footing with whites. But the Cape was not where
the labor and commercial skills were in demand. In Natal, their fortunes
fluctuated with the prosperity of the white cane farmers. In prosperous
times the demand for more labor was heard, but when there was a glut of
sugar on the world market, a clamor was raised to halt immigration and
ship the Asians home. It was not until late in the last decade that whites
finally considered Asians as a permanent and "assimilable" element in
Sputh Africa and established the appropriate government machinery to
administer them.

The second and numerically much smaller wave of Asiatic immigra-
tion, the passenger group, participated in the urbanization and indus-
trialization of the Witwatersrand. Many served as unskilled and semi-
skilled laborers in industry and the mines, but their greatest impact in
terms of status definition was in their predisposition for commerce. In
simplest terms, their rigid adherence to the tenets of the "Protestant
Ethic" created resentment among white traders. If such qualities were
found in whites they would be lauded, but it was perceived (and in fact
it was) as a threat to white dominance of the economy. Any occupational
undertaking above the level of unskilled agricultural or industrial laborer
was viewed with alarm by whites. G. H. Calpin has catalogued a list of
grievances compiled by Transvaal whites against Asiatic traders:

(1) They send their money out of the country instead of
spending it where they earn it.

(2) They are a source of danger to the public health owing
to their unclean habits, and require constant super-
vision to make them conform to sanitary and other by-
laws.

./_ 1

(3)

(6)

(ll)

(12)

57

They depreciate the value of prOperty in their neigh-
borhood, as well as of the premises which they occuoy.

Their standard of living is inferior to that of the
European.

Their standard of trading and methods of business are

different to those of Europeans in the following re-

spects:

a) They use inferior buildings as shop premises and
pay less rent for them.

b) The owner of the business and his shop-assistants
all usually reside on the premises.

c) They defraud their creditors by fraudulent in-
solvency more frequently than Europeans.

d) They pay lower wages to their assistants than
Europeans.

e) They evade the laws regulating hours of trading.

f) They habitually give short weight and adulterate
foodstuffs.

They carry on businesses which should be carried on by
Europeans, and close avenues of employment which should
be open to Europeans.

They produce nothing in the Transvaal, and do not con-
sume the produce of the country, but import their re-
quirements from India.

They form "rings" to keep out Europeans competitors.

Their presence has a bad influence on the natives, who are
jealous of the rights and privileges enjoyed by them as
Coloured people.

Their religion, language, colour, mode of thought, ideals,
manners, and customs are entirely different to those of
Europeans; they cannot be assimilated and their presence
is a menace to European SUpremacy.

They are generally irrmoral and debauch the natives by
inciting them to theft, and by readily receiving stolen
property.

They become too familiar with Europeans, especially fe-
males, in the conduct of their business, and thus de-
stroy the respect of natives for Europeans.

 

73Calpin, op. cit., 42—43.

58

However, it should not be assumed that all Transvaal whites shared these

feelings, as Calpin notes.74
At the same time, the European stereotype of Asians as a shrewd,

thrifty, intelligent people acquired for Asians a favored economic posi-

tion within white-controlled business and industry.75

Apparently, it was
not so much the accumulation of wealth by Asians that was objected to by
whites, but its accumulation outside or inspite of white controls.

As with the passing of legislation curtailing African residence and
occupations in urban areas, anti-Indian economic legislation coincided with
the rapid social and cultural change resulting from World War I, the De-
pression, and World War II. The Transvaal Asiatic Land and Trading Amend-
ment Act of 1919 declared that no new trading licenses were to be issued
to Indians in the Transvaal after May 1, 1919, except in the case of an
already established Indian business changing hands from one Indian to
another.76 It also made it impossible for Indians to evade the law pro—
hibiting them from owning fixed prOperty in the Transvaal, either by
forming a limited company or by becoming the mortgage of a nominal European
owner. The Asiatic Land Tenure Act of 1932 gave the appropriate government
agencies the right to restrict Witwatersrand Asian businesses and resi-
dences to certain predefined areas.77 As such it was a form of apartheid

on a sub-provincial scale. The Asiatics (Transvaal Land and Trading) Act

of 1939 and its extensions in 1941 and 1943 was a standstill order; it

 

74Ibid., 43.

75van den Berghe, Caneville, 142.

76Calpin, op. cit., 40.
77Ibid., 220.

59

pegged the Indians to their abodes and businesses and forbade Europeans
from allowing Asians to occupy or own their property.78

Two features stand out in an analysis of anti-Indian legislation.
First, is the lack of a comprehensive legislative package to effectively
subordinate Asians under white economic domination. All the laws mentioned,
and many the author did not, attempted to wipe out the Asian merchant class
as an independent economic agent. Clearly, the laws did not succeed. Two
possible explanations are offered. Either Asians were extraordinarily
clever businessmen able to manipulate 100pholes in the law to their advan-
tage, or they had support from segments of the European community, or
rather, enough whites were indifferent to the "Asiatic threat" to allow
execution of the laws to lapse. A combination of the two alternative
explanations seem plausible. Asian traders had a long history of occupa-
tional specialization within the caste social structural form of India,
and it is inconceivable that legislation may go unenforced without the
tacit support of many of the dominant whites.

The second feature of the legislation is much broader in scope.
The laws were concerned only with Asians. No mention is made of restrict-
ing African or Coloured residence and business. The narrow sCOpe reflects,
again, a grouping for a viable paradigm with which to structure status.
Measures were conceived on an pg_ppp_basis with apparently little thought
to the wider theoretical implications of an emerging racial paradigm.

There is a body of thought which holds that a society will rarely seek to

 

781bid., 90.

6O

rigorously articulate its societal design until that fact is accomplished.79

Only once a particular arrangement of individual and aggregate activities
is Operating more or less smoothly will the society's sages rationalize
these events in terms of theory. The fit between reality and theory is a
measure of the society's stability. The years 1910-1945 exemplify a
period of reevaluation, a search for alternative means to rationalize
white dominance. A racial policy was incipient, but could be made mani-
fest only after its adherents gained political power.

As might be expected, there were no such vagaries in white political
legislation aimed at Asians. Revocation of the Indian franchise proceeded
in sporadic, but steady steps in all provinces. In the nineteenth century,
the Transvaal and Orange Free State, Afrikaner-dominated republics at the
time, passed laws disenfranchising Asians--evidence of an early adoption

of a formal racial paradigm.80

In Natal, the process was much slower. The
province had to contend with the opposition of the British colonial author-
ities who were still imbued with some of the notions of Cape Liberalism.
Prior to 1896, Asians with the necessary qualifications were entitled to
vote. Because the number of Asians with the prOper economic and literacy
requirements was infinitesimal, little white concern was expressed. How-
ever, the failure of most Indians to return to Asia as expected raised the

spector in white minds of eventual Indian control. In 1896, the Indian's

parliamentary franchise was abolished.81 The Indian municipal franchise

 

79Edward Harper, "A Comparative Analysis of Caste: The United States
and India," Structure and Change in Indian Society (Chicago, 1968), 72.

 

80Calpin, op. cit., 23.

811bid., 50.

61

in Natal was, after three abortive attempts, revoked in 1924. Only in the
Cape was the small Asiatic community on an equal footing with whites.82
This, however, was lost with the rise to power in 1948 of an Afrikaner-
dominated party.

With the political legislation we wee the struggle, if you will,
between two paradigms, with the racial paradigm gradually gaining accep-
tance. Spatially, a shift in paradigm allegiance from the peripheral

British-influenced provinces with their informal status paradigms to the

interior, Afrikaner-dominated provinces with a formal racial paradigm.

 

Apartheid and the Racial Paradigm

Thus far, the writer has studied a succession of informal, white-
imposed status paradigms with respect to Asians and Coloureds. The reli-
gious and cultural determinants, rather than being the result of a clear
cut and systematic phiTOSOphy and complete regard for ramifications
throughout the system, were innate reactions to threatening phenomena.
Changes in the economic institution wrought changes in the white-imposed
system of social relations. The evolution of the original Cape settle-
ment from an entrepot to agricultural colony demanded a different para-
digm to maintain white supremacy. The change in paradigms were not the
result of a conscious evaluation of the shortcomings of the older paradigm
and the corrective aspects of the new. Similarly, the emergence of a
paradigm patterned on skin color was preceeded by a series of gg_ppp,
uninclusive economic measures aimed at specific groups. Although not in-

compatible with a cultural paradigm, industrialization required a non-

 

82Ibid., 56.

62

racial relationship between land, labor and capital which whites were not
willing to allow. Such a non-discriminatory relationship would have threat-
ened white control of the economy. The economic and political legislation
in the early twentieth century presaged the rise of a color paradigm which
would firmly entrench white privilege.

This new status determinant would cut across group lines and estab-
lish uniform relationships among all groups. Under the informal paradigms,
Coloureds enjoyed a favored status among non-whites. In theory, this
would disappear under a color determinant. Similarly, Asians would lose
their trading rights, however, diminished, in white areas. An all-inclu-
sive, formal paradigm would eradicate the different spatial and structural
applications of the previous paradigms. The shift in white balance of
power from the agricultural Cape to the industrial frontier of the Trans-
vaal would be complete. The reaction of whites to power-threatening
Africans, Asians, and Coloureds was to be replaced by an orderly, antici-
pated structuring of white-non-white interaction.

The conflicts within the cultural paradigm culminated in the elec-
tion to power in 1948 of the Afrikaner-dominated Nationalist Party on a
platform of apartheid. Ostensibly, apartheid maintained that each racial
(color) group had a unique culture and history worth maintaining. Amalga-
mation and acculturation of the races would dilute and corrupt the purity
of each group's culture. Only through a structural and spatial separation
of the races would each color group be able to fulfill its unique purpose
on earth. Professor L. J. Du Plessis in Rhoodie and Venter states:

We wish to separate ourselves from the Bantu not because

we regard them as being inferior, but because they sur-
round us and threaten to overwhelm us by their numerical

63
superiority, and gge culturally different and less deve1-

0ped than we are.

Elsewhere, Rhoodie and Venter note that "the three foundation stones of
apartheid are Western culture, Christian morality, and a specific racial
identity."84 Note that the two previous customary paradigms are now
linked with racial identity.

The origin of the frontier white racial mythology has been alluded
to earlier. The three foundation stones mentioned by Rhoodie and Venter
as distinguishing marks between blacks and whites existed on the frontier.
However, their analysis obscures a fundamental similarity in life styles.
Both Afrikaners and Africans were semi-nomadic, subsistence pastoralists
and farmers. Their lives were ones of a struggle for adequate land and
water for cattle and crops. The most significant qualitative differences
were Afrikaner possession of the fire arm which was compensated by a
quantitative black numerical superiority. Therefore, the distinguishing
characteristics of each group used to rationalize apartheid should not be
allowed to mitigate the essential similarities in life style and should
emphasize the act of domination. Apartheid cannot be viewed as being
based on differentiation, but domination.

The discussion of apartheid has emphasized a cultural, racial, and
religious differential between whites and Africans. But what of Asians
and Coloureds? The linkage of the above criteria clearly places the Colour-
eds in structUral limbo. They cannot be distinguished from whites except
on the basis of color. The ideology of apartheid breaks down on this point

and emphasizes the weaknesses of Du Plessis' position. Numerical superiority

 

83Rhoodie and Venter, Op. cit., 37.
84Ibid., 30.

64

does not necessarily imply cultural corruption and disappearance of a
"race." In the South African case, quite the Opposite occurred. The
original inhabitants of the Cape (Hottentots and Bushmen) were physically
and culturally eliminated by the culturally superiority, but numerically
smaller, European.

It may be possible to establish for whites and blacks certain areas
which each could call his own. The Western Cape for whites, and the
Transkei and Zululand for Africans have long been occupied exclusively by
each group. Indeed, a self-governing African homeland has been estab-
lished in the Transkei and one is in the process of formation in Zulu-
land. In contrast, Asians and Coloureds have long intermingled with whites,
both in rural and urban areas. The Nationalist government has set aside
for exclusive use by Coloureds a number of rural Cape areas, but the low
and variable rainfall has precluded large-scale settlement on the land
and has even forced male breadwinners to migrate to urban centers for part
of the year to adequately support their families as W. P. Carstens has
noted in his study of a Coloured reserve.85 The present p00ulation of all
Coloured reserves is 40,000 and it is doubtful that more could be supported,
save for the introduction of irrigation and/or a major mineral discovery.86
In Natal, where the bulk of Asians are resident, land has already been com-
pletely fragmented into a patchwork guilt of white agricultural holdings
and African reserves. In the past whites have strongly resisted attempts

to alienate land for Africans, so it is doubtful that a territorial basis

 

85W. P. Carstens, The Social Structure of a Cape Coloured Reserve,
(Cape Town, 1966), 38-39.

861mm. 50.

65

for Asian apartheid may be developed. Territorial considerations aside,
no mention has been made here of the deep religious and linguistic clea-
vages within the Asian community. Van den Berghe perceptively remarks
that Asians can only be thought of as a cohesive group with respect to
the uniformity with which they are treated by whites.87 Otherwise it
may be more accurate to speak of Moslem or Urdu-speaking Asians rather
than lumping them all together.

Given the realities of Asian, Coloured, and white spatial distribu-
tion, the practical result of apartheid is white domination. Coloureds
are not culturally distinct from whites and to rigorously follow the
tenets of apartheid for Asians would require a larger number of loca-
tions--one for each religious and/or linguistic grouping. Neither does
each group have an area which each could call its own. In fairness to
the African, the white-African relationship is one of domination also,
but at least the theory, and, in some small way, the practice of apartheid
allows for a substantial increase in popular decision-making.

Prior to 1948, a political outlet for Coloureds and Asians existed.
Nationalist legislation removed Asiatic parliamentary representation in
1948 and eliminated Coloureds from the common voting roll in 1956 by the
Separate Representation of Voters Act.88 Coloureds were allowed until
1968 to elect four whites in the Cape to represent them in parliament.

As of today (1971) they still possess the municipal franchise in the Cape,

but the current trend in political thought is directed at disenfranchising

 

87
88

van den Berghe, 0p. cit., 165.
Marquard, op. cit., 80.

66

them.89* The loss by Coloureds of any measure of political decision-making
can only be rationalized in terms of sheer color domination. The removal
of the franchise was not compensated for by economic or other benefits.

As there are no concrete plans for territorial apartheid, whites appar-
ently wished to eliminate, onCe and for all, any potential opposition to

their rule.

Caste and Class Development Under Apartheid

 

Earlier in the paper under the conceptual framework, it was sug-
gested that the four "racial groups" in South Africa constitute castes,
and that within each group social classes are beginning to form. Van den
Berghe's and Tuden and Plotnicov's definitions of caste were offered to
narrow and channel the scope of analysis. The historical summary pro-
vided in this chapter appears to lend credence to the notion that the
four "racial" groups in South Africa are castes. It is also apparent
to the writer that the deve10pment of a Western class system, resulting
from the urbanization and industrialization in the first part of the
twentieth century, cuts against the thrust of apartheid ideology. If we
accept a synthesis of Marxian and Weberian views on the definition of
social class, then we can only speak of an incipient class system. As
yet there is no sense of identity and style of life, characteristic of
a social class, no common economic condition of the individuals, no

political action along class lines, and no social mobility based on merit

 

89Muriel Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa, 1970
(Johannesburg, 1971), 174.

 

*The Cape Times reports that on November 3, 1971, the Coloured
Municipal FranChise in the Cape was eliminated by government legisla-
tion.

 

67

to bind the four "racial" groups together. Diverse cultural traditions
and ethnic loyalties, race, and religious and linguistic barriers have
meant an imperfect, at best, class deve10pment. Among non-whites it
appears that the Upper classes are almost non-existent, whereas among
whites the lower class appears to be absent. Among Asiatics and Colour-
eds, however, the relative lack of economic mobility barriers in the
past has meant larger numbers of workers in semi-skilled and skilled
jobs, and, hence, in a higher class than Africans.

The endogamy and ascription characteristics of caste have been
evolving since inter-racial marriages declined following the introduc-
tion of the cultural paradigm and were formally established under the
racial paradigm with the passage of the Immorality Amendment Act of 1950
and the Mixed Marriages Act and Population Registration Act of 1951.90
These measures, among other things, prohibited intercourse and marriage
across race lines, and empowered the government to issue to each South
African an identity card stating race, date of birth, physical disabilities,
criminal record, and other vital statistics.

Ranking is also present in South Africa. A caste system implies
the existence of a superiority-inferiority scale which in South Africa is
based on race. Whites have always monopolized political and economic
decision-making, and there is an elaborate racial mythology establishing
white intellectual superiority. In fact, as one paradigm has succeeded
another the basis for ranking has become more precise and all-inclusive.
Coloureds and Asians, in particular, have become increasingly powerless.

Ranking, however, does not imply that all castes must be ranked in relation

 

90Marquard, op. cit., 78-79.

 

...'3vr.r'r.1m.ahravsflnfl ‘1... .\ ..
1..
Ir

. 1..an

68

to one another. Edward Harper states that in a multicaste system any two
castes may occupy levels of approximately equal rank. All that is neces-
sary is for these castes to be rated between the superior and inferior
castes.9] Thus, in the South African case, the lack of historical inter-
action between Coloureds and Asians, and consequently their relatively
equal position yi§_g_yj§_whites and Africans, does not militate against
the use of the term caste to describe the overall societal structure.

It is clear, then, that the four racial groups of South Africa
satisfy van den Berghe's minimum definition of caste. Tuden and Plot-
nicov offer a much more restrictive definition of caste by including
occupational specialization and the concept of pollution in addition to
van den Berghe's criteria.

Social distance regulated on the basis of pollution is well-estab-
lished. Africans are held to be stupid, lazy, and ignorant, or if they
are detribalized, arrogant, spoiled, and prone to violence and crime.92
Asians are held to be dishonest, rich, and prolific.93 Coloureds are be-
lieved to be drunkards, lazy, and shiftless, and because they possess
blood of the other racial groups, they are held as some how inferior to
whites.94 However, no distaste is expressed by whites at having non-white
servants prepare and cook their food and wash and feed their children.
Similarly, interracial dancing is regarded by whites with horror. Van den

Berghe, in his study Caneville, The Social Structure of a South African

 

 

9IHarper, op. cit., 54.

92van den Berghe, Caneville, 231.

931514, 211.

94Patterson, op. cit., 180.

69

Ipyp, documents many other instances of the demeaning status assigned to
non-whites by whites.

The occupational specialization qualification is crucial to a dis-
cussion of caste. Heretofore, caste has been applied to agrarian, non-
industrial societies. Harper notes that while occupational specialization
by castes is possible in rural India, it ceases to operate in a modern,
complex, industrial economy. Further, in the case of the United States,
where a caste and class form is present, occupation is related to social

95 Thus, if it does not exist now,

class, in addition to caste affiliation.
it would be a difficult task to implement occupational specialization in
South Africa. Nevertheless, Harper states that in the United States and
India the lowest castes tend to fill the most routine, degrading, and

menial jobs.96

In the past in South Africa this was certainly the case.
Africans formed the bulk of the unskilled agricultural and industrial
workers. In contrast, Coloureds and Asians were allowed by whites to
enter certain occupations, because Afrikaans-speaking whites held the pro-
fessions (medicine, law, etc.) and farming in high esteem. Coloureds in
the Cape were well-represented among artisans and agricultural laborers.
Asians in the Cape and the Transvaal were recruited largely into commer-
cial circles. The Industrial Conciliation Act of 1956 and subsequent
amendments institutionalized occupational specialization. Its forerunners,
the Mines and Works Act of 1911 and the Colour Bar Act of 1926, pertained

only to mining positions, but now the Minister of Labor was given unlimit-

ed power to reserve any job or class of job for exclusive use by members of

 

95Harper, op. cit., 57.
96Ibid., 58.

70

any race.97 In theory, the law applied equally to all races, but in prac-
tice the best paying positions were always reserved for whites and the
least protection afforded to Africans. As intermediate groups, Coloureds
and Asians were endangered from two directions. There are little upward
mobility and they have received scant protection from Upward moving Af-
ricans.

The following chapter will offer a statistical examination of
occupations for Coloureds and Asians, but some idea of the operational
thrust of government ideology is evident if one considers average monthly
wages in South African Rands (1 Rand = $1.40) and numbers employed in
various work categories for 1969 (the statistical analysis uses 1960

data). The table below summarizes this data.

TABLE 4
AVERAGE MONTHLY EMPLOYMENT AND WAGE LEVELS FOR SELECTED INDUSTRIES-~1969

 

 

I. All Manufacturing_ II.A. Construction

Employment Wages Employment Wages
Whites 279,000 278 Whites 59,000 294
Coloureds 196,000 65 Coloureds 44,000 107
Asians 74,000 67 Asians 4,000 143
Africans 608,000 48 Africans 237,000 48
II.B. Commerce II.C. Finance

Employment Wages Employment Wages
Whites 189,600 182 Whites 46,660 219
Coloureds 46,200 60 Coloureds 1,225 61
Asians 23,600 90 Asians 182 83
Africans 182,300 44 Africans 5,965 55

11.0. Electricity Undertakings
’Employment ‘Wages

Whites 8,000 299
Coloureds 1,000 47
Asians --- ---
Africans 14,000 51

 

97Marquard, op. cit., 142.

71

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE 4
(continued)
III. Minin
. A 1 Mines 8. Gold Mines Only
Employment Wages Employment Wages
Whites 83,236 316 Whites 40,250 327
Coloureds 6,345 62 Coloureds 355 82
Asians 753 78 Asians 12 128
Africans 591,726 18 Africans 369,734 16
IV. Government
Central Govt. Provincial Govt. Local Authorities
Employment lWages Employment Wages Employment Wages
Whites 98,186 225 89,354 221 44,700 258
Coloureds 29,932 96 11,791 47 16,800 80
Asians 6,908 136 2,220 70 3,700 59
Africans 139,976 41 76,082 33 107,800 42
Railways, Harbours and Airways Administration
Employment Wages
Whites 115,142 241
Coloureds 13,663 61
Asians 1,001 47
Africans 95,009 45

 

Source: M. Horrell, A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa, 1970,
101-21.

A number of observations are in order. First, of the eleven aggre-
gate and individual work categories, whites consistently make the most in
monthly wages and Africans the least. Whites average as much as 20 times
the African monthly wage (all mines), and the smallest differential, in
commerce, is still over four times the African wage.

Second, equally as consistent are the intermediate wages paid
Coloureds and Asians. With one exception in the Railways, Harbours, and
Airways Administration, Coloured and Asian wage rates cluster together

significantly above the African rate and just as significantly below the

white rate. Coloured and Asian wages range from about 1/4 the white rate

72

to almost 1/2 the white rate.

Third, with two exceptions, Asian wage rates are higher than those
of the Coloured. In commerce, they are 50% higher, in the Central Govern-
ment almost 45%, and in construction 33% higher.

Fourth, Asians appear to be clustered in commerce—related activities.
0f the individual work sectors listed, over 1/2 are in commerce.

The preceeding discussion is given to suggest a three-tiered income
hierarchy. While one could not conclude that occupational specialization
is evident, it is clear that wage rates are racially determined. A more

rigorous analysis of income and occupation will follow in the next chapter.

Emerging Spatial and Structural Design

 

It is suspected that the emerging spatial and structural design
for white domination will use Coloureds and Asians in much the same
way they were used prior to apartheid. As much as possible, whites will
rely on migratory African labor for unskilled and semi-skilled work.
Most Africans will owe their allegiance to their particular ethnic re-
serve to which they will return weekly or monthly according to distance
constraints. In areas where sufficient Africans and/or whites are lacking
to sustain economic growth, such as the Western Cape and Natal, Coloureds
and Asians will fill the void forming the majority of the lower and middle
echelon positions in government, industry, and commerce. The lack of an
ideological justification for a spatial and structural separation of the
two, it is suggested will be ignored for the moment in the interest of
maintaining white prosperity.

In addition to an obvious economic benefit from a continued close

Spatial relationship, by placing Coloureds and Asians between them and the

73

migratory Africans, whites will have a small, powerless buffer group to
absorb any outbursts of African frustration and resentment. The Durban
race riot of 1949 between Africans and Asians, in which symbols and inter-
mediaries of white domination were attacked rather than whites themselves,
is an example of the white deflection of African hatred. Coloureds and
Asians are convenient scapegoats through which Africans may relieve pent-
up frustrations and whites may maintain supremacy.

Several observations regarding the growth and change of social
institutions in comparison with the evolution of white dominance para-
digms are in order. The various African and Asian institutions have been
steadily constricted in numerical and structural sc0pe as the white status
paradigms have become progressively exacting and all-inclusive. Apartheid
is aimed at reestablishing the ethnic institutions. However, as status
equality has evolved from informal requirements to a more rigid and formal
criterion--race, the white economic institutions has grown less restric-
tive--more demanding of a loosening of the proscriptions and prohibitions
of other white and non-white social institutions. The economy requires
more freedom of movement and use of land, labor and capital at the same
time that the white status paradigm forbids it.

This clash of ideology versus economics has received considerable

attention from Ralph Horwitz in his book The Political Economy Of South

 

Africa. The gulf between the spatial and structural demands of an indus-
trial economy and the requirements of apartheid ideology places all South
African color castes in an acute crisis, particularly Asians and Coloureds.

Africans have nothing to lose and everything to gain by a change in status

paradigms. Whites firmly possess the power instruments and can only experi-

74

ence momentary psychic problems, i.e., how to explain differences in ideo-
logy and practice. 0n the other hand, Coloureds and Indians stand to gain

or lose considerably through a redefinition of status, peaceful or violent.

CHAPTER IV

A STATISTICAL EXAMINATION OF ASIAN AND COLOURED
SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS

The foregoing description has revealed the spatial and structural
complexity of the South African human scene over time. The number of
dimensions studied demands a simplification and classification to fa-
cilitate understanding. Also several major hypotheses need to be tested.
A factor analytic solution is well-suited for this purpose. A large
number of population characteristics may be reduced to a statistically
significant comprehendible pattern. In brief, factor analysis will de-
fine clusters of variables regularly interacting over space. In this way
variation in cultural and economic characteristics within and between
Coloureds and Asians will be determined and compared with the historical
review of the growth of the apartheid paradigm within the broad framework
of domestic colonialism. The existence of a caste and class structural
form will also be tested by the factor analysis through the inclusion of
variables representative of the above cited criteria for caste. There-
fore, the inter-relatedness of domestic colonialism, the apartheid para-
digm, and the caste and class social structure will be stressed.

R. J. Rummel in his article "Understanding Factor Analysis" lists
ten uses for the factor analytic approach to problem-solving; inter-
dependency and pattern delineation, data reduction, structure, classifica-

tion, scaling, hypothesis testing, data transformation, exploration, map-

75

76

ping, and theory.98 It is apparent that many of these uses overlap. Data
reduction and exploration are important related concerns of this paper.
The complexity of South African race relations demands at the very least
some synthesis to facilitate understanding. Factor analysis will point
out those variables which are useless to an understanding of the problem.
Pattern delineation, classification, and structure are central to the pur-
pose of this thesis. It has been intimated that white domination of
Coloureds and Asians has Operated from a number of rationales. Factor
analysis can substantiate the operation of a paradigm, and given two
factor analytic solutions for two different years, it can substantiate
changes in white dominance paradigms. Finally, hypothesis testing and
theory are concerns of this paper. A succession of white dominance para-
digms within the framework of the colonial society is the paramount
concern of this paper. Factor analysis will be used to test hypothe-
sized relationships within and between Coloureds and Asians, and the
results may then be used to accept or revise Horvath's typology of colon-
ialism.

Two factor analysis problems will be examined. Data for the years
1946 and 1960 will be used to include a temporal dimension in the analysis.
Data for 1946 should reflect the transition between a cultural and racial
paradigm. If apartheid is a dynamic program, changes in clusters of
variables may be expected between 1946 and 1960. Ideally data for the
years preceeding and following should be included. The study of over 300

years of complex and varying phenomena cannot be understood given data for

 

98R. J. Rummel, "Understanding Factor Analysis," The Journal of
Conflict Resolution, Vol. XI, No. 4, 448-51.

 

 

77

two days of two years. However, extensive interpretation of temporal
change is hindered by the multiplicity of variables to be studied. A
large number of Study dates plus a large number of characteristics
renders an analysis of temporal changes difficult. Other equally for-
midable problems are the unavailability of data for 1970 and the years
prior to 1911. Its usage would have furthered the understanding of the
dynamics of domestic colonialism.

In a study of social stratification where a-variety of racial,
ethnic, and cultural groups are present, a multiplicity of criteria of
status are evident. The attempt here is not at relating Asiatic and
Coloured self-conceptualization of status within their respective groups,
or of African perspectives on Asian and Coloured status. Having con-
sidered these group criteria of status, one could not possibly speak of
an integrated system of status evaluation. Each group will have dif-
ferent interpretations of what constitutes high and low status. Status
in this thesis will recognize the objective reality of white control of
the policy and economy. Western status determinants, primarily occupa-
tion and income, are used as the basis of the determination of status in

this chapter.

Variables for Analysis

 

Forty-eight variables have been selected for the spatial and struc-
tural analysis (See Table 5). Most are socioeconomic, a few are cultural
or demographic indices. All variables are expressed as a percentage of
the population of either Coloureds or Asians in each observation unit,

except for two categories of variables (6 variables) measuring median

income and urban community size. The median income variables: Coloured

78

VARIABLES USED IN THE FACTOR ANALYSIS

Demographic (Expressed as a percentage of the total for each city)

 

l - Coloureds under 14 COLUN14
2 - Coloureds over 64 COLOV64
3 - Asians under 15 ASIANUN14
4 - Asians over 64 ASIANOV64

Province of Birth (Expressed as a percentage of the total for each city)

 

5 - Coloureds born in the Cape

6 - Asians born in Natal,

COLBC
ASIANBN

Religious (Expressed as a percentage of the total for each city)

7 - Moslem Coloureds MOSLEMCO
8 - Moslem Asians MOSLEMAS
9 - Hindu Asians HINDUASI
10- Christian Asians CHRISTASI

Linguistic (Expressed as a percentage of the total for each city)

11- English-speaking Coloureds ENGLISHCO
12- Afrikaans-speaking Coloureds AFRIKCOL
13- English-speaking Asians ENGLISHAS
14- Afrikaans-speaking Asians AFRIKASI
15- Gujarati-speaking Asians GUJARATIA
16- Tamil-speaking Asians TAMILAS
17- Urdu-speaking Asians URDUASIAN
18- Hindi-speaking Asians HINDIASI

Occupational (Expressed as a percentage of the total for each city)

 

19- Male, Coloured professional and administrative COLMPRAD
20- Female, Coloured professional and administrative COLFEPA
21- Male, Asian professional and administrative ASIAMPRAD
22- Female, Asian professional and administrative ASIAFPRAD
23- Male, Coloured sales and commerce COLMSC
24- Female, Coloured sales and commerce COLFSC
25- Male, Asian sales and commerce ASIANMSC
26- Female, Asian sales and commerce ASIANFSC
27- Male, Coloured services COLMSER
28- Female, Coloured services COLFSER
29- Male, Asian services ASIANMSER
30- Female, Asian services ASIANFSER
31- Male, Coloured artisan and laborer COLMAL
32- Female, Coloured artisan and laborer COLFAL
33- Male, Asian artisan and laborer ASIANMAL

34- Female, Asian artisan and laborer ASIANFAL

79

35- Male, Coloured unemployed COLMUN
36- Female, Coloured unemployed COLFUN
37- Male, Asian unemployed ASIANMUN
38- Female, Asian unemployed ASIANFUN
39- Male, Coloured not economically active COLMNEA
40- Female, Coloured not economically active COLFNEA
41- Male, Asian not economically active ASIAMNEA
42- Female, Asian not economically active ASIAFNEA
Income (Expressed as a percentage of the average median income for all
cities)
43- Coloured male median income COLMMI
44- Coloured female median income COLFMI
45- Asian male median income ASIANMMI
46- Asian female median income ASIANFMI

Community Size (Expressed as a percentage of the total for all cities)

 

47- Coloured urban percentage COLURBP
48- Asian urban percentage ASIANURBP

 

male and female median income and Asian male and female median income, are ex-
pressed as percentages of the average median income for each sex in all ob-
servation units. Therefore, in many instances the percentage will be well

in excess of 100%. Similarly, in the case of the two variables measuring
Asian and Coloured urban community size, an observation's score was derived

by dividing the community size by the total urban population of that racial
group.

The socioeconomic variables are included to determine areal and
structural variation in economic standing within and between each group.
Four income variables, male and female median income for those in receipt
of income of Asians and Coloureds, are included to determine the above
mentioned within-group and between-group variation. These gross indices
will be helpful in noting changes in economic standing as the apartheid

program progresses. The six occupational categories: professional and

80

administrative workers, artisans and laborers, sales and commerce workers,
service (e.g., domestics, hotel and restaurant personnel) workers, the
unemployed, and the not economically active, are divided on the basis of
sex to yield twenty four variables (twelve for each racial group) and
determine the extent to which each urban racial group is committed to

the industrialization process, and the position of each group (white
collar or blue collar) or members of a group within the overall economic
hierarchy.

The cultural variables will suggest the above noted within-group
stratification according to home language spoken and religion. Linguistic
indices for Asians include Tamil, Hindi, Gujarati, Urdu, English, and
Afrikaans-speakers. Religious variables for Asians are the percentage
who practice Islam, Hinduism, and Christianity. Linguistic variables
for Coloureds include Afrikaans--and English-speakers. Because almost
all Coloureds are Christian, only a Moslem Coloured variable is included
in the analysis. It is remembered that Moslem Coloureds were present
in the early years of the Cape colony.

Demographic indices for Coloureds and Asians include the percen-
tage of each urban group under 14 and over 64. Population studies have
found a direct relationship between an industrial economy and the bulk
of the population between the ages of 15 and 64.99 Also, as an economy
progresses from a subsistence to a money economy, the proportion of the
population under 15 first increases, but then decreases, and over 64,

increases. The lessening importance of the family as an economic unit

 

99See, for example, Wilbur Zelinsky, A Prologue to Population Geo-
graphy (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 1966), and John Clarke, Population Geo-
HE_E_X.

 

 

a (New York, 1965).

81

and improved health standards are corollaries of economic development
which account for these changes in the age structure. Therefore, the
demographic variables may be helpful in substantiating within-group
and between-group economic status.

Educational variables, such as illiteracy rates, the percentage
who have complete grade school, high school, and college, are essential
to this study, as the number of years of education attained is an
important, obejctive component of status in Western societies. How-
ever, South African census data does not include data on educational
achievement for Asians and Coloureds. This is regretted, and it is
hoped that future statistical manipulations may include such variables.

Socioeconomic variables for Africans and whites are not included
in the factor analysis. By definition, there is no socioeconomic
mobility within a caste social structural form. The boundaries between
castes are rigid and immutable. The fact that an individual is white
or African automatically establishes for him a certain legally sanc-
tioned status. No measure of economic success or failure can change
his legal status with whites. Thus, the only relevant question becomes
what is the competition for socioeconomic status between and within
the Coloured and Asian groups? Again, given the objective reality of
white control of the polity and economy, the question of white and

African status is irrelevant.

Hypotheses

 

The preceeding rationale for the variables to be studied implies an

exploratory nature to the factor analysis problem. Pattern delineation and

82

hypothesis testing are, however, central to this thesis. Two general hypo-
theses are advanced.

First, concerning between-group differences, it is expected that
there will be an inverse relationship between size of each Asian and
Coloured urban community and economic standing. Where Coloureds and/or
Asians are present in significant numbers, the proportion of blue collar
workers (artisans and laborers, service workers, the unemployed) will be
higher than those in white collar positions (professional and administra-
tive workers and sales and commercial workers) because whites would pre-
fer to use Asian and/or Coloured labor rather than encourage Africans
to migrate to urban centers. The smaller the community size, the less
they would be viewed as a threat to white dominance, and, hence, they
would be allowed to put their talents to better use. If such a spatial
and structural pattern is found, it is possible to speculate that if
apartheid is implemented, the small communities of Coloureds and Asians
will be economically devastated.

With respect to the conceptual framework presented earlier, the
inverse relationship between Coloured and Asian community size and econo-
mic standing will reveal spatial variation in the caste and class social
structural form. The smaller the urban Asian and Coloured population, the
higher the economic standing and the more occupationally specialized it
will be. The rationale is that in cities of small community size only
those Asians and/or Coloureds with valuable white collar skills will be
allowed to reside there. The blue collar supply of Africans would be
sufficient to meet the city's needs. Similarly, the larger the popula-

tion, the greater the diversification in incomes and occupations may be

83

expected, but with the bulk of the group in the unskilled, blue collar,
low income category.

Horvath's typology of colonialism and description of the socio-
economic components of the colonial city emphasizes the intervening group
as insignificant in terms of population, but vital to its economic and
administrative life. This hypothesis stresses the areal variation of these
attributes. In South African urban centers where community size is small,
Coloureds or Asians approximate Horvath's description of the role of an
intervening group. However, in at least one urban center, Durban, it
is expected that Asians will have assumed the role of Horvath's indigenous
peoples--a large population most of which has migrated to the city from
the surrounding area, and the bulk of its workers in unskilled positions.
Such a situation is doubtless an extreme case not envisioned by Horvath
in his original scheme, but a possible result given a monopoly of coer-
cive powers by the dominant group is an aggregation of some members of
an intervening group to serve in the role of indigenes in one area while
maintaining an intervening group character in other cities. In this way
the role of an intervening group as a buffer between the dominant elite and
the indigenous peoples is maintained. Not only may an intervening group
be used to defend the economic interests of the dominant group against the
indigenous peoples, but where one intervening group is numerous and an-
other is negligible, the latter may be used as a buffer against the former
by the dominant group. Thus, a racial paradigm of domestic colonialism
may entail a variety of modes of domination. Mitchell's previously men-
tioned plural societal stability thesis assumes increasing credibility, if

this hypothesized relationship of small community size and high economic

 

84

status is held to be true.

The second general hypothesis refers to within-group stratification
and proposes that a Moslem, Gujarati and Urdu-speaking Asian cluster of
variables will be associated with the previously mentioned small Asian
and/or Coloured community cluster. Coloured English-speakers and Moslems
are also expected to be associated with this Asian group. From the his-
torical summary it will be remembered that the hypothesized Asian variable
cluster corresponds to the "passenger" group of Indians--the second wave
of migration. Conversely, it is expected that Hindu, Tamil and Hindi-
speaking Asians and Coloured Afrikaans-speakers and Christians will be
associated with large community size. This cluster of Asian character-
istics corresponds to the first migration stream of "indentured" group.

In other words, insofar as the temporal dimension of the problem
is concerned, it is expected that there has been little spatial and struc-
tural change in the characteristics of Asian and Coloured communities
between 1946 and 1960. As suggested earlier, apartheid ideologies have
paid scant attention to policy implications for Coloureds and Asians,
and prefer to direct the bulk of their energies at redistributing popula-
tion.

This second general hypothesis, in addition to specifying within-

 

group stratification, focuses Upon internal differences and belies the r
notion of group solidarity against a dominant minority. It is remembered

that one of the criticisms of M. G. Smith's plural society was that it

minimized internal cleavages and maximized group cohesiveness. This

hypothesis stresses internal stratification as a means to lay a founda-

tion for the future study of the apparent societal stability of South

85

Africa under a racial paradigm. Most of the social scientific literature
on South Africa connotes or denotes an impending catastrophic clash bet-
ween the races,100 but no upheavals have occurred since apartheid's incep-
tion. Apparently, scholars have paid little attention to the ability of
the dominant minority to employ coercive powers to maintain social struc-
tural stability and to emphasize and exacerbate internal differences as a
means for continued dominance. Differential access by members of a group
to high economic status is one means of insuring minority domination. It
is suspected that this is the case among South African Coloureds and Asians.
Various linguistic and religious sub-groups of Asiatics and Coloureds will
have a higher economic standing than others and these sub-groups are a
factor in continued white control. Moreover, as the industrialization
process continues, and more people of varying cultural and ethnic back-
grounds are brought together, these internal religious and linguistic
cleavages may become solidified along class lines and further compound

the struggle to maintain non-white solidarity.

Observation Units

 

A possible source of error lies with the limited number of observa-
tions. Data for 1960 are limited to only 12 observations, and for 1946,
only 11. As is often the case with human spatial variation, characteris-
tics are not evenly distributed throughout space. Particularly with the
case of South Africa, this writer has found that on many occasions con-
scious attempts at determining the spatial pattern of human settlement

are the rule rather than the exception.

 

'OOSee, for example, Leo Kuper, An African Bourgeoisie (New Haven,
Connecticut, 1965).

 

86

The observation units available for factor analysis are cities from
all provinces with the exception of the Orange Free State. At the turn of
the century, Asians were barred from taking up residence in the Free State.
In 1960, there were only seven Asians resident in the Orange Free State.
Therefore, the Coloured urban communities there are not included in the
study. In the Cape, Cape Town, East London, Kimberley, and Port Elizabeth
are included. In Natal, Durban and Pietermaritzburg are included, and
in the Transvaal, Johannesburg, Pretoria, Germiston, Vereeniging-Vander-
bijlpark, the East Rand, and the West Rand. The larger number of observa-
tions in the Transvaal reflects the cluster of activities and population
in the Johannesburg metrOpolitan area. The observations, Vereeniging-
Vanderbijlpark, East Rand, and West Rand, represent observation units
larger than a single city, in contrast to the other units. The Vereenig-
ing-Vanderbijlpark area is an iron and steel and coal-producing region.
The West Rand is an aggregate unit representing Roodepoort, Randfontein,
and Krugersdorp. The East Rand includes the cities of Boksburg, Benoni,
and Brakpan. The East and West Rands represent groups of industrially
related cities. The East Rand cities are based primarily on manufactur-
ing, whereas the West Rand cities are engaged primarily in mining.101

The observation units selected for analysis account for a high
proportion of each group's total provincial urban population. The per-
centages for each group by provinceikn*l946 and 1960 are summarized in
Table 6. It is clear that despite the small number of observations, most

of the universe is included in the analysis.

 

10lGreen and Fair, pp. cit., 136.

87

TABLE 6

PERCENTAGE OF URBAN ASIANS AND COLOUREDS ACCOUNTED FOR BY
OBSERVATION UNITS, BY PROVINCE

 

l946
Transvaal Ca e Natal
Asians 75% 85
Coloureds 80 50 77
1960
Transvaal Ca e Natal
Asians 77% 8% 82
Coloureds 85 62 82
Percent Change,_l946-l960
Transvaal Ca e Natal
Asians +2 +5 -3
Coloureds +5 +12 +5

 

The small number of observations and their less than random disper-
sion precludes a mapping of factor scores. However, it is hypothesized
that outside the provinces of initial settlement (Natal for Asians and the
Cape for Coloureds) Asian and Coloured standards of living will be higher.
This pattern is implied in the previously suggested inverse relationship
between community size and economic status.

In summary, then, the factor analysis solution as developed thus far
complements the previous historical description. On the one hand, the fac-
tor analysis approach will statistically define clusters of variables here-
tofore presupposed, and on the other hand, it will corroborate or refute
structural changes in Coloured and Asian urban communities as a result of

apartheid's implementation.

88

A Factor Analysis-~1946 Data

 

For 1946 data, a varimax rotation analysis yields nine factors with
a cumulative proportion of variance explained of .98 (See Table 7). Com-
munalities (the proportion of each variable entering into all nine factors)
for all 48 variables are quite high. They range from a low of .83 for
Asian males not economically active to a high of 1.0 for four variables--
Asian male and female median income, Asian English-speakers, and male
Coloured artisans and laborers. These exceptionally high values indicate
the extent to which Asiatics and Coloureds are purposefully distributed
in South Africa by the dominant whites.

The most important factor in terms of variance explained is factor
l--.29 of the total variation is accounted for by this variable cluster
(See Table 8). The variable pattern may be labelled as a poor Coloured-
wealth Asian trader complex. High positive variable loadings are associated
with Asian male median income (.58), Coloured Afrikaans-speakers (.98),
Asian Gujarati-speakers (.50), Asian males in sales and commerce (.87),
and Coloured males and females in hotel and personal services, .69 and .71,
respectively. Low negative loadings are found with Coloured male and fe-
male median income, -.77 and -.72, respectively, Hindu Asians (-.65),
English-speaking Coloureds (-.98), Tamil-speaking Asians (-.57), Urdu-
speaking Asians (-.63), Hindi-speaking Asians (-.78), Asian and Coloured
female professional and administrative workers, -.75 and -.97, respec-
tively, Asian females unemployed (-.94), Asians born in Natal (-.94),
Asian urban percentage (-.69), and male Asian artisans and laborers

(-.86).

 

TABLE 7

VARIMAX ROTATION ANALYSIS, ROTATED FACTOR LOADINGS FOR 1946 DATA

 

Variables 1 2 3 4EEEEEEE' 6 7 8 9 Communalities
CUEUNT4'_' .09 .15 .19 .91 .00 .07 .03 - 19 .07 .EfiF
COLOV64 .14 .43 .09 .24 .21 -.O7 .60 .51 .14 .97
ASIANUN14 -.03 -.79 -.49 -.15 .19 .13 .06 -.19 .11 .99
ASIANOV64 .13 .75 .09 .17 .02 -.43 .14 -.05 .29 .94
COLMMI -.78 -.15 .16 -.54 .Ol .03 .15 -.O9 .15 .99
COLFMI -.72 -.27 .29 .16 .29 .38 .21 .05 -04 -95
ASIANMMI .58 -.15 -.12 -.07 .67 .09 .18 -.14 .33 .00
ASIANFMI .36 .59 -.10 .15 .21 .09 .08 .65 .14 .00
CHRISTASI .00 .96 -.10 -.02 .06 .15 .07 .01 .16 .99
HINDUASI -.65 -.25 -.45 -.15 .45 .11 .00 .15 .22 .99
MOSLEMAS .51 -.52 .49 .09 .32 -.20 .02 -.18 .22 .99
MOSLEMCO ..07 .Ol .82 .29 .12 .26 .05 .32 .17 .98
ENGLISHCO -.98 -.ll -.02 .13 .01 .06 .Ol -.02 .02 .99
AFRIKCOL .98 .ll .02 -.14 .Ol -.07 .Ol .02 .03 .99
ENGLISHAS .06 .96 .04 .02 .14 .08 .Ol .01 .21 .00
AFRIKASI .21 .32 .85 .18 .Ol -.23 .01 -.09 -20 .99
GUJARATIA .50 -.59 -.28 .02 .44 .09 .07 -.28 -08 -93
TAMILAS -.57 -.33 -.30 -.18 .60 .01 .23 .16 .00 .99
URDUASIAN -.63 -.51 -.06 .16 .09 -.38 .26 -.O3 -29 -99
HINDIASI -.78 -.45 -.ll -.07 .39 -.09 .12 .05 .01 .99
COLMPRAD -.46 .48 .39 -.ll .26 -.45 .23 -.09 .25 .99
COLFEPA -.75 .24 .07 .40 .41 -.10 .03 .27 .09 .97
ASIAMPRAD -.36 .11 .90 -.06 .07 -.06 .07 -.O3 .15 .99
ASIAFPRAD -.97 -.08 .01 .01 .17 -.02 .16 .04 .05 .99

COLMSC
COLFSC
ASIANMSC
‘ASIANFSC
COLMAL
COLFAL
ASIANMAL
ASIANFAL
COLMSER
COLFSER
ASIANMSER
ASIANFSER
COLMUN
COLFUN
ASIANMUN
ASIANFUN
COLMNEA
COLFNEA
ASIAMNEA
ASIAFNEA
COLBC
ASIANBN
COLURBP
ASIANURBP

.28
.37
.87
.15

I
L.
.h

I
L.
01

.59
.54
.04

.16
.09

.09

.27

.01
.21

.02
-.30
-.29

.39
-.09
.99

.07
.45
.17
.06
.13
.39
.28
.09
.05
.29
..16
.61
.56
.13
.01
.28
.87
.03
.22
.21
.11
.08
.10
.58

TABLE 7
(continued)
-.08 .09
-.26 -.21
-.33 -.12
-.18 .09
.04 .86
-.07 .52
-.01 .37
.01 .82
.39 -.13
.41 .07
.28 -.03
.05 .37
-.44 -.18
-.23 -.18
.88 .06
.12 -.09
-.12 -.09
.11 -.21
.11 .13
-.17 -.06
-.06 -.01
.14 -.02
-.05 .05
.15 .14

.67
.45

.02
.05
.16
.02
.05
.34
.11

.13
.23
.04
.14
.07
.02
.26,
.06
.16
.70
.00
.08
.02
.12

.04
.09
.09

.03

.03

.14

.05
.19

.39
.15
.09
.04
.82
.18
.02
.16
.58

.05

.07
.09

.06
.04

.02

.01
.04
.19
.12
.19

-.06

.05

-.23

.00

-.41

.30

-.01

.00
.15
.07
.23
.05

.99
.99
.99
.98

.99
.99
.99
.99
.99
.99
.97
.98
.96
.96
.99
.94
.99
.83
.96
.99
.99
.99
.99

90

 

Proportion
Variance
Explained

Cumulative
Proportion
of Variance
Explained

.29

.20

.49

91
TABLE 7
(continued)
.09 .08 .07 .05 .05 .04
.70 .78 .85 .90 .95 .99
TABLE 8

EXTREME LOADINGS FOR 1946 FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factor 1 -- Poor Coloured (.29)

AFRIKCOL .98
ASIANMSC .87
COLFSER .71
COLMSER .69
ASIANMMI .58
MOSLEMAS .51
GUJARATIA .50

ENGLISHCO
ASIAFPRAD
ASIANFUN
ASIANBN
ASIANMAL
HINDIASI
COLMMI
COLFEPA
COLFMI
ASIANURBP
HINDUASI
URDUASIAN
TAMILAS
COLFNEA
ASIANFSER

Factor 3 -- (.12)

COLURBP .99
ASIANMPRAD .90
AFRIKASI .85
MOSLEMCO .82
COLMSC .59
COLFSC .54

IIIIIIIUIIIIIII
\l
0"

Factor 4 -- Poor Young Coloured

COLUN14 .91
COLMNEA .87
ASIANFSER .61
COLMUN .56

COLMMI

-.54

Factor 2 -- Emerging Asian Western Class (.20)

 

CHRISTASI .96 ASIANUN14 -.79
ENGLISHAS .96 ASIANMNEA -.67
ASIANFSC .95 COLFAL -.65
COLBC .89 GUJARATIA -.59
ASIANOV64 .76 MOSLEMAS -.52
ASIANFMI .59 URDUASIAN -.51
COLFNEA .57 ASIAFNEA -.50
ASIANMSER .55
COLMPRAD .48
p
l
(.09) Factor 5 -- Poor Asians(.08)
ASIANMUN .88 ASIANMMI -.67
TAMILAS .60

92

TABLE 8
(continued)
Factor 6 -- Working Class Factor 7 -- (.05)
Intervening Groups (.07)
COLMAL .86 COLMPRAD -.45 ASIAFNEA .70
ASIANFAL .82 comsc .67
COLFAL .52 COLOV64 .60
Factor 8 -- (.05) Factor 9 -- (.04)
ASIANFMI .65 COLFUN -.82 ASIANMSER -.73

COLFNEA .58
COLOV64 .51

 

As such, this pattern of variables corresponds fairly closely with
the hypothesized relationships. The Asian community is small, Moslem, and
probably Gujarati-speaking. High male median income and males in sales
and commerce are economic characteristics for Asians in this cluster. How-
ever, Urdu-speaking Asians are not related to this pattern as expected. In
contrast, low income and Afrikaans-speaking Coloured characteristics are
found in association with the Indian ones. However, English-speaking
Coloureds are clearly unrelated to this pattern as is expected, and the
hypothesized high positive Coloured urban percentage loading is not found.

This variable cluster corroborates the hypothesis that small Asian
community size will be associated with relatively high economic standing
and certain religious and linguistic characteristics, but the failure of
the Coloured urban percentage variable to load high positive in connection
with the other Coloured variables, and the failure of the Coloured-English-
speaking variable to load high positive in connection with the Asian varia-

bles suggests that Coloured socioeconomic standing is universally lower

 

93

than the Asian. In other words, if there is an inverse relationship bet-
ween Coloured income and community size, one would expect a low negative
loading for Coloured urban percentage. Regardless of Coloured community
size, high Asian male median income and small community size are associated
with the low male and female Coloured median income. The failure of Colour-
ed urban percentage to load significantly on this factor would seem to imply
a lower economic standing for Coloureds in relation to Asians. One inter-
vening group has clear economic superiority over the other.

With respect to the caste and class model, this factor brings out an
occupationally specialized Coloured and Asian community. Both groups are
strongly related to sales and commerce. Asian males are not at all related
to artisanry and laboring jobs, and both Coloured males and females are
strongly unrelated to professional and administrative positions.

Factor 2 accounts for .20 of the total variation and represents a
distinct characteristic pattern not accounted for in the analysis. It had
been expected that these variables would have been found under factor 1.

In fact, a disaggregation has occurred. It may be described as an emerg-
ing Western Asian group. High positive loadings are found with Asians over
64 (.76), Christian Asians (.96), Asian female median income (.59), English-
speaking Asians (.96), and Asian females in sales and commerce (.95). Low
negative loadings are found with Asians under 14 (-.79), Moslem Asians
(-.52), Gujarati-speaking Asians (-.59), and Asian males and females not
economically active, -.67 and -.50, respectively.

This cluster stands in direct contrast to Asian variables found in

the first factor pattern. Where before is found a conservative, Moslem

94

pattern, now a progressive, Western pattern is evident. The loadings on
Asians under 14, Asian females in sales and commerce, and Asian females
not economically active indicate this. Such a development is quite in
contrast to the established goals of apartheid, which has emphasized the
cultural exclusiveness of each group. The recognition of such character-
istics by the Nationalist government may have been an impetus to apartheid.

Factor 3, explaining .12 of the total variance and characterized
by positive loadings, represents both original hypothesized variable rela-
tionships, most of which are included under Factor 1. High positive
loadings are found with Coloured urban percentage (.99), Coloured males
and females in sales and commerce, .59 and .54, respectively, Asian males
in professional and administrative jobs (.90), Afrikaans-speaking Asians
(.85), and Moslem Coloureds (.82). It had been expected that Coloured
community size, Asians in the professions and administrative jobs, and
Moslem Coloureds would have loaded significantly in Factor 1.

Why this factor pattern emerges is unclear to the writer, but it
is significant in terms of relative economic status that Asians in pro-
fessional and administrative jobs are in juxtaposition with large Colour-
ed urban communities. This factor does not reveal Coloured occupational

specialization, and, therefore, is not unexpected. Although the approp-

 

riate low negative loadings for Asian variables are not found, the factor
reinforces the notion that Coloureds have a lower socioeconomic standing
than Asians and where two intervening groups are present the smaller com-
munity will have a higher economic status.

Factor 4 explains .09 of the total variation and may be simply

described as a poor, young Coloured pattern. A negative loading is found

95

on Coloured male median income (-.54) and positive loadings are associated
with Coloureds under 14 (.91), Asian females in services (.61), Coloured
males unemployed (.56), and Coloured males not economically active (.87).

Again, the variable loadings would seem to indicate that Colour-
eds are lower in economic standing than Asiatics.

Factor 5 is the first of the factors to discern a poor Asian varia-
ble pattern. Tamil-speakers (.60), Asian males unemployed (.88), and
Asian male median income (-.67) load significantly on this pattern. How-
ever, there are no corresponding high positive loadings associated with
Coloured income andwhrite collar occupational categories as originally
hypothesized.

Factor 6 is a working class intervening group variable cluster.
Coloured male and female artisans and laborers, .86 and .52, respectively,
Asian female artisans and laborers (.82), and Coloured males in profes-
sional and administrative jobs (-.45) figure prominently in this factor.
Its appearance is not expected, but because it accounts for only .07
of the total variation, little importance may be attached to it.

Factors 7 and 8, explaining .10 of the total variance, cannot be
interpreted in light of the foregoing analysis. Factor 8 includes high

loadings on Coloured females not economically active (.58), Asian female

 

leg-yum!

median income (.65), and Coloured females unemployed (-.82), but cannot

be reconciled with the original hypotheses. Similarly, factor 7 varia-
bles loading high positive are Asian females not economically active
(.70), Coloured males in sales and commerce (.67), and Coloureds over 64
(.60), and cannot be interpreted given the initial hypotheses and histori-

cal review.

96

Factor 9, explaining only .04 of the total variation, has only one
extreme variable loading--Asian males in hotel and personal services (-.73),
and is of no significance with respect to the original hypotheses.

As one of the major purposes for using factor analysis in this
thesis is an exploratory one, the initial hypotheses are necessarily
general and all-encompassing. Two general hypotheses of each group's
total urban p0pu1ation and median income, and it was expected that there
would be an inverse relationship between socioeconomic standing and
community's breadwinners would be.

In fact, a considerable disaggregation of the original hypotheses
occurred, but the cores remained. Factor 1, explaining over one-quarter
of all variation, retains much of the substance of the original hypotheses.
Moslem, Gujarati-speaking Asians in small numbers are concentrated in
sales and commerce. As expected low Coloured median income and Coloureds
in hotel and personal services--a blue collar work category, are associated
with the Asiatic characteristics. However, the variable Coloured urban
percentage does not load high positive on this cluster as hypothesized.

In other words, size of Coloured urban community bears no relation to the
pattern of Asiatic variables, nor to Coloured median income or occupa-
tion. Earlier in the chapter it was hypothesized that a small urban inter-
vening group community would be regarded as less of a threat to white
domination, and, therefore, be under less economic restrictions than a
numerically large intervening or indigene group. Factor 1 appears to

belie this notion with respect to Coloureds, and confirm it in the case

of Asians.

The variables found in Factor 2 point to a Westernized Asian

97

pattern not envisioned in the original hypotheses. Traditional religious
and linguistic characteristics were thought to be of far more importance
in explaining Asian spatial variation than Western characteristics. It
suggests that urban Indians in 1946 were not as culturally distinct from
whites as supposed and that the apartheid program may have emanated from
this realization. Whites not only wanted to reassert their specific
racial and cultural identity, but were determined to prevent other racial
and cultural groups from losing their "uniqueness."

Factors 3 and 4 substantiate the conclusion that Coloured socio-
economic status is lower than the Asian. Coloured urban percentage
loads high positive on factor 3, but the Coloured income and profes-
sional and administrative variables do not appear to be related to
this cluster. Similarly, factor 4 defines a poor, young Coloured
cluster. Male Coloured median income is very much unrelated to this
pattern and unemployed Coloured males load high positive on this varia-
ble cluster. The pattern of variable loadings implies that Coloureds
are congregated in the low income and blue collar categories.

It is only with factor 4 that a poor Asiatic pattern appears.

But because it accounts for only .08 of the total variance, little ex-
planatory power may be attached to it.

Factors 6, 7, 8, and 9 account for less than 21% of the total
variation. Given the historical and structural summary, it is diffi-
cult to explain the resulting patterns. They are probably a reflection
on the low number of observations and extreme scores for variables in

certain urban centers.

 

98

Factor Scores--l946 Data

For the above mentioned reasons interpretation and mapping of
factor scores for 1946 data is difficult. Extremes in factor scores
are more the rule than the exception (See Table 9). They range from
a low of -4.22 for Durban on factor 1 to a high of 3.66 for Durban on
factor 4. A large range in observation factor scores is to be ex-
pected for factors explaining a small percentage of the total varia-

tion, but the range in factor scores for factor 1, the most important,

TABLE 9
FACTOR SCORES FOR 1946 DATA

 

Factors
Observations l 2 3 4 §_ _6_ _7_ g 3
Johannesburg - .91 -l.92 - .05 .09 -l.09 1.57 - .25 .90 .89
Cape Town - .50 - .55 2.23 - .49 - .84 -l.l6 .91 .63 -1.45
Durban -4.22 -2.56 1.66 3.66 .06 -l.l9 -l.28 -1.62 - .26
Pretoria 2.05 - .75 - .43 -..63 .27 -l.15 1.45 2.36 .18
Port Elizabeth -1.14 3.01 -l.93 - .50 - .09 -2.34 - .17 - .16 .98
Germiston 1.39 - .33 .15 17 2 74 .25 1.59 - .75 .13
East London - .09 2.89 -1.39 - .12 - .24 .82 - .33 1.12 -2.46
Kimberley 2.26 3.35 - .07 .39 - .17 -1.61 - .26 .68 .84
Pietermaritzburg -2.56 - .19 2.52 - .75 . .75 - .96 .48 - .87 .77
East Rand .52 - .54 - .61 -1.11 1.39 - .78 -2.76 .02 .22
West Rand 3.20 -2.39 -2.07 - .71 -l.28 - .45 .62 -2.31 .15

 

but the range in factor scores for factor 1, the most important, is -4.22
to 3.20. Factor scores are standardized units, and most will be between
-1 and +1. They are to be interpreted in much the same way correlations
coefficients and variable loadings are.102

The factor scores do not suggest any rigorous regionalization based

 

102Rummel, op. cit., 469-70.

99

on any one variable cluster, because there has been no systematic or
random sample of observation units. However, it is noted that the scores
for the Natal urban centers, Durban and Pietermaritzburg, on factor 1
are very low. These are centers with large Asian and small Coloured
populations. Thus, their scores are quite consistent with the initial
hypotheses. The spatial pattern of factor scores for the Witwatersrand
cities is confused, to say the least. On factor 1, for example, con-
tiguous urban centers exhibit widely disparate factor scores. Over half
the cities show high positive scores, however, and this is as expected.
Many of the Witwatersrand towns were settled by Moslem and Gujarati-
speaking Asians engaged in sales and commerce. Cape Town on fattor 1
does not have a high positive score as initially expected. Cape Town
is a city with a large Coloured and small Asian papulation and would
seem to be an excellent example, as is Durban, of the inverse rela-
tionship between economic status and community size, but no such
example is forthcoming.

The thesis that Coloured socioeconomic status is lower than the ;
Asiatic cannot be confirmed by factor scores for factor 1, but some im-
portance may be attached to it after comparing scores for Durban and

Cape Town on factory 4--the poor, young Coloured cluster. Durban has

 

an extreme score of 3.66, whereas Cape Town's is only -.49. It was ex- "'
pected that the small Coloured and large Asian population of Durban would

score low negative on this factor. In other words, the Coloured community

of Durban would be of working age and relatively well off in comparison

to their Asian neighbors. The factor score indicates the apposite. In

the case of Cape Town it was expected that it would score high high

positive, but no significance may be attached to a score of -.49.

100

It may be that the observations, Cape Town, Durban, and possibly
Pietermaritzburg, are extreme examples and should be eliminated from
future statistical studies. The writer believes, with no justification,
that they are representative of Asian-Coloured economic interactions.

On the other hand, if one were to eliminate these cities from the analy-
sis, the study would be robbed of much of its authenticity. It would
not be meaningful to speak of important variable clusters if the sample
from our universe was small, particularly in the case of South Africa
where political and economic legislation is directed at certain groups
in certain cities, and where Coloured and Asian population distribution
is, relative to whites, rigidly controlled. To undertake a factor
analysis, or for that matter, any quantitative technique, for 50,000
Asians instead of 300,000 Asians is to completely miss the urban centers

at which apartheid is aimed.

Factor Analysis--l960 Data

For 1960, a varimax rotation analysis yields eight factors with
a cumulative proportion of variance explained of .96 (See Table 10).
Communalities for all 48 variables are exceptionally high. They range
from a low of .86 for the percentage of Asian females in sales and com-
merce to a high of .99 for the percentage of Asians born in Natal. The
range in communalities and proportion of variance explained compare
favorably with the 1946 analysis.

The most important variable cluster in terms of proportion of
total variance explained (.32) may be described as a wealthy Asian pat-
tern. As there is no test to compare variable loadings and factor scores

for two factor analysis tests, a visual comparison will be used. This

 

101

TABLE 10
VARIMAX ROTATION ANALYSIS, ROTATED FACTOR LOADINGS FOR 1960 DATA

 

W -.7-8 -.123 -.%1 -.73 -.1579 .2161' -.OT -.'8I7 Communaliigges
COLOV64 .03 -.35 .23 .14 -.37 .13 -.09 .02 .98
ASIANUN14 -,25 .35 .20 -.25 -.24 -.O7 -.O3 -.04 .96
ASIANOV64 .03 -,35 .23 .14 —.37 .13 -.09 .02 .98
COLMMI -,51 .09 -.S4 .18 -.10 -.01 .01 -.54 .99
COLFMI -.39 .14 -.89 -.01 -.05 .10 -.06 -.02 .99
ASIANMMI .77 .19 4.09 .42 .23 .ll .15 -.28 .97
ASIANFMI .19 -.52 -.21 -.73 -.08 .24 -.Ol -.17 .98
CHRISTASI .02 -.99 .03 -.09 .00 -.04 -.06 .03 .99
HINDUASI -.81 .06 -.10 -.46 .33 -.O7 .02 .03 .99
MOSLEMAS .58 .62 .07 .44 -.29 .01 .01 -.03 .99
MOSLEMCO .06 .05 -.77 .05 -.58 .06 5.14 -.08 .96
ENGLISHCO -,93 .01 -.27 .11 .05 .21 .01 .05 .99
AFRIKCOL .93 -,02 .27 -.12 -.05 -.22 .00 -.06 .99
ENGLISHAS -,03 -,97 .02 -.14 -.06 -.16 -.03 -.09 .99
AFRIKASI .29 -,05 .00 .03 -.93 .ll .03 -.O3 .97
GUJARATIA .51 .59 .13 .23 .41 .01 .01 .03 .95
TAMILAS -,77 .39 -.04 -.33 .19 .10 .04 .13 .93
URDUASTIAN -,53 .35 -.04 -.19 .04 .65 .05 .10 .89
HINDIASI -.88 .31 -.15 .09 -.15 -.15 -.03 -.05 .96
COLMPRAD .26 .38 .15 .04 .ll .68 -.51 .09 .98
COLFEPA -.81 -.19 .05 .03 -.03 .49 .11 -.16 .98
ASIAMPRAD .60 .12 .14 .40 .57 .20 .13 .15 .96
ASIAFPRAD -.51 .19 .34 .12 .15 .69 .22 -.O7 .97

". ‘TD."'"" J‘l ' ;_

 

COLMAL
COLFAL
ASIANMAL
ASIANFAL
COLMSER
COLFSER
ASIANMSER
ASIANFSER
COLMUN
COLFUN
ASIANMUN
ASIANFUN
COLMNEA
COLFNEA
ASIAMNEA
ASIAFNEA
COLBC
ASIANBN
COLURBP

.65
.23

.10
.34
.51
.12
.87
.13
.09
.89
.18
.44
.62
.01
.23
.08
.95

.46
.02
.12
.13
.29
.06
.59
.07
.37
.15
.32
.42
.18
.03
.44
.92
.55
.13
.oo

.32
.86
.18
.15
.54
.67
.08
.21
.05
.57
.02
.06
.34
.47
.11
.09
.04
.12
.34

.07
.39
.03
.88
.13
.36
.47
.26
.02
.05
.23
.83
.07
.06
.72
.16
.01
.11
.25

TABLE 10
(continued)
.08 .19
.07 .09
.19 .04
.09 .37
.21 .03
.05 .11
.12 .35
.02 .06
.24 .09
.06 .08
.00 .10
.19 .13
.19 .69
.27 .43
.03 .14
.11 .19
.71 .01
.13 .13
.86 -.22

.13-.35
.02 .04
.21 .13
.04 .09
.54 .14
.26 .18
.38 .21
.32 .16
.82 .12
.63 .45
.09 .09
.11 .07
.29 .03
.13 .30
.39 .08
.01 .01
.15 .25
.05 .07
.05 .09

.94
.95
.99
.97
.87
.96
.90
.99
.91
.98
.98
.97
.96
.97
.90
.99
.89
.99
.97

102

TABLE 10
(continued)
Proportion
Variance
Explained .32 .17 .13 .09 .08 .07 .06 .03
Cumulative
Proportion
of variance
Explained .32 .49 .62 .71 .79 .86 .92 .96

 

factor closely approximates factor 1 for 1946 data.

103

In general, high

positive and low negative loadings are found on the same variables for

both 1946 and 1960.

TABLE 11

EXTREME LOADINGS FOR 1960 FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factor 1 -- Wealthy Asian (.32)

AFRIKCOL .93 ASIANBN -.95 ASIAFNEA
ASIANMSC .91 ENGLISHCO -.93 ASIANUN14
ASIANMMI .77 ASTANMAL -.92 MOSLEMAS
GUJARATIA .61 ASIANMUN -.89 GUJARATIA
ASIANMPRAD .60 HINDIASI -.88
MOSLEMAS .58 ASIANFSER -.87
COLMSC .56 COLFEPA -.81
COLFSER .51 HINDUASI -.81

COLUN14 -.78

TAMILAS -.77

COLFSC -.67

COLMAL -.65

COLFNEA -.62

ASIANURBP -.6l

COLMMI -.61
Factor 3 --
COLOV64 .79 COLFMI -.89 ASIANFUN
COLFSER .67 COLFAL -.86
COLFUN .57 MOSLEMCO -.77

COLMMI -.54

Factor 2 -- Conservative Asian (.17)

.92 CHRISTASI -.99
.85 ENGLISHAS -.97
.62 ASIANOV64 -.86
.59 ASIANFMI -.52

ASIANMSER -.59

Poor, Female Coloured (.13) Factor 4 -- Poor Asian Females (.09)

.83 ASIANFAL -.88
ASIANFMI -.73
ASIANMNEA -.72

104

TABLE 11
(continued)
Factor 5 -- (.08) Factor 6 -- (.07)
ASIAMPRAD .57 AFRIKASI —.93 COLMNEA .69
COLURBP -.86 ASIAFPRAD .69
COLBC -.71 COLMPRAD .68
URDUASIAN .65
Factor 7 -- Poor Coloured (.06) Factor 8 -- (.03)
COLMUN .82 COLMSER -.54 ASIANURBP .51 COLMMIP -.54

COLFUN .63 COLMPRAD -.51

 

In fact, factor 1 for 1960, even more so than factor 1-1946, resembles
the hypothesized variable clusters. Small Asian community size, Gujarati-
speakers, and white collar work categories are all strongly related to this
cluster, which explains almost one-third of all variation. Coloured median
income and blue collar work categories are all very much unrelated to this
pattern as expected. However, as with 1946 data, Coloured community size
bears no relationship to this variable cluster. Again, this suggests
that Coloured socioeconomic status is uniformly lower than the Asian.

Factor 1 also implies an occupationally specialized Asian community as does
the 1946 analysis. 1

Factor 2 for 1960, explaining .17 of the total variation, contains
variable loadings which are excatly the opposite of factor 2 for 1946.

A conservative Asian category shows up, whereas in 1946 a culturally
Western pattern was evident. Those variables which load low negative on
factor 2 for 1946 load high positive on factor 2 for 1960. It had been
expected that this variable cluster would have been a part of the first.
High positive loadings on Asians under 14, Moslem Asians, Gujarati-

speakers, and Asian females not economically active indicate a cultural-

105

1y conservative Asian pattern, in contrast to the economic character of
factor 1. Equally as important are the negative loadings found an
English-speaking Asians, Asian female median income, Christian Asians,
Asian females and sales and commerce, and Asian males in personal
services.

The maintenance of a culturally conservative group within South
Africa is a goal of apartheid, but is is impossible to tell if the ap-
pearance of this cluster is a manifestation of apartheid or a chance
occurrence, because of the small number of observations. An analysis
of the 1970 census data will help resolve this problem.

Factor 3, explaining .13 of the total variance, is distinguished
by three high positive loadings--Coloureds over 64 (.79), Coloured
females in services (.67), and Coloured females unemployed (.57).
Coloured male and female median income as well as Moslem Coloureds
are very much unrelated to this cluster, -.54, -.89, and -.77, respec-
tively. Thus, factor 3 may be characterized as a poor, Coloured, female
domestic cluster. No corresponding factor is found with 1946 data, so
the pattern may suggest a movement by Coloured females into the labor
market between 1946 and 1960.

The remaining five factors account for 34% of all variance, and
in light of the hypothesized variable clusters, interpretation of their
appearance is difficult. Only one variable loads high positive on factor
4--unemployed Asian females (.83). Negative factor loadings are found
with Asian female median income, those not economically active, and arti-
sans and laborers. This factor, then, is roughly analogous to factor 3.
Factor 3 deals with Coloured females; factor 4 defines an Asian female

cluster. There is no corresponding pattern with 1946 data, so it may

 

106

again suggest that since the inception of apartheid there has been a
movement of both Asian and Coloured females into the labor market.
Both factors 3 and 4 denote an increasing commitment by intervening
groups too the national economy, and perhaps ultimately to Western-
ization.

Factor 5, explaining 8% of the total variance, is distinguished
by three low negative loadings-~Asian Afrikaans-speakers (-.93), Colour-
eds born in the Cape (-.7l), and urban Coloured percentage (-.86). The
highest positive loading is found with Asian male professional and ad-
ministrative workers (.57), but there is no high loading for male Asian
median income as would be eXpected. It was initially suspected that
the variable, urban Coloured percentage, would load high positive on
factor 1. But as it is, the high loading on the Asians white collar
job category in combinations with the low urban Coloured community
size would seem to substantiate the supposition that Asians hold a
higher economic standing than Coloureds.

Factor 6 is incomprehendible to the writer. Coloured males in
the professions and administration positions (.68) and not economical-
ly active Coloured males (.69) seem to be contradictory loadings. It
would be expected that there would be an inverse relationship between
the number of professional and administrative workers and the number of
not economically active, because a high percentage of the not econo-
mically active is an index of underdevelopment, whereas a high percentage
of professional and administrative workers is an index of economic devel-
opment. Similarly, Asian Urdu-speakers (.65), a postulated culturally
conservative group, are in juxtaposition with Asian females in profes-

sional and administrative positions (.69) -- a loading which would

 

107

indicate a considerable degree of Westernization. No comparable factor is
found for 1946 data. Therefore, this cluster may be a chance occurrence.

Factor 7 defines a poor Coloured pattern of variables and explains
6% of all variance. It is similar to factor 4 for 1946, but explains less
of the total variation. Male and female Coloured unemployment, .82 and
.63, respectively, load the highest on this factor. Coloured males in
professional and administrative jobs load low negative, -.51.

Factor 8 contains two significant loadings--Coloured male median
income (-.54) and Asian urban percentage (.51). This means that the
larger the Asian community size, the lower the Coloured male median
income is. If this relationship had been expressed in factor 1, one
would have been able to conclude that in the South African case one inter-
vening group had obtained a higher economic status than the other. This
is an important distinction, because Horvath made no mention of competi-
tion between intervening groups. However, it should be stressed that this

factor's explanatory power is negligible--only 3%.

Factor Scores--l960 Data

The problems cited in interpreting factor scores for 1946 data
apply also to 1960 data. Extreme scores are as prevalent as those between
-1 and +1 (See Table 12). The range of scores is from -5.1 for Cape Town
on factor 5 to 4.1 for Vereeniging-Vanderbijlpark on factor 4.

0n factor 1, the wealth Asian cluster, the cities of Durban and
Pietermaritzburg show up as low negative scores, which is as expected.
But so also does Cape Town--an expected extreme score at the other end of
the continuum. Among Witwatersrand cities all scores are positive, but

only one, Pretoria, is extreme (2.38).

 

108

TABLE 12
FACTOR SCORES FOR 1960 DATA

Johannesburg .58 1.87 -2.34 .99 1.46 .14 - .90 -l.86
Cape Town -3.99 -2.32 -l.00 1.69 -5.08 -2.69 - .68 1.67
Durban -2.51 .29 -1.43 -2.41 2.31 1.32 .34 2.92
Pretoria 2.38 2.17 .43 - .71 .65 .70 .79 - .83
Port Elizabeth 1.30 -2.07 - .99 - .15 1.06 .58 .75 -2.96
Germiston .53 1.83 1.14 -1.69 - .05 - .59 1.46 -l.68
East London .09 -4.97 - .39 -l.69 - .57 1.03 - .52 1.12
Kimberley 1.34 -2.74 - .13 -l.3O -1.11 2.91 .67 1.00
Pietermaritzburg -2.45 -1.74 1.22 -l.06 .94 -1.13 .52 .85
Vereeniging/Vander-

bijlpark 1.82 3.53 1.58 4.16 .18 - .40 -2.76 .44
East Rand .69 1.63 1.29 -1.70 .29 - .99 - .38 -1.07
West Rand .21 2.52 .63 3.86 - .08 - .87 .71 .40

 

Factor 2, the conservative Asian complex, also appears to have the
Southern Transvaal industrial area as its core. All six observations in
this region have scores in excess of 1.50. This indicates that these
observations are all strongly related to this factor. Such a combination
of a culturally conservative group with cities in the forefront of econo-
mic advance is incongruous. All other scores for this factor are negative
with the exception of Durban (.3).

Otherwise, a facotr regionalization would not reveal distinct spatial
patterns. For example, the closely spaced cities on the Witwatersrand fre-

quently reveal disparate scores on the same factor.

Summary

In sum, in both factor analyses the original hypotheses are corro-

borated by the variable clusters explaining the highest pr0portion of

 

109

variance. Because the solutions are in part exploratory, a considerable
disaggregation of the initial hypotheses is evident, but the core of each
remains. The greatest deviation from expectations for both 1946 and 1960
occurs with the failure of Coloured community size to be inversely re-
lated with Coloured median income, and to be directly related to Asian
median income. In fact, Coloured community size shows no relationship
with Coloured and Asian median income and Asian community size, thus
suggesting that Coloured socioeconomic standing is uniformly lower than
the Asian. For the rest of the variable patterns, interpretation is diffi-
cult. Seemingly contradictory variable patterns and loadings which were
expected to be a part of factors 1 and 2 cannot be explained given the
conceptual and historical review. A

There is also no apparent spatial pattern to factor scores. This
is especially evident with the factor scores for the Witwatersrand.
Adjacent urban centers have dissimilar scores. This may exhibit the arbi-
trary and selective character of non-white legislation. The historical
review has stressed that white legislation directed at Asians and Coloureds
during the first part of the twentieth century was marked by its pg_hpg_
nature and uninclusiveness. Problems were dealt with as they arose and
there was no coordination of activities on a provincial or national level.
The factor analysis for 1946, and even for 1960, is consistent with a lack
of planning. For example, if on the Witwatersrand whites had adopted an
economic policy with regard to Asians and Coloureds, there would have been
some degree of uniformity in income and occupation. The emergence of
particular factor scores and the extreme factor scores in some cases may
have as their progenitor a unique set of cultural and economic character-

istics which render a meaningful nationwide interpretation of Coloured and

110

and Asian attributes impossible.

Indeed, it is envisioned that if the apartheid program is success-
fully implemented, a factor analysis solution would only obscure what may
simply be described as an apartheid factor. Asians and Coloureds of all
linguistic, religious, and occupational groups would be aggregated in one
area or a few urban centers. The Operation of natural social, cultural,
and economic forces would have established urban regional and national
spatial patterns not very different from those found in Western nations.
For each urban center, class distinctions would have established a cer-
tain spatial pattern, and on a regional and national level, economically
advanced areas would account for socioeconomic variation. However, a
brief examination of Witwatersrand scores for factors 1 and 2 for 1960
shows that natural forces are not operating. Factor analysis might
discern statistically significant relationships, but in the process of

distinguishing the trees, it might fail to recognize the forest.

 

CHAPTER V
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Attention in this thesis has focused on two racial groups in
South Africa heretofore neglected by scholars. Most of the South Af-
rican literature concentrates on the struggle between a dominant white
minority attempting to maintain its economic and political control
over a long-oppresSed and ethnically fragmented African majority.
While this writer agrees that the most significant theme pervading South
Africa since the beginning of white settlement is the white-African
clash of interests, it obscures the reality of a complex of racial,
cultural, linguistic, and religious groups in differential spatial
and temporal interaction. In particular, two racial groups, Coloureds
and Asiatics, distinguished from the Africans by whites on the basis
of skin color, culture, and heredity, have received comparatively little
attention from scholars, the popular press, the South African govern-
ment. This has occurred inspite of the fact that Coloureds and Asians
have performed essential commercial, financial, middle level bureau-
cratic, and other skilled services to both whites and Africans, are
spatially concentrated, and make up an increasingly larger proportion
of the total population. This paper, in part, draws attention to this
lack of concern for the future study of their spatial and structural

dimensions.

111

 

112

Second, this thesis establishes a conceptual perspective from which
to view South African race relations. Fundamentally, the white-non-white
relationship is one of domination. Such a relationship is intrinsic to a
definition and typology of colonialism. A systematic definition of
colonialism and other types of domination are offered. In this way the
South African case study may be compared with the various modes of imple-
mentation of colonialism throughout the world. It is seen that the
domestic colonialism as practiced in South Africa is not very different
from the international colonialism practiced by Great Britain between
the seventeenth and twentieth centuries.

At least three groups distinguished on the basis of culture are
found in the colonial society: the elite, an intervening group(s), and
the indigenous peoples. Much of the elite's energy is expended on
controlling the horizontal and vertical movement of the indigenous
peoples, and, therefore, most of the literature exposes this effort.
Comparatively little attention is devoted to the intervening group,
which typically occupies middle level positions in the colonial bureau-
cracy and economy. The intervening group is particularly active in the
commerce of the colony, and in many cases they dominate it. In South
Africa Coloureds and Asians are examples of two types of intervening
groups which in the past were not subject to the same restrictions placed
on Africans and did occupy intermediate economic positions.

Third, the thesis traces the evolution of the white-imposed form
of domestic colonialism with particular reference to Coloureds and Asians.
White dominance is viewed from the perspective of ideologies or paradigms

structuring non-white socioeconomic standing. It is seen that Coloureds

 

113

were affected only indirectly by the religious and cultural paradigms.
The religious paradigm established Christianity as the main criterion

for legal equality of non-whites with whites. Later, as many non-whites
adopted Christianity and as black Africans were brought under white domi-
nation, status equality with whites came to be associated with the
essential Europeanness of non-whites. The primary recipients of the
ideologies were the native-born Bushmen, Hottentots, and Africans, and
not the Western, Afrikaans-speaking Coloureds and supposedly transient,
Asian sugar laborers. Eventually the paradigms came to be associated with
all non-whites, regardless of religion or culture. This is especially
the case with non-white economic legislation which initially was aimed

at upward moving Asian traders and African industrial workers, but later
included all non-whites. Primary emphasis was placed on elite-indigenes
socioeconomic relationships. Intervening groups as cohesive entities
were ignored.

However, the profound economic changes undergone by South Africa
during the twentieth century forced a reevaluation of non-white socio-
economic mobility by whites. During the industrialization and urbaniza-
tion process, elite dominance was maintained by a series of pg_ppp,
limited measures. The rapidity of social and economic change was not
anticipated by whites and demanded a coherent, long range growth policy
to permit white dominance to continue indefinitely. Culture, institu-
tions, and social relations are all complexly interwoven. A change in
one will eventually lead to modifications in the others. The Afrikaner-
dominated Nationalist Party realized this fact. There could never be
any measure of social structural stability as long as the various cultural

and economic groups of indigenous pe0p1es and intervening groups were

114

dealt with separately. The apartheid program seeks to assert a definitive,
all-encompassing policy of white-non-white interaction. Such a policy
would eliminate the vegaries of the cultural paradigm and entrench white
supremacy on the simple basis of skin color. The Asiatic and Coloured
intervening groups, therefore, would stand to lose their relatively privi-
leged economic position under apartheid. Their modest prosperity has been
tied to the elite's willingness to allow them a part of the nation's strong
economic structure. In contrast, apartheid envisions a spatial and struc-
tural separation of all racial groups.

Fourth, a factor analytic solution was undertaken to test the hypo-
theses that 1) between 1946 and 1960, there has been little or no change
in the distribution and grouping of Asian and Coloured characteristics;

2) there is an inverse relationship between the size of an urban inter—
vening group community and income; and 3) certain religious and linguistic
characteristics will be associated with small and large community size.
Therefore, one of the implications running throughout the factor analyses
is that one intervening group will have displaced another in socioeconomic
status in each South African urban center. Where one intervening group

is numerous and another negligible, the former will assume the role of
Horvath's indigenous pe0p1es.

For both 1946 and 1960, the factor explaining the most variation
(for 1960, almost one-third of all variation) was a small, high income,
white collar, Moslem, and Gujarati-speaking Asian community and an
Afrikaans-speaking, low income Coloured community. In other words, re-
gardless of Coloured community size, the most frequent pattern of Asian

and Coloured variables is a relatively poor Coloured and wealthy Asian

 

115

variable cluster. Thus, the first and third hypotheses were confirmed,
and the second partially.

A considerable disaggregation of the original hypotheses occurred,
because of the presence of eight further factors for 1946 data and seven
more for 1960 data. A comparison of the two solutions is therefore
difficult. Three additional 1960 factors (3, 7, and 8) are noted be-
cause they substantiate the notion of Asian socioeconomic superiority.

As a group they eXplain 22% of all variance and all define a poor
Coloured cluster of variables. I

Factor scores for both years are characterized by values greater
than +1 and less than -1. Such scores are clear indications of the lack
of a coherent, long range plan for dealing with urban non-whites, be-
cause, given a normal distribution of p0pulation characteristics, over
two-thirds of the urban centers should fall between -1 and +1. The fact
that most scores are extreme indicates that local solutions were applied
to what were thought to be local problems. Even on the Witwatersrand
with its fundamental unity in economic origin and industrial bases,
contiguous cities have different scores. Therefore, since the historical
review has stressed the uninclusive nature of non-white legislation prior
to apartheid's implementation, the factor analysis appears to indicate
that, in fact, there has been no new paradigm with respect to Asians and
Coloureds. True, discrimination based on race has been introduced, espec-
ially with respect to Coloureds, but Coloureds and Asians are still dealt
with as part of the white economic infrastructure.

The existence of a caste and class social structure cannot be

definitely verified. The South African racial groups satisfy the minimum

 

116

criteria of caste--endogamy, ascription, ranking, the concept of social
pollution, but the occupational specialization criterion remains to be
proven. In both 1946 and 1960, the most important variable cluster
includes significant positive loadings on Asian white collar job cate-
gories and negative loadings on Asian blue collar categories, but no
specific job category can be allocated to either group. As to the
existence of social classes, the appearance of a culturally conserva-
tive Asian cluster implies the continued importance of traditional
stratification criteria, primarily religion and language. Class con-
sciousness can also not be verified, because the variables do not
measure such intangibles as ideals and values, so characteristic of
social class in Western nations.

Horvath's model of the colonial city and its socioeconomic
components stresses the interaction of the elite, with its monopoly
of economic and political power, and the subjugated indigenous pe0p1es.
The intervening group is regarded as passive and powerless. Without
minimizing the ultimate importance of the elite-indigene struggle,
this thesis, through the factor analysis, attempts to expose the inter-
action between and within intervening groups. The relative size of one
group with respect to the other, and related income and occupati0nal
characteristics, may very well be exploited by both the elite and indigenes
to their own advantage. Because of their spatial concentration, Coloureds
and Asians will undoubtedly influence the course of domestic colonialism
in South Africa.

What of the future? The succession of uninclusive paradigms, the
lack of attention directed at Coloureds and Asians, and the failure of

whites to limit African settlement to the Reserves strongly suggest that

 

117

future measures under the apartheid paradigm enforcing domestic colonial—
ism will also have an uninclusive character. Although far-ranging in
scope and intent, the apartheid program was fundamentally a reaction to
events. The planning and implementation of the scheme with respect to
Africans has not come to grips with the needs of an industrial economy.
As mentioned earlier in this paper, this author subscribes to a philosophy
which holds that "a society's philosophical justification for an explana-
tion of its social institutions are more likely to be formulated as
rationalizations of self-interest than to be developed first by pure
philoSOphers and then to influence the form that the society's social
institutions take."103 Such a sequence of events denotes an inability

to foresee and act upon potential societal malfunction until after that
fact has occurred. The sporadic nature of white legislation against
non-whites becomes understandable when such a pattern of cultural and
societal evolution is accepted. As each paradigm has succeeded another,
the rationale for white SUpremacy has been rearticulated and strengthened.
No doubt the failure of the apartheid paradigm to account for the exis-
tence of Coloureds and Asians in South African urban centers will be
rectified in the future as their pr0portion of the total population in-
creases and as their relatively favored economic position places them
better off than some whites. Thus, domestic colonialism in an industrial
state is a relationship characterized by the constant reevaluation of
dominance paradigms. It is this series of events which characterizes
white dominance in South Africa. Whether it will lead to a cataclysmic
upheaval by Africans as most observers suspect, or a never ending pattern
of repression, ideological rearticulation, and subsequent paradigm change

is an open question.

 

103mm.

*

 

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