A LITTLE PEACE OF MIND
AN ORIGINAL NINETY MINUTE DRAMA FOR TELEVISION

Thesis for the Degree of M. A.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
JOEL BARRY STERNBERG
1957

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AB STRACT

A LITTLE PEACE OF MIND

.---.‘

 

ORA.“ m FOR TELEVISION
by Joel 8. Sternberg

Television's influence in political campaigns has been
of concern to politicians, political scientists and critics
of the medium practically since its debut into politics.

This writer's thesis, §_pittle Peace gilQiQQI explores this

 

criticism in an attempt to demonstrate how political tele-
vision's problems can best be presented to the mass public
and to demonstrate this writer's capabilities in the area of
television drama. It is this writer's contention, as indi~
cated in Chapter One of the thesis, that the play.is an
excellent vehicle for the graduate student writing a thesis
in the area of broadcasting in that it affords him a chance
to show in actual practice what he has learned. And, by
culling information from other areas, using traditional
research techniques, to supply material for the play, the
broadcasting student closely approximates graduate students
in other areas thus becoming a better playwright at least
in terms of accuracy.

After indicating the efficacy of the creative thesis as
a legitimate device for the graduate student in Chapter One,
Chapter Two of the thesis then proceeds to set the problems

of political television in perspective. Of particular concern

Joel B. Sternberg

are five Specific areas of criticism and potential danger.

l. The cost of campaigning;
2. The doctrine of fairness in campaigns:
3. The danger of advertising and/or public
relations;
4. The oversimplification of issues:
5. The overemphasis of candidate personality.
These five areas are each surveyed and examples illus~

trative of malpractice in each area are provided. In
addition, a brief survey of pertinent research probing the
effects of the mass media on the election process is included
to safeguard against crusading and/or biased empirical obser~
vations by the playwright. These studies tend to balance the
scales for television by indicating that television is far
from the only influence on the electorate in an election.
These studies also indicate that a simple stimulus-response
situation in televised campaigns is not in evidence but,
perhaps as dangerous, reinforcement of pre—determined
attitudes is in evidence as is television's effectiveness
in swaying the undecided voter thereby affecting close

elections.

Chapter Three, A Little Peace of Qind, contains the

 

play's cast of characters and all three acts of the play.
Chapter Four, the concluding chapter, deals with the play's
development citing problems encountered in translating
Chapter Two, the research Chapter, into play form. Briefly,

the play's basic setting is that of a Congressional election.

Joel D. Sternberg
(with television making possible an increased familiarity
with national office holders, the local situation tends to
be overlooked by both inte ested political observers, and by
local electorates.) The premise is that screens with little

or no actual knowledge of politics can be turned into a

on and public

*1.

winning candidate via skillful use of televis
relations. Thus, a candidate is chosen, on the basis of his
good looks and pleasant voice, by two asniring power seekers
intent on removing the incumbent Congressman from office in
tne upcoming election.

In short, the play, is representational in nature and,
again, is based on research compiled in Chapter Two. Based
on this research and exercising the playwright's peregative,
this writer has drawn his own conclusions as to the outcome
of the election and feels the incumbent will be defeated.
Other observers may conclude differently but then that is
part of the value of the playwright's work. Alternatives can
be presented that afford one initiative to think and the
chance to look in depth at problems from angles of View not

possible in studies more traditional in nature.

G/l7jiw

5mgpgm PEACE OF mug
AN ORIGINAL NINETY MINUTE

DRAF‘A FOR TELEVISION

BY

Joel Barry Stornberq

P. THESIS

Submitted to
Michiqan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

I‘IEASTER OF ARTS
Department of Television and Radio

1967

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Approved; _‘//~//sz/z',’{ 1,. (/3411 j
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DEDICATED TO THE WETORY OF

MY FATHER

JERRY STERNBERG

PREFACE

MM-Q .

A Little Peace of Mind, an original drama for televi~

 

sion, represents this writer's feelings about the role of
television in politics. It represents an attempt to clarify
some of the behind-the—camera maneuverings of the political
parties, their public relations staffs, and the broadcasters
who Operate the medium. It represents the bringing to life
of detailed research gathered from sources concerned with
the future of political television-~research that could be
applied to approaches other than the creative. Also, it
represents a feeling of personal satisfaction in having crew
ated something original.

This thesis is divided into four chapters. Chapter One,
the Introduction, indicates the efficacy of the creative work
as a legitimate graduate exercise. Chapter Two serves the
purpose of providing the research necessary for the main

chapter-~Chapter Three, A Little Peace 9: Mind. These two

.--- n-u.

 

chapters thus work together, as they would in a thesis fol»
lowing a more traditional approach; but in the end, the play,
Chapter Three, stands on its own and is complete in itself.
or course, this is necessary if the play is to work as a

play, which is the prime consideration.

iii

The style and thinking behind thittleugeacemog fling
is indicated within, and problems encountered in translating
the research material into television play form are found in
Chapter Four. For now then, let it suffice to say that to
the graduate student in broadcasting embarking upon a
thesis, the creative thesis offers a wide variety of chal-
lenges. That it will be deemed unworthy by the graduate
school is not usually true, at least on the master‘s level,
for it does have proven value. But, on tne other hand, if
one is seeking an easy way out, let him seek elsewhere; for,
if anything, the creative thesis tends, in many reSpects,
to be more difficult than other more traditional approaches.
It is more difficult not only for the writer, but also for
those determining its final worth, because standards of
judgement are not as easily ascertained as they are in the
more traditional approaches. nevertheless, the writer
of the creative thesis has the unique Opportunity of educa~
ting and entertaining—~two qualities that complement each
other very well.

This writer would also like, at this time, to express
his appreciation to those who were influential in he writing
of this thesis. This list includes the Department of Tele~
vision and Radio at Michigan State University to whom this
writer will always be grateful, and, especially, Dr. Gordon
L. Cray for being patient, understanding and encouraging over

the course of tJd last three years and Professor Arthur Weld

iv

whose help saw this project through to the finish. Addi-
tional kudos to Hrs. Xary Jo Lane and Karen's Secretarial
Service of Chicago for aid in putting the tucsis into its
final form, and to Messrs. Harvey Levy and Lyle Luv; for
keeping the faith. And, of course, Special mention to

Mr. Jerry Stcrnborg who made it all possible but never saw
it realized and to AIS. Charlotte Sternbcrg whose constant
reminders and help brought about the completion of this

writer's master's degree program.

Joul Barry Sternberq

June, 1967
nichigan State University

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page

PREFACE O O O O O D I O O O O O I O I O O O O O O O O 111

Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l
The Creative Thesis
II. TELEVISION AND POLITICS . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Introduction

The Cost of Campaigning

The Doctrine of Fairness in Campaigns

The Danger of Advertising and/or
Public Relations

The Oversimplification of Issues

The Overemphasis on Candidate
Personality

Summary

III. LEI'ILTLE PEACE osmrm . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

 

Cast of Characters
Act One

Act Two

Act Three

Iv. ON WPJTING OFHE PLAY . O O . I I O I O O O O C O 160

Introduction

The Play's Promise and Primary Conflict
Plot Structure

Character DevelOpment

Conclusion

BIBLIOG-RAPHY O O O I O O O I O O O O O O I O O O O O 169

vi

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The Creative Thesis

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The Creative Thesis

 

From 1945 to 1967, approximately twenty—six per cent of
all completed master's theses in the Department of Television
and Radio at Michigan State University were of a creative
nature. This creativity assumed the forms of, among others,
television adaptations, radio documentaries, experimental
films and original dramas.1 It is this writer's contention
that in the culmination of graduate study in television, the
creative thesis is a healthy approach, a logical approach
and, thus, one that has been pursued in this thesis.

There are several reasons that justify this vieWpoint.
One is, as Richard Moody of Indiana University points out,
that the creative thesis can add substantially to the
writer's knowledge of his particular field of study.2 Moody
asks, in terms of theatre but equally true for television,

"What theatrical study requires a more thorough knowledge of

 

1Gordon L. Gray, "Graduate Theses and Dissertations
in Broadcasting: Michigan State University-~19‘5-l967"
(unpublished report, Television and Radio Department,
Michigan State University, 1967), pp. 1—7. (Mimeographed.)

2Richard Moody, "The Original Play," An Introduction
to Graduate Study in Speech and Theatre, ed. Clyde W. Dow
(East Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University Press,
1961), p. 105.

 

 

3
all aspects of theatre and theatrical production than does
the writing of a play? Certainly no other project requires
more individualized and independent application.“3 Even in
the sciences, he goes on, imaginative projection to perceive
undiscovered relationships and connections has come to be
regarded as a prime quality for graduate students.‘|

From another vieWpoint, one may ask what contribution
could be of greater significance than an addition, however
small, to our dramatic literature or than a new playwright
added to the diminishing ranks of the playwriting pro-
fession.5 Writers who possess the skills, who understand
the medium of television, such as Paddy Chayefsky, Rod
Serling and Reginald Rose, are few and far between. Evidence
of this can be seen any night of the week on any channel in
any city. The term “boob tube" is becoming, unfortunately,
a more and more apt description of the television medium.
Perhaps, the encouragement of television playwrights through
more specialized formal education may provide hOpe and
quality for the future.

In general, the creative thesis provides a significant
service to the public at large in terms of broadening its
horizon oi knowledge. Corresponding to this are Aristotle's
view that only the poet could give meaning and significance
to the otherwise dull historian's chronicles6 and, more

recently, the overlapping of functions by both the dramatist

 

3Ibid., p. 106. ‘ygg.
5mm. 59g.

4
and the journalist in the presentation of entertainment and
of news.7 0r, phrased another way, the writer's exposition
of a segment of the contemporary social scene or the vivi-
fication of some historical event or character may provide
considerably more enlightenment than the most careful
uncovering of hidden facts.8
Nowhere is this broadening of knowledge more true

than in the representational drama which makes the stage a

study and picture of real life,9

revealing particular scenes
and characters in our social landscape, both current and
historic.10 We are compelled to suspend our awareness of
the theatrical environment, persuaded that we are eaves~
dropping through the fourth wall and forced to a relatively
life-like emotional identification with the action and
characters we observe.11 The playwright, in fact, uses
techniques comparable to the historian's, sociolOgist's,
anthrOpologist's and biographer's by the research he does
which provides material that conceivably could be applied
to these other disciplines.12 The end result is a stronger

play, a more knowledgeable playwright and an audience that

.--‘

7Erik Barnouw, The Television Writer (New York:
Hill and Wang, 1962), p. 7.

 

8Moody, op. gig., p. 106.

9Emile Zola, "Naturalism on the Stage," Playwrights

. ”M..-

on Pla ritin , ed. Toby Cole (New York: Kilimand”Wang,
I960), p. 15, reprinted from ”Le Naturalisme au theatre,"
LeRoman experimental (Paris: E. Fasguelle, 1902).

 

10Moody, gp. cit., p. 115.
111b1d., p. 114. 121bid., p. 115.

5
may possibly begin to think of ideas, concepts and problems
pertaining to society hitherto not thought of or discarded
as inconsequential.

There are two points, however, at which the playwright
is able to divorce himself somewhat from the workings of
other disciplines and, in so doing, often lets himself Open
for undue criticism of his work. First of all, the scientist,
and one using scientific technique, through continuing
observation aims at the realm of prediction and ultimately
and finally to control of his material;13 however, the
playwright finds that the obligation to compose a suitable
dramatization must always take precedence over the demands
for accuracy in the final product. Research aside, the play
must finally stand on its own merits.14 This does not mean
to imply, as is often thought, that the playwright can
completely escape his obligations to authenticity.15 It is
granted that he may find his concern for public acceptance
and immediate practical use influencing his sense of truth
and fairness;15 but, fortunately, he cannot distort and

rearrange with total disregard for fact.17 As Brecht says,

 

13Thomas L. Dahle and Alan H. Monroe, ”The meirical
Approach," ibid., p. 173.

l‘Moody, 92. cit., p. 116.

lsIbid.

16John Galsworthy, "Some Platitudes Concerning Drama,”
Playwrights on Playwriting, . cit., p. 46, reprinted from

The Inn of'Tranquility: Stu es and Essays (New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons,‘I§IQ), pp. l89~2§7.

 

 

17Moody, gp. cit., p. 116.

6

"It is the inaccurate way in which happenings between human
beings are presented that restricts our pleasure in the
theatre.“18 Critics and audience alike will eventually
react, and both the playwright and the play will suffer
accordingly. Thus, as has been suggested, it might be best
for the playwright to discard the subject whose authenticity
would be painfully violated if proPerly rendered in dramatic
form.19

Secondly, while a play should definitely have an ethi~
cal purpose, it should not be thrust sermonlike upon an
audience; for the moment a play assumes an attitude of edu~
cational seriousness, then it is obviously conspiring to
utilize the stage as a teacher's platform, which oversteps
its aristic limitations. Audiences do not go to the theatre
to hear a lecture20 nor, as ratings seem to indicate, do they
turn to television for educational seriousness. In short,
they want to be entertained.

nevertheless, while primarily appealing as entertainment,
every play, even the most trivial, makes some statement -~

trite and platitudinous or profound —— about life and about

 

18Bertolt Brecht, “A Short Organum for the Theatre,"
Playwrights on Playwriting, 92, gig., p. 77, reprinted from
aKleines Organum fur das Theater," Versuchg, l3 (Frankfur-
tam Main: Suhrkamp Verlag) C0pywright 1953 by Suhrkamp
Verlag, Berlin. Translated by John Willet, and edited by
Eric Bentley.

 

19Moody, op. cit., p. 116.

20Roger M. Busfield, Jr., The Playwright's Art (New York:
Harpers and Bros., Publishers, 195§), p. 82.

 

7
human nature;21 and drama at its best combines an appeal to
the emotions with an appeal to the intellect.22 However,
the shadow of the author must never fall across the play
explicitly but rather be embodied within the action
implicitly.23

In summary, the creative thesis, working within its
limitations and practicing its own techniques, is a legiti-
mate exercise for the master's degree; and if in its writing
one can demonstrate that he has exPlored the literature on
and extracted the essence of some particular technique or
has done comparable research on some specific subject matter,
he more clearly approximates the complexion of the graduate
student in other disciplines.24 In fact, he may go beyond
other graduate students in that his work, couched in the
form of entertainment, may prove more appetizing to more
peOple than would otherwise be possible in more traditional
approaches.

In this thesis, this writer has chosen a specific
subject, namely, the role of television in politics, for
study and exposition. Increasing in importance to poli-
ticians and their parties and to the mass public every year,
television, nevertheless, shows signs that in the hands of

the politicians and their associates, it can be potentially

 

2lHubert C. Hefner, Samuel Selden, and Hunton D. Sell~
man, Modern Theatre Practice (4th ed.; New York: Appleton~
Century Crofts, 1959), p. 52.

 

22Busfield, Jr., 93. gig., p. 75.

23Ibid., p. 82. 24Moody, 22° cit., p. 113.

8
more dangerous than advantageous to society. Via the
representational drama, this writer feels that this problem
area can be spotlighted much more effectively than it could
be in a series of articles or essays; and, at the same time,
the play fights fire with fire. Before proceeding to the
play, however, let us take a closer look at television's
role in politics and the techniques employed in its political

use as indicated in the following chapter.

CEL".PTI:Z ’1 I I

TELEVISION 3.241) POLITICS

Introduction
The Cost of Campaigning
The doctrine of Fairness in Campaigns
The danger of Advertising and/or Public Relations
The Oversimplitication of Issues
The Overempnasis of Candidate Personality
Summary

CHAPTER II

TELEVISION AND POLITICS

Introduction

 

Television made its political debut on August 22nd,
1928, when A1 Smith's acceptance speech for the upcoming
presidential election was picked up and broadcast by General
Electric to its Schenectady plant fitteen.miles away by a
”strange, box-like contraption with a lens on front.“1 By
1940, NBC was televising the Republican Party’s National
Convention from Philadelphia. This telecast was beamed to
New York and reached approximately 40,000 to 100,000 peeple.2
Not very auspicious in terms of audience, 1940 was a year
still in the midst of radio's golden era. However, by the
1964 election, television had grown to the point where its
audience consisted of millions across the United States; and
it had reached a dimension in shaping the American mind that

rivaled that of America's schools, churches and homes.3

1Marvin R. Waisbord, Campaigning for President (Washing-
ton, D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1964). p. 106, n. 7.

 

2Samuel L. Becker and Elmer w. Lower, "Broadcasting
in Presidential Campaigns,” The Great Debates, ed. Sidney
Kraus (Bloomington: Indiana UnIVersity Press, 1962), p. 35.

 

3Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1960
(New York: Pocket Books, Inc., 1961). p. 336.

 

10

11

This growth of the medium to national prominence and
its effect on the American public has also had its effect on
American politicians and their respective parties. For not
only have the mass media grown, they have multiplied; but
each time they have done so, they have called for new methods
and skills. Changes in the character of the news have made
the politician's selling job a more difficult one.

Where once the statement of a senator could almost

automatically expect frontpage coverage, it must

now compete for space with formerly unreported

international events. It must compete, too, with

diversionary sthmuli from the expanded world of

professional entertainment. With the rapid growth

of population, even the requirements for printed

materials have doubled and quadrupled, making

necessary much greater attention to the problems
of efficient distribution.

Technological a vance h s made ccmmunicat on a. .
highly technical, if not a professional field.4

Even though the methods devised and used by candidates
and their parties are efficient, they have led to continuous
attacks on the medium of television, the role of advertising
and public relations in politics and the subsequent chang~
ing patterns and trends in politics. That some of these
attacks are undeserved is highly evident; but after a
thorough study of the situation, five valid areas of concern
are observed. These five, now dangerous and potentially

more dangerous are:

 

‘Stanley Kelley, Jr., "The Political Role of the Public
Relations Man," The American Political Arena, ed. Joseph
R. Fiszman (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1962), p. 352,
reprinted from Professional Public Relations and Political
Power by Stanley Kelley, Jr. (Baltimore: The John Hepkins
Press, 1956).

 

 

12

l. The cost of campaigning;

2. The doctrine of fairness in campaigns;

3. The danger of advertising and/or public relations;

4. The oversimplification of issues;

5. The overemphasis of candidate personality.

These five areas are not, of course, separate and dis-
tinct categories. They overlap to a considerable extent,
working together and influencing each other so that classi-
fication becomes somewhat vague and difficult. Nevertheless,
for the present purposes, the writer will attempt to con-

sider each individually.

The Cost of Campaigning

 

Television is an increasingly costly medium and nowhere
is this more true than in politics. Candidates, parties and
broadcasters alike have felt the economic pressures mount
as they vie for votes and for audiences. While rapidly
becoming a necessity for the campaigner, it is more and more

an expensive luxury.

Political Broadcast Expenditures

In 1964, it took about $35,000,000 to turn the political
broadcasting stiles. Of that sum almost $25,000,000 went for
the general election. That was two and a half times greater

than similar expenditures in 195635 stated another way,

5Leo BOgart in his Thetége of Television (2d ed. rev.;
New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1958), p. 219,
indicates that in 1956 broadcasting costs had risen to
$10,000,000 which was a substantial increase over the
$6,000,000 spent in 1952.

 

13

between 1956 and 1960, political broadcast expenditures in-
creased by 45 per cent and between 1960 and 1964 they in—
creased by 70 per cent.6 Network charges alone for political
broadcasts, almost entirely limited to the presidential and
vice—presidential campaigns, were $3,250,000 in 1956 as com~
pared to $3,000,000 in 1960 and $3,925,000 in 1964.7

The decrease in network charges in 1960 were due for
the most part to the Congressional waiver of Section 315 of
the Communications Act of 1934. While political groups
throughout the country spent a total of $14,650,000 for paid
telecasts8 (including $2,600,000, mostly for broadcasting,
by the Democrats in the last eighteen days of the campaign9
and $2,000,000 by the Republicans in the last ten days),10
the networks, not hindered by applications for equal time
from.minority candidates, lost money when they gave the two
major candidates 39 hours and 22 minutes of free national

network time11 for what is now called "The Great Debates.“

 

6Herbert E. Alexander, Stimson Bullitt, and Hyman h.
Goldin, llThe High Costs of TV Campaigns," Television Quar—
terly, V (Winter, 1966), 62. *

 

71b1d., p. 63.

8Irvin Horowitz, ”The Campaign,” The New York Times
Election Handbook 1964, ed. Harold Faber (New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Co., 1964), p. 115.

 

 

9White, 92, gig., p. 373.

100: the $2,000,000 spent by the Republicans, $500,000
was spent on the Monday before the election when it was felt
urgent measures were necessary to undo some of the previous
mistakes made by Nixon in his handling of the TV’medium.
(Ibid.. pp. 374-375).

11Horowitz, op. cit., p. 115.

14

In 1964 without the waiver, the networks gave only 4 1/2

hours of which 1 1/4 went to the candidates themselves. No

time was given to minority party candidates.12

Free Time and Section 315

 

Controversy centering around Section 315 of the Communi-

cations Act of 1934 has certainly brought pressure to bear on

the broadcaster. The essence of this controversy centers on

television's power. Concentrated decisively in three commer~

cial offices in Manhattan, it has long perplexed the American

Congress and its agent, the Federal Communications Commission.

What perplexes Congress, fundamentally, is whether
the hallowed doctrine of freedom of the press can
responsibly be applied to the modern reality of
American broadcasting. If, as Walter Lippman

has pointed out, there were only three printing
presses available to publish the written word

for the entire country, then the concern of the
nation with the management of those printing
presses would probably transcend 'freedom of

the press' too.l3

Therefore, until 1960 and the Great Debates, Congress

and the Federal Communications Commission had time and

time again repeated their respect for television's freedom

of expression but persistently restricted the power of the

broadcasters to express this freedom politically.14 After

the Debates and the reinstatement of Section 315, the

broadcasters were once again limited.

 

12Alexander, Bullitt, and Goldin, op. cit., p. 65.

13White, op. cit., p. 336.

141bid.

15

In essence, the regulations over our new communi‘

cations system have permitted its preprietors any

freedom of vulgarity, squalor or commercial

profit -— but little or no freedom of political

expression.15

The results of this have been twofold. First, confusion
over who has the right to air time once a candidate or his
spokesman is allowed on the air has led to a very light
handling of important campaign issues and a lack of in-depth
coverage as broadcasters shy away through fear of Section 315.
Knowing that any crackpot could demand air time by citing
315, the broadcasters take no chances.16 Secondly, as costs
in television rose, the broadcasters decided against giving
away their air time in favor of selling it.17 This was prob-
ably due in large part to excessive demands for time by
minority candidates and has led to paid broadcasts and com-
mercials by the major parties, determining, in large part,
the kinds of information about the issues of the campaign to
which the voter could be exposed.18 Combined with a lack of

in-depth coverage, the public and the poor candidate suffer.

Non—Network Sustaining Tige

 

Approximately one-third of 559 television stations
report, in a recent survey by Hyman Goldin, that they have a
policy of not making free time available to candidates. But,

in practice, most of the stations with an anti-sustaining

 

151b1d.

 

16Becker and Lower, op, cit., p. 42.
171b1d., p. 41. 18;b1d., p. 44.

16

policy actually carry network sustaining political proqrams.19
Over-all, television stations reported giving an average

of five hours of free time.20 And, of 559 stations, 521

(94 per cent) reported sustaining time, counting both network

and non-network proqrams; however, only 353 (68 per cent)

reported non—network sustaining time. The significance of

this is that approximately 200 television stations do not

provide any sustaining time for Senatorial, Gubernatorial,

Congressional or any other local candidates.21

The Networks Lose and the Ad Agencies Gain

 

It is interesting to note that while politics brought
$50,000 or more to 118 television stations in 1964,22 the
networks each spent $10,000,000.23 (By comparison, in 1952,
it was estimated that all three networks lost a combined sum
0: $2,500,000 in their election coverage.)24 This $30,000,000
represents coverage costs for primaries, specials, conventions
and election night. Construction costs for convention cover-

age alone ran $750,000 per network per convention,25 with a

 

19Alexander, Bullitt, and Goldin, gp. cit., p. 64.

20This amounted to 3,944 free hours in 1964 as Opposed
to 7,176 paid hours. This is quite impressive considering
network television's almost complete lack of sustaining
times (Ibide' pp. 63-64).

211bid., p. 64. 221bid., p. 63.

23Terry Turner, ”Cost of Convention Coverage," Chicgg_
Daily News, July 11, 1964, Panorama Section, p. 19. '

 

24Becker and Lower, §p. cit., p. 41, citing Broadcasting—
Telecasting, XLIII (Nov. 0 1952), 27.

 

 

25Turner, op. cit., p. 19.

17

grand total of $7,000,000 being spent by the networks for
coverage at San Francisco.26 In addition, increased man-
power and equipment assignments were four times larger than
that of 1960.27

On the other hand, as network losses have gone spiral-
ing, advertising agencies have profited. When networks
began selling their time, agencies were called in to help

develop programs and announcements.28

By 1960 each party
paid nearly a quarter of its campaign expenditures to its
advertising agency. The Republican National Committee paid
out $2,269,578, while the Democratic National Committee
spent $2,413,227.29 In 1964, while no exact figures are
available, it has been estimated that 40 per cent of the

$35,000,000 spent on the campaign went for imagery.30

gpnclusion

 

Television has become the biggest single eXpense of any

major political campaign. Whereas Lincoln spent seventy»

 

26Terry Turner, "TV Lost Big Money on Convention,"
Chicago Daily News, July 17, 1964, p. 39.

 

27Turner, "Cost of Convention Coverage," op. cit., p. 19.
28Becker and Lower, 93. gig” p. 44.

29Daniel M. Ogden, Jr. and Arthur L. Peterson, Electing
the President: 1964 (San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Co.,
m1), p. 143, citing Herbert E. Alexander, Financing the

a..- “ca.

1960 Election (Princeton, N. J.: Citizens' Research Founda-
tion, 1962?, p. 31.

30Transcription of National Educational Television
Network pregram, "What TV Has Done to Politics," a report
of the Fair Campaign Practices Committee, Inc., conference
in Washington, D. C., Broadcast: Nov. 1, 1965.

18

five cents to campaign in 1846, today one ten second Spot on
a New York television station can cost as much as $1,500.31

That this emphasis on money influences the running of
a campaign is obvious. That this emphasis will continue to
grow unless somehow checked is also obvious. In addition,
with color television now the rage, time costs are bound to
rise, not to mention production costs which may run as high
as time costs.32 This means, as Newton Minow points out,
that we will soon be limited to either very wealthy candi—
dates or to not-so-wealthy candidates in debt to well«
financed elements.33

Recommendations on how to overcome this problem are
many. Some say that each station should allow political

parties a certain amount of free political time.34

Others,
such as Goldin, say that it might be best to do away with
Section 315 at least on the Presidential 1eve1,35 and there
are also those who recommend subsidizing candidates for

their television campaigns.36

But whatever method is chosen,
in order for it to be effective, the cooperation of the

television industry, the political parties, the FCC, the

 

-—.—< a.”- - a...“ .-_..... -. w.-

31Ibig.

32Alexander, Bullitt, and Goldin, 92. git., p. 49.

33Newton N. Minow, Equal Time, ed. Lawrence Laurent
(New York: Atheneum, 1964), p. 32.

 

3‘Ibia.

 

35Alexander, Bullitt, and Goldin, gp. cit., p. 65.

361bid., p. 58.

19

national government and the various state governments is

needed.

The Doctrine of Fairness in Campaigns

With the advent of television in political campaigns,
many new techniques and technicians have come to the fore.
Their functions and methods of operation are relatively
new. Whereas, many find solace in the axiom, the camera
never lies, nevertheless, it may distort auccessfully.37

The television audience, for all its illusion of

being on the spot to judge for itself, sees any

political figure through the eye of the camera,

and what the camera uses is itself controlled by

technicians, directors and commentators. By their

presentation of the political scene the broad-

casters wield an enormous influence over the pub-

lic's view of current events.38

Held in check by the Federal Communications Commission,
many broadcasters seemingly go out of their way to be fair.39
However, there are trends and occurrences that equally indi-
cate the Opposite. One, as we have just seen, involves the
prohibitive time and production costs of television, which

in turn denies access to the medium for the non-wealthy;

another involves coverage of political events.

 

7

37Kurt Lang and Gladys Enqel Lang have illustrated this
in a study centering around the investigation of a public
event as viewed over television: see "The Unique Perspective
of Television and Its Effect: A Pilot Study, “gags

Communications, ed. Wilbur Schramm (2d ed.: Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1960), pp. 544—560.

3aaogart, 93. cit., p. 225.

39For the ultimate in fairness, read the backstage
accounts of the 1964 Presidential debates; see Herbert
A. Seltz, and Richard D. Yoakam, “Production Diary of
the Debates," The Great Debates, op. cit., pp. 73~126.

20

Coverage of Campaign Events

 

President Eisenhower, in a speech to the Radio and
Television Broadcasters on May 24, 1955, said that the tele-
vision industry has a great capacity, when used properly, to
sway public opinion. This means, said the President, that
the broadcasters have an added responsibility to see that the
news is truthfully told ”with the integrity of the entire
industry behind it."

Of course you want to entertain....0f course you

want people to look at it, and I am all for it....

But when we come to something that we call news--

and I am certain that I am not speaking of anything

that you haven't discussed earnestly among your-

selves-~1et us simply be sure it is news. 0

The President's concern is, in one respect, directed
towards the elimination of news that is purposely created to
fill air time and newspaper space and that is aimed at the
sensational.‘1 It is also for an improvement in the selec-
tion and presentation of news and political material because
it is felt that broadcasters often have a tendency to be

unfair, via selection and presentation, to those not in

their favor.‘2

 

ge¢ w

‘oDouglass Cater, “Every Congressman a Television Star,”
Politics, U. 8. A., eds. Andrew M. Scott and Earle Wallace
TNew York: iThe Macmillan Co., 1961), p. 246, reprinted from
The Reporter, June 16, 1955.

 

 

‘IDaniel J. Boorstin refers to this as the creation of
"pseudo-events”. They are planned events not as concerned
with reality as they are with newsworthiness. See, e.g.,
his chapter on "From News Gathering to News Making: A Flood
of Pseudo-Events,” Theglmage: A Guide to Pseudo-Events in

"i-“ '.

America (New York: Harper and Row, Publisher37m1961 .

 

42The slanting of news takes on many forms and approach‘
as. See, Wilbur Schramm, Responsibility in M3§§.EEEEBQ£S§‘
tion (New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 19575, pp.
217-265.

 

21

This uneasiness has been eXpressed most often over the
ability of a television commentator, such as the late
Edward R. Murrow, to step into the arena of public debate and
exercise a powerful force on the formation or public Opinion.
For years, radio news analysts have injected a personal note
into the interpretation of the political scene. Television,
therefore does not raise new questions about the role of
broadcast commentary on controversial issues. However, as
a more powerful medium, it raises the old question in a more
compelling way.

If a good reporter like Murrow can use his pres-

tige, his air time, and his command of television

technique to help change the prevailing image of

a major political figure, could not the same be

achieved by a broadcaster who was not on the side

of the angels?43 ._..

In 1956 a related incident of this nature did occur. A
CBS network producer quietly drOpped a hint to a Stevenson
staff man that during the presidential convention, Eisenhower
and Nixon would get complete television coverage because of
their elected positions. Stevenson would get similar treat-
ment, but the Democratic vice-presidential nominee would not

--un1ess it were Kennedy. Why? "Because Kennedy has box

office.”‘4 Add to this the Democrats' problems in securing

 

_ A “mm

43Bogart, $3. cit., p. 225. Some of the thinking behind
Section 315 aga n becomes evident. (Supra.,pp. lO~12).

‘4The producer added a personal footnote, "Don't get him
wrong," he said. "Personally, he was anti-Kennedy, but
politically he wanted Kennedy picked because that would
double the Democrats' TV coverage. And he prided himself,
first and above all on being a good Democrat who placed
Party above Person." Ralph G. Martin, Ballots_and Band:
wagons (Chicago: Rand Mcually and Co., 1964), p. 393.

 

22

45 and you can see the party was not

an advertising agency
getting off on the right foot.

Even when thoughts of partisanship are discarded, there
is still a chance that one party or the other will be dealt
with unfairly. For example, in televised presidential press
conferences just prior to election time, objections are
raised because it is said, and rightly so, that these con-
ferences work to the benefit of the incumbent party. The
camera work, the commentary and the general direction are
such as to support the dignity of the office and reinforce
an impression of the competence of the individual who holds
it. Yet that individual and his fitness may be, at the same
time, the object of strong attacks by the other political
party. The apparently reportorial functions of the televi-
sion broadcaster may prove, upon close scrutiny, strongly

partisan.46

anclusion

.- uwa-v‘“ “a

Today's politician, if prOperly financed, has at his

disposal a medium guaranteed to reach the people. He can use

“a. -—-~.~m"“. - m

 

‘SIn 1952, no large Madison Avenue advertising agency
would touch the Democrats; in 1956, an appeal for fair play
brought an eventual (and, as it turned out, unhappy) accept-
ance by the small agency of Norman, Craig and Kummel: and,
in 1960, the account was exiled all the way to San Francisco.
Implied here is the idea that the Democrats were losers and
it is best to stick with a winner. In 1960, the Democrats
got back somewhat when they berated ”government by hucksters”
in their campaign speeches. Anthony Howard, “The Huckster's
Lament," Politics 1964, eds. Francis M. Carney and H. Frank
Way, Jr. TEEIESKE, California: Wadsworth Publishing Co., Inc.,
1964), p. 161, reprinted from E23 Statesman, Jan. 27, 1961.

so...“

‘6Bogart, 22. cit., p. 227.

23
it honestly or he can misuse it to distort just as the broad-
caster can. Redubbing mistakes and editing audio and video
tape can provide slick, professional programs, but they can
also deceive.47 Clouding the audio while the video implies,
stacking audiences and rigging interview shows may help to
win elections as some suggest;48 but they also tread dan-
gerously close to campaign abuses.

The broadcaster cannot change what the politician and
his staff of advisers do in their campaigns, but he can alter
his behavior. Schramm says,

He has an obligation of his own to see that all

pertinent sides of a question get an airing. He

has the same obligation that earlier editors had,

to seek out truth wherever it is hidden, to unmask

falsehood, halftruths, double dealing, and

chicanery.49

In short, he can be more than a common carrier to transport

whatever the expert manipulators give him.50

The Danger of Advertising and/or Public Relations

 

When candidates and parties began to buy broadcast time
in earnest, they began to pay more attention to the messages
they were sending out. More exact decisions had to be made

on what information concerning what issues should be offered

w _.

47'What TV Has Done to Politics," N. E. T. Transcription,
gp. cit., Nov. 1,1965.

‘BStephen G. Shadegg, How to Win_*w_plection (New York:
Taplinger Publishing Co., Inc., IgETY} PP- 1593170, 172.

‘9Schramm, Responsibility in Mass Communication, 0p.
cit., p. 161.

 

5°Ibid.

24

the electorate,51

and the problem became one of presenting
the selected information in ways that would assure the par-
ties of attracting audience attention. It was to profes—
sional advertising and public relations that they turned.52
Expert in the field of persuasion and competent in the build«
ing of ”images” for products and/Or candidates, the public
relations man's services are aptly suited to the political
situation. However, in providing such services, the public
relations man is, in large part, responsible for the con—

siderable change in the nature of politics we are experienc-

ing today.

Types of Available Services

 

Basically, there are three main types of political pub-
lic relations available to the candidate. The largest and
most influential type is that of the campaign.management
firm. This firm specializes in complete management of can—
didates for public office and of state and local ballot
prepositions. In effect, the firm substitutes for the func-
tions of political parties, although, in many instances, it
53

Operates on a year round basis for non~political clients.

Secondly, there are the advertising agencies and/or public

51Becker and Lower, 22! cit., p. 44.

52Advertising agencies began to make inroads as of the
1952 presidential campaign. However, they were used prior
to 1952 though not Openly employed by the parties. (Ibid.,
p. 35, reprinted from Senate Report No. 47, 77 Cong., I sess.,
Feb. 15, 1941, p. 15.)

 

3
5 Robert J. Pitchell, “The Influence of Professional
Campaign Management Firms in Partisan Elections in Califor-
nia,” The Western Political Quarterly, XI (June, 1958), 280.

 

25

relations agencies whose primary concern and caMpaiqn activ—
ity is that Of serving as publicity arms for the candidates.
These agencies serve as experts in the use of the mass media
rather than as full campaign management esperts.54 And,
thirdly, there is the form that consists of persons Of
various professions such as newspapermen, academicians, law~
yers, labor unionists, civil servants and political assist-
ants.55 These peOple share a common characteristic in
that they all possess specialized or technical knowledge
Of public opinion formation or mass media use. But while
they are quite often highly skilled in these areas, they do
not usually practice commercial publicity or advertising
between elections.56

In choosing between these types, a candidate will
notice that they differ significantly in their method of
service. If one Of the two latter forms is used, the candi-
date will add expert or professional help to the publicity
segment of this campaign. He will not change th method,
nature or Operation Of his campaign. However, if he chooses

the first type, the method, nature and Operations are

' -—.-—v~—-- _-. w p..— o..- u—‘n‘, ‘“ - .v «0-... -.-..~ m ..

“ibid.-

55Also included in this group is a list of Hollywood
notables acting as persuader-consultants in areas Of show»
manship. Robert Montgomery, Alan Jay Lerner, George Murphy
and Dore Schary are among a few whose work went beyond that
Of the run-of-the-mill testimonial. See, Vance Packard,
The Ridden Persuaders (New York: Pocket Books, Inc., 1957),
pp. 164-172; Martifimfiayer, Madison Avenue, U.S.A. (New
York: Pocket Books, Inc., I?§§T”I§§§YTMESTN§5§3§O3.

 

55Pitchell, 92. cit., pp. 280—281.

26
changed.57 Everything from raising money, determining issues,
writing speeches, handling press releases, preparing adver—
tising c0py, programming radio and television shows and
develoPing whatever other publicity techniques are neces-
sary for a given campaign are included in the campaign
management firm's functions.58 Every gimmick and technique
falls under its jurisdiction from the obvious deve10pment of
slogans such as “I Like Ike"59 to the not so obvious improve—
ment or development of the candidate's total public image.
This is accomplished while getting the maximum impact out
of a message while staying within the confines of a cam-

paign budget.6°

Objections to Public Relations

 

Only three of the jobs performed by campaign firms and
agencies, etc., can be regarded as advertising work. These
are the preparation of actual print ads or broadcast announce-
ments, the selection of media for these commercial messages
and for the candidate's speeches, and the measurement by re-

search of how well the candidate's message is coming across.

 

57Ibid., p. 281. Evidence of national campaigns seem
to indicate that campaign management firms are still sub-
ordinate to the candidates' desires and the parties' demands.
However, their influence in the running of the campaign is
not to be denied.

531b1d., p. 273.
59William Lee Miller, ”Can Government Be 'Merchandised'?"

Politics, U.S.A., g3. cit., p. 219, reprinted from $23
Reporter, October 7, I§§3.

 

6OKelley, Jr., gp. cit., p. 353.

27

The last two of these are technical contributions to which
there is no objection.61 The first, however, when viewed in
combination with the other functions of these firms, such as
determining issues, does leave cause for alarm. It does so
because the values of the public relations man and the
requirements related to the needs of successful public rela—
tions often take precedence over substance, over issues and
even over the values of the politician himself.62 Thus,
the public relations man finds himself assuming a role of
increased importance and power in the political arena.

Since he tends to view his contribution to

politics in terms of a job to be done, he may

likely serve opposing candidates and parties,

and in this sense he is almost "apolitical.”

But his possession of the skills so badly needed

in modern politics provide hnm with possibili-

ties of potential political power which he can

use for the maximization of his own group values

and interests.53

While cognizant of this power, the politician neverthe-
less adds to it. It is as if there is some magic involved
in the demand for public relations services. This, in light
of the fact that,

There are few data for evaluating, with anything

like scientific accuracy, particular prepaganda

techniques, and certainly not for the assessment

of the effectiveness of “public relations” in
general.54 Yet the habitual tendency of the

 

61Mayer, op. cit., p. 304.

62"Communication and Politics," $22 American Political
Arena, op. cit., p. 350.

 

63Ibid., p. 351.

6“Although the record of the total impact of public rela-
tions in politics is not complete as yet, it is nevertheless
evident that some firms have been on the winning side in

28

politician is to "run scared," and he must have

knowledge that will help him win. A competitive

political situation and frightened politicians are

thus a boon to the public relations man. And

though there may be magic in his appeal under these

conditions, it is no less real for that reason.°

If taken to its logical extreme, this reliance on public
relations can, and.will, restrict the free market place of
ideas; for the emphasis is not on being heard but rather on

obtaining a differential advantage.66

This, according to
Edward Barneys, public relations spokesman, is called “the
engineering of consent.” This means that "the voice of the
peOple eXpresses the mind of the peeple, and that mind is
made up for it by group leaders in whom it believes and by
those persons who understand the manipulation of Opinion.”
Thus, the gifted and sincere politician is able, through
propaganda, to mold and form the will of the peOple.67 In

short, he is engineering consent. However, Schramn

 

most of the campaigns they have undertaken. However, their
records are not all that impressive. These organizations
look for winners and often refuse candidates they do not
think can win. (Supra, p. 18, n. 69). But, even with “win-
here“ they have not created pushbutton voting and their
techniques are far from foolproof. Their main contribution
to date has been to add an expert, efficient and economical
contact with the voting population. This increases in impor-
tance with the size of the constituency and as the issues
confronting the society become obscure and less central in
the lives of the voters. The danger lies in their increas-
ing power and the techniques being brought to bear on the
election. Pitchell, op. gig., pp. 283—300.

65Kelley, Jr.,gp. cit., p. 353.

66Schramm, gesponsibility in Mass Communication, op.
cit., p. 160. ’

 

67£E£§°r PP. 160~l6l. citing Edward L. Barneys, EESEESEQ“
‘33 (New York: Liveright, 1928), p. 92,

29
counteracts, similar to Begart's concern over broadcast
commentators, that consent can be engineered by the insin-

cere68 just as easily as by the sincere.‘39

$113,993.93

Democratic theory postulates that a free exchange of
information is essential in instructing the public about pub-
lic problems and issues.70 Increasing knowledge or levels
of information expand the possibilities and potentialities
available for realizing a greater public good. It also aids
in holding officials accountable and responsible for their
performance of public business. An enlightened citizenry
and its leaders will thus create new possibilities for action
and hOpefully more good.71 However, the trend in public

relations moves away from this; for in campaigns where the

 

v—w u"

 

68Merton indicates that in this situation an interesting
moral problem arises. The eXpert faces the choice between
being a less than fully effective technician and a scrupu-
lous human being or an effective technician and a less than
scrupulous human being. For in seeking effective mass
persuasion, the tendency is to push for whatever works and
the techniques used are apt to be governed by a narrowly
technical and amoral criterion which expresses a manipulative
attitude toward man and society. The technician then must
decide whether or not he should devise techniques for
exploiting mass anxieties, for using sentimental appeals in
place of information, for making private purpose in the
guise of common purpose. "He faces the moral problem of
choosing not only among social ends but also among propaganda
means.“ See, Robert K. Merton, "Mass Persuasion: A
Technical Problem and a Moral Dilemma," The American
Pglitical Arena, 923 git., p. 377. “M '" '

 

6gschramm, Responsibility in_Mass Communication, op. cit.,
p. 161.

 

70Vinccnt Ostrom, "The Politics of Education in a Democ-
racy," The American Political Arena, 92, 555., p. 371.

 

“raga” pp. 371-472.

30

public relations experts choose the issues, tell the candi-
dates what to do and control the image of the candidate which
reaches the people, the spirit of the free market place cer-
tainly is violated.72

This violation of the free market place takes on ominous
overtones when it is realized that the first act of a dicta~
tor is usually the seizure of the mass media.73 While no
dictator looms in sight, nevertheless, it is felt by many——
especially after noting that those with access to the instru-
ments of communication have greater freedom and opportunities
for making their demands heard and values maximized74-~that
it might now be theoretically possible to seize the media by
skill and ability to pay and accomplish something of the same
thing a dictator does by force.75 In fact, it might prove
more of a challenge in that manipulation of the peeple by a
tyrant with a controlled society is a fairly simple matter.
The real contest, says Vance Packard, comes in dealing effec-

tively with citizens of a free society who can vote you out

 

72Schramm, Responsibility in Mass Commooioaoioo, op. gig.,
p. 160.

 

731bid., p. 161.

74This becomes more ominous when it is realized that there
are fewer than 100 controlling over 50 per cent of the total
circulation of the daily press and that many communities have
access to only one paper and one radio or television station
connected to a national monOpoly. "Communications and
Politics,“ The American Political Areoo, 92° EiE-v p. 349.

75Schramm, Responsibility in Mass Communication, op.
cit., p. 161.

 

 

31

of office or spurn your solicitation for their support, if
they are so minded.76

It is only to the mass media, paradoxically, that the
public can turn for guidance and defense. The media are the
outposts against usurpation of our rights.77 Thus, having
given life and nurture to public relations as an occupa-
tion,78 they must now watch over it like a motner hen and be
aware that here is one of the great forces which may impinge

on the free market place.79

The Oversimplification of issues

 

One of the most common objections to the use of public
relations and advertising in political campaigns is that
advertising oversimplifies, which is true. A good part of
the technique of advertising has the single purpose of sim-
plification, of finding from the variety of causes which make
people buy a product the one or two or three causes which can
be condensed down to one “reason" and then inflated up to a
slogan. Applied to branded products, this technique can do

little harm to society. Product purchases are trivial

 

i___ __ “— u-o-v-‘n.

761s line with this, Kenneth Boulding of the University of
Michigan says, ”A world of unseen dictatorship is conceivable,
still using the forms of democratic government.” Packard,
op. oi£., p. 155.

77
p. 161.
78

79
p. 161.

Schramm, Responsibility in Mass Communicatioo, op. 915.,

 

Kelley, Jr., op. gig., p. 352.

Schramm, Responsibility in Mass Communication, op. oi§.,

 

32
matters; and if the product does not give satisfaction, then
it will not be purchased a second time. Applied to political
issues, however, the technique must partially misinform,
create undesirable emotions and distort the realities which,

in theory, underlie the decision of the electorate.80

The Use of ”Spots" in Campaigoo

 

The politician on television, it is said, must not only
outdo his opponent on the same medium; but he must also be
more appealing and more entertaining than the great stars in
the world of entertainment, news and sports whose domain he
has invaded. However, the conventional time segments of tele~
vision are against the candidate. It may be possible for an
incumbent President to hold the attention of a television
audience while he delivers a thirty minute speech, but even
this is Open to question. ”Certainly the lesser candidates
cannot hOpe to capture any substantial audience for such a
lengthy period with a program consisting of nothing more than
a camera focused upon a speaker at a rostrum."81

The above concern for reaching and holding an audience
is just one of many reasons given for the use of spots in a
political campaign. While no less costly, they nevertheless
offer the candidate a captive audience if placed at strategic
places throughout the broadcast day. Their virtue lies in

the fact that they can enve10p the voter in a spray of

 

"- .. -a—th“

0
8 Mayer, op. cit., pp. 304-305.

81Shadegg, op, git., p. 166.

33

stimuli from‘which there is the possibility that enough
messages will break through to the viewer for candidate iden~
tification.82 As Rosser Reeves, of the Ted Bates Advertising
Agency and adviser to President Eisenhower, has said,

I think of a man in a voting booth who hesitates

between two levers as if he were pausing between

competing tubes of toothpaste in a drugstore. The

222;? 3221‘ 3?; Efiifififcfif‘a’fim ”mum“ °" ”‘5

The use of spots in campaigns can be traced back as far
as the 1936 election where they were used on radio. However,
they were relegated to a secondary position in campaign
strategy in that the political strategists of the day seemed
to have preferred the longer campaign speeches.84 By 1952
the position of Spots and longer speeches in the eyes of the
strategists had reversed. The politicians were impressed
with the low cost per thousand homes reached, the idea that
spots would reach peOple not already prejudiced in favor of
the candidate and the idea that there was an Opportunity to
concentrate fire in the relatively few critical states which
could not correctly be counted in either candidates'

85

column. Robert Humphreys, the Republican National Commit-

tee Public Relations Director, thus stated in his writing of

82William J. Gore and Robert L. Peabody, "The Functions of
the Political Campaign: A Case Study," The American_Politi-
cal Arena, gp. cit., p. 286, reprinted from The Western “7'
Political Quarterly, XI (March, 1958).

 

 

 

 

83
Packard, op. cit., p. 166.

34
Mayer, op. cit., p. 298.

85Ibid., pp. 298-299.

34

the Republicans' 1952 ”Campaign Plan,“

The use of radio and TV stationbreak "spots” dur—

ing the last ten days of the campaign is a must

for stimulating the voter to go to the polls and

vote for the candidates.86

Since 1952 the procedures necessary for the deveIOpment
of spots has been somewhat systematized. Much like consumer
product advertising, the public relations experts seek to
limit their candidates' main selling points to two or three
issues which can be distilled into simple themes and slogans
that are memorable and adaptable to repetition. Issues may
then go undiscussed not because they are unimportant but
because they are not easily reduced to simple positive
themes.87 All arguments must be capsulized and sloganized,
and every alternative presented thus requires comparison and
weighing so that the best and simplest this or that situation
is found.88 Aiming at simplification, it turns out to be

quite a job.39

 

 

1"” w “---o_.~m‘~.——v‘-vm -—..—¢ ,---

35Ibid., p. 299.

87This dismissal of issues is not a matter of concern to
many public relations men and their candidates in that they
feel the public does not have the complexity or the knowledge
to notice what is missing. What with criticism of public
apathy being as it is, one feels their point, unfortunately,
may be well taken. Stanley Kelley, Jr., ‘Afterthoughts on
Madison Avenue Politics," Politig§_lg§g, eds. Francis M.
Carney and H. Frank Way, Jr. (San Francisco: Wadsworth
Publishing Co., Inc., 1960). Pp. 123, 125, reprinted from ghe
Antioch Review, (Summer, 1957), pp. l73~185.

 

88Kelley, Jr., "The Political Role of the Public Relations
Man,” 93. cit., p. 356.

89An interesting view of Rosser Reeves' work in the 1952
election for the Republican party in preparing Spots, and the
end results, is offered in Mayer, op. cit., pp. 298‘301.

35

An Example of Simplification in Another Area

 

Simplification in political broadcasting is not just
relegated to spots. There are examples in practically every
type of broadcast material. Even the "Great Debates” in
1960, those four campaign programs, ”pompously and self—
righteously advertised by the broadcasting networks, were
remarkably successful in reducing great national issues to
trivial dimension."90

In retrOSpect, it is not too surprising that the debates
were not as enlightening as they were hOped to be. Some
blame the question and answer format utilized in all four
telecasts;91 but, more likely, the form in combination with
the concern for the compulsions of the television medium were
responsible or at least, highly contributory. For it is the
nature of television to abhor silence and dead time. Thus,
all television discussion programs are compelled to snap
question and answer back and forth as if the contestants
were adversaries in an intellectual tennis match. Although
aXperienced newsmen and inquirers know that the most thought-
ful and responsive answers to any difficult question come
after long pause “and that the longer the pause the more
illuminating the thought that follows it, nonetheless the

electronic media cannot bear to suffer a pause of more than

9°Boorstin, 92. cit., p. 41.

91Boorstin says, "With appropriate vulgarity, they
might have been called the $400,000 Question (prize: a
$100,000-a—year job for four years).” In the context in
which they were presented, they are a good example of
pseudo-events. (Ibid).

36

five seconds; a pause of thirty seconds of dead time on air
seems interminable."92 In the debates, then, snapping their
two-and-a-half-minute answers back and forth, both Kennedy
and Nixon could only react for the cameras and the peerle~~
they could not think. When seemingly caught out on a limb
with a thought too heavy for two minute eXploration, they
hastily moved back toward center as soon as the thought was
enunciated.93

If there was to be a forum for political issues, the
television debates should have provided it. Yet they did not.
What they did, however, was to provide the voters a living
portrait of two men under stress and let the voters decide,
by instinct and emotion, which style and pattern of behavior

under stress they preferred in a leader.94

Conclusion

 

Issues require rational discussion which entails an
explanation of events and the presentation of these explana~
tions in their prOper relative importance. The elements of
a problem must be analyzed and then presented in a connected
chain of reasoning.95 However, spots and the typical dis-

cussion programs prevent this. As the late Adlai Stevenson

 

‘ .0..- .d-uu‘ m —~-- ‘--—.’--‘~--.-O.- p—mw—“uoo —..o~-

92White, gp. cit., p. 350.
93Ib1d., pp. 350-351.
941b1d., p. 351.

95Kelley, Jr., “The Political Role of the Public Relations
Min," 220 93-30, D. 3560

37

asked (after being told that no television speech should be
longer than fifteen minutes, that five minutes was better and
that the one minute spot was best), “How can a candidate
possibly deal honestly in one, or five, or fifteen minutes
with any complex question —- with inflation or disarmament,
for example?“ His answer was that he could not.96

Nevertheless, the trend toward simplification in polit—
ical communication is gathering momentum.97 Its justification
is that it works to stir up the apathetic citizen who listens
to political discussion irregularly and preferss the variety
show or murder mystery to the politician.98 While possibly a
realistic consideration, eventually this can only work
against society; for if a candidate has ideas on a complex
subject vital to society, he has no time to set them forth.
Instead, he must reduce them to a legan and the audience
learns practically nothing -~ just the sloqan. No hint of
the perils, alternatives and secondary issues that lie behind
ideas and decisions is given.99 If this works to overcome
apathy, it presupposes a restrictive and feeble under»

standing on the part of the public and aids in closing up

worn Wmnanovrp—s-O-C—

95Adlai E. Stevenson, “Choice by Hullabaloo,‘ Politics
%964, op. cit., p. 151, reprinted from THIS WEEK Magazine,
1960).

 

97In 1964, 60 per cent of the dollars spent in the general
election went for 10- to GO-second spots and 40 per cent for
program time. From all apparent indications, this is bound
to increase. Alexander, Bullitt, and Goldin, op. cit., p. 63.

93Kelley, Jr., "The Political Pole of the Public Relations
Man,” 22' cit., p. 357.

99Adlai E. Stevenson, op. cit., p. 151.

38

the free market place.100

The Overemphasis of Candidate Personality

 

Actor James Stewart for President. His running mate on
the Republican ticket for Vice~Presidentz actor John Wayne.
Opposing them on the Democratic slate: Jack Lemmon for
President, Burt Lancaster for Vice~President. Preposterous?
Absurd? That's pretty much the reaction peeple would have
had ten years ago had you suggested George Murphy as U. 8.
Senator from California101 or Ronald Reagan as Governor of
that same state. But today it is not inconceivable to think
that Stewart and Wayne, or Lemmon and Lancaster, taking
advantage of their public images, could have fared much better
than Goldwater and Miller in 1964.102

Today's trend is for more and more film and television
stars to plunge into politics by running for office and speak-

ing out on 3UbjeCt3 previously thought too controversial.103

 

#4 a... -uo‘" .-c-. A- an. «QC-.r'vu.

100It was Hitler's contention that the masses were not
capable of understanding anything complex. Such being the
case, he indicated that “all effective prepaganda must be
confined to a few bare necessities and then must be ex-
pressed in a few stereotyped formulas.“ Hitler had nothing
but scorn for intellectuals who are always looking for some-
thing new. “Only constant repetition will finally succeed
in imprinting an idea on the memory of a crowd. ” Alan
Bullock, "The Talents of Tyranny," The Nazi Revolution, ed.
John L. Snell (Boston: D. C. Heath afidfibo.:"I§S9),HE:”2,
reprinted from Hitler: A Study in T ranny, (New York: Har-
per and Bros., I952), pp. 61- 64, 48, and 352 353.

 

101Lloyd Shearer, "Show Business Personalities Plunge
into Politics," Chicago Sun—Times Parade Magazine, Sept. 5,
1965, p.4.

 

10251339 , p. 5.

103Years ago most of the film stars under studio con-
tract feared political involvement. The studios would not

39
The reason behind this trend lies partly in the fact that
there are several actors who, in addition to their successful

acting careers, are seriously pursuing studies in other

areas.104 Politics is a fascinating endeavor for them as it

is for many non—actors.

The main emphasis behind this trend, however, lies in
two demands made by the medium of television if success is to
be achieved in television -- personality and showmanship ~—
and the acquiesence of the parties to these demands. The

actor, with his preestablished personality and knowledge of

show business, thus becomes a likely choice for candidacy105

as do those non—actors whose personal attractiveness, general-
ities of Speech and manner of appearance and presentation -~
all good television qualities -- are in evidence. Issues be-
come secondary considerations to the point that it is felt

by many that in the absence of really strong emotional issues,

how the candidates project on the television screen could be

allow it. Today the studios control practically no stars,
and the contemporary actor feels strongly about the stifling
of his political beliefs. (Ibid).

lo‘Two cases in point are Dan Blocker of §92§n22 and
Robert Vaughn of The Man from U.N.C.L.E.. Both :1on as.
degrees, both are"studying for Ph.D.'s, and both regard
political office as logical and ultimate extensions of their
acting careers. (Ibid).

105Veteran film actor Eddie Albert, star of the TV
series Green Acres, has long been urged by Democratic bigwigs
to run for congressman from California. ”You can't miss," he
was told. “You've not only got a great image -- the friendly,
average, decent American -- but you've got a wife who was born
in Mexico (the actress, Margo) which means you'll get the
Mexican vote hands down. But even more important, you know
how to play a guitar. Ronnie Reagan doesn't know how to play
a guitar." To date, Albert has refused. (Eggg).

 

 

40
decisive.106 Others feel that a “good" personality may over—
come anything -- even strong emotional campaign issues
"" and that 3
As the situation now stands in mid—century America,
former successful candidates who lacked the tooth~
paste ad look such as Abraham Lincoln, John Adams,
George Washington, John Calhoun, William Howard
Taft, and Herbert Hoover would find campaigning a
pretty discouraging business.107

The Search for the Image

 

The selection of a candidate with a "good:= personality
and sense of Showmanship, movie star or otherwise, does not
preclude the work of the party and its associated public
relations firm in develOping the preper image for that
candidate.108 Every aspect of the campaign, personality of
the candidate included, has to be consistent with every
other aspect of the campaign and with the total image den
vised for the campaign. Thus, in many cases, the candidate
has to be built from scratch with all the pieces fitted

together as in a jig-saw puzzle.109

 

~O‘-“..-'~‘-- 1...:- —.—-0- a c -.---o---.— .5- -Uv—. ...—..-

106Samuel Lubell, “Personalities vs. Issues." ERSJEIEEE

“—0-. -mm

107Vancew Packard, The Status Seekers (New York: Pocket
Books, Inc., 1959), p. 193.

 

108The movie star does have the value of being well
known, and again, the sense of showmanship necessary for the
television campaign. Thus, in this reSpect, the party‘s job
is made somewhat easier.

109Even in the case of a movie star this is true For
example, Tom Wicker, Washington Bureau Chief of The EEYMXEFR
Times cites the case of Ronald Reagan who he says was taken
offwinto seclusion to be tailored, painted and produced so
as to be put in front of the camera. What TV Has Done To

Politics," N.E.T. Transcription, op. cit., November 1, 1965.

41

There is no one image or personality formula that is
utilized consistently; but, nevertheless, there are some pet
theories. For example, Whitaker and Baxter, a west coast
campaign management firm, says that winning candidates pro-
ject one of two types of image. The first is that of a
fighting contestant. Americans love contests. However, if
this type is not available, an entertaining candidate must
be found as most Americans like to be entertained. Put on
a show and if the show is good, peOple will listen.110 On
the other hand, Dr. Eugene Burdick of the University of
California says of the candidate,

He is a man who has great warmth, inepires confi-

dence rather than admiration, and is not so prOper

that he is unbelievable. He must have "done things"

in another field than politics, and he must have a

genuine sense of humor. His stand on individual

political issues is relatively unimportant.111

Apart from these two theories, there are those that say
candidates should have sex appeal, should not be so much the
fire-eater as the superb technician and definitely should
have lean young faces as television tends to fatten and age
a £ace.112 But whatever the theory, one thing is certain
and that is that the search for the image is the effort to

provide psychological values attractive to the political

customer.113 It is the effort to provide “rational man“

 

w ** ma

11°pitche11, 93. cit., p. 288.

 

._ ...' “.- ~. u m

111Packard, The Hidden Persuaders, op. gig.. p. 159-

 

112Packard, The Status Seekers, 99. gig.. 9- 193°

 

113Riesman indicates that these are values we like in
our friends, namely, cleanliness, up—to-date appearance,

42
with good and acceptable reasons to dress up the choice he

makes.11‘

The Image in Other Aspects of the Campaigg

 

To be sure, the candidate is not the only consideration
of the parties' image makers: for, again, all aSpects of the
campaign have to work toqether. In areas such as conventions,
televised speeches, etc., etc., more emphasis is being placed
upon showmanship and entertainment than ever before. Distant
shots of crowds with spotlights sweeping over them aiming
at building an aura of excitement prior to a speech,115
Hollywood stars being used to make testimonials, and pre-
arranged programs featuring well known personalities and
political figures produced as entertainment vehicles are
exemplary.116

In the nominating conventions, this trend toward show-

manship has been somewhat startling. Usually raucous and

spontaneous beyond control in the past, they are now

 

generosity, courtesy, honesty, patience, sincerity, sympathy
and good-naturedness. They appear to transcend all other
theories. David Riesman, with Nathan Glaser and Renal
Denney, The Lonely Crowd (abd. ed.) New Haven: Yale Uni—
versity Frees, 1956, 1953, and 1961), p. 191.

 

114Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Bernard Berelson, and Hazel Gaudet,
”The Peeple's Choice,“ (abridged), American Social Patterns,
ed. William Petersen (Garden City, New York: -Doub1eday and
Co., Inc., 1956): P. 151, reprinted from The People' a Choice:
How the Voter Makes Qp His Mind in a Presidential Camaaign
(Zd'ed.; Celumbia University Press, 1943).

115

 

 

 

Mayer, 22. cit., p. 303.

116Packard, The Hidden Persuadegg, 92- cit., PP- 170‘171-

 

43
controlled as any televised event. Schedules have been
streamlined, speecmnaking time out, and demonstrations
organized and limited to specific times. Spontaneity has
been strait~jacketed117 as the price of pacing the show to
-maximize Trendex ratings.118 Television has dictated the

terms and politicians have responded ardently.119

Conclusion

 

The effect of personality mixed with television in
political campaigns is difficult to assess, but, is nonethe-
less real. It is known, for example, that television has
helped push relatively unknown candidates into national
prominence practically overnight. Such was the case with

the late President Kennedy and even with the late Adlai

 

-——-‘ “a... "mo- -- .- u cm-.. --C a. .- .._‘.—-.—- ~- .- ~--—.- a.--

117Martin, 22' cit., p. 393.

118Cornelius P. Cotter and Bernard C. Hennessey,
Politics Without Power (New York: Atherton Press, 1964),

.—

p: 114.

 

119The conventions of 1956 provide excellent examples.
The Republicans utilized persuader-consultant George
Murphy (Supra., p. 21, n. 79), then MGM public relations
director. Wearing dark glasses, he stood a few feet back of
the rostrum making professional gestures for fanfares,
stretch-outs, and fades from which delegates, whom
he regarded as actors in this a superSpectacular pageant,
and the orchestra took their cues. He kept objectionable
delegates off the floor and brought in nonndelegates for
spontaneous support of the various motions brought to the
floor. But, even with this control, he was not content
as he wanted a preper theater with preper stage directions
and controls and this was not available. The Democrats,
using Dore Schary, head of MGM, made kinescOpe recordings
of the keynote speaker to prevtest each gesture and the
impact of each point's summation. Also, the old style
display of red, white and blue was abandoned, and every-
thing, including the platform chairs were colored a tele~
genic blue. Packard, The Hidden Perggaderg, op. cit.,
pp. 167‘168, 171’172. I

 

44
Stevenson.120 Given a chance to display their charms in
millions of living rooms, they became celebrities.121 Just

as easily, however, television can deflate the political

candidate as has been argued was the case with Richard

Nixon in 1960.122

.. --.--u—.w-~ —__

 

 

120In 1952, Stevenson appeared on TV some 27 times and
as a comparative unknown made a fine showing in the election.
Robert F. Bradford, "Politics and Television: A Fable,“
Television' 3 Impact on American Culture, ed. Wm. Y. Elliott
TEZst Lansing: MiChigan_ State Uanérsity Press, 1956),
p. 190. However, image wise, it' 3 said he suffered somewhat
in that he appeared too much the eggheaded wit. In 1956,
he became more a man of determination and decisiveness, but
Eisenhower mellowed from his 1952 father image into a grand-
father image and Stevenson couldn't overcome this. Packard,
The Hidden Persuaders, op. cit., p. 160.

 

 

121Bogart, op. cit., p. 219.

1221n 1960, Nixon faced the problem of television's
harshness and the electronic cruelty of the camera hurting
his image. If not careful, his deep eye wells and heavy
brows cast shadows across his face forcing a glower, and at
times, ferocity. Also, if not careful, he could appear bald
and his smile was said to be reminiscent of too many smiling
announcers. In addition, Nixon did not heed the advice of
his TV advisers, Carroll Newton and Ted Rogers, and spoke
directly to the camera in an ad-lib, wide, roving manner on
hard political matters trying to cram an all purpose speech
into a little talk. Fearful of the tag "Madison Avenue"
being placed upon him, he ran his campaign the way he saw
fit and this led to discontent at every echelon of the Repub—
lican campaign organization. In contrast with Kennedy in
the televised debates, it was felt by many that Nixon's
defensive position and visual impact left much to be desired
(strongly noticeable in the first debate) and while he was
generally viewed as being the probable winner of the elec—
tion prior to the debates, upon their completion Kennedy
moved into first place. White, op. cit., pp. 317, 330, 346,
348-349, 375. This was a complete turnabout from 1952 when
Nixon made his famous Checkers speech and talked his way
”into the hearts of millions...p1ainly and honestly" and
into the vice— —presidency. Earl Mazo, "The $18,000 Question,“
Politics, U. S. A., 0p. cit., p. 258, reprinted from Richard
Nixon: A Political and"Fersona1 Portrait (Harper and fires.,
I959?)

 

 

45

There are those, on the other hand, who say that the
television personality is not that important123 and that con-
cepts of television affect only the candidates and their
campaigning methods.124 However, when so much emphasis is
placed on "a good television face," a pleasant smile and
preper hearing before the cameras, “these considerations
must for the sake of eXpediency replace some of the other
elements traditionally associated with politics.“125 When
effort is expended to develOp candidates with universal
appeal, the lowest common denominator candidates as it were,
then certainly there is a resultant effect on the election

proce 125

n.
DO

U}

The day of the arm-waving, silver tongued spellbinder
is about done, although there are still a few of them around.

Many things contributed to his demise, but television was

 

A . -~~ an... ac... fl--—. m—flw- «so; -4 C.‘

123Many espouse the statement directed towards Lincoln
in 1860, namely, “If all the ugly men in the United States
vote for him, he will surely be elected.“ c“The Process of
Persuasion,” Politics 1960, op. cit., p. 113.

 

124Lube11, g2. cit., p. 162.

125“Communication and Politics," The_hnerican Political
Arena, 22. cit., p. 351.

 

126One noticeable effect, as Lippman has indicated, is
that the dominant majority not only in each of the parties,
but in the country as a whole, is not on the right or on the
left but seemingly in the center. Bernard Hyink, S. Brown,
and Ernest W. Thacker, Politics and Government in California
(New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, c677“I§s§YT”§I”€7:‘”ps¢s£rd““
indicates the parties have moved to the center because they
know victory lies in swaying the political neuters found
there. All other factors being equal, he thus feels the
most appealing face has the best chance of winning. The
Status Seekers, o . cit., p. 192. This writer feels the
pSIItical center nae grown due to the presentation of the
appealing face, or in other words, the lowest common denom--
inator candidate.

 

 

46

undoubtedly the biggest single factor.127 Today a candidate
cannot sit and wait for the press and party people to come
and visit him as Lincoln did.128 He cannot expect voters
to join a dusty, sweaty crowd at a barbecue or sit in a drafty
hall to hear him speak, and most of them won't. He has to do
away with broad gestures and windy oratory and in its place
deve10p an informal, face-to-face style anplicable to
television.129

The candidate also faces the task of cultivating sin-
cerity, as the camera eye can spot a windbag a lot more
quickly than can a thousand peeple in a single herd.13° But
while many feel protected by the camera's ability to sift
the genuine from the synthetic, it is only legical to assume
that a new type of synthetic or bunkum.will be developed.131
As more emphasis is placed on discriminating the sincere
from the insincere, judgement shifts more from the content
of the performance to the personality of the performer. He

is judged for his attitude toward the audience rather than

 

 

m-‘I‘ ”._--...u no... -0 .--o ...... -—.- ca 0‘- «see...

127David ncCarthy, "Free-Lance Job Opportunity:
Political Writing," Writer's Qigest, XLIII (November, 1963),
84.

 

128"The Process of Persuasion," {glitfgs lgdq, op.
cit., p. 112.

129McCarthy, 22' cit., p. 84.
1301b1d.

1“Bradford, on. cit., p. 186. An interesting list of
examples on developing a MTV style is offered the potential
of preps to be used, how to emphasize the image, and increas—
ing audience participation by deliberately making mistakes
in the production of video~taped programs.

47

by his relation to his craft, that is, his honesty and
5x111.132

Political television, if it follows the pattern of the
past, can only increase voter apathy. As Adlai Stevenson
said, people will consume political broadcasts as they con-
sume television comedies, Westerns and spectaculars. They
will sit back and enjoy themselves -- or they will switch
to something else. “Their attitude will be, let the per-
formers perform."133 In the end, the idea that you can mer-
chandise candidates for high office like breakfast cereal
is the ultimate indignity to the democratic process.134

awn

Rising costs, the doctrine of fairness, the demand for
public relations, the oversimplification of issues and the
emphasis on personality are all significant factors to be
considered in the study of political television. All are
working to change politics as we understand it.

Political television can be a great contribution to our
society if handled prOperly. For example, as it stands now,
the mass media and particularly television do as much as any

institution to overcome voter apathy. However, they succeed

to the extent they do by the dubious methods of dramatizing

132Riesman, gg. cit., p. 194.
133Stevenson, op. cit., p. 151.

134Packard, The Hidden Persuaders, 93. gig., Po 172°

 

48

,
13° In addition,

elections and by making them entertaining.
it is said that television has also dealt a severe death blow
to machine politics and to the power of special interests to
deliver whole blocs of votes. Political candidates now have
direct access to the voter via television and can convince
him in his own living room.136 or course, this presupposes
that the candidates have the money to use the medium. If
not, it seems natural to assume that the machines will grow
in power. It is a fact that television has brought about a
wider choice of candidates. High political office is now
within reach of a larger segment of qualified persons, there-
by making our electoral processes more democratic.137
However, it is also true, in this respect, that television
may serve to indicate to the public which candidates are to
be taken seriously and which are not. The medium thus cona
tributes to a definition of the alternatives in election

contests.138

 

“w v...- u....‘. _”‘ .0...-..-—.

135Stanley Kelley, Jr., ”Elections and the Mass Media,“
Politics 1964, 0p. cit., p. 153, reprinted from a symposium,
IrThe Electoral Process,” Part I, V01. 27, §§3_and Contemporary

Problems published by the Duke University SChooI a! Law
T§pring, 1962).

 

136519 Michelson, "The Use of Television,‘ Politics
U. S. A., ed. James M. Cannon (Garden City, New York: Double~
day and Co., Inc., 1960), p. 295.

137$E£§°
138
Kelley, Jr., "Elections and the Mass Media," on. cit.,

p. 153. It is important to note also that the medium"has "
thus far placed the preponderance of its emphasis on the
national candidates and their offices. Thus, while we are
familiar with these candidates, we neglect our local offices
and candidates. Needless to say, local government tends to
suffer. "What TV Has Done to Politics," N.E.T. Transcription,
op. cit., November 1, 1965.

49

Mass Hediais Effect on the glectorate

 

The effect of the mass media on the electorate is not
a simple stimulus~response type of situation. It is a slow
process and one that is extremely complicated, knowingly and
unknowingly, by the electorate. Thus, while Americans are so
highly successful in their use of the mass media, it is not
to be taken for granted that they can also change deep con—
victions held by individuals through the same sort of persua-
sive techniques.139 The process of persuasion is not simply
the systematic manipulation of the mass mind as many critics
think.140 This is a naive assumption because voting behavior
in America is linked to many factors such as socio~economic
status differences141 and is not much affected by sources of
persuasion external to the immediate social environment.142
The possible persuasive effects of the mass media are
reduced because the audience tends to give attention and

perception selectively. That is, it ignores, forgets or

 

“- G-vw A no...

 

UL-~--.u&‘ml~o§-os ‘W”‘ “—5-... uran- -,v- ..- g--.

1”Sydney Head, Brgadcastingminggmeriga (Boston: Hough—
ton mifflin Co., 1956f} p. IE9.

14°"The Process of Persuasion,” Pglitigg lid?! 32. giéo,
p. 112.

1“For detailed discussion on the importance of socio~
economic status differences, and the importance of the social
group as regards voting habits, see, Lazarsfeld, Berelson and
Gaudet, 22° cit., pp. 161-169; Packard, EEEN§EQ§23N§E9K§FQI
33. gig., pp. 182-194; and Alice S. Kitt and David B.
Gleicner, "Determinants of VOting Behavior, A Progress Report
on the Elmira Election Study," BEEiiSMQRiEXQQ.QQQ-§?QQ§E§QQQ:
eds. Daniel Katz, £3. 31. (New York: The Dryden Press, 1954),
pp. 413~425, reprinted from Public Opinion Quarterly, 1950,
14, 393~412. “*"w"'mflw""‘"”'m‘”'

142Head, 22- cit., p. 429.

SO

distorts to its own use material which does not happen to
fit its views.143 The most likely effect, than, of mass
communication on public taste is to “maintain the status quo
or further existing predispositions."144

For those who would find solace in the media's mainte—
nance of the status quo, two points should be made clear.
First, to say that campaigning via the media does not change
voter behavior radically is not to say that it has no sig-
nificant effect on voting. That it reinforces partisan
allegiances is in itself a significant effect;145 and the
parties realize this in that there appears to be a definite
tendency on the part of persuasive campaign prepaganda to
bring about a reinforcement of the voters' original, pre~
campaign intentions.146

Secondly, while the mass media alone is not responsible
for the outcome of political campaigns, it nevertheless is
necessary to try to increase the enthusiasm of the electorate

in an effort to increase somewhat the numbers of them that

143Wilbur Schramm, "The Effects of Mass Communication:
A review,” The Effects of Communication, ed. Erwin P. Bet~
tinghaus (Preliminary Trial Manuscript for Classroom Use;
East Lansing: Michigan State University, Fall, 1960), p. 25,
citing Joseph T. Klapper, The Effects of Mass Media, A
report to the Public LibrafymlfiguiryNYEEGmYErEYWWEimeographed
by the Bureau of Applied Social Research of Columbia Univer-
sity, 1949), IV, 20—38: 1, 37, 61, and reprinted from
unrnalism Quarterly (Dec., 1949).

 

 

144Ibid., p. 26, citing Klapper, ibid., 1: 15‘393 35'
33, 55. "'" W

145Ke11ey, Jr., ”Elections and the Mass Media." QR— EiE-r
p. 153.

”sJoseph T - Mapper. $13.63;!th 3.9! assacsseseigséiss
(Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1965), p. 16.

51

go to the polls. The candidate tries to give a somewhat
wider currency to his name and project a more attractive
image among independents, the undecided and the uninterested.
He will take stands on issues designed both to increase his
appeal to the main body of his supporters and to "swing“
groups in the population. The sheer size of the audience he
can reach is important to him; for as larger audiences are
reached, the more likely they are to include the most malle-
able elements of the population.147 With this large audience,
even marginal changes in Opinions about parties, issues and
group interests can be significant.148

The sum of the evidence suggests that peeple use televi-
sion as they use other media, interpreting everything in terms
of their existing biases and expectations; but as in the case
of other media, the information and impressions left by tele-
vision are absorbed into the ongoing stream of experience
through which Opinions are formed and modified. What promises
to make television a more potent political force is its rela-
tively close resemblance to tace-to-face persuasion and its

ability to comnand vast quantities of the public'a time.1‘9

“ A ~.~—"-‘-~——a

147K3113y, Jr., "Elections and the Mass Media," op. cit.,
p. 155.

143;g;g., p. 153. Its significance is seen in 1960
when a ROper survey indicates that 6 per cent of those who
voted ascribed their final decisions to the debates. Of
these 6 per cent (4,000,000), 26 per cent (1,000,000) voted
for Nixon and 72 per cent (3,000,000) for Kennedy. Two
million votes were derived from television and since Kennedy
won by only 112,000 votes, he was entirely justified in say-
ing after the election, “It was TV'mora than anything else
that turned the tide." White, 92. g£§.. PP. 352-353.

14930gart, 2;. 935., p. 244.

52

To be sure, Americans should be more ready to undertake
an awakening of their political imaginations and commitments.
This means too that the broadcasting industry has an obliqa~
tion to build up its quality -~ to present more realistic and
less fantasy—oriented production. In so doing, the medium
will insure that the sources in pOpular art and culture from
which eventual political creation may flow are not dammed up,
and the medium is not tempted to uphold the prestige of the
political when the political is devoid of substantial
content.”0 The audience is thus led somewhere in their view-
ing ~~ to programs that delve more into the social scene
and that offer a more penetrating analysis of the political
situation -~ rather than being fed the spot announcement
and the staged interview. It is this writer's belief that
the drama, political or not, is the first loqical step in

this process.

Cv~—.«M--.- u...—...-- s...“ ‘7-“ -—>’- h.“ o---r-~

 

 

w v o-o- w

n esman, 0?. gig.. pp. 204-205.

CHAPTER III

A LITTLE PEACE OF HINQ

 

Cast of Characters
Act One
Act Two
Act Three

CHAPTER III

A LITTLE peace or arms

 

Cast of Characters

 

gajor Characters

 

Sam Ashton - Minor politician, middle~aged, Gordon's partner.

Tyler Gordon ~ Industrial public relations man, fairly young,
ambitious.

Robert Alexander Thurman - The tailored candidate, approxi-
mately fifty years old, handsome
and distinguished looking, but a
weakling.

Phyllis Thurman ~ Robert's wife, approximately forty~five
years old, cheap blonde type, ambitious.

Wendell Hamilton III — Head of Hamilton Associates Public
Relations firm, elderly.

Scott - Hamilton's young leg man, approximately twenty«five,
collegiate.

Congressman David Sinclair - Congressman of twelfth district,
approximately forty~five years
old, looks and sounds ineffec-
tual but is in reality a good
Congressman.

Sarnow - The party's campaign committee chief, approximately
fifty-five years old, strong but fair.

Wilma - Hamilton's secretary, young.
Gloria ~ Gordon's secretary, young.
Victor ~ Sinclair's campaign manager, approximately fifty—

five.

Minor Characters

 

Three waitresses Donna - production assistant
One bartender Frank - production coordinator
Two television directors A group of middle aged PTA~

type women

Two technical directors A group of people working
election central

54

One floor director

Several members of the
floor crew

Several camera men

Two audio men

Edith - Sinclair's wife, pretty,
approximately forty years old

Kari - Sinclair's daughter,
pretty, approximately sixteen
years old

One TV N.C.

Cummings — TV newsman

ACT ONE

 

VIDEO: Agqu:

OPEN: FADE UP To STILL PIC- NUSIC: FADE UP LIVELY JAzz
TURE PAINTED IN SHADES 0F ‘”“”“””NARCN“PLATED’6N“EITE,
GRAY, BLACK AND WHITE (AS DRU‘EEZ”*fii‘fSI’C‘TIIA‘YS'“"“
ARE THE REST OF THE PIC- TRROUEHOUT SERIES OF
TURES IN THIS SEQUENCE) STILE”RICTURES“ANDMIN—
DEPICTING A TELEVISION CREASES”IN”TENPO”AS‘"
STUDIO. WE SEE TELE- CUT??? Cdfi'ij'Igc'fiUR‘ES.
VISION CAMERAS, LIGHTS fiECOfifiSufigggflghfilD.

I-M-~_’-m oM-a -.

ON THE CEILING (NOT
TURNED ON), AND PEOPLE
ENGAGED IN VARIOUS STUDIO
ACTIVITIES. PAN TOWARDS
CONTROL ROOM WINDOW. STOP
PAN AND CUT To PICTURE
REPRESENTING CONTROL ROOM.
IN EOREGROUND PEOPLE ARE
SEEN TALKING WITH TV
DIRECTOR. IN BACKGROUND
THE CAMERA MONITORS ARE A
BLUR. DOLLY INTO MCU 0F
MONITORS AND CUT TO 2—SNOT
OF DAVID SINCLAIR LEANING
ON LECTERN IN THE STUDIO
AND TALKING To HIS FLOOR
DIRECTOR. DOLLY BACK AND
STUDIO LIGHTS CONE ON.

CUT To CU OF SINCLAIR
LOOKING NERVOUS AND SUR-
PRISED. DOLLY BACK AND
SEE TNAT SINCLAIR'S FACE
Is BEING VIEWED ON CAMERA
VIENFINDER. CUT To SHOT
or CONTROL ROOM. DIRECTOR
IS SEATED BUT HAS HAND IN
AIR As IF To CUE START OF
PROGRAM. MONITORS ARE
ROLLING SLIGHTLY. CUT

To STUDIO AND SEE FLOOR
DIRECTOR CUE SINCLAIR.
SUPER: A LITTLE PEACE

OF NINDT“BOLD"2-§ SECONDS
ANSTEOSE SUPER.

CUT To SHOT OF DIRECTOR
WATCHING SINCLAIR ON
MONITORS. CUT To CU OF
SINCLAIR IN STUDIO AND THEN
CUT To CU OF MONITORS IN
CONTROL ROOM. SEE SINCLAIR

(MORE)

56

57

VIDEO:

 

EETNEEN MONITOR ROLL.
SUPER: ACT ONE. HOLD
2~3 SECONDS AND LOSE
SUPER. PUSH INTO
TIGHTER SHOT OF MONITORS
AND HOLD STEADY. MATCH
DISS. TO LIVE SHOT 0F
SINCLAIR TALKING. WE
Now SEE HE IS DRESSED,
NOT SLOVENLY, BUT RATHER
UNSTYLISHLY. HE APPEARS
VERY NERVOUS AND IN
GENERAL, WEAK.

MUSIC:

SOUND:

SINC:

THE CAMERA STARTS TO MOVE
BACK AND WE NOTE THAT
SINCLAIR IS TALKING

TO US ON A TELEVISION
SET. THE CAMERA MOVES
DOWNWARD AND FURTHER
BACK AND WE SEE THE SET
IS SUSPENDED FROM THE
CEILING IN FRONT OF A
HUGE MIRROR. THE REFLECTION
IN THE MIRROR SHOWS US A
SEMICIRCULAR BAR WITH
PEOPLE SEATED AROUND IT
DRINKING AND TALKING. A
BARTENDER IS SEEN MIXING
DRINKS AND A WAITRESS
MOVES OFF TOWARDS THE
BACK OF THE ROOM WHERE

WE SEE SEVERAL TABLES

(MORE)

£2910:

FADES OUT SONENHAT
AERUPTLY DURING DISS.
AND FADES INTO. . .

 

 

 

895‘s EAZ §OEINQSLA§D
PEOPLE MURMURING. ABOVE

o.— 0‘ ‘- -— ——n -. _ a... - — - —

TIIISMWIZ HEARNSINELAIB
SPEAKING.

~—~.—-—-

(SPEAKS IN A DULL MONO-
TONE. TRIES TO SOUND
HARSH AND ANGRY BUT IT
COMES ACROSS IN A MANNER
THAT MAKES HIM SOUND
INEEEECTUAL .)

This is a great country.
And,one in which we all
take pride. . . But,
being great and staying
great are not one and
the same. It takes
continued pride, hard
work by all, and. . .
quality leadership. . . .
Yes, quality leadership,
and this is what I offer
and have been offering
the proud hardworking

American voter. Leader-

. :rf~, ,r' F‘ '11: ‘ "Il‘? ' ”I:
-- “:3. .-.T(' (.ai.‘ I

T
T:"I: 13:.an V 1.1“!‘-('1..":F:5'

. - — - - .. .."-.‘ ~ ,. -; . p
‘.‘|111'I ‘. ‘ ’F. J
. I I Kn .L - ( Ila.- . . ‘

.' t.r-.v-.
“. ‘a‘;.':(_‘a ("

'l'. I". (.4-
Lvng r. (W; I r r‘
.. .7 ‘v 'Ir‘r -rr\ f
1 11..\J.J‘l J.

58

VIDEO:

 

AND BOOTHS. THE ROOM LOOKS
PLUSH BUT IS DIMLY LIT.

THE CAMERA MOVES AWAY FROM
THE MIRROR AND TOWARD THE
BACK OF THE ROOM. SOMEONE
WALKS TO THE JUKEBOX

NEAR THE BAR AND DROPS SOUND:
IN A COIN. THE CAMERA
KEEPS MOVING AND

FINALLY SETTLES ON A BOOTH

“flu-u..-

ggSIC:

AUDIO:

 

ship that will get

results. . . . That will

think of the future. . .

MURMURING LOUDER, AND

M '— 0». I.“ —-. m —-a- alt-I. M o—. nun-o

-——.—-.-.—u—fl-v‘

LIVELY INSTRUMENTAL.

 

WHERE WE FIND SAM ASHTON
AND TYLER GORDON. THEY

ARE WATCHING THE TV SET AND
ASHTON, SLOVENLY DRESSED,
LOOKS DISGUSTED. GORDON,
NEATLY DRESSED LOOKS AHUSED.
BOTH ARE DRINKING AS THEY
WATCH THE SET.

SINC:

SOUND:

ASHTON TURNS AWAY FROM THE ASHT:
SET, TAKES A DRINK AND
LOOKS AT GORDON.

(MORE)

 

 

HEARD UNDERINURHURING
AND SINCLAIR.

 

 

That will enable progress
for mankind to continue
on its way unhindered.

. My record tells

the story. I have
nothing to hide. . . .

My stands on taxes, civil
rights, foreign rela—
tions, poverty are all
Open for inspection, and
I think you will see upon
inspection, that they. . .

SINCLAIR FADES OUT UPON

TSXYfNG “OPEN fioR INSPEC:

EIQNZ'CALSFIEOE ISiHEZAED”
9V§R_HIH_UNTIL“THE_PADE

(IMITATING SINCLAIR)
My stand on taxes, civil
rights, foreign relations,

poverty are all open

59

VIDEO:

GORDON SMILES.

GORDON PICKS UP GLASS AND CORD:
SETS IT BACK DOWN.

ASHTON NODS OKAY AND PICKS
UP HIS GLASS AND DRINKS.
ASHTON NODS TOWARD TV SET. ASHT:

CORD:

ASHT :

(MORE)

A9222:
for inspection and I
think you will see that I
offer you the American
voter. . . QEERRIE- Pure
and unadulterated but
nevertheless. . . garbage.
(STOPS IMITATION. HIS
NORMAL VOICE IS HARSH
AND LOUD.) How about
another drink?
(LAUGHINGLY) Still work-
ing on this one. . . It
hasn't been that hard a
day for me.
Tell me. . . Do you
really think anybody
in their right mind is
watching that drivel?
. . .Or has ever watched
that drivel?
Somebody must. How
long's he been in Con—
gress. . .

(EXCITED) That's another

thing I can't figure.

60

KER-PP. =
GORD:
CUT TO CU OF ASHTON. ASHT:
HE LOOKS DISGUSTED.
ASHTON DRINKS AGAIN,
AND LOOKS TOWARD SET.
CUT TO 2~SHOT. GORD:

(MORE)

AU?- U:

How in the hell did he
ever get elected? (MORE
EXCITED) How he keeps
his office. . .

Did you ever stop to
think that he may be a
good Congressman?

Yeah a real winner.
(THOUGHTFULLY) He

must have played his
cards right. . . Been in
the right place at the
right time. You

know. . . Make a little
stink about something or
other and the next thing
is he's being shipped to
Washington courtesy of
the twelfth district. . .
That. . . (PAUSES FOR
RIGHT WORD AND CAE-J'T
FIND IT.). . . That
should be in Washington.
Aah. . . So he's a little
camera shy. (LAUGHINGLY)

I'd hate to see you up

61
VIDEO:

_......-..

GORDON LIGHTS CIGARETTE.

ASST:
CUT TO CU OF GORDON CORD:
CUT TO Z-SHOT. ASHT:
GO RD :
ASHT:
POINTS TO TV SET.
LOOKS AT GLASS AND HOTIONS
FOR WAITRESS.
CORD:
WAITRESS WALKS UP. ASH':

(MORE)

there. (CHANCES VOICE)
My friends and you are

my friends. . .
(SARCASTICALLY) We ought
to audition you for the
amateur hour.

Or is it that you're
afraid he'll start up
another little stink and

this time it may affect

everybody knows. . .
(LAUGH UGLY) I know, I
know. Honest Sam Ashton.
Kisses babies. . . the
whole bit.

That's right. The whole
bit. I‘m clean. R0
one's got a thing on

me. But him. . . . Aah,
where's that waitress?
What about him?

Plenty. Just ask. . .
(To WAITRESS) Same thing

Ruthie. (To GORDOH)

62

VIDEQ;

 

GORDON SHARES HEAD NO.
WAITRESS EXITS.

GORD:

ASHT:

WAITRESS BRINGS DRINK, SETS
IT DOWN AND TAKES MONEY LY~
ING ON TABLE. PUTS DOWN
CHANGE AND LEAVES.

ASHTON DRINKS.

CUT TO CU OF ASHTON.

CUT TO CU OF GORDON. GORD:

(MORE)

5.9.21.2:

Tyler? . . . Anyway.
there's a lot of people
unhappy with the Con-
gressman.

Isn't that always the
case?

Yeah, well talk to
Gronkins at the Central
Labor Council. You

think he's happy? Hell
no! The more you talk to
him the more he's thinking
of withdrawing his sup-
port of Sinclair. . .

And what's more, a few of
the party committee's
thinking the same way be-
cause Sinclair hasn't
been able to get govern~
ment money into the dis-
trict. Tell me I'm
sounding off.

(SOMEWHAT APOLOGETIC)

I'm not arguing with you.

What do I know from

63

VIDEO:

 

CUT TO Z-SHOT. ASHT:

GORDON WANTS TO SPEAK
BUT ASHTON WON'T LET
HIM.

GORD:

CUT TO CU OF ASHTON, ASHT:

(MORE)

were:
politics? That's your
business.
It could be your buei~
ness too. Tell me some-
thing. You happy being
a small fish. . . No,
wait a minute. Right
now you work for Hamil~
ton Associates and you're
the boy wonder of the
industrial set. If some-
one's not making enough
money or has consumer
problems you write up a
little this or that, plan
a press party, or what-
ever it is you do, and
all's right with the
world. Politics works
the same way.
Like snapping your
fingers.
That's right. You build
a pretty package and mar-
ket it. What's the

difference?

VIDEO:

 

CUT TO Z-SHOT.

CUT TO CU OF ASHTON.

64

CORD:

ASHT:

GORD:

ASHT:

GORD:

ASHT:

(MORE)

AUDIO:

 

It doesn't always work
that way.

So you do what you have
to do. But the differ-
cues for you is that
you're no longer a small
fish. You're a big rich
fish and I know you,
Tyler. You like to live
well.

You want me to work for
you?

31% me. My political
contacts and your public
relations know~how. . .
we can run this district.
I don't. . .

Okay. . . There's a cou—
ple of problems. Sarnow
the Party Committee
Chairman for one. He's
hard to convince on any-
thing. Money could be a
second but there's enough
peOple around willing to

back a winner. . . I'll

65

VIDEO: AUDIO:

m‘”

 

tell you straight. The
biggest problem will be
in finding a candidate,
you know good voice, nice
appearance, charm. . .
but if we had one now we'd
make our name. It's a
cinch. Run him against
Sinclair. There's enough
of a party split and die-
like for Sinclair

that. . .

CUT To CU OF GORDON. CORD: Tell me more about how we
get so rich. I'm not
interested in helping put
someone in office because
you're hepped up against
Sinclair.

CUT TO CU OF ASHTON. ASHT: Sinclair or no Sinclair.
You put one candidate in
office and let the word
get around and you'll be
swamped.with offers.

Then you get selective. . .
Your services come high.
You and up handling just

(MORE)

VIDEO:

 

CUT TO Z-SHOT.

ASHTON HOLDS UP GLASS.

GORDON HOLDS UP GLASS.

66

CORD:

ASHT:

CORD:

ASHT:

CORD:

(MORE)

AUDIO:

 

the big boys. The sena-
tors and. . .
(INTERESTEDLY) The power
behind the throne. . .
Uh uh. You'll own the
throne.

(HESITANT) I. . . I
don't. . .

What's to worry. Look,
find me a candidate. . .
any candidate. . . a
nobody nobody ever heard
of. . . I'll teach him
all the politics he has
to know and you package
him for me. Just make
sure he has a few smarts
and looks good. . . We
try it once. If it works
well. . . we form a part-
nership. The Ashton~
Gordon Company for poten—
tial political candidates
and office holders.
(LAUGHINGLY) I like Gor-

don—Ashton better.

67

VI [.3130 '.'

POINTS TO HIMSELF.

CUT TO SHOT OVEPLOOKING
BAR AS THEY CLINK GLASSES
AND DRINK. GORDON LOOKS
UP AND SEES SCOTT WITH
ROBERT THURHAN READING
THEIR WAY. BOTH ARE WELL
DRESSED BUT NOT EXPEN-
SIVLLY. CUT BACK TO
BOOTH AS THEY APPROACH
AND SEL ASHTON TURNED
AROUND IN HIS SEPT.

SCOTT AND THURNAN REACH
THE TABLE AND SIT.
SCOTT MOTIONS TO THE
WAITRESS.

SCOTT POINTS TO THURMAN.

ALL SHAKE HANDS.

A512? :

309D:

ASHT :

GORD:

ASHT:

CORD:

ASHT:

CORD:

SCOTT:

GORD:

SCOTT:

(MORE)

AUDIO:

..-—— —- ~ u...

Whatever. But I'm serious.
I admit the idea intrigues
me. . . Let me look around
and see who I can dig up.
Kaybc Hamilton has some
ideas.

Forget Hamilton. You
won't need him in. . .
Uh uh. He neede me.

Okay. Let's drink a real
toast to our future.
Something may come of it.

Yeah, but what?. . .

(PAUSE). . . 11mm. Here
comes Scott. Don't say
anything.

Who's that with him? Kr.
tool and die?

Beats me. . . Scott. It’s
about time.

Sorry about that. Had to

interview some people.
How did it go?
Fine. Here's the result.

Tyler Gordon, Sam Ashton

meet Robert Thurman, our

68

VIDEO:

 

CUT TO CU OF THURMAN.

CUT TO CU OF ASHTON.

ASHTON RAISES HIS GLASS.

CUT TO 4-SHOT.

CUT TO CU OF GORDON.

PUSH INTO TIGHT CU 0F GOR-
DON AND HE TURNS HIS HEAD
AND WE DISS. TO SHOT OF HIS
HEAD STILL TURNING IN TIGHT
CU. PULL BACK TO SEE HIM
WALKING AROUND HAMILTON'S
OFFICE. HAMILTON IS
SEATED BEHIND DESK IN TILT
BACK CHAIR. HE'S WELL
DRESSED AND APPEARS PROS-
PEROUS BUT HIS DESK AND
OFFICE SHOW SIGNS OF WEAR.
IT IS NOT A BIG OFFICE

AND APPEARS CLUTTERED.
THERE IS A PICTURE WINDOW
BEHIND THE DESK, AND BOOK
CASES TO EITHER SIDE OF

IT. AROUND THE ROOM ARE
HUNG PICTURES AND PLAQUES.
THERE IS A CAPTAIN'S CHAIR
NEXT TO THE DESK AND ONE
BY THE DOOR DIRECTLY OPPO~
SITE THE DESK. THERE IS
ALSO A SMALL BAR SET UP TO
ONE SIDE OF THE DESK ALONG
A WALL. GORDON IS TALKING
BUT HAMILTON DOESN'T APPEAR
TO BE LISTENING TOO ATTEN-
TIVELY.

AUDIO:

 

new accountant.

 

 

THUR: (DEEP RESONANT VOICE)

Nice to meet you gentlemen.

ASHT: A toast to your new
accountant, (SLOWLY)
Robert Thurman, and to
our future.

SCOTT: (QUESTIONINCLY) To our
future?

GORD: (THOUGHTFULLY) Well you
never can tell. Same—
thing may juet come of it.

gogng: __ 902.
MUSIC- JAZZ MARCH UP AND OUT
WHEN GORDON‘ Sffgg‘f“
GORD: It's your future. I'm

(MORE)

(Ix
k.)

'7 “\‘/\
V I '-I aJ'x/ :

~-A---- «.o-o

GORDON STOPS AT WINDOW FOR

A. 10.3 “CWT.

TURNS TOWARD HAMILTON.

HAMILTON IS READING SOME— HAM:
THIKG OFT "IS DFSK ASHE
SPEAKS. GORDON HF ADS TO CORD:

THE BAR. HT; .73 EELS Au '0
PICKS UP A CLASS. HE
WIPES THE CLASS AND PICKS
UP A BOTTLE. LOOKS AT THE
BOTTLE AND FINALLY POURS

A DRINK. HE LEANS N BAR
STIRRING DRINK.

(MORE)

_-11-2
not going to argue witn
you. So then he listened
to reason and he's going
to make adjustments. . .
TAOUCHTFU LLY) Father's

13 hia

’1

problem image

inconaistcncy. He's got
one for the public and
one for his employees and

they don't natch. The
effect is loss of pro—
duction volume. The
emgloyacs aren't putting
out. What we're going to
have to do is build a new
image for the employees
and we're starting in
through the house organs.
Later we'll have picnics
and tours and éiscussion
groups and all that.
Think it will work?
It should. It's not a
terribly difficult prob-
lem. . . Rather routine

ctually.

70

VIDEO:

HAM:

CORD:

HAMILTON LOOKS UP AND GORDON

SITS ON BAR STOOL.

HAM. :

GORD:

HAM:

GORD:

(MORE)

59.9.3.9:

Good. That's what I like
to hear. What else?
Nothing except a couple
of ideas I've got float—
ing around in my head. . .
it you're interested. . .
I think they're money-
makers.

I'm not against making
money. What's your idea?
(HESITATINGLY) Well, I
don't really know how to
approach you with

this. . . (PAUSE). . .
It's something we haven't
taken on here and yet it's
something we should have.
Get to the point.
(ENTHUSIASTIC) Okay. To
the point. I've got a
way for us to break into
political public relations
and break in big. There's
a fortune to be had and
clients are everywhere.

All we need is a starting

71

VIDEO:

 

HAMILTON FROWNS AND GORDON
SEES THIS.

HAM :
GORDON GETS OFF STOOL AND GORD:
HEADS TOWARD DESK.
HAN:
GORDON HEADS TO WINDOW.
HAMILTON SWIVELS AROUND
TO SEE HIM.
GORD:
HAM:

(MORE)

£229.:
point, and.we'ra off. . .
What's the matter? You
don't like the idea.
No. . . it's just that
we're not equipped for
that kind of thing. We're
not large enough and we
don't have the experience.
That's what I thought but
then I realized an
account's an account.
They're all the same. . .
And besides, we've got
ourselves a boy. We put
him in. . .
(MORE ALERT) Have you
taken on a job without
first asking me. . . Have
you?
No, but. . .
But nothing. The way you
talk we've got a candi-
date? Now just where did

we get one if we haven't

taken on an account?

72
VIDEO:

GORDON TURNS TO FACE GORD:
HAMILTON.

HAMILTON LOOKS SURPRISED,
AND AMUSED. HAM:

CORD:

HAM:

(MORE)

AUDIO:

 

(STILL ENTHUSIASTIC) Look,
we have got, without a
doubt, the greatest candi»
date for Congress sitting
right out there in the
middle of your accounting
department. . . namely,
Mr. Robert Alexander
Thurman .

I pay you for this?. . .
Have you gone crazy. . .
The greatest candidate
for Congress. He's a
cheap accountant who was
hired because he is cheap.
That doesn't make him bad
peOple. Just look at him.
He's the picture of polit-
ical success.

He's the picture of a
cheap accountant. Forget
it and tell Thurman to
forget or he'll set the
record at Hamilton Asso-

ciates for least time

73

VIDEO:

 

HAMILTON SWIVELS BACK TO

DESK.

GORDON STARTS FACING.
CORD:

HAM:

GORD:

HAM:

CORD:

HAM:

GORD:

(MORE)

5.99m:
spent in employment.
Don't bother him. He
hasn't really been asked
to run yet. We've just
hinted around and he seems
agreeable.
(SUSPICIOUSLY) We? You
drag Scott in on this?
(A LITTLE IRRITATED) The
fair haired boy. No. . .
I sort of set things up
with Sam Ashton.
(A LITTLE AMAZED) Ashton?
I can't believe that.
He's a. . .
Just rumor and that's
besides the point. Ashton
is going to Sarnow with
Thurman and you know what
that could mean.
They're like night and
day. It would mean. . .
All it would take to con-
vince anyone is a brief
look and talk with Thurman.

Sarnow will go for it and

VIDgg:

CUT TO CU OF HAMILTON.

CUT TO Z-SHOT.

74

HAM:

CORD:

HAM:

GORD:

HAW :

GORD:

(nonn)

HAM:

A9010:

 

you should too.

Who's Thurman going to run
against?

(MATTER OF FACTLY) David
Sinclair in the primary.

(SURPRISED) David Sinclair!

 

David Sinclair.

Now I'm convinced you're
crazy. . . David Sinclair.
And Sarnow's going to
back you. . . (EXASPERATED)
I've listened to you
enough today. Get the
hell out of here so I can
get some work done. Come
back when you've recov-
ered your sanity.

You'd let this slip by?
Your business is that
good?

If you had something
legitimate to offer, okay
I'd listen and who knows?
But to come in here with

a pipe dream which will

 

CUT TO CU OF GORDON.

CUT TO Z-SHOT. HAMILTON
SWIVELS TOWARD WINDOW.

75

GORD:

(MORE)

HAM:

AUDIO:

 

do no good and which will
only waste time. . . No,
I've got no time for you-
. . . I can't believe
that you believe that any
good.would come out of
this. Business wise it
would hurt us. . . To run
and back a nobody.
(UNSURELY) Thurman's not
a nobody. He's handsome,
sophisticated. Talk to
him. He speaks beauti—
fully. He has a sense of
humor. He dresses well.
He's a family man. And
he's got no political
enemies and no adverse
political record, unless
you count the way he's
voted in the past.

If he's even voted. . .
Well, let's hope that he
also has common sense and
uses his sense of humor

to laugh at you and your

76

VIDEO:

SWIVELS BACK TO FACE GORDON
WHO HAS STOPPED AT THE BAR.
HE'S POURING ANOTHER DRINK.

GORDON DRINKS.

CUT TO CU OP GORDON. GORD:

CUT TO Z-SHOT. HAM:

GORD:

(MORE)

AUDIO:

 

scatter brained idea. I
want no part of it. . .
And I'll tell you some-
thing else. You do what
you want on your time.
That's yours, not mine.
But in here you're mine
and I'll hear no more of
this. . . That goes for
using the company name on
your time too. This is a
business. . . a legiti~
mate business.

I don't understand you.
I just don't understand
you. Here's a chance to
go to the top. A golden
opportunity being drOpped
right in your lap and
you're letting it fall
away. Why?

I've said all I want to
say. I've got work to do.
It can wait another min-
ute. Give me an

eXplanation.

CUT TO CU OF HAHILTON.

77
ZEDEO:
HAM:

GORD:

HAM:

(MORE)

51329.:
Step being childish.
What are you afraid of?
Some deep hidden secret
that. . .
(GETTING HAD) Okay, you
want a reason. I like
Sinclair. I like him
to the point that if he
loses office I'm going
to feel bad. You want
another reason? Our
business is doing good.
We're getting more and
more accounts every day.
I will not neglect
them. . .And one final
reason for you. I'm a
slightly moral guy and
this rubs me the wrong
way. If a man in office
can't do his job, he has
no business being there
and I don't think Thurman
can do the job. . . or
you for that matter.

Now is that what you

 

‘iIAJEQ:
CUT TO 2*3fi0". GORDON
NODS YES.
GORDON STARTS TO EXIT. CORD:
GORDON REACIIES DOOR. HIL‘I:
GORDON STOPS. THE DOOR COKE);
IS OPE“. A SIGN ON IT
READS ~ WEEDELL HAEILTON
III PRESIDENT.
HAM:
Ci/RDZ

GORDON LOOKS AT HIS WATCH.
HE EXITS.
CAMERA PUSHBS INTO CU OF

(MORE)

.~‘:-::.:<?:_I_'~2=
wanted to hear? . . .
Anything else on your mind?
I guess not.

Tyler. . . (CALHLY) Don't
play around. You've got a
great career ahead of you.
That's the first right
thing you've said all day.
An; do ygu_wunt to know
sonatning. It's a lot
closer than you think.
When I get through putting
Thurman in office, I'll be
able to start my own

. . . . If you want
in, say so right now with-
out taLing off on some
tangent about what's right
and wrong.

(SOFTLY) Don't get in too
deep, Tyler. You'll only
get hurt.

We could have made a great
3am. Too bad. . . I've

got work to do myself. If

you'll excuse me.

RMILTON. HE 8 TS STILL
FOR A MOMENT AND THEN
SWIVELS TOWARD WINDOW.

HE SWIVELS BACK AND LOOKS
AT HIS DESK. HE HITS A
KEY ON HIS INTERCOW.

HAMILTON SITS Iii-ID THINKS
FOR A MOMENT AND HITS THE
KEY ON THE INTERCOI"! AGAIN.

RELEASES KEY.

CARERA PUSHES IN PAST
HAMILTON AS HE SWIVELS
TOWARD WISDOW. DISS. TO

INT. SHOT OP RESTAURANT
WINDOW. PAN FROM WINDOW
AND SEE THURHLN AND HIS
WIFE, PHYLLIS, A SCRAGGLY
ELONDE. THE RESTAURANT
IS SO’vEBWliAT SiIABBY LOOKING
WITH TABLES SCATTERED
AROUND AND A COUNTER NEAR
THE DOOR. BOTH THURMAN
AND HIS WIFE ARE SEATED
AT A TABLE EATING.

(MORE)

79

MUSIC:

JAZZ THEME SOFTLY.

“an—.w-c-a. on... »---—-¢-—-- -~~o

112.31:

WILMA:

HAM:

MUSIC:

Wilma, get me Robert
Thurman's file, please.
(P LTERED) Yes, Ar.
Hamilton.

Forget that file, Wilma.
It's not that important-
(TO HITSSLF) Yet.

Q O 9

up nun OUT In 3133.

-—--.~- -uu-u--4 “- -c-- - . -«no—v. g... ..--—- ~0-

§ogngzuarsrauaarm SOUNDS.

THUR:

PHYL:

THUR:

DISJBS 33133 HANDLES,
PEOPLE MURMURINO.
SOUND UNDER A3 Tnustnn

On the other hand, I
could win, and that would
mean. . . Well, you know
what that would mean.
However, if I didn't
win, I’d be out a
job. . . So. . .
So?

I just thought I'd

VIDEO:

 

CUT TO CU OF THURMAN.

CUT TO 2-SHOT.

CUT TO CU OF PHYLLIS.

80

PHYL:

THUR:

PHYL:

THUR:

PHYL:

THUR:

PHYL:

THUR:

PHYL:

(MORE)

AUDIO:

 

tell you.

This guy Gordon all right
upstairs?

From what I can gather,

a very talented and up
and coming public
relations man. Handles
Hamilton's best accounts.
He's number one. . . or
two it you count Hamilton.
What did you tell him?
(LAUGHINGLY) I said no,

of course.

(SURPRISED) You said what?
(NOT LAUGHING NOW)

I said. . .

I heard what you said. . .
(CAUTIOUSLY) I didn't
think it was right.

(EXASPERATED) You didn't

think it was. . . you

didn't EEtflE: Maybe it's
you that's not all right
upstairs. Didn't think
it was all right. Did

you tell me all of this

VIDEO:

-“au

CUT TO CU OF THURMAN.

81

THUR:

PHYL:

THUR:

(MORE)

was:

to ruin my otherwise
blah day7. . .
(APOLOGETICALLY) No, of
course not. But I just
thought that since I'd
finally gotten a good

job and that since we
were starting to do okay,
well, I'm no politician.
I could very easily lose.
A Congressman's job is
for someone who knows
and understands politics.
All I know is that we
have two parties and
every so often we go out
and vote for one of

them. On the other hand,
I could win but. . .
(EXASPERATED) You know
something. Twenty—five
years I been married to
you and you still never
fail to amaze me.

(NERVOUS AND LAUGHINGLY)

82

VIDEO: AUDIO:

 

 

Isn't that considered
good in a marriage?
PHYL: If this guy Gordon only

knew you.

THURMAN LOOKS AROUND THUR: Now, now.
EMBARRASEDLY. CUT To
CU OP PHYLLIS. PHYL: (ANGRY) Qon't go_ngwing

mg;’ For twenty~five

years whenever something's
gone wrong, you laugh

it off with a now, now
next time things will

be better. . . Well, you
just sit and listen to

me. There never was a
next time and there never
will be. There couldn't

possibly be with you. . .

CUT TO 2-SHOT. THURMAN’S (EXASPERATED) What's the
PLAYING WITH HIS
SILVERWARE. use? I brought this on

myself when I married
you. . . It could have
been Congressman Robert
Thurman's wife. . . We
could have been at the
tOp of the world.

(MORE)

vmgg:

THURMAN DOESN'T LOOK AT
HIS WIFE.

83

THUR:

PHIL:

THUR:

PHYL:

(MORE)

b11229:

Instead we're at the
bottom and.we'll stay
there. . . (SARCASTICALLY)
Oh, but.we'll have each
other. Doesn't that
console you. For better
or for worse.
(SOFTLY) Please, peeple
are. . . What can I say?
(FIRMLY) That you'll do
it.

(WEAKLY) I. . .1. . .
Would you want me to
lose my job. It’s not
right.

Since when do you worry
about what‘s right and
what's not right. Since
when do you'worry about
an eighty~five dollar

a week job. You've had
so many now another
won't matter. You drink
it up anyway. . .(CALMBR)
Don't you understand?

This is a break.

CD
{a

VIDEO:

*-

 

d

D

TUE:

CUT TO CU OF PHYLLIS. PHYL:

SHE RAISES HER HAND TO HER
NECK.

CUT TO 2*SHOT. THURflAN
LOOKS FRIGHTEHED.

(MORE)

{329303
These people won't let
you lose. They can't
afford it. It'll hurt
them more than it will
hurt you. And if you
lose, so what? You'll
be a public figure.
Everybody will know you.
You'll be able to get a
job anywhere.
(‘;~IEILKLY) Ash. I'm work~
ing now and it's a nice
place to work. Why ruin
that?
(VERY COOL) I'm through
listening to you whine.
This sounds like the
chance of a lifetime.
If you throw it away,
I'm throwing you away.
I mean it. I‘m fed up
to here. . . I don't
want any more. If you
don't take this offer

don't come home with me.

85

VIDEO:

‘_ ---.‘

THURMAN JUST LOOKS
DUMBFOUNDED. PHYLLIS
GLARES AT HIM AND STANDS.

SHE EXITS QUICKLY AND
THURMAN JUST SITS STARING
AFTER HER. FINALLY, HE
MOTIONS TO THE WAITRESS.

AUDIO:

 

Now what is it?. . .
Yes or no?. . .(PAUSE)
Stop by for your suit.
You might need it for a

loser's convention.

 

 

SHE COMES OVER. WAIT: Yes, sir.
THUR: A. . .doublo bourbon,
please.
TILT DOWN TO GLASS IN gpgyg;_ pug.
FRONT OF THURMAN AND
0153. TO snow OF AN- MUSIC: JAZEMEEENEMQP AND our on
OTHER GLASS. PULL congggggggmgg Disg,
BACK AND WE ARE IN
ASHTON'S OFFICE. ASH-
TON IS SEATED BEHIND A
DESK AND GORDON IS FACING.
THE OFFICE IS SHABBY.
VARIOUS PHOTOGRAPHS AND
NEWSPAPER CLIPPINGS ARE
HUNG AROUND THE ROOM.
THE DESK IS LOADED
WITH JUNK. ASHT: Sarnow wouldn't say one
way or the other how he
feels. But like I said,
I didn't eXpect him to.
If Thurman looks real
good and pressure is
strong, he'll go along.
GORD: Money?
ASHT: No problem. There's

ASHTON PUSHES A LEDGER

(MORE)

plenty willing to help.

Here. . . a list of some

86

VIDEO:

 

AT GORDON. GORDON PICKS
IT UP AND READS IT.

GORDON POINTS TO LEDGER. CORD:
HE SITS DOWN IN A CHAIR
NEXT TO THE DESK.

ASH":

GORDON SHRUGS AND TAKES GORD:
OUT A PACKAGE OF CIGARETTES.

HE OFFERS THEM TO ASHTON WHO
REFUSES. GORDON LIGHTS UP

AND PUFFS.

ASHTON POINTS TO ASHTRAY.

GORDON PICKS UP ASHTRAY.

(MORE)

AUDIO:

~~.--“*0

of our more influentials

. . . Enough to get us go-

ing strong. . . That is,
if we have Thurman.
What did you have to
promise for this. . .
our souls?

(LAUGHS) They were glad
to do it. Sinclair's
too up and up for them.
Don't worry. But what
about. . .

I made it sound like
paradise but he wouldn't
bite. Finally 1 con-
vinced him to go home
and talk it over with
his wife. . . (PAUSE)
Where's your ashtray? -
Thanks. . .

Let's hape she's got
some influence with him.
As for Wendell Hamilton
the third. . . no. As a
matter of fact, he may

cause trouble. Not only

VIDEO:

 

GORDON SETS DOWN ASHTRAY
AND REACHES IN HIS COAT
POCKET. HE PULLS OUT A
FEW PAPERS.

ASHTON STANDS AND HEADS TO
THE COAT RACK. GORDON PUTS
OUT HIS CIGARETTE AND
FOLLOWS. ASHTON GOES TO
DESK AND PICKS UP PHONE.

ASHT:

CORD:

ASHT:

CORD:

ASHT:

GORD:

AUDIO:

 

does he disapprove of
what we're doing, but he
likes Sinclair.
(LAUGHINGLY) And every-
thing looked so beautiful
and rosy.

Nothing ventured, nothing
lost. Except a little

time. Hmm. Here. . .
some notes on a campaign
strategy. You may have
them for the future. . .
no charge.

I'll hold them in case

we find another boy. Did
you cancel out the record~
ing studios?

Hm, hmm.
As you peOple say, that's
show biz. I think I'm
going to go home and
beat my wife.

Lucky you.

segue: _P§0§E_.-nawss 2.

(MORE)

Hello. . . Yeah, just a

second. For you.

88

1.1.2242:
GORDON LOOKS SURPRISED AND

HEADS TO PHONE. CORD:

RDON CROSSI‘JS FINCEI‘. .

ASHTON MOVES CLOSE. TO
THE PHONE.

CUT TO SHOT or THURMAN IN
HIS HOME. HE APPEARS TO

BE A LITTLE DRUNK. FROM
WHAT WE CAN SE3 0? THE
APARTMENT, IT HAS SEEN
BETTER DAYS. THURHAN TURNS
SLIGHTLY AND CAMERA FANS TO
SEE PHYLLIS IN DOORWAY.

SHE SMILES TRIUMPHANTLY.

IIUR:

THURMAN HANGS UP PHONE.
PUSH TO CU OF TUURMAN AND
HE APPEARS SICKLY. PHYLLIS
CAN STILL BE SEEN. HE
TURNS FROM HIS WIFE AND
CAMERA GOES IN FOR ECU.
MATCH DISS. TO GRAY AND
BLACK PHOTO OF TUUIWAN.

1381C:

AUDIO:

(TO ASHTON) No rest

for. . . (To PHONE)
Hello. . . 0h hello,
Robert. . . I was
wondering if I was going
to hear frow you. . .

Fine sir. Have you made

a decision. . .Uh huh. .

The answer is yes. I'll
run. . . Thank you. . .
Yes, yes, I'll give it
my all. I want to be
the best candidate

possible. . . Yes, yes
No, that's all

right . . . Good night,

Mr. Gordon. See you in
the morning.

(TO HIJSELF) Congressman
Robert Alexander Thur—
man. . . R.A.T.

JAZZ_I§§:: UP.

“4.- “

 

HOLD FOR 3 SECONDS AND
FADE SLOWLY TO BLACK.

END OF ACT I

i 8 #

QESIC:

FADE oqy.

ra-Co- 0.... .....__._ _

ACT TWO

C...-- w -..— ‘4- --

YEE??? AEDIQF
OPE}: FADE UP TO STII.L ngggqiwquz TU3UE UP Ann OUT
PICTURE Ix n. RY, 8 ACK HU11 n..0n:C.n s?"rx:.

m....-- ..-. —---~vv--. -_,..,..‘

AND WHITE OF NIKE ROCKET.
DISS. T0 PICTURE. OF" LINCOLN
MEI'KDRIAL. SUPEW: ACT TWO.
HOLD 2 3 SECONDS AND LOSE
SUPER. DISS. TO PICTURE

OF WASHINGTON MONUVENT.

         

ATCH DISS. T0 SHOT OF SOUND: SO UYD OF SKYPOCAL

wasnxnzyrov MONUUUIU. “ " " ’W_ U:- . 1.1CR ”
SUSIC. IrICx PLfvfn ‘UUER
""’°“"” 13:115qu W” """”"’ ' " "

DISS. TO SHOT OP HARINES ANNCR: (VOICE OVL" AFTER MATCH

LANDING ON A BEACH. HOLD

2- 3 SECONDS AND DISS. TO DISS.) Home of the

SHOT OF MARINES RAISI‘JG

FLAG AT IWO JIMA. HOLD brave. . .the coura—

2~3 SECONDS AND DISS.

TO SHOT OF ARLINGTON geous. . . the free. . .

NATIONAL CEWIB ‘ERY. DISS.

T0 SHOT 0F FII'LD OF WhEAT America. And it is

BLOWING IN THE WIND.
every man's responsi~

bility to keep it free.

MUSIC: UP AND UNDER _THUR _:As.

*rn-‘n‘ -“- l.#.~-- 0-.”-

SUPER THURMAN IN NS OVER THUR: Yes, it is every man's

THIS. HOLD THUR? 'AN AND

DISS. FROM WHEAT TO SHOT reaponsibility to keep

OF SCHOOL CHILDREN LEAN-

INC SCHOOL. HOLD 2-3 America free. One way

SECOND-S AND DISS. TO SHOT

OF A BOY AND A GIRL WATCH- to help is throngh vot»

ING THE SUN SET. HOLD 2-3

SECONDS AND DISS. TO SHOT ing . . . every Ameri~

OP FOOTBALL CAPE. CAMERA

PULLS BACK AND WE SHE WE can's democratic right

APE VIEW-INS 'I‘JIS 033 A

LINE MONITOR IN THE . . . every American's

CO;‘~'«".I'QOL ROOPI. I“ THE

CONTROL ROOM WE SEE A check against the loss

DIRECTOR, AUDI!) TEAM, TECH-

NICAL DIRECTOR, GORDON IN of freedom . . . These

SHIRT SLELVES "'PII .x‘i TIE

LOOSENED, SARNON, SHTON beautiful . . . uh . . .
(102E)

89

VIDEO:

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91

VIDEO:

.9 -' o. pan-Q

CORD:

DIRECTOR PRESSES INTER—
COH KEYS. CUT TO SHOT

OF BACK OF CONTROL ROOM
WHERE GORDON IS NOW TALK“
ING WITH GLORIA. THE
OTHERS ARE SKATE?) AROUND.

DIR:

GLORIA'S IOLDING A CLIP“
BOARD. SdE FLIPS THROUGH
THE PA :35 .

GLOR:

GORD:

GLORIA STARTS TO EXIT BUT
GORDON STOPS HER.

GLORIA WRITES THIS DOWN.

(MORE)

éEQ§Q=
It'll be a little diffi~
cult but it'll be in clos-
er. That could make the
difference.
Okay, try it.
(TO CONTROL R001 HIC.)
Tei. Move the prorpter
in a little. You‘ll have
to hold it but keep it
Steady.
I checked it out and they
recommend number five.
They say if you use any~
thing darker, it won't
look natural.
Just bring me the dark

stuff. He look? a9 if he's
never Spent a day in the
sun in his life. . . And
bring me a sun lamp.
Maybe we can do something
about it ourselves. . .

On before you go. Cancel
out our appointment at

the photographer and make

92

VIDEO:

GLOR:
GORD:
GORDON HEADS FOR STUDIO
DOOR AND GLORIA HEADS
TOWARD CONTROL ROOM EXIT.
GORDON SPIES SARNOW AND
STEPS TOWARD HIM.
SARNOW IS WELL DRESSED
AND LOOKS BORED. SARN:
GLORIA EXITS. GORD:
GORDOI EXITS T0 STUDIO.
WE CAN SEE THURMAN 0N SARN:

(MORE)

5.99.1.2:
it for early next week.
Then check to see if the
stuff at the printer is
anywhere near ready. If
it's not bug him a lit-
tle. he's had enough
time.
It's been two weeks now,
right?
Yeah. They can use a
little pushing. . . Hey,
you want to order some
hamburgers, too, while
you're at it? Enough for
everybody. Mr. Sarnow,
you care for a hamburger?
No thank you.
(To SARNOW) Sorry for the
delay. It'll only be
another minute or two.
Just make yourself com~
tortable. I've got to
talk to Thurman a second.
He's still a little
nervous.

(T0 NO ONE IN PARTICULAR)

93
VIDEO:

CONTROL ROOM MONITOR AND
GORDON JOINS HIM. VARIOUS
MEMBERS OF FLOOR CREW MOVE
IN AND OUT. ASHTON MOVES
OVER TO SARNOW AND SITS

DOWN. ASHT:
SARN:
DIRECTOR SMILES AND NODS
NO.
ASHT:
SARN:
CUT TO CU OF ASHTON. ASHT:

HE'S NERVOUS.

CUT TO Z-SHOT.
LOOKS DISGUSTED.

SARNOW

(MORE)

AUDIO:

-D-H ‘—

He was born nervous.

He's come a long way. A
little more work and. . .
well. . .

(To DIRECTOR) Can't you
change the station on that
damn thing? I'm getting
sick of watching them.
(LAUGHINGLY) What? You
want to watch the three
stooges?

I have been all afternoon.
(NERVOUSLY) Ya can't rush
these things. It takes
time. But man, when he's
ready there's no stopping
him. He'll go on the air
and he'll win. Who can*
resist? (EXASPERATED)

You ought to appreciate an
easy election for a change
. . . Why knock yourself

out? Save yourself for

something important.

VIDEO:

”9—..-

CUT TO CU OF ASHTON.

94

SARN:

ASHT:

SARN:

ASHT:

(MORE)

599.30.:

Every election's important.
I know, I know. I'm not
saying any different. It's
just that this one will

be a little easier. . .

or can be if you let it.
Sinclair just going to

lay down and die?
(CONFIDENTLY) He might

as well. This thing is so
well planned that he
doesn't have a chance.

You name it, we got it.
Billboards, posters, bump~
er stickers, direct mail,
lecture tours, newspaper
stuff, and then televi~
sion. We've got the best
spot campaign possible. . .
every station in the dis~
trict is going to run our
stuff. By the time we're
through, Robert Thurman
will be a household name

. . . Sinclair's through.

And you're unhappy.

VIDEO:

 

CUT TO CU OF SARNOW.

CUT TO Z-SHOT.

95

SARN:

ASHT:

SARN:

(MORE)

AUDIO:

 

So he sits in his office
for two years and chases
his secretary. What else
will he do? Someone calls
for advice or help and he
can't give it. He doesn't
know how. He smiles and
says don't worry. Every—
thing will be all right.
Why don't you call such
and such. In two years
they'll be voting for such
and such. (GETTING ANGRY)
Everything we've built up
in this district is lost.
And go recommend some~
thing to the state commit«
tee. They smile nice too.
What can I say? Just give
him a chance. He's got
smarts. . . And I don't
see Sinclair doing any—
thing so spectacular.
Sinclair's a politician
and he works at it. If

something comes up he

96

VIDEO: AUDIO:

w...-

 

knows what to do without
asking anyone. He can
handle his job. From what
I've seen so far, I don't
think Thurman can, and I
don't like the idea of
bucking the boys you got
supporting him either.

AS H

*3

: There's no sense arguing
with you. You only see
and hear what you.want to
see and hear. You don't
realize. . .

SARN: (IMPATIENTLY) If he shapes
up a little better and
gets rid of that phony
smile. . . well. . . I'll
go along. Until then,
don't look to me for any
help.

ASHT: In other words, when he
wins you'll jump on the
bandwagon.

SARN: Like I said, he's got to
shape up first.

ASHT: (COOLY) You're still the

(MORE)

97
we: sum
old time politician.
Afraid of what's new.
SARN: I don't think so.

CUT TO CU OE ASHTON. ASHT: No. . . Look around. A
whole new politics is here
and you shrug it of
It's not the sane anymore.
It's more. . . BOphisti~
cated. It needs more guys
like Cordon and devices
like television. There's
no more baby kissing and
shaking hands. That's
gone. It's gettinj on TV
and being personaule and
locking sincere that counts.
. . . You don't believe
it. You don't want to
take part in it. It's a
young man's game and you
still like the Old.

CUT TO 2-SIOT. SARN: I like to win and I take

Hd

pride in the way I win.
ASHT: This isn't dishonest.
SARN: No? Then what's that

strange smell I get every-

(MORE)

VIDEO:

m-———

98

ASHT:

SARN:

ASHT:

(MORE)

59.9.1.2:

time I see you briefing
Thurman. . . putting
words in his mouth. . .
telling him he doesn't
have to worry about. . .
(ANGRY) All I know is the
people will love him and
that's what counts. That
and making a name for
myself politically. And
you didn't do things much
differently at all. How
many peeple you give jobs
to because they voted or
brought in votes? How
many you keep under your
thumb because. . .

At least when I go home

I have a little peace of
mind because those people
working for me as you put
it have built this dis-
trict up. . . Have made
something of it and of
themselves.

(SARCASTICALLY) A little

YIDEO:

ASHTON TURNS AND WE CUT
TO SHOT OF CONTROL ROOM
WINDOWS AND MONITORS.
GORDON IS SEEN ON MONI-
TORS AND THROUGH WINDOWS
COMING INTO CONTROL ROOM
CUT BACK TO Z-SHOT OF
SARNOW AND ASHTON.
SARNOW STANDS AND HEADS
FOR CONTROL ROOM DOOR.
GORDON ENTERS AND CAMERA
PULLS BACK TO SEE HIM AS
HE APPROACHES DIRECTOR.

DIRECTOR NODS.

SARNOW HEADS TO DOOR.

99

ASHT:

SARN:

GORD:

DIR:

CORD:

SARN:

GORD:

(MORE)

was

peace of mind. . . You. .

Here comes your boy.

He must be ready to go.
And so am I. I can't take
Watching this anymore.

(To DIRECTOR) I think the
prompter got it. He looks
a lot better. Thanks.
We're ready any time.
Fine. (TO ASHTON AND SAR-
NOW) Well, things are
looking up. We've got a
good crew here. . . You
leaving, Hr. Sarnow?
(SARCASTICALLY) Brilliant
deduction. Yes, unfortu-
nately my doctor told me

I can't watch more than
two hours of TV at any

one time.

I'm sorry. This promises

to be the best take of the

100

SARNOW REACHES DOOR AND

TURNS TO FACE ASLI‘l‘ON. HE

EKITS. ASHTON WALKS OVER CORD;

TO GORDON WHO‘S LOOKING

AT THE MONITORS. Ci'JRDJI'I

WAKES NOTES ON CLIPBOARD.

THEN-mt" IS SEEN IN "IS 01-!

3102-3 I TO R .

WC 3:139: 'l'fiURflAil COS-51?. INTO DIR:

CU OH NCMITOR. GORDON

RODS OKAY.
CORD:
ASHT:

GORDON TURNS FROM CORD:
ASHT:
CORD:

(MO RE )

fihfltg’
afternoon.
I'm sure it is. . . Re~
member what I told you,
Sam. he's got to shape
Lnfi.
(To ASHTOH) What's that
all about? (TO DIRECTOR)
Have camera one push in
a little tighter. he
loons good in closeup.
night as well make use
of it.
Tighten Up one. . . That's

it. . . keep going. Fine.
Hold it there.

(TO ASHTON) Sounds as if
Sarnow'e ready to take on
the world.

Just our district if need
be. He doesn't like Thurs
man, what we're doing or
how we're doing it. . .
No support.

Did you really expect it?
It would have been nice.

The hell with him. We go

101

VIDEO:

 

DIRECTOR PRESSES INTERCOM DIR:
KEYS. MONITORS GO TO BLACK.

ASHT:

GORD:
DIRECTOR NODS OKAY.

DIR:

ASHT:
ACADEMY LEADER NUMBERS DIR:
START ROLLING DOWN ONE
MONITOR. CORD:

(MORE)

AUDIO :

-M t...‘ a...

alone. We've still got
enough friends and enouoh

people interested in

Thurman. Let Sarnow cry
later. . . (To DIRECTOR

We're set to go.

Okay, everyhody. Stand
by. We're going to try
it again. Projection
ready.

You just can't iqnore the

man. He'a been around too
long.
Exactly. (TO DIRECTOR)

Try it with the music
from the start this tine.
It may make the whole
presentation a little
stronger.

Ready music.

I don't care. I’m still
gonna worry.
Roll film.
All you gotta worry about
is that Sinclair doesn't

Change his personality

102

Egoao: AUDIO:

-nwo—o—n

overnight. Then we got

problems.
NIKE MISSILES START DIR: Roll music . . . and sound
FLYING ON MONITORS.
THE FILM IS THE ONE . . . Fade up film.

WE SAW PREVIOUSLY.
WUSIC: AMERICA.

 

m In. «no a. urn a...

DIR: Ready announce . . . Music
under . . .

wusxc: _p§g§3.

 

DIR: Announce.

GORD: (OVER ANNCR.
AED MATTER-

OF-FACTLY)
ANNCR: Home of the Home of the

brave. . . brave. . .
the coura- the coura~
geous. . . geous. . .
the free the free
America. America.
And it 13 And it is
everyone's everyone's
reaponsio reaponsi~
bility to bility to
keep it keep it
free. free. . .

DIR: Music up ready to cue
Thurman.

(MORE)

VIDEO:

—.—--—.—-

ENTER GLORIA.

GORDON TURNS TO HER.

HE POINTS TO A CORNER
OF THE DIRECTOR'S CON-
SOLE AND SEE FOLLOWS.

THURMAN APPEARS ON
MONITOR.

103

CORD: Perfect. Now if Thurman
doesn't. . .

GLOR: Hamburgers.

GORD: Did you have to wait for
he cow to grow up? Put
them over there.

DIR: Music under. . . super
Thurman. . . Cue him.

THUR: Yes it is everyman's
responsibility to keep
America free. One way to
help is throuqh voting
. . . every American's

check against the loss of

GORDON IS FACING SLIGHTLY. freedom. . . GORD: (T0

HE

STOPS NEAR ASHTON.

DIRECTOR)
These fem~ I think he's

one land~ got it. (TO

marks be« ASHTON) Like
hind me I said, our
represent only worry
the sweet 13 that Sin"

and blood Clair might
of Ameri~ change his
ca. . . personality.

(MORE)

104

GORDON AND ASHTON TURN
BACK TO THE MONITORS.

PUSH PAST THEM INTO CU

OF MONITOR. THE FILM
BEHIND THURHAN NOW SHOWS
THE AMERICAN FLAG. THUR~
MAN'S SUPER IS LOST AND
WE DISS. TO SHOT OF FLAG.
CAMERA PULLS BACK AND PANS
TO SEE SINCLAIR BEHIND
PODIUM ANSWERING QUESTIONS.
CAMERA CIRCLES BEHIND
SINCLAIR AND WE SEE A
GROUP OF WOMEN SEATED

IN AN ASSEMBLY HALL

IN FRONT OF HIM.

ONE ELDERLY WOMAN
STANDS.

CUT TO CU OF SINCLAIR.
HE IS SLOPPILY DRESSED
AND LOOKS NERVOUS.

THUR:

MUSIC:

59.919
The ingenu- GORD: (LAUGHS)
ity of SHT: (LAUGHS)
America.

Let's make sure that these
things are never threatened.
VOte for leadership that
won't fail. Vote for
Thurman.

mmamngfi.

 

WOMAN:

SINC:

“-«‘

(MORE)

And by so doing, we all
benefit . . . Any other
questions? . . . Oh come
now. A group of women
and no questions. Amaz—
ing. (LAUGHS)
I think you've answered
all of our questions,
Congressman.

Well, any questions on
housekeeping then.

Okay, then just let me
say that I am pleased and

happy to have been able

VIDEO:

 

CUT TO SHOT or WOMEN AND
THEY'RE APPLAUDING.

CUT TO SHOT OF SINCLAIR
LEAVING STAGE. HE WALKS
TO WINGS OF STAGE AND
MEETS HAMILTON AND VICTOR
WHO IS DRESSED SIMILARLY
TO SINCLAIR. SINCLAIR
AND HAMILTON SHAKE HANDS.

105

no---

SINC:

VICT:

SII-JC :

HAM:

SINC:

(MORE)

AUDIO:

to speak before you today.

. My record will stand

for itself and. . . uh

. . . I'm sure that you
will take that into con~
sideration when you. . .
uh. . . vote. Thank you,
and continued success on
your uh many wonderful

club projects. We can
always use more progress

minded people.

O- un- . '- ‘ v. C-. .-

How was I?
I don't know but six women
asked me for your phone
number. (LAUGHS)

I hOpe you gave it to
them. . . but don't tell
my wife. (LAUGHS)
Seriously.
I think you got to them.
Good job.

Thank you, sir. Thank

106

"TI 113' 1" ‘3 :

g.“—

VICT:
SINr :
HAN:
SINC:
THEY START TO WALK AND §OENQ:_
WE DISS. TO THEE! ENTER”
INC A RESTAURANT. THEY
SEE AN EMPTY BOOTH AND HAM:
HEAD FOR IT. THEY SIT.
THE RESTAURANT CATERS TO SINC:
BUSINESSHEN AND IS FAIRLY
PLUSH. ON THE WALL
OPPOSITE SINCLAIR AND
HAMILTON IS A TV SET. IT
IS TURNED ON AND WE CAN
MAKE OUT THURHAN'S SPOT
ANNOUNCEMENT .
HAMILTON POINTS TO TV. HAM:
SINCLAIR LOOKS AT TV. SINC:

(MORE)

ItUD-IO I

you very much. . . (TO
VICTOR) Oh, anything else
of importance scheduled
today, Victor?

tie-t that I can remember.
Tine. Then I've got time
to chat at length with
What do

you, Wendell.

you say to lunch?
Excellent. I'm famished.
Where do you suggest?
Anyplace will do.

FEETP-UEAIETJQIEES:._. 211’...
{Eng UNDER.

There's a booth.

It feels good to sit down.
I've been on my feet all
day. Thank goodness that
woman's club didn't have
too many questions. What
are you looking at?
That's an example of what
I was telling you about.
Hmmm. Too bad we can't
hear it. He looks posi-

tively wonderful.

VIDEO:

n“.-

LOOKS BACK AT HAKILTON.

CUT TO CU OF SINCLAIR.

107

HAM:

SINC:

HAM:

SINC:

HAP! :

SINC:

( MORE)

was:
Depends on what perspec-
tive you use.
Well, I wouldn't worry.
I've been in many a cam-
paign and I think I know
my way around. You should
know that too.
Sure I know that. But
this is different. Your
competition of late hasn't
been the greatest. Maybe
you once knew how to
fight but you've forgotten.
. . . Just look at your
campaign staff.
There is nothing wrong
with my campaign staff.
No, Victor does his job
. . . but he's not enough.
My dear Wendell. You're
still the alarmist. I am
not going to let this man
run all over me. I am
not going to stand still.
And if he comes across

stronger than I expect,

108

VIQQQ:

 

CUT TO CU OF HAVILTON. HA3:

CUT TO Z-SHOT. SINC:
HAY:
SINC:

WAITRESS WALKS OVER.

SINCLAIR PICKS UP THE

MENU AND STARTS T0 FJAD

HAMILTON PICKS UP HERO HAY:

H\L?«HBARTBDLY. WAIT*

RESS MACHBS Their-1. WAIT:

SIRCLAIP LOOKS UP

OVER MENU. SITJC:

(MORE)

I". [IL-'1") 2

“-v -u. a.-

well, then I will con‘
sider extra help.

By then it may be too
late. This guy goes on
television and reaches
everyone in the district
and they listen to him.
You go on television. . .
Well, to be perfectly
honest, people don't
listen. Television ruins
you.
(SLIGHTLY RUFFLED) A
Congressman does not have
to be a TV star.
I'm not so sure any more.
Well, I am. I reevect
your concern. I appre«
ciate your concern. But
believe me there is no
need for it. . . Ah, here
comes the waitress. What
are you going to have?
I don't really know.
Centleren.

I'll have the roast beef

109

VIDEO:

 

SINCLAIR PUTS BACK THE
MENU.

WAITRESS WRITES THIS DOWN
AND LEAVES.

THE SPOT ANNOUNCEMENT ENDS
WITH A BIG SKYROCKET AND
FADES TO BLACK. A STATION
I. D. IS SEEN AND THEN A
SOAP OPERA.

CUT TO CU 0F SINCLAIR.

CUT TO 2-SHOT.

HAM:

WAIT:

HAM:

SINC:

HAM:

SINC:

HAM:

SINC:

HAM:

(MORE)

AUDIO:

 

. . . French dressing and
coffee.

Make mine the chicken and
coffee.

Thank you.

Are you doing anything
yet to fight him?

The usual like this
morning.

You have anything else
planned?

You have a one track mind.
You're so obsessed with
my defeat you forget that
I have been Congressman
for ten years. . . And I
am planning on ten more
years. Granted I don't
have much of a staff but
if . . .

Let me work for you.
(LAUGHS) Wendell, you're
making mountains out of
molehills.

I hape you're right, but

let me work for you anyway.

CUT

VILTT)’,

TO ~‘U OF iiiu‘ilL'l‘ON.

TO 2 ~SIIOT .

(f-IORE)

SIWC:

HA”! :

SINC:

HA’ ' :

SIHC:

um:

Yo charce. t would help
Victor out. He's swamyefl
vita things to do.
(KLSITPKT) You know it's
all riqfit.

COOL-‘1. Non-u . .

(RLE“TLY) Now nothing.
Don't go getting any ideas.
You‘ll heln Victor and

that's it. We're not

cocked idoaq.

I was just going to say
that I wanted to be able
to have some sort of free
hand in your TV
appearance You don't
know how to use the
medium or when. With a
little coaching hat

can be straightened out.
. . . find no ref action
on Victor but he doesn't
know either. He hasn't
worked with it enough.
Well, I don't know. I

guess. . .

VIDEO:

111

HAM:

SINC:

SINC:

(MORE)

HAM:

HAM:

59.229:
Look. We take your wife
and daughter and we make
up a couple of spots like
the one we just saw, com-
bine them with personal
appearances and. . .

No. . . I will not resort
to making my family into
a public spectacle. . .

If they are seen with me,
fine. I am proud of them.
But I will not go out of
the way to publicize them.
They are not being elec-
ted, I am.

They can help you. And
besides, when you took
your oath of office, you
gave up quite a bit of
your privacy.

(FIRMLY) I'm sorry. My
family does not get
involved.

You agree to let me work
with you for your te1e~

vision appearances though.

VIDEO:

CUT TO CU OF SINCLAIR.

CUT TO CU OF HAMILTON.

CUT TO 2-SHOT.

112

SINC:

HAM:

SINC:

HAM:

(MORE)

6.9.1119
Yes, but I am also not
happy with the spot an~
nouncement. I'd prefer
to make speeches. It's
my duty as a candidate
to let the public know
what I am like and what I
stand for and what I have
accomplished. That is a
basic tenet. . .
Save the lecture, Dave.
I took a couple of polit-
ical science courses my-
self. And I agree with
you. But I also think
you have to adapt to. . .
(CONFUSED) No. I can't
see myself standing up
there with rockets going
off and the Washington
monument.whizzing by.
It's not me.
We don't have to be as
dramatic as that. A five
minute speech here and

there. You want to reach

113

 

VIDEO:
SINC:
CUT TO CU OF HAMILTON. HAM:
CUT TO Z-SHOT. SINC:

MORE)

59.0.3.9;
as many pe0ple as possi-
ble and this will do it
for you. You keep making
those thirty minute
speeches and you'll end
up reaching the peOple in
the control room, your
family, and that's about
it.
Well. . .
I picture this as an ad-
vertising campaign but an
honest one. There is
nothing wrong with the
techniques we'll use as
long as the information
and object being adver~
tised are honest. If they
weren't, I wouldn't be
talking with you. I'd be
with Thurman.
The thing is that it takes
one bad apple to ruin a
barrel and if I start
using tricks and devices

0 O 0 like. 0 0 like

SINCLAIR LOOKS CONFUSED.

CUT TO CU OF SINCLAIR.

CUT TO 2-SHOT.

114

HAM:

SINC:
HAM:

(MORE)

5923.9:

Thurman. I'll be thought
of in the same light as
Thurman.

You will not be submit~
ted to the showmanship
and dramatics. All I
want is for you to reach
people and have them
listen when you do reach
them. . . You have to at
least try. . . If people
used their heads a little
more and didn't always
look for the new faces
and appeals, then you
could campaign like you
always have. But they
don't. You have to go
after them. . . It's
your duty to get reelec-
ted if you value your

job and honor the reSpon—
sibility placed on you
in the job. If not. . .
You know I do.

Then swallow your pride.

115
23329: 52m:
. . . It's not the easi~
est thing to do, but then
neither is losing. I
don't mean to insult you
or hurt your feelings.
SINC: I realize that. . .

HA3: But I do want to see
you get reelected. Give
me control of TV and
radio. Promise that you
won't do anything in
these areas without
first consulting me.

SINC: I said you could work
for me and I meant it.
However I won't promise
you anything. You know
I am a man who makes up
his own mind and I more
likely than not will
decide my own courses of
action. That's all I
can say.

HAM: Just don't do anything
rash, please.

(MORE)

VI mag :

 

THE WAITRESS ENTERS WITH
THE SALADS AND SETS THEE-1
DOWN. SHE EXITS.

SINCLAIR RAISES
CLASS .

H I S NATE R

HAS-41 LTON RAISES
GLASS .

HIS WATER

TH EY DRINK .

THE TV SET SHOWS A SPOT
ANNOUNCE’EENT FOR TIIURMAN.
SINCLAIR TURNS TO SEE IT.

CNEERA PCSEIES I‘KITO CU OF
TV WITH THURMAN SI-IILING.

116

RAH:

SINC:

HAM :

SINC:

HAM :

(MORE)

BUI‘IO:

a—-- CI. — --- «—

Don't worry. . . You know
I never would have
thought this of you. . .
this concern.

It's just that I'm in
love with your wife and
I'd hate to see her cry
if you lose the election.
(LAUGHS) Let's drink a
toast to my thoroughly
whipping Hr. Thurman,
and more important, to
our both being in love
with my wife. . . I hepe
my constituency never
hears about it. I un~
derstand a happy home
life is a prerequisite
to being elected.
(LAUGHS)

He does have a nice
smile.

And don't ever forget
it. But we'll see if we
can't get rid of that

smile just a little.

VIDEO:

w—- -

DISS. TO CU 0F THURMAN
AND HE'S STILL SMILING
BUT AS WE PULL BACK HE
LOSES SMILE. WE SEE HE
IS NOW IN AN OFFICE AND
GORDON IS BEHIND A
LITTERED DESK WORKING.
THURMAN IS PACING.

GORDON THROWS THURMAN
A NEWSPAPER.

THURMAN PICKS UP PAPER
AND READS.

117

ANNCR:

GORD:

THUR:
CORD:

THUR:

GORD:

(MORE)

nuuxo :

 

This has been a paid
political announcement.
(EXASPERATED) I'm begin-
ning to smile in my
sleep.

Don't let your wife
catch you.

Very funny.

Have you seen this?
Congressman Sinclair
promises more govern—
ment contracts and a
more efficient handling
of labor problems in his
district if reelected.
The Congressman went on
to say. . .

That he deplores running
against peOple that lack
the requirements to make
a good Congressman such
as certain of those run—
ning against him. The
idea that anyone thinks

they can fool the public

113

VIDEO:

.g‘.-.’ - --

THURMAN IS RUBBING HIS JAW. THUR:

GORDON HITS HIS DESK. HE

TURNS TOWARD THE WINDOW

BEHIND HIM AND BACK TOWARD

GORDON. GORD:
THUR:
CORD:

THURMAN WALKS TO WINDOW. THUR:

(MORE)

9.92212:
is absolutely prepos~
terous.
Did you memorize the
whole paper?
(AROUSEW) First we call
a press conference to-
day. No more defense.
We take the offense.
Why hasn't there been
a more efficient handling
of labor problems? Why
aren’t there more govern-
ment contracts? . . . Then
we step up our TV cov«
erage. I've got you
booked for a couple of
local shows. You'll sit
and answer questions.
But. . .
Pre~arranged. You'll
know the questions and
answers too. . . Then a
couple of lectures and a
rally here and there
that are televised.

We could kidnap him. We

119

GORDON GLARISS AT THURMRN'S
BI‘LCK.

THUIU‘AN TURI‘IS AROUI‘ID.
HE'S SrlILINC IN AN
EXAGCERATED MANNER.

TEIURMAN STARTS FACING
AGAIN. GORDON'S WRITING
SOF‘ETHII‘IC AND STOPS.

CUT TO CU OE“ TEi‘IWFZE‘JJ.

CUT TO CU OF GORDON
LISTENING CLOSBLY.

CUT TO CU OF THUI.C"-I=.N.

CORD:

THUR:

GO RD :

THUR:

CORD:

THUR:

( MO 121:; )

59:31.2:
haven't committed any
feceral offenses. . .
yet.
Did you autograph those
pictures like I told
you?
Smiled through every
one.
Good.
Hey. I‘ve got it. how
about a smile contest?
What?
I said how about a smile
contest? I would win in
a walk so to speak.
Hell, I've been smiling
now for the last three
weeks continuously.
That must be some sort
of record. I don't
think Sinclair would
stand a chance. Just
picture it. A big name
emcee would introduce us.
Ladies and Gentle-

men, in this corner at

VIDEO:

HE GRINS EXAGGERATEDLY.

CUT TO 2-SHOT.
LOST IN THOUGHT.

GORDON IS

THURMAN SEES GORDON ISN'T
PAYING ANY ATTENTION TO
HIM.

CUT TO CU 0F GORDON.

120

CORD:
THUR:
CORD:
THUR:

CORD:

THUR:

GORD:

(HDFE)

one hundred and seventy~
five pounds Robert Thur-
man, the challenger.
Then a bell would ring
and I‘d step out to the
center and let them have
it. . . There's no
defense against that.
Well, it was just an
idea. I don't suppose
Sinclair would ever go
for it. . . Do you have
anything to drink in
this place? I'm thirsty.
(THOUGHTPULLY) Why not?
That's what I say. . .
It's a great idea.

What is?

If only we can get Sin-
clair to go along with
it.

With what? Do I have

to be a mind. . . Oh no.
I was joking. You can't
be serious.

Uh huh. Except not for

121

VIDEO:

“-m-

CUT TO Z—SHOT. THUR:

GORDON REACHES IN HIS

POCKET AND PULLS OUT SOME
BILLS. HE HANDS A COUPLE
TO THURMAN WHO TAKES THEM

(MORE)

@2229:
a smile contest exactly.
A variation. . . And

I think Sinclair would
jump at the idea.

I don't like that look

on your face. I won't
be getting involved in
any. . .

Calm down. There's noth-
ing wrong in what I'm
thinking. As a matter
of fact its about the
most reSpectable thing
I've thought of in a

long time. The only
problem is in getting
you ready. It'll take a
lot of coaching. Look,
why don't you take the
afternoon of! and let me
put some of this on pa-
per. When I've got some-
thing concrete I'll tell
you about it. Here take
the wife and kid out to

dinner. I'll talk to

122
“2:19: 5.00:0:
BUT HESITATINGLY. you as soon as I got
this straigdtanad out.

THUR: What about the press
conference?

OORO: I'll say you're on to
something big and you
prefer to wait until you
have all the information.
Brings more free publiC*
ity. Just keep smiling
and get your wife to
smile too.

THUR: I don't think my wife
knows how to smile. . .
maybe it's contagiou3.

. . . See you later.

THURHAN HLADS FOR TAR

DOOR. COR“: Yoan. Hey. Try using
that sun lamp I got you.

'l‘i-EURDWJ NODS OKAY Ai‘ID Okay?

EXITS. GORDON SITS AT

HIS DESK THY-WIFE. HE:

TURNS TOWARD Tm; 9412113037 f~7IJ$IC:. 3.2}.ij TriEI‘_’E Spry-LY.

AND LOOKS OUT. HE} 'PU‘QNS

BACK AND GPABS A CIGA-

RETTE. HE STARTS TO

WRITE SOI'ETIIITQE PJJD S‘FOPS.

Hi3 STARTS ACAI"! AN.) STOPS.

HE PFLLSSES A BU'I‘TOLNI 091'

HIS IE‘w’i’Tn‘I-ZCO'E. CLOR: (VOICE FILTEPED) Yes

sir.

CORD: Gloria, get Congressman

(MORE)

VIDEO:

 

AUDIO:
Sinclair on the phone
will you please. . . And

don't take no for an

 

answer. This is very
important.
GORDON STARTS TO WRITE GLOR: Yes sir. Right away.
AGAIN AND STOPS. HE PICKS
UP THE NEWSPAPER AND READS
A LITTLE. HE TURNS TOWARD
THE WINDOW. IT IS GETTING
DARK OUTSIDE. HE PUFFS ON
HIS CIGARETTE. HE REACHES gogmgz‘ qugcgrzwagzgeg.
FOR THE INTERCOM.
GORD: Yes Gloria.
GLOR: The Congressman's on the
line.
HE PUTS OUT HIS CIGA-
RETTE AND PICKS UP THE GORE: Thank you. . . Congrees~
P‘IONE.
man Sinclair?
PUSH INTO CU OF GORDON'S ~
HAND ON THE PHONE AND MUSIC: ougpgxghggrgs,
DISS. TO A CU 0F SCOTT'S ‘
HAND ON THE PHONE. PULL SCOTT: Two with everything and
BACK TO SEE SCOTT AND '
WILMA IN HAMILTON'S OF- two with just mustard.
FICE.
Uh huh. . . Two coffees.
SCOTT TURNS TO WILEA. (TO WILHA) You want any"
SHE NODS NO.
thing else? (TO PHONE)
HE HANGS UP PHONE AND That's it. . . be about
LOOKS AT WILMA WHO IS
STUFFING ENVELOPES. a half an hour. How's
it coming?
WILMA: Okay I guess. I never

(MORE)

knew there were so many

VIDEO:

““—

HE GRASS SOME ENVELOPES
AND CIRCULARS AND STARTS

124

WILMA:

STUFFING. HAMILTON WALKS

IN. HE LOOKS TIRED. HE
TAKES OFF HIS COAT AND
HANGS IT UP.

HAMILTON WALKS OVER TO A
CAPTAIN'S CHAIR AND SITS
DOWN.

CUT TO CU OF HAEEILTON.

SCOTT:

HAM:

WILMA:

HAM:

SCOTT:

HAM:

(MORE)

£99.12:
club presidents, doctors,
executives and teachers
in the district. Where
did the old man get the
list?
Friends of his I think.
Here let me help.
Gladly.
Hello.
Hello, Scott, Wilma.
You both look busy.
Yes sir. We're A number
one envelope stuffers.
How did your day go?
Well, I checked on
lights.
Anything?
Makeup will cover the
wrinkles, but the deep
set eyes and glasses will
still cause miserable
looking shadows. If
we base light him, he'll
look flat. . . blend into
the backdrOp. So they're

going to try some low

VIDEO:

1"..- y .0

CUT TO 3-SHOT. SCOTT:

51019312»-
SCOTT:
HAMILTON WALKS TO PHONE.
HE PICKS UP PHONE.
HAN:

CUT TO CU OF HAMILTON.

(MORE)

5:99.12:
key stuff at different
intensities. . . Just
don't tell Sinclair.
He'll walk right out of
the studio because we're
trying to make him into
a bathing beauty. . .
But there's hone. What's
new here?
Nothing much. We've
been doing this most of
the day. . . Nice letter.
Must be Harry downstairs
checking our order. You
want something to eat?
I don't know. (To
PHONE) Hamilton Asso~
ciatee. Hamilton sneak—
ing. . . Oh yea, Dave.
. . . What's the matter?
. . . What did he want?
. . . What? . . . Well,
what did you say?. . .

Yes, Iknow . . . Iknow

VIDEO:

 

CUT TO Z-SHOT OF SCOTT AND
WILHA. THEY LOOK CURIOUS.

UT TO CU OF HAMILTON.

HAMILTON HANGS UP PHONE.
CUT TO 3-SHOT.

(MORE)

9:299
that. . . fihat? Are you
crazy? Dave, you're a
tool. (GETTING ANGRY)
I mean that. A fool.
You just killed yourself.
He'll rip you apart. . .
No, damn it. . . Okay. . .
(CALHER) Can you be in
the office first thing in
the morning. . .Yea.
You're going to need a
lot of work by the time
this thing goes on the
air. . . Two weeks?
Well, just be here and
prepare to work. . .
Yeah . . . Okay . . .
Don't forget tomorrow.
Goodbye. (T0 HIMSELF)
I think I need an aspirin.
(TO SCOTT AND WILHA) Our
beloved candidate who
has enough trouble say-
ing hello on television,
let alone talking or
thinking, has just

agreed to debate with

127

VIDCO:

fl-..“-

SCOTT AR) NILVA I
PUSH IT?‘“O CU 01" z . .
AND JATCh DISS. 10 J'AY
RED BLACK PICTURE O-
HOLD FOR APPLOXIHAT
3 SEICOIJDS FLT-’1) I‘Ia‘DEI TO
BLACK.

'iiI‘ID 01" ACT II

##5

”‘m-- ~.--,--- -. «.

'I'hurnan. And you want
to hear sometiinq funny?
. . . lie tirirt‘i...‘ ho. can
wi :w. . (7.: WW ‘: 3..-;::- iLY)

«~07 IT‘D'TY'"‘Y" 1-.
31'5“... J:‘.‘~.. ‘. t’r’.

FIRE; 'r; 07.. 7T .

I
9

ACT THREE

-‘-.-. —~.-—-o- a.

\:¥.r2:=.<2=

OPEN: FADE UP TO BLACK flggggim

AND GRAY PICUURE 0F

THURMAN AND PflYLLIS SEATED

ON COUCH. SUPER ACT THREE.

HOLD 2-3 SECONDS AND LOSE

SUPER. MATCH DISS. TO THUR:

LIVE SHOT OF THIS SCENE.

CAMERA PULLS BACS TO SHOW

W73 APE IN APAPTT‘E'ZTJT

OBVIOUSLY NOT THE THUR—

APN'S. IT IS TOO PLUSH.

SEATED NEXT TO COUCH IS M.C.:

TV INTERVIWE.. AROUND

THE ROOM ARE TV CAHERAS,

CABLE AND LIGHTS.
PHYL:
3{.C3.:
THUR'
M.C.:
PIIYL:
THUR;

(MORE)

128

$153.0. =

{5513. .TijifFfl‘LLJ-ZF‘. £92511!
AS TgURmnu SPEAEQ.

fi--u'..~ --.-...- u— -- .---—-—.—-—‘

I'm certainly glad you
could stop by and visit
us.

Well, you have a lovely
home and some interesting
things to see. I'm sure
our home audience had an
enjoyable evening.

Too bad they all can't
come in for a cup of
coffee and a piece of
pie.

I'm sure they would all
love to, but. . .
She makes delicious pie.
It's one of her finer
points.

(HAPPILY) Well, thank
you again for letting

us come into your home.

Our pleasure.

Our door is always Open.

129
VIDEO:

M.C.:

M.C. TURNS TOWARD CAMERA
AND WE CUT TO SHOT 0F
SCOTT, HAWILTON AND
SINCLAIR WATCHING HIM

ON THEIR TV SET.

£9212:
And I'm sure we're all
looking forward to seeing
you debate the present
Congressman from this
district next week. We
all wish you good luck.
(TO CAMERA) And thank
you for allowing us to
come into your home. We
have been visiting with
Robert Thurman, candidate
for Congress, and his
family.

MARCH HUSIC. UP ARD

 

mum TV . 112-:0ch13 a.
This has been a paid
political broadcast.

OUT.

ufiqd‘-“ ‘M¢a—.~~n"

7.:1US I C :

ANNCR:
PICTURE ON SET FADES MUSIC:
TO BLACK. SCOTT
REACHES OVER AND TURNS HAM:
IT OFF.

SINC:

HAM:
SCOTT EXITS.

SINC:

(MORE)

Do you see what I mean?
He's so vague it's
impossible. . .

I'll pin him down.
(CONDESCENDINGLY) Yeah. .
Okay, Scott, get the
make-up.

Is it really necessary?

VIDEO:

 

SINCLAIR TAKES OFF HIS
COAT. SCOTT ENTERS WITH
BAG CONTAINING MAKE-UP.
HE EMPTIES IT ON THE
DESK. HAMILTON PICKS
UP A COMPACT CASE AND
A SPONGE. ENTER WILMA
WITH PAN OF WATER.
SINCLAIR SITS DOWN AS
HAMILTON PUTS MAKE~UP
ON SPONGE.

HAMILTON BEGINS TO APPLY
THE MAKE-UP. WILMA AND
SCOTT STAND BY AND WATCH.
DISS. TO 2-SHOT OF GORDON
AND THURMAN REHEARSING
LINES IN GORDON'S OFFICE.
GORDON IS PACING. THUR-
MAN IS SEATED.

DISS. TO SHOT 0F SINCLAIR
BEHIND LECTERN AND
HAHILTON IS FACING. A
CAMERA IS IN FRONT OF
SINCLAIR AND HE'S SPEAK-
ING TO IT.

130

13.9939
HAM: Take your coat off.
SCOTT: Here you go.
HAM: We need some water.
SCOTT: Wilma's bringing it.
HAM: (TO SINCLAIR) Just sit
down and relax.
SINC: Why did I ever agree to
this?
HAN: Believe me, this is

nothing compared to what
Thurman's going through.

(aggro: JAZZ THEME unfit-:2 UNDER

.n...-—- o..-’— nub... ---.‘~—

genes

CORD: Again.

THUR: I'm tired.

CORD: (MATTER~OF'FACTLY) When
he cites his stand on
increased government
Spending. . .

THUR: I say. . .

mm. U? M 2.121995% .9153 915.15:-

—-Mo .’ a..- *- .-.--

SINC: So I am reiterating. . .
HAM: No. . .(EXASPERATED)
Don't talk face front
to the camera. Turn and

(KORE)

131

VIDEO:

DISS. TO SHOT OF THURMAN

MUSIC:

AUDIO:

- a..-“

look toward Thurman.

JAZZ THEME UP.

W -‘- “a- .u. m-, -,.. .J- ~n... -v-

TAKING INSTRUCTIONS FROM
GORDON. PUSH INTO CU OP
THURMAN AND HE APPEARS
TIRED. CUT TO SHOT OF
SCOTT ADJUSTING LIGHTS
IN A STUDIO. SINCLAIR
IS BEHIND LBCTERN WATCH”
ING. HAMILTON MOTIONS
FOR HIM TO TURN A CER~
TAIN WAY. HE DOES.

PUSH INTO CU OF SINCLAIR
AND HE LOOKS EXASPERATED.
CUT TO CU OF THURMAN.

HE LOOKS EAGER AND MUSIC:

ou'g.

 

CONFIDENT.
THUR:

CAMERA PULLS BACK AND

WE SEE THURMAN IS BEHIND
A LECTERN. THE CANERA
PULLS BACK AGAIN AND
PANS AND WE SEE SINCLAIR
ALSO BEHIND A LECTERN
LISTENING TO THURYAN.
CAMERAS AND CABLES AND
LIGHTS ARE ALSO SEEN

IN THE BACKGROUND.

CUT TO CU OF SINCLAIR. SINC:

(MORE)

(AGGRESSIVELY) For
example, what has the
good Congressman done
in the field of tax
reduction? The answer
again. . . nothing. I
ask you, Congressman,
just.what have you
accomplished in your ten
years in office? What
have you brought into
the district in the way
of government business.
Why is it we lag behind
every other district

in our state?

(NERVOUSLY) Well, believe

VIDEO:

”a-.. o .._a

CUT TO SHOT BEHIND
THURMAN AND SINCLAIR

LOOKING

TOWARD CAMERAS .

132

THUR:

(MORE )

9.52232:
me, when I say these,
uh, matters you've men-
tioned have been a matter
of concern for me. But
uh, they are matters that
take much perseverance
and patience. . .You
cannot just rush into or
accomplish quickly matters
such as these. We uh,
have brought business
into our district. . .
substantial business
over the course of the
past ten years but as
I‘ve said time and time
again. . . it does the
district no good to uh
bring in contracts or
projects that are not
particularly suitable for
the area. . .uh just for
the sake of bringing
in money.
(SMUGLY) Patience and
perseverance. We have

been hearing that for

VIDEO:

“ca—c.--

CUT TO CU OF THURMAN.

133

(MORE)

were,

too long as too many
suitable contracts have
dwindled away. . . Now

you may wonder if I can

do any better and at this
point I feel I should bring
up the subject of my
inexperience. PeOple have
warned me not to say any-
thing, but I believe in
honesty. . . Granted I have
not had the benefit of

ten years of on the job
experience but as an
accountant, I have encoun-
tered situations especially
useful in the handling of

a community‘s money. As

a businessman, I have dealt
with the problems I am

sure Congressman Sinclair
has brushed aside. I

lack tenure in office.

Not experience. And believe

me when I say something

will be accomplished with

vxn2m

~QO‘I”

THE PICTU =3 FADES
AND T2172") (”.3371
R511? WT. S‘Tf-L

;?\ PULLS BACK
‘1 ‘ T'ILTOF'I N‘ID
SARNOW IN 57?.ONT OF A TV
8.4T. ii?-..‘IL'T.‘"‘.1 ii .3 F:
UBTOTR (ONTROL LKVICE
FOR '1'”.in hA'JL
fifth-HIS iiI'I CHEF '11’.)'l"I-.;I
CONTROL.

TON

S ...*i \ NJ"! P'T'io Don‘t 4 pi“? NATE

CONTROL .

*5
d
(‘1

'U OF iiAJIIL‘I‘Oi‘i'.

134

T0 BLACK

H1131:

S A Z35

H A .‘i .:

~v . .
11117.:

AUDI ‘3 2

V - .v-4 0.!!!“

me it} Offi‘Jeo o o
A drink?

No, thanks . . . n“'h.:~1t's3

a nice litt13 7&663

you got there. Let me

loot . . . I hate

‘ —
tare a

(RESI”JLELY) What is it

peoole are saving? Ythe

Thurnan's not sucn a

bad cu].
Sometuing line hat.

All these years in the
busing 33 and I still

can't ,et over how
9

people tnink. . . They
don't thine. Because

Tnurman looks good on

a television screen,
let's vote for him. . .
It's a good thing we

didn't have television

around in Lincoln's
day . . . or Wasnington's.
Could you picture them
But

in close up. . .

135
YEEEQ‘ LEQEQ:
you shoulfin't worry.
Either way you got your-
self a boy.
CUT TO 2-SMOT. SARN: That's true. Whoever

wins the primary we all
fall behind and support. .
Gordon still work for you?

HAM: I fired him when he quit.
He doesn't need a job here
anymore. He's above it.
I hear he's talking about
governorships, senatorial
campaigns. Who knows
maybe someday. . .

SARN: Yeah, maybe someday.

HAM: So I got rid of him, or

he got rid of me.

SARNOW PICKS UP REMOTE BARN: Smart move on both sides.
CONTROL AND CLICKS IT.
THE TV SET LIGdTS UP. HAM: You going to let Gordon

HE TURNS IT OFF.
run Thurman's campaign

if he beats Sinclair?
SARN: I don't. know. I've got
a meeting with Ashton
this afternoon to uh
talk it over. . . The
problem is I've got 3

(MORE)

136

@229: mm:
whole state to worry about.
They could be helpful. . .
on the other hand. . .
I'm afraid I'd Spend more
time watcwing them than
my otner candidates. . .
What I need is somaone
to coordinate all camgaign
activity. You don't know
anyoody do you?

HA4: no one who’s froe at the
mo 77.11.! 531 t .
: I'd be willing to wait.
HAM: Why don't you turn the
Set back on?

SARN: You know what's happening.

Besides if you were inter-
ested, you’& be there with

Sinclair.

HAM: Scott's there. If I went,
too, they'd be screaming
Hadison Avenue.

CUT TO CU OF SAQROH. BARN: (LAUGHS) Look. Sinclair
anfi Thurman aside. Why
don't you come in with
me? You're what I need.

(MORE)

VIDEQ:

CUT TO CU OF HAMILTON.

CUT TO Z-SHOT.

137

HAM:

BARN:

HAM:

SARN:

HAfi:

SAPN :

(MORE)

QEEIQ:
You know Gordon and Ashton
are right. Today's poli~
tics is a new politics.
Oh, maybe not down deep
but on the surface it's
evident. And we might as
well make it as honest as
we can now that we have
the chance.
I‘m tempted, but. . .
no. I've got Sinclair
to worry about. . .
I said I could wait.
And a business to worry
about. . .
Nothing will happen to
your business. If
anything. . .
I know, but I'll tell
you what I told Gordon.
I like industrial rela-
tions. It's been my
life.
So you take us on as a
client. Keep your other

clients.

use:

CUT TO CU OF HAMILTON.

138

(MORE)

HAM :

SAPN :

HA3:

BARN:

HAM:

SARN:

AUDIO:

 

If they‘ll stay.
Partisanship works two
ways. . . Sign the
committee as a client after
the election. The
committee reserves the
right to make policy
decisions, but you'll
have freedom in the use
of any and all media
including TV. Salary
we'll talk later.
Salaries: Don't forget
my staff and those I'll
have to add to it.

Of course. Then it's

a deal.

I didn't say that. You
talk to me after the
election and I'm all ears.
Maybe we can work some—
thing out. Now I’m just
an old friend enjoying

a friendly conversation
with another old friend.

You make it sound like

' CONTROL AND THE

139

VIDEO:

SARNOW CLICKS THE REMOTE
SET LIGHTS
UP.
PUSH INTO CU AND DISS. TO
CU OF THURMAN SEATED IN
RESTAURANT.

CAMERA PULLS BACK TO
INCLUDE GORDON AND
PHYLLIS SEATED WITH
HIM. PHYLLIS RAISES
HER GLASS. PEOPLE IN
THE RESTAURANT TURN
TO LOOK.

THURMAN'S FACE APPEARS.

HAM:

SARN:

HAM:

SARN:

HAM:

BARN:

MUSIC:

m

SOUN2:-

“c—

PHYL:

(MORE)

aee:

we're one foot in the
grave.

We're no youngsters
anymore.

You've been sitting
behind that desk too

long signing papers other
peOple give you. We'll
get your blood running
again.

(LAUGHS) You sure you
don't want a drink?

No thanks. Got to watch
my weight. That social
drinking'll get you
every time.

Why don't you turn the

set back on?

If you really want me to.

 

J52} THEME UP AND 931:
DURING sxsg.

m .mma.

fieewwzewe;

To our next Congressman.
We showed them tonight.

This clinched it.

VIDEO:

 

GORDON RAISES HIS GLASS.

THURHAN RAISES HIS GLASS

THEY ALL DRINK.

THURMAN GOES TO PINCH
HER. SHE SHIES AWAY.

CUT TO CU OF GORDON.

CUT TO 3-SHOT.

140

CORD:

. THUR:

PHYL:

THUR:

CORD:

THUR:

CORD:

(MORE)

529.22:

I'll drink but only for
the spirit of the
occasion. We haven't
won yet and don't for-
get it.

Never, sir. But I'm
not one to let a toast go
to waste. To our next
Congressman.

You know I still feel

as if this is all a
dream. I feel like I
should be pinched. . .
just a figure of speech
. . . so I can prove I'm
awake. . . And.we owe
this all to you, Tyler.
All to you.

Another toast.

No. I don't deserve all
the credit. Don't for-
get Sam. He did all the
leg‘work.

Yes, where is dear old
Sam?

(LAUGHS) Still working.

141

£1229: @239:
He'll be along later. . .
Then there's our TV crew,
our girl Friday, Gloria. . .
and then there's Robert
Alexander Thurman. . .
the perfect candidate .
and Congressman Sinclair
the uh unperfect candi~
date who stayed true to

form.

£0942:”semesursmasumin-
ewe: eye-é:-

CUT TO CU OF PHYLLIS. PHYL: I'll never forget
tonight. . . He looked
like a chicken without
his head. To think
gy_husband could do
that to him. That poor
guy is really something.
I feel sorry for him. . .
I really do. And I feel
sorry for his wife and
kid, too. They're both
so nice. And so pretty.

CUT TO 3-SHOT. THUR: (SARCASTICALLY) I think

I'm going to cry.

(MORE)

142

£91.12:
PHYL:
PHYLLIS STANDS UP.
CUT TO 2-SHOT OF GORDON GORD:
AND THURMAN WATCHING
PHYLLIS LEAVE. THURa‘iAN
LOOKS DEPRESSBD.
THUR:
GORD:
THURMAN DRINKS. THUR:
THURMAN DRAINS HIS GLASS.
CORD:
THUR:

(MORE)

52:219.:
(IGNORES THURI‘ZAN) I don't
understand it. But I
won't fight it. To the
strongest goes the spoils.
Right, Robert? Wait
before you answer that.

I have to go to the
little girls' room. You
can tell me when I come
back. It will give you
time to think about an
answer.

She's quite a girl. . .
Hey, what's the matter?
You don't look too happy
all of a sudden.

It's nothing.

No. . . what is it?

Tell me.

(HESITATINGLY) Aah. It's
just that I've been
thinking about Sinclair
and what you've all said.
So?

Like Phyllis said. I

feel sorry for him.

143

VIDEO:
CUT TO CU OF GORDON. CORD:
CUT TO CU OF THURAAN. THUR:
CORD:
THUR:
CUT TO 2~SHOT. CORD:
THUR:
CORD:

PHYLLIS IS SEEN APPROACHING

MORE)

-‘-~-

(FIRMLY) Well don't.

If everything were re-
versed and he were win-
ning, you don't think

he would feel sorry for
you? That's a rule of
campaigning. Put your
Opponent on the defensive
and make sure he stays
there. Feel sorry for
him after the election,
not during.

I know, but. . .

You want this. Your
wife wants this. This
is no time to be getting
weird ideas. This is
your big break.

You sound like my wife.
You should listen to
her.

When did I ever stop?
I'm not going to get
mixed up in your family
affairs, but I'm telling

you once and for all to

144

31:23.9:
THE TABLE. SUE
A LITTLE OF THE
SHE: PIERCE ES 1‘31}:

SITS.

OVERHEAPS
CON‘ERSATION.
TABLE AND

THUR:

PHYL:

SHE LEFNS TOWARD THURVAN.

SAE TURNS TO GORDON.

SE32 TUF‘J‘S BACK TO THURI'IAN.

CUT TO CU O? THURMAN.

(MORE)

were =
straighten up. Start

thinking like a big shot

and. . .
(WEAKLY) And be sincere.

(PE?TJRBED) on, he'll be

great at that. You should
have seen him the day he
asked me to marry him. . .
Remember?. . . You
promised to make me rich
and famous. (TO GORDON)
You should have heard
that speech, Mr. Gordon.
He could have won the
Good housekeeping Seal of
Approval with that one.
But don't worry about him,
Mr. Gordon. . . (FIRHLY)
No, don't worry at all.
He'll be great. he sin-
cere and believable as
they come. And the sin-
cerest Speech he'll make
will be his acceptance

Speech. A simple eloquent

145
$312252: my;
thank you and a beauti-
ful smile. He's real
good at that.
THUR: (EUUARRASSBD AND HAD)
Why don't you. . .

CUT To 3-SHOT. PHYL: Better watch out. A dis~
play of power is about to
be unleashed. Careful
. . . (LAUGHS)

CORD: Okay, okay. Both of you
cool it. This is not

the time or the place and

it's not behavior fitted

for. . .
THURflAN STANDS UP TO LEAVE.
PHYLLIS TRIES TO PULL HIM THUR: The hell with botn of
DOWN BUT HE BRUSHES HER
AWAY. you. . . She's yours, Hr.

Cordon. And you deserve
each other. You make a

great pair.

(.7
O
:33
0

RE LEAVES. CORDOW STANDS
AS I? TO FOLLOW. THUR~
MAN IGNORES HIfl AND you going? Come back
STOR”S OUT.

(cOMCLKNID) Where are

inere.

PEOPLE ARE BEG ENING TO PHYL: Come on. Sit down. . .
STARE AND PHYLLIS POLLS

GORDON DOWN IHTO HIS You don't have to worry.
SEAT.

He's still your pquet.
I'll see to that.

(\xuun

146

VIDEO:
GORD:
PHYL:
GORDON SHRUGS NO TO
DRINK OFFER. CUT TO CU
OF PHYLLIS.
CUT TO 2—SHOT. GORD:
SHE RESTS HER HAND ON PHYL:
GORDON'S ARM.
GORD:

(MORE)

9.92.29
(ANGRY) You'd better be
right. We’ve gone too
far to have this blow up
on us because of a family
argument.

He's just temperamental.
(LAUGHS) All stars are
Have another drink

0 O

. He was right,

though. We are two of a
kind and between the two
of us we've got a pretty
good thing going.
I'm.with you one hundred
per cent.

(SARCASTICALLY AND
ANGRILY) Your vote of
confidence relieves me
greatly. You'd better be
able to keep him in line.
(LAUGHINGLY) You just
have to know how to
handle him.

(CALMER) Okay. (LAUGHS
SLIGHTLY) I'll confine my
worries to Sinclair. . .

for now. Let's get out

147

 

VIDEO: £3352:
THEY STAND AND GORDON DROPS of here. Too many nosy
SOME MONEY ON THE TABLE.
PHYLLIS HEADS TO THE FRONT people.

OF THE RESTAURANT. GORDON

POLLONS HER. PEOPLE STARE MUSIC: JAzz THEME UP.

AT TuEi AS THEY LEAVE. “"“""“'“"”‘””“““‘“"“
SOUNO:__OOT Ougxgcgngsg.

DISS. To LS OF EXTERIOR OF

TV STUDIO AT NIGHT. ALL

WINDOWS IN THE BUILDING

HAVE THEIR LIGHTS ON. A

SIGN ABOVE THE DOORWAY GIVES

THE STATION'S CALL LETTERS.

DISS. TO INTERIOR SHOT IN MUSIC: OUT.

HALL OUTSIDE OF STUDIO.

 

PEOPLE ARE EVERYWHERE. Segue; PEOPLE MAKING NOISE AS_
A SIGN ABOVE THE STUDIO ZflgxgfiQVZ’ABQUZ_EflE
DOOR SAYS ON THE AIR. HALL:AY.

THE CAMERA MOVES DOWN THE
HALL TO THE CONTROL ROOM
DOOR. A YOUNG GIRL WITH

A CLIPBOARD EXITS. SHE DONNA: (RAISES VOICE) Frank. . .

SEES SOMEONE SHE IS LOOK-

ING FOR. SHE WEAVES HER Frank. . . Excuse me. . .

WAY THROUGH THE PEOPLE To

REACH HIM. pardon me. . . Frank . . .

Frank. . .

FRANK STOPS TO WAIT FOR FRANK: Yeah. . . Excuse me. . .
GIRL. PEOPLE KEEP
MOVING PAST HIM. Donna? What is it?

TWO GIRLS WALK BY. BOTH GIRL 1: Eighth district. . .
CARRY CLIPBOARDS. ONE
IS WRITING DOWN WHAT THE thirty precincts report-
OTEER SAYS.

ing. . . O'Connell appar—

ent winner. . . Forty

thousand, three hundred

and. . .
DONNA PULLS A PIECE OF . DONNA: Here's a list of con-
PAPER OFF THE CLIPBOARD.
FRANK TAKES IT AND LOOKS firmed winners. . . Those
AT IT.

with the check marks after

(MORE)

143

VIDEO:

DONNA STARTS TO LEAVE.
FRANK'S COUNTING NAMES.

SOMEONE BUMPS INTO DONNA.

SHE STARTS TO LEAVE AGAIN.
CAMERA GOES WITH HER.

SOMEONE BUKPS INTO FRANK.

DONNA HEADS INTO ROOM W TH
SIGN ON DOOR THAT SAYS
ELECTION CENTRAL. THE
ROOM IS SMOKEY AND ALL THE
WALLS ARE COVERED WITH
BLACKEOARDS THAT CONTAIN

FRANK:

DONNA:

FRANK:

DONNA :

FRANK:

§OgND=

(MO PE )

AUDIO:

“Mg“.

their names. . . . Those
circled will be here
shortly to make acceptance
speeches. . .

What's the underlining
for?

Concession speeches. . .
Can we go at ten?

No problem. . . Not many
names here. I count four
. . . five.
Tomorrow'll be bigger. . .
Everyone's worried about
those last few precincts
still reporting. . . And
don't forget, we've had a
film crew on the street
since seven. . .

Okay, send them to me
over in A as soon as they

come in. . . Excuse me.

Man, I'm glad this isn't
everyday.

mops}; _T11LKI.‘J_G ;AJ:[D__PI_{01-«Bs_
fimczmg.’ " "' '

_ --—-—-

149

31:32:29.:
CANDIDATE HAWKS AND NUH-
BER OF VOTES. DONNA STARTS
WRITING DON}! IN 'I’I‘UR'QRTION .

A HAN APPROACHES HER. MAN:
DONNA:
WAN:
DONNA:
flAN sons OKAY AND WALKS
BACK TO SIHCLAIR. BEHIND
SIfiCLAIR IS VICTOR, AVD
EDITH AND KARI - SINCLAIR'S
WIFE AWE DAUGHTER. BOTH KAN:
ARE ATT \CTIVE.
SINC:

SINCLAIR AND HIS GROUP
WALK INTO THE HALL TOWARD
STUDIO A. VICTOR AND
SINCLAIR ARE IN CONVER~
SATION. DISS TO SHOT OF
TECH ENTEDING A. TECKNI*
CIAHS ARE BUSY neenxnch
LIGHTS AND SETTING CAPEERAS

UP. THE? STAJD FOR A MO"
.".E;I.5T AND FRAI'IK WALKS OVER.

F9ANK :

SINC:

(HOE-"’13)

AU DI O :

v >-.-—- ~‘.

Donne. . . one of the
Speecnmakers is here.
What do I do with him?
Depends on whether he won
or lost.
I. . .
Just kidding. Send them
to A. Any problems ask
for Frank.
Okay, folks. Studio A.
net’s down the hall here
to your right and turn
left at the corner.
Somebody will be there for

you.

Thank you.

Can I help you?
We were told to renort

here. The name's

150

VIDEO:

”mo ~¢nq-

FRANK LOOKS AT T

DONNA GAVE HIM.

HE LIST FRANK:

VICTOR STAYS BEHIND AS
THEY WALK INTO THE SMALL

ANTE ROOM "AND CLOSE THE sonny:
DOOR. ALL SIT AROUND
A SMALL mans EXCEPT smc:

SINCLAIR WHO IS

EDITH SNILES.

ENTER HAMILTON.

SINCLAIR MOTIONS

pp.CI 1': l? 0

TO EACH .

KARI 3

SOUJD:

5.91.339:
Sinclair.
Sinclair. . . Oh yes,
Congressman. It will be
a fev minutes. What I
suggest is having a seat
in the little ante room
next door and I'll send
someone for you when we're
ready.
ALr-s:3'i'..._oqr:.
2V studios are getting
to he just like home. . .
right Edith7. . . Just
like home. . . Wendell?
Sorry I'm late. . . I. . .
Forget it. Do you know
my wife and daughter?. . .
Edith and Kari. . . or
is it Kari and Edith. My
wife gets younger looking
every day.
I’m not too sure I like
that .

ALL LIEU-£321 SI..IC.i'i‘LY.

‘ b- .C -‘ u

(MORE)

Of course I know Zcitn

and Kari.

CUT TO CU OF flAi‘llLTOI‘s‘.

CUT TO 3-SMOT OF EDITH,
SInCLAIR AND HAMILTON.

' ’ v‘z‘ w-v
VIJLO:

*‘m-fi

EVE RYON 13 S {‘11.}?‘43 A

LITTLE

NE RVO US .

151

(Mon:

HIKE-f:

'* DITH :

_.
H

HAI-‘E :

SIMC:

HAS:

egg:
And we know Wendell. How
are you?

Fine. . . just fine.

I hear congratulations
are in order.
Congratulations?

David tells me vou’ve
signed the party commit-
tee as a client.

Well. . . yes. . .

Only after quite a hit

of urging.

I'm sure it will work

out for he beat. Yr.
Sarnow's always been
fair.

I know. . . That's why
I've decided to give the
account to Scott. . .
I’ll be around at the
start but I'm gettinq too
old.

You'll both do a good
job. . . Wish they'd hur-
ry. I'nzfnnvgry. . .

Haven't eaten all day.

152

 

VIDEO:
HAM:
CUT TO CU OF SINCLAIR. SINC:
CUT TO GROUP SHOT.
VICTOR ENTERS. VICT:
THEY ALL STAND AND POL- HAM-
LOW VICTOR INTO STUDIO
A. THEY STAND IN THE SOQEE:_
BACK OF THE STUDIO AND
THE FLOOR DIRECTOR.WALKS
UP TO THEM. HE DOESN'T F.D.:
KNOW WHICH ONE IS THE
CONGRESSMAN. SINC:
F.D.:
SINCLAIR HEADS TO LECTURN. SINC:
FoDo:
THEY ALL EXIT TO CONTROL EDITH:

(MORE)

ApDIO:

 

You know. . . You don't
have to. . .
Of course I do. It's the
only prOper thing to do.
. . . Besides, I'm begin-
ning to enjoy my appear—

ances on television.

I'm getting fan mail now

and. . .

They're ready, Congress—

man. Hallo Wendell.

Victor.

“fi—‘c-‘o—‘I—Q

Congressman Sinclair?
That's me.
Yes, sir. If you'll
step up next to Mr.
Cummings who is behind
the lectern, he will
introduce you.

Thank you.

The rest of you will be
more comfortable in the

control room, I'm sure.

Thank you.

153

ElEEQ}
ROOM. THE FLOOR
DIRECTOR WALKS BACK
TO HIS POSITION NEXT
To THE CANERA. an
PUTS ON HIS HEAD SET.
CUT To SHOT INSIDE
CONTROL ROOM AND SEE
EDITH, KARI AND
HAMILTON WATCHING
DIRECTOR AND
MONITORS.

DIR:

PUSH INTO CU OF
MONITORS AND THEN
CUT TO SHOT OF FLOOR
DIRECTOR WATCHING
CLOCK. HIS ARM IS
RAISED IN STAND-

BY POSITION. CUM-
MINGS STRAIGHTENS
HIS TIE.

THE FLOOR DIRECTOR
CUES CUMMINGS AND
WE CUT TO SHOT IN~
SIDE THE CONTROL
ROOM.

CUE-{M :

AUDIO:

-.- -.-_.- .‘.. .-

Okay. . . Quiet in the studio.
We'll go in one minute . . .
Ready music, ready to Open
announcer's mike, ready to cue
announce. Camera one, don't
forget that once we get to
Cummings you haVe to. . .
We're in the open. Stand by.
Ten seconds Mr. Cummings.

Five seconds.

We're back at DIR; (OVER
election cen- (CUM? NOS)
tral now and Get ready
things still one. . .

are hectic. Any second

Most of the now.
races are
final and as

is our policy

we will bring

154

VIDB=~

 

CUT TO SHOT OF
EDITH. KARI AND
HAMILTON SEATBD
IN THE BACK 0?
THE CONTROL R007" .

CUT TO CU OF SI?-
CLAIR ON STUDIO
FLOOR.

CUT TO CU OF BAMILTON.
CUT TO SHOT BEHIND SIN-
CLAIR LOOKING TOWARD
THE CAMERAS.

SEE THURMAN BEING
USHERED INTO THE STUDIO
BY FRAVK. BEHIND THEM
ARE ASHTON AND PHYLLIS.

(MORE)

SINC:

éyDIO:
you as many of
the participants

as is possible.

First, from the DIR: Ready
race in the to take
twelfth dis- one.
trict. . .

Congressman

David

Sinclair. Take one.

My dear friends. This will be

short and simple. I would
first of all like to thank
those of you who voted for me
and the many that worked so
hard and so long to bring out
votes. . . more votes than I
thought possible. I hOpe they
continue their good work in
the future by sunportinq our
next party candidate for Con~
gress from this district in
the general election. (PAUSE)
I wish him the best and I'm

sure he will do his best. In

short I just went to say it

ZIDEO:

CUT TO 3-SHOT OP
PHYLLIS, THURMAN
AND ASHTON.

PHYLLIS IS FIDCETY.

SINCLAIR STEPS AWAY
AND CUT TO CONTROL

ROOM. MONITOR
PICTURE SHOWS

OF CUMMINGS.

MS CUNM:

SINCLAIR ENTERS
THE CONTROL ROOM.
EDITH AND KARI
KISS HIM AND
HAMILTON SHAKES
HIS HAND.

AUDIO:

has been an PdYL:
honor and a
privilege
to have
served you
these past ASHT:
ten years

and I thank
you for the
privilege.

. . . I don‘t

know. . . I

. . . This THUR:
is diffi«

cult for me

to say. . .

but. . . I
formally

concede the PHYL:
election

to Robert
Thurman.
Congressman DIR;
David Sinclair.
(PAUSE)

Ladies and

gentlemen. . .

(EKDFUE)

(WRISPLRING)
Oh, here we
go. We'll
be here
all night.
5881': . Ya
just got
here. No
one’s gonna
take any—
thing away
from you.
Quiet. I
want to
hear what
to

he has

say.

Hallelujah.

Take two.
Stand by
one. Be

ready to

pull back.

ZEL£Q=
THEY TURN TO WATCH

.‘IOIQ'ITOR SHOWS ' 18
OF TE-ZUP‘F-L‘I . H33
I‘LPF.CJ)\.R3 HAPPY o

CAMERA PULLS BACK
TO SHOW PHYLLIS
ON MONITOR.

HAMILTON, KARI AND

EDITH START TO LEAVE.

SINCLAIR FOLLOWS
BEHIND STILL WATCH-
ING MONITOR.

PUSH INTO CU OF
THURHAN AND DISS.
TO SHOT OF TV IN
BAR. PULL BACK AND
SEE GORDON AT THE
BAR.WATCHING IT.
THE BARTENDER IS
ALSO WATCHING IT
WHILE HE POLISIIE.‘
GLASSES.

(IIJFIFI:

THUR:

-m~-p-w-

It now gives

me great DIR:
pleasure to
introduce
Mr. Robert
Thurman,

candidate for
Congress,and

his lovely HAM:
wife, Phyllis.
(HAPPILY)

Ladies and EDITH:
gentlemen.
. . . I KARI:
can't

tell you HAN:
what a
thrill

this is

ans Roy-“wigs -.
I can only
say thank
UILT:

you. . .

Thank you

CADRE)

Take one.
That's it.
Okay. . .
pull back.
Let's see
the wife.
Good.

Let's go get
something to

eat.

Don't for—
get Victor.
I'll send
soreone in-
to the stu—
dio for
C'mon

him.

David.

He's a good

looking guy.

157

@1229: age-2:
very much, Real smooth.
and I'll CORD: You ain't
try my seen nothin'
best to yet, my
have your friend.
faith in Nothin'
me always at all.
justified (PAUSE)
THUR. I want to How about
MILTON PICKS UP com.end my another
BOTTLE AND POURS.
Opponent drink?
David Sin~ MILT: On the house.

Clair, and CORD: You make a

wish him great P?
the best man, Wilton.
of luck in MILT' nah. . .
the future, It's all in
and I the bottle.
want to No noafl for
than}: my P’s“ . . . just
staff who peowle.
CUT ”0 CU OF CORDOW. have worked CORD: Yeah. . .
so hard. Lovely,
Yost of all wonderful
HE DRINKS. I want to and stupifl
say. . . people. . .

(HORE)

21.12%?

CUT TO SHOT
MILTON

158

OF you the

A3 D CO R DO 31
WATCH I N G TV .

pmlliCO 0

give your»

self a
PUSH INTO CU OF hanfi. For
THIJ’”AI
you made
it all
come true.
DISS. TO GREY AND lQZIC‘JmTP”f‘Exi2?
BLACK PICTURE OF
TdUR"u\N. SUPER
ACTORS NAHE.

HOLD 2 SECONDS AND

LOSE

CUT TO S‘IOT
IN I"? IT 01’
CUT TO SHOT
STI‘Z‘IDI 1C- "7 3Y
SUPER JAE.
SLCONI.S AND
TO SHOT OF
ING ViOI'I'ITOR
NAE‘SE . H OLD
AND LOSE.

SHOT OF
H N {I LTON
CUT TO CU
A- ID SUPPLY}?
2 SECONDS
CUT TO CU
AND S' JPER
2 SRCO’7OS
PIN RIGHT
SCOTT
LOSE.

\‘7

SUPI

CUT

SINCLAIR,

AN D SCOTT.
OF SIITJCLAIR
OF E13.«’"‘ILTOTJ
MAKE.
.PL‘IO TOSL ‘“

FOE“ \ CU OF

.P. NA‘UZ AND

CUT TO SHOT I?!

CONTROL ROOM.

OF TEIU'F‘...‘
CE‘J'EEM.
mvmmmm
C'Af'iiJRA.
HOLD 2
LOSE.

aAN

.UT

ASHTON WATCH *-

AND SUPER
2 SE EIDS
TO 3*

‘fL‘

HOL D

HOLD

SKI".

DIRECTOR A231") S‘I‘Y‘IO‘J

BEHIND HIV».

CU OF SPARROW AND

MAE-3E. HOLD
MID LOSE.
OF DIRF. C'I‘OF’.

P'JLJII I- 3'30
SUPER
2 S E CON [)5

PAN TO CU

Ann. 31:? bur.

PRO'SR 13'! 13131:. CCTOR

(MORE)

AIL'DIO:

~’_

God love

. 'mn.

159

VIDEO: AQDIO:

 

NAME. HOLD 2 SECONDS
AND LOSE. CUT TO

SHOT OF EXTERIOR or

TV STATION AND SUPER

WRITER'S NAME. HOLD

2 SECONDS AND LOSE.

CUT TO SHOT 0? TV

SET IN HOME WITH PEOPLE

GATHERBD AROUND. SUPER

PRODUCER'S NAME. HOLD

2 SECONDS AND LOSE.

PUSH INTO TV SET AND

CUT TO SHOT OF THURMAN

SNILINC. SUPER: THE

END. HOLD FOR 2

SECONDS AND LOSE. FADE

T0 BLACK. MUSIC: FADE oqg.

 

END OF ACT THREE

##Il

C'iAPTE'? IV
0}} WRITING THE PLPY

Introduction
:he Play's Premise and Primary Conflict
Plot Structure
Character DevelOpment
Conclusion

LH“PT“R 1v

0:? W331 L‘Iiu’? 1'71" PLAY

Intro} ‘uction

In (_: evisinq the play, antittlo_2oacclof"3inq, it was
this writer's intention to point out the ills innerent in
political television. People have to realize that a man's
perforwance on television is not necessarily indicative of
his pérforwanCe as a statesman. Closer onservation and
analysis of tnt candi inato is no ossnry, as in a knowledqo of

the tric”3 of anxrortisinq and the svsttrn that work to

A

pro maote tn 3n tricks. Th's, in the play, various tacnniques

1

m« WiOi 1 inaicated, in Chapter Two, are seen at work in

[:3
“3;

qfl contort. (The camoaig: is conqr missional in nature

3.)
P-

a cam-n.

'

in that at tnis tine conqreas siozzal eloctionc aopiir to be

US

potentially more fanqorous than oresiflential lo Miou

‘-

:1)
O

on in

w-

r)-

Again, this raoroSénts tho effectivonoas of tJIQV 5
novinq us avav from local political con; iderations.) Throuqn
the in ttr i qwli of the charactera and thoir actions, telo"
vision': nhilitv to create personalities ovornifint anfl the
donondonco of the politician on the over incro asinq po¢orful
public rolations man are placed in porspoctivo.

Prohlons wcountertt. in the act nl writi ing of the play

centered arornd t' 3 translation of the research material,

161

162

centered around the translation of the research material,
concerning political television, into television play form.
Without sounding as if the dialogue were taken straight from
textbooks and journals, the play had to develou its theme

and present its information in a manner suitable for drama“
tic structure. In addition, the factor of time had to be
considered as ninety minutes does not allow one much room in
which to maneuver. (This is best understood when one stOps
to consider the ne essary time Spent in exoositicn of the
story line and in caaracter devolOpaent.) Critical decisions
had to be made, tnerefo e, as to which material to include
and it was decixcd, by this writer, to concentrate on the
overemphasis of candidate personality and the dange s of pub-
lic relations. These two areas seemed to be the most adapt-
able for translation into play form and potentially the most

easwmtae cost of

H

dangerous to society. The remaining a
campaigning, the uoctrina of fairness and the oversimplifi»
cation of issuos~ware explored in terms of techniques where
applicable. In this way, the play presents a strong point of

View witaout trying to cram in inforaation tWat would have

undoubtedly weakened it.

The Play's Premise and Primary Qonfiligt

 

The premise of the play, based upon research presented
in Chapter Two, says simply that the mass media in the wrong
hands can be politically dangerous to society. All elements
within the play revolve around this statement, and thus, a

man versus society conflict, 1.0., Tyler Gordon versus the

163
Congressional district, was deemed necessary as the primary
conflict from which the action unfolds. Han versus man

(Gordon versus Wendell Hamilton Robert Thurman versus his
I

4

wife) and man versus himself (Thurman versus Qinself) seemed

U

too limiting in terms of the premise but held to provide
suspense and surprise when used in subplot fashion. Only

the relationship “etween Thurman and Sinclair seemed broad

enough in scepe for a man versus man conflict, but than both
men represent elements to be manipulated in the OVer-all

conflict of man versus society.

E’}_€>_E,.'~it£‘£9_.tl£ rs

In terms of structure, again, every element has to
develon the premise. Tne plot, then,unfolds in a manner
which leads logically to the conclusion. Starting with Act
One, the story line is revealed, characters 'dentified and
relationships established. The characters are divided into
their reapective camps and at the end of the Act, a minor
climax is reached whe. Thurman, the soon t be tailored
candidate, is forced by his wife to accent the offer from
Gordon, the tailor, to run for Congress.

Act Two moves the plot along and we begin to realize
that maybe Thurman does have a chance to win the election.
We become more coqnizant of Sinclair's inadequacies on tele~
vision and Thurman's talent for the medium. We note also
the various behindethe—scenes preparations necessary for a
television appearance and how Thurman is being aptly schooled

1

in their use. The dishonesty of the venture is becoming more

164
and more apparent and is voiced in the words of Sarnow, the
party's campaign committee chief, who is rapidly becoming
unhappy with the turn of events. It is also voiced by Hamil~
ton who attempts to convince Sinclair to let him handle his
campaign. Motivatet, in part, by a dislike for Gordon,
friendship with Sinclair and a dislike for unfair campaign
practices which slander the field of public relations,

.5

Hamilton tries to help Sinclair. Hi3 ciforts are in vain,
however, as the main climax is reached when Cordon offers
Sinclair a chance to debate Thurman and Sinclair, disregard~
ing Hamilton's warnings, accepts. it this point, we know
that the two on came a, at the same time, will decidedly work
in favor of Thurm n.

Act Three, the denouement, starts with a montage series
of events involving television and both camps are seen at
work in preparation for the debates. Thurman is being
coached and Sinclair glamorized. Qais montage ends in the
debates wnere it is apparent that Thurman is doing even better
than expected. The campaign has now reached the point where
Sarnow thinks something needs to be done for the future in
order to hold the Gordons and Ashtons and Thurmans in check.

These three have surmounted all obstacles and are well on

their way to victory.

l

The play ends in the only logical way possible~“8inclair
loses. Thurman has been too well coached to lose, and the
premise would he violated with any other conclusion. Never—
1

tneless, by including a scene indicating Thurman's issitancy

to take office, by cutting to the studio shots on election

165
night where we see the election night crew scurrying about,
and by not revealing the winner until Sinclair's final
speech, we maintain the element of suspense necessary for the
involvement of the audience. A straight line develoPment of
the action through to the conclusion would be uninteresting,

boring and not good dramatic technique.

Character ngeIOpment

 

It was this writer's purpose to show that the wrong man
could win an election if proPerly handled. Thus, the moti-
vation behind the central characters, the antagonists, is
that they are trying to build something where nothing pre—
viously existed in order to further their own dreams of
power. This is true of Gordon and Ashton, and, of course,
Thurman‘s wife, Phyllis: but in Thurman's case this varies
somewhat in that he has been a failure and a weakling all
his life. He is capable of being manipulated by those around
him. This relationship of power versus weakness is expressed
several times throughout the play via scenes between Thurman
and his wife, and between Thurman and Gordon. There can be
no doubt that Thurman is the wrong man and that Gordon,
Ashton and Phyllis are power hungry, ambitious and poten-
tially dangerous.

Gordon also represents the frustrated man. He has done
well in public relations but has not received the reCOgnition
he deserves and desires. Political public relations offers

a way out. No longer does he have to take orders. He can

166
now give them, and he comes to like the idea more and more.

As for Ashton, a character was needed to start the
action moving and to fill in various details otherwise not
easily handled. For example, someone was needed to obtain
the money necessary for campaigning. Without such a charac-
ter, too much time would have been spent in drawing up plans
for volunteer groups, etc., etc.. In addition, a character
was needed to represent some of the shadier sides of cam-
paigning. In both cases, Ashton serves the purpose very
well, and these matters are now easily handled by implication
rather than by detailed account.

In the protagonist camp, we have Congressman Sinclair,
the weak and ineffectual television campaigner. He is con~
servative in his campaign and does not believe that an
unheard of candidate can possibly win. He is appalled at
some of the techniques to which he is submitted and offers
resistance at every turn. This resistance expresses some of
the ills of political television and leaves us with little
doubt that he won't remain in office. In essence, he reflects
any candidate who refuses to buckle under to public relations
techniques and yet has to compete with candidates who are
well staffed in such areas.

Wendell Hamilton III, a somewhat elderly public rela—
tions man, is content to let politics pass him by, but when
he sees the directions in which Gordon is traveling, he steps
into the picture. He too is old fashioned and conservative

and believes strongly in fairness in campaigns. He is also

167
motivated through friendship to Sinclair and to prove that
he is not as old as everybody thinks. However, upon Sarnow's
offer of a job, he hesitates as he realizes that he is an old
man; but, then, thinking of the future and his relatively
inactive past, he accepts.

Hamilton also provides us with a character who balances
the shadier side of public relations and, in addition, pro~
vides us with a more credible character in terms of present~
ing information to the audience. Sarnow too serves this
same purpose in showing that not all politicians are bad.
However, when faced with maintaining party solidarity he is
forced to compromise. A tough politician, he realizes the
importance of public relations and goes out of his way to
hire those who will work for the party good, the district's

good and not just for their own good.

Conclusion

 

In short, the medium of television pervades the whole
play and shows the viewer what can happen if he neglects
his political obligations and falls for "a pretty face.”
And, while not a point by point description of the research
found in Chapter Two, Television and Politics, the play
nevertheless cites the research information in a graphic
manner that allows the viewer to observe first~hand the re»
sults of malpractice as regards television, public relations
and politics. That another observer may envision the

translation of the research material into a totally different

168
play and may conclude in a totally different manner is not
to be argued. Drama thrives on varying vieWpoints and is
not so rigid that only one vieWpoint per topic can be develm

Oped. Thus, from this writer’s viewpoint, §_Little_Peace of

 

fling says what this author wants to say, in a manner suit—
able to the research tOpic and seems totally capable of

standing on its own merits and working as a play.

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MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES

 

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