{:51 o R q \3 U L d r . -¢ % 5 AS “-4 ‘1? v.4.- 1‘ 5+ .6. 35% at. hi ‘I u". .0; .. Pu L 1974 M “BM?“ 1" JfiESV-‘i .w m5 ha 1‘ Effie-in S 5 Unwfiffim’ 6“ " n... ‘ "1:? ., ‘ amomc av 3' '* E 8 8335' “ BwBINUERHWC. ' [AHY BQNDERS ‘ nan-7 nlnllnll ABSTRACT AGE AS A FACTOR IN ENVIRONMENTALISM By Mark Hayes Pittman This study examines the idea that age can be used as an indicator of an underlying relationship between the individual and society. More specifically, age can be an indicator of commitment to the social system. Differences in social system commitment levels are reflected by individual participation in social movements. Therefore, the difference between participation and nonparticipation in social movements should be age stratified. This age/commitment relationship was tested and supported with data pertaining to those participating in the environmental social movement gig Earth Day, 1970. AGE AS‘A EACTOR IN ENVIRONMENTALISM By Mark Hayes Pittman A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1974 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study would undoubtedly still be in the makings if it had not been for the help and prodding of Al Kornow. my computer programmer; and Kenneth E. Hornback, whose ideas in developing and completing his dissertation provided impetus for this work. I especially wish to thank Denton E. Morrison, my committee chairman, whose insightful and patient guidance throughout the entire process of this study was invaluable. Whatever shortcomings remain in this work are of my own making and cannot be attributed to those mentioned above. 11 THE PROBLEM . . . . . . TABLE OF The Common Sense Perspective. The Sociological Perspective. Definitions and Hypotheses. DATA AND METHODOLOGY. . Background. . . . . The Data. . . . . . OPERATIONALIZATION. . . Dependent variable. Independent Variables Analysis. . . . . . FINDINGS. . . . . . . . Discussion. . . . . CONTENTS Page 0 O O O O O O O O O O 1 O O O O O O O O O O O 1 O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O 2 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 31 Test of the Age/Commitment Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Control Variables . CONCLUSION. . . . . . . APPENDIX. . . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . THE PROBLEM This paper will examine the affect of age on participation in the environmental movement. The consideratioh of age as a factor in the determination of participation in social movements can be justified from both a common sense as well as from a more theoretical sociolog— ical perspective. The Common Sense Perspective There exists a rather pervasive common sense belief that par- ticipation in social movements is disproportionately characteristic of the young. This notion has been given credence by media coverage and analyses of recent social movements in American society. For example, depending on one‘s political bias, the fact that parents, businessmen and women, and clergy involved themselves in anti-war demonstrations added a sense of credibility and weight to claims heretofore ignored or dismissed as rumblings from draft dodgers, college radicals, and youthful ingrates. The fact that parents, professional persons, and older persons in general were participating in sit-ins and other civil 1 rights activities added clout to previous demands which were associated with springtime "fun and games" of college kids. The common sense perspective descriptively emphasizes social ' Youth involve- movement participants as "still wet behind the ears.‘ ment in social movements is literally taken for granted, as evidenced by the common sense implication that issue salience is discredited “merely by youth involvement. This paper will attempt to develop a sociological perspective to explicate the common belief concerning age and social movement par- ticipation and subsequently to examine this perspective with appro- ' priate empirical data. It could be, for instance, that only college youth participation is disproportionate in social movements; i.e., that there is no general relationship between age and participation, or that media focus on college youth because of the visible and dramatic as— pects of their participation. The relationship between age and social movement participation has not been empirically documented or specified in its particulars. The Sociological Perspective Frmm a sociological perspective, there have been some general sensitizing conceptualizations which suggest that age influences social change participation. The writings of Karl Mannheim (1972) and Rudolf Heberle (1951) are of such a nature. Mannheim views the potential for social change as dependent upon specific "generational location." "Generational location" is determined by historic social/cultural and unique social system.pro- ceases. These processes create unique and differentiating modes of thoughts and experiences, as Mannheim states, a "stratification of experience." Differences in "stratification of experience" subdivide a generation into smaller "generation units." Social change potential is created as "generation units" become increasingly differentiated from.one another and from their surrounding generation context. Social change is depicted as a product of the inevitable and natural process of generational succession. The natural process of generational succession implies that new participants are continually replacing old participants, "and it is therefore necessary continually to transmit the accumulated cultural heritage" (Mannheim 1972:107). According to Mannheim, the most recep- tive period to the transmission of cultural heritage is around the age of 17 (1972:115). 1For a more detailed summary of Mannheim's and Heberle's con- cepts of generation as applicable to age participation differences in social movements, see Hornback (1974). Heberle, as compared to Mannheim, specifically focuses on the impact of the social structure on the historical process of generation formation. Generations are defined as persons experiencing a "decisive politically relevant experience" during the "formative period" of their lives (1951:122). Generations need not form a cohesive social collec- tivity, because the locating of historical experience is mediated by intervening structural variables. Social location mediates or channels the impact of historical processes. For Heberle, to adequately explain differential involvement in varying social collectivities requires major emphasis on intervening structural variables such as geographical location, age, and class. Hornback aptly captures this idea in his re- view of Heberle in stating, "it is not the generation per se that forms the core of social movements, however, but the relations that come to exist between some individuals and the remainder of their social con— text" (1974:36). While Mannheim's and Heberle's writings provide a general sen- sitization to the importance of the relation between age and social movement participation, Ryder (1965), Foner (197A), Hornback (1974), and waisanen (1968) makes more explicit the argument for the inclusion of age as an important theoretical and empirical factor in social movement participation. Ryder argues that special proneness for social change occurs at cohort career junctures. A cohort is an aggregate of individuals who experience the same event within the same time interval (1965:845). Career junctures are significant changes of status through.which co- horts must pass over time. The events which change status might vary from society to society, but generally include completion of education, marriage, entry into the labor force, class mobility, becoming a parent, etc. If time is measured in sequential and equal intervals, age becomes the natural indicator of this process. Age becomes the identifying and comparing factor in the analysis of social change. Ryder states, in terms of a cohort's critical career junctures, "age is not only a general rubic for the consequences, rewards, and penalties of experience, it is an important basis for role allocation in every society" (1965:846).1 Age itself, then, directly affects behavior only in a restricted sense, while society's ascriptive consignments (role allocation/status changes) affect how people think, feel, and behave. Since society’s ascriptive consignments constitute a foundation upon which attitudes and behaviors are formed, one can study the extent to which participation in major social change is age-specific. In con- cluding, Ryder emphasizes the importance of age as a variable in social change by stating, 1Parsons similarly points out that age grading constitutes an important connecting link and organizing point of reference (1942: 604-616). in particular, the potential for change is concentrated in the cohorts of young adults who are old enough to participate directly in the movements impelled by change, but not old enough to have been committed to an occupation, a residence, a family or procreation, or a way of life (1965:848). Ryder specifically argues that age should be examined in the analysis of social change participation. Furthermore, he points out that it is not age per se that affects participation, but rather so- ciety’s ascriptive consignments based on age. That is, as Foner suc- cinctly states, "age in its own right is an important base of societal stratification" (1974:194). Finally, Ryder implies that societal con- signments carry with them varying degrees of commitment to the social structure. The level of commitment for optimal participation in move- ments for change is found in young adults. Ryder‘s argument concerning the relationship between age and social change participation essentially emphasizes its structural as— pects. In waisanen's (1968) model of modernization a similar emphasis is placed on the relationship between age and social change participa— tion. waisanen's model, however, can be viewed as a social psycholog- ical elaboration of Ryder's structural framework. waisanen's model is built upon the four concepts of participation, time, rank, and esteem. The concepts of participation and time are analogous to Ryder's con— cepts of ascriptive consignment and age. Participation refers essentially to role behavior. Role be- havior is behavior which is oriented to the social system. The orien- tation process has a dual nature. As the individual gains in knowledge of and identification with the social system, he also develops self- identity. In the process of role performing the individual becomes cognitively and emotionally oriented (committed) to the social system. In general, as participation increases social and self-identity with the social system increases. Additionally, social and self-identity can increase to the social system by participating in the same roles over a longer period of time. Time has a direct affect on identity formation. Because iden- tity formation is substantially interwoven into the social system gig, participation, the individual becomes committed to the social system which affords social and self-identity. If participation is constant, the more time spent in the social system the more identity accrues from that system, therefore, the more commitment to that system. Generally, individuals will not attempt to alter the social system from which they acquire and expect to maintain their identities. If time-in-the-system can be thought of as indicated by age, the young, ceteris_paribus, have less knowledge and identification with the social system. Their iden- tities are less firmly rooted in the social system. Therefore, they are less committed than their elders to the social system and are more apt to participate in movements of social change. The relationship between age and social change participation, according to both Ryder and Waisanen, involve the concept of commitment to the existing social structure. While they do not specify how age, participation, and commitment to the existing social structure are related, Hornback (1974) elaborates this relationship indicating an interpretation suitable for empirical test. According to Hornback, by focusing attention on the strength of the bond between the actor and the social system, this concept (mine, comr mitment) expresses the difference that age makes in po- litical behavior. Age itself is only an indicator of an underlying relationship between the individual and so- ciety; i.e., it is not being under 30, per as, that may predispose one toward social movement involvement more than being over 30 does, but rather the social location and social roles implied by the status of being a given age. The single concept of commitment may be broadly applied to capture the implications of age differentials and the varieties of status differentials associated with aging (1974:50). Keeping in mind Hornback's inference that commitment captures the af- fect of status differentials indicated by age on all forms of political behavior; i.e., as in social movement participation, the following elaboration of Ryder's and waisanen's notions can be made. Ryder posited, but did not elaborate, the idea of an "optimal" age grouping for maximum social change participation (1965:848 and above 4-5). This notion of "old enough, but not old enough" definitely implies both a starting and ending point of influence in the factors which affect participation rates. He loosely specifies this idea in his explicit comments concerning commitment to the social system. In discussing the factors of occupation, residence, procreation, and way of life, he obviously infers that these activities increase commitment to the social system and decreases the potential for movement partici— pation. In other words, aging viewed in terms of its associated com- ponent, commitment, reflects when social system commitment exceeds commitment for social movement participation. While Ryder's discussion gives a fairly precise idea as to what determines decrease in potential for movement participation and when this increase in social system commitment occurs, he fails to specify what "old enough" means in terms of commitment. Similarly, no elabora- tion is provided for determining the rate of movement participation change once an individual is "old enough" to participate and prior to becoming "but not old enough." The specification that social system commitment levels vary in an age-graded nature implies, for reasons to be discussed, that the nature of the environmental social movement makes it likely that an empirical test of Ryder's idea should exclude those persons less than the age of university graduates. The exclusion of students, including those in the university, does not alter Ryder's original inference con- cerning "optimal" age grouping. Being "old enough" to participate "directly" means (1) possession of necessary social skills, (2) freedom to participate of one's own volition rather than as a result of insti- tutionalized or associated peer group proselytizing, as, for instance, 10 in a classroom, and (3) not having incurred the commitments that make one "but not old enough." Definitions and Hypotheses In terms of maximum social movement participation the above elaboration of Ryder's idea of "optimal" age grouping suggests, for the movement and social context under consideration here, (1) decreasing participation around the late 20's, (2) participation starting around the early 20's, and (3) no clear specification of changes in participa- tion rates between the start and end of this participation period. This specification of Ryder's idea of "optimal" age grouping provides the basis for Figure 1. Figure l is a graphic representation of the elaborations devel- oped from Ryder's ideas of "optimal" age grouping and waisanen's "crescive" commitment idea soon to be discussed. Point A represents the beginning of the acquisition of the necessary knowledge and exper- ience required for movement participation (during the late teens and early 20's) and the A to B area denotes the period in which commitments to the social system are low and opportunity for social movement parti- cipation maximum, Point B is the age of predicted decreasing social movement participation (the late 20's), becauselcOmmitments to the ll .muooao>oa Hmauom ow Ammo hnv mouse soaummaoauume ma mooaouommav o>HumHoooemll.H .me ow¢ m.o~ m.o~ maumo mama momma puma vHo m a wdbOh Boa o>womouo smoumam seem mo>uoo xmom enmem uornsdrorniea nuamaaqn’tsroos moauom unuaufissoo amumhm HmHoom swam wowuoe unusuasaoo amumhm deacon soA\\\\. an} powwow mowumeaowuusm udoao>oz Hmuoom 12 social system increase. The description of Figure 1 forms the basis for the following definitions. Definition 1: The participation period denotes the acquisition of the necessary social skills for movement participation. The participation period is com- posed of two subperiods. Definition la: The low commitment period denotes lower levels of commitment to the social system. Definition 1b: The high commitment_period denotes higher levels of commitment to the social system. Curves l, 2, and 3 in Figure 1 represent different logical possibilities of Ryder's implied curvilinear argument. Curve 1, the sharp peak, indicates a rapid acceleration in participation rates fol— lowed by a rapid decrease around the late 20's. Curve 2, the curved peak, represents a gradual acceleration in participation rates followed by a moderate decrease around the late 20's. Curve 3, the plateau, indicates constant participation rates followed by a mild decrease around the late 20's. Curve 4, the linear, represents waisanen's "crescive" commitment argument. The elaboration of Ryder's idea of "optimal" age grouping pro- vided the major basis for Figure l and the above definitions. This elaboration coupled with the above definitions provides the basis for the following hypothesis. Hypothesis 1: Social movement participation will be highest in the low commitment period and monotonically de- crease in the high commitment period. l3 waisanen's notion, as compared to Ryder's, introduces the in- ference concerning the effect socialization has on the relationship between age and social movement participation. Essentially as time passes (age increases) persons become more and more identified with the social system, because of the nature of role behavior. The more identity a person has with a social system the more committed a person is to it. That is, every year of age adds an increment of socializa- tion which makes change more and more difficult. Since a likely effect of socialization is to increase commitment to the social system, social movement participation is expected to decrease with succeeding years of age. Thus, from the initial acquisition of the necessary social skills for movement participation each succeeding year is a crescive increment of system commitment. This increment decreases the potential for move- ment participation. The following hypotheses are based upon the idea of a linear increase in social system commitment. Hypothesis 2: Social movement participation will monotonically decrease in the participation period. Hypothesis 3: The average age of social movement participants in the participation period is lower than the average age of the general population. These hypotheses, as Ryder's, must be understood in the context of the environment social movement. The stipulation excluding students in the test of these hypotheses makes a more conservative and practical test of waisanen's idea of "crescive" commitment. That is,the likely l4. contamination by students in the test of these hypotheses due to the inherent nature of the environmental movement is controlled. Further- more, even if this problem did not exist, the exclusion of those 21 years of age and under makes a more rigorous test of the age graded affects on social movement participation inferred in these hypotheses. Before turning to the data and methods employed to test these hypotheses, their scope of application needs specification. The ra- tionale developed in these hypotheses explicitly implies the exclusion of social movements which are specifically issue relevant to certain age groups; e.g., the Townsend Movement of the 1930's. Also, the argument applies only to reform movements in an open, pluralist so— ciety. Furthermore, additional clarification of the present argument is gained from.Hornback's analytical specifications concerning phe— nomena which can be addressed with the age/commitment theory. He states, first, the degree of departure from the dominant culture that a movement program suggests would be expected to influence the extent to which the young are differen- tially involved in the movement. Second, when applying the age/commitment notion to any given movement, special attention must be paid to the time period in question, both in terms of the overall duration of the movement and the stage of the movement at a particular point in time (1974:63). The second point focuses on the inevitable progression of social move- ments through time. The first point ramifies the progression notion 15 in terms of variation in degrees of departure from the dominant cul— ture. variations between social movements and within social movement stages in the radicalness of departure from the dominant culture would affect participation in an age graded fashion. Both points indicate that particular attention should be paid to the data used in testing age/commitment hypotheses. DATA AND METHODOLOGY Background The data used to test the age/commitment hypotheses of this study were obtained from a national survey of a mailing list compiled by the organization sponsoring Earth Day, 1970 (Environmental Action of washington, D.C.). Earth Day, 1970, was a major event representing an effort to make environmentalism a mass issue. Environmental concern is not a new issue. In the United States concern for the environment has traditionally crystallized around two dominant viewpoints. These views found expression in the conservation movement which developed around the turn of the 20th century. Accord- ing to Morrison, Hornback, and Warner (1972) these viewpoints are the "preservationalist" and "utilitarian." The preservationalist goal is to "keep unique features of the natural environment from alteration and from use except for man's aesthetic and controlled recreational enjoy- ment" (1972:261). The utilitarian view emphasized the environment as an economic asset, to be exploited, but used wisely and properly. While these traditional conservation perspectives influence the present day movement, the current movement differs from the conservation one 16 17 in (l) a broader conception of the features of the environment that are of concern, (2) a broader conception of man's role in the development of environmental problems, (3) a more sophisticated ecological notion of the relationship of man to his environment, and (4) the note of general crisis in man's relationship with his environment (Morrison Ig£_gl, 1972:261—262). The growth of mass public interest in environmental issues in the late 1960's has been documented in studies by Buttel (1972), Funk- houser (1973), Hornback (1974), MeEvoy (1972), and Munton and Brady (1970). These studies document with various indicators, media coverage rates; membership rates of environmental formal voluntary organiza- tions, and public opinion surveys the growth of the environmental move- ment. Hornback's (1974) study clearly demonstrates the growth and de- cline in public Opinion concerning environmental problems. Public opinion concerning the environment peaked in 1970,1 the same year of the Earth Day Teach-In. In an effort to gain attention and mass support for environ- mental issues, the Hashington, D.C., based organization, Environmental Action, served as the national coordinating office for local groups on 2,000 campuses, in 2,000 communities, and in 10,000 high schools 1See particularly pages 124-143 and Figures 11, 12, and 13 0Hornback 1974). 18 throughout the country for the April, 1970, Earth Day (Environmental Action, 1970). This effort was (1) generally to sensitize the public to environmental problems, and (2) specifically to involve students in environmental issues through the Environmental Teach-In. The environ- mental movement in general and Earth Day in particular were by no means, however, specifically for youth in terms of the content of the concerns nor the proposals for implementing environmental change. The issues were viewed as generic to society as a whole. The effort was designed to appeal to individual participation and to forge an environ- mental interest lobby. The 1970 Teach-In was an attempt to come to grips with the problems of our environment at the level of the indi- vidual private citizen (Bell 1970). Perhaps the full intent of the effort to gain public attention and support can be captured in the following two descriptions. EARTH DAY, APRIL 22 marks a time of warning. We are foul- ing our streams, lakes, marshes. The sea is next. We are burying ourselves under 7 million scrapped cars, 30 mil- lion tons of waste paper, 48 billion discarded cans and 28 billion bottles and jars a year. A million tons more of garbage pile up each day. The air we breathe circles the earth 40 times a year, and America contributes 140 million tons of pollutants: 90 million from.cars--we burn more gasoline than the rest of the world combined- 15 million from.electric-power generation, one-third of the world's total. Lead in San Diego's air gets deposited in layers on the Pacific. LA smog may cause mass deaths by 1975. Noise, straining our lives, doubles in volume every ten years. There are 5,500 Americans born each day; 100 million more by 2000. We already consume and waste more than any other people. we flatten our hills, fill 19 our bays, blitz our wilderness. The quality drainsfrom our lives: I am one-twenty-millionth of a swelling megalopolis. On Earth Day, Americans young and old are coming together for a national teach-in to talk about our wrecked earth. Environmental Action, a group of fired up college kids, is coordinating the teach in. But after Earth Day, the talk and warning end, because THE FIGHT TO SAVE AMERICA STARTS NOW (Look, April 21, 1970223). On Earth Day, April 22, Americans concerned about what is happening to the environment will hold meetings, march, rally, listen to speeches, attend conferences, watch films, in protest against ever-present air and water pollution, garbage, litter, noise, crowding, traffic james, ugliness. Colleges and schools have planned programs for this day which may mark the turn— ing point in the near-fatal despoiling of our once beautiful land (S.A.V.E. Our Environment, March, 1970). The Data During the Earth Day period, September, 1969, through September, 1970, a systematic card file was maintained by Environmental Resources, an auxiliary, nonpolitical research and resource sum of Environmental Action, of all correspondence (N - 42,000). In September, 1970, Envi- ronmental Resources received funds from the Corporation of Public Broadcasting to survey this mailing list on a broad range of topics including standard demographic characteristics (questionnaire available upon request). The study and the questionnaire were designed by Envi- ronmental Resources; however, Professor Denton Morrison and Kenneth 20 Hornback, a doctoral candidate in the Department of Sociology, Michigan State University, helped coordinate the organization and processing of the questionnaire and obtained custody of the data. Of this mailing list over 9,000 questionnaires were returned from a single mailing (N - 9,115). The data are not a probability sample. But the data are the most complete and detailed national information available on envi- ronmental movement participation during the early to peaking phase of the movement . Approximately 78 percent (33,000) of those on the mailing list did not return the questionnaire. The possible affects of these non- respondents on the present analysis must be considered. It should be apparent that the entire mailing list is in some sense special as com— pared to the general population. These individuals did correspond with the national coordinating organization, regardless of whether it was a contribution, description of their activities concerning participation in Earth Day, or inquiry about environmental information. As compared to the entire mailing list survey, those who returned the questionnaire can be depicted as even more special. It can be reasonably assumed that these individuals constitute the core of the environmental move— ment. Thus, it can be argued that it is not fully relevant to be con- cerned about the extent to which the respondents are representative of the mailing list population. That is, the set of cases analyzed can 21 be considered a meaningful self-selected sample of core environmental movement participants. Theoretically, a rich and detailed picture of the movement's core can be obtained from a population size of 9,115. The greater degree of detail and precision in the data analysis af- forded by this large N as compared to a much smaller N is indeed an advantage. A much smaller N, particularly when developed from a more careful sample design for a follow-up mailing procedure would clearly sacrifice this advantage, while increasing the representativeness of' the sample. It could also be argued, however, that the respondents may not be self-selected on the basis of movement involvement, but rather on the basis of age, a consequence that would severely bias the results of the present study. The problematic nature of the respondents' representativeness can be partially examined by generalizing from the ‘Michigan data to the total survey list and by making a conservative assumption about the age characteristics of the nonrespondents. A total of 1840 persons from Michigan corresponded with Envi- ronmental Action. From this total survey list of Michigan 756 persons returned the questionnaire. Michigan correspondents (only) who did not initially return the questionnaire were sent an identical copy (marked "second") and again asked to fill it out and return. The mean age for all the Michigan, 1970, returnees for persons 22 years old or over was 22 35.5 years. This mean age is substantially below the U.S. population's, 1970, mean age of 45.5 years, for persons 22 years old or over. The mean age for the returnees from all states was 35.3 years, for persons 22 years old or over. The first mailing Michigan returnees composed 76 percent of the 756 returnees and had a mean age of 35.0 years. The second mailing returnees compose 24 percent of the total Michigan re- turnees and had a mean age of 37.4 years. By taking the firstreturnees from.the total survey list of Michigan (1840) and dividing this result into the number of second returnees it was estimated that each succes- sive mailing of the questionnaire would "hypothetically" produce an additional 14 percent of the unreturned questionnaires. At this rate it would take 7 mailings to obtain all the questionnaires from the total survey list of Michigan. By computing the percent of mean age increase from the first to second returnees and applying this rate (+7 percent) to a total of 7 mailings, a total survey list mean age for Michigan was estimated to be 42.3 years, for persons 22 years or over. This mean age is still below the U.S. population's mean age. Based on these results, then, all nonrespondents in this study are given the ggme age characteristics as the general population, are com- bined with the respondents in the analysis, and then are compared with the U.S. population's age distribution as a cautionary step in the analysis. It is reasoned that, if the expected differences obtained 23 under this quite conservative test persist, then the problem of respondent/nonrespondent, age selectivity is a non sequitur. Here- after, then, this age-assumed total group of correspondents (N = 33,000) ' while questionnaire returnees is called the "total survey sample,‘ (N - 9,115) are called the "movement core." Before turning to the operationalization section, some general descriptive characteristics of the data used in the test of the hy- potheses will be given: 1. There are approximately 16 percent age nonresponses (1455/ 9115).1 2. Thirty-five percent of the respondents are 21 years old or younger (2584/7656). 3. There are approximately 1 percent occupational nonresponses (112/9115). 4. Thirty-five percent of the respondents are students (3141/8993). 5. Forty-three percent of the respondents are in nonstudent edu- cationally related occupations (3879/8993). 1This 16 percent is composed of 16 percent student and 84 per- cent nonstudent age nonresponse. This 84 percent (1227/1459) non- student composition will be given the age characteristics of the general population and combined with the respondent/nonrespondent age distribution. 24 6. There are approximately 1 percent education nonresponses (145/9115). 7. Fifty-two percent of the respondents have a college Bachelor's or higher degree (4604/8970).1 The number of cases upon which the percentages are based is indicated in parentheses. OPERATIONALIZATION ADependent Variable The dependent variable is environmental movement participation. Participation is defined to mean location on Environmental Resources' mailing list. That is, persons who corresponded with Environmental Action with regards to contributions, activities, inquiries, etc. re— lating to Earth Day, 1970. Furthermore, as related above, participa- tion more precisely means return of the questionnaire. It should be clear that participation does not refer to degrees of involvement; e.g., leader, member of organization, number of meetings attended, etc., but to proportions of questionnaires returned for various age levels. In order to further clarify the dependent variable it is im- portant to recall Hornback's (1974) analytic specifications regarding movement stage and program, The period prior to Earth Day, 1970, when the mailing list was compiled, was characterized by increasing awareness and involvement in the environmental movement. At this time only a minority of environ- mental organizations were power oriented, while the majority of 25 26 organizations and Earth Day's emphasis were participation oriented. A power oriented social movement is "a deliberate, voluntary effort to organize individuals to act in concert to achieve group influence to make or block change. Coordinated group actions are thought to be the necessary means of obtaining from some elements in the larger social context the changes desired by the participants" (Morrison 1971:676- 677). The programs and strategies of a power oriented movement "at- tempt to achieve sufficient group influence to coerce change" (Morrison et a1. 1972:264). In a participation oriented movement "group actions are in and of themselves viewed as primary sources of the benefits or gratifications desired by individual participants" (Morrison 1971:677). The programs and strategies of a participation oriented movement "focus on education and urge people voluntarily to make change" (Morrison et a1. 1972:264). In addition to the distinction between the environmental move- ment's programs and strategies another distinction can be made: The environmental movement has been largely a consensus movement, with broad, general support from the popula- tion at large. But because conflict will be a concom- itant of power usage, we expect it rapidly to become a movement of conflict between the environmentalists and those who stand to suffer economically by the costs of environmental reform (Morrison et a1. 1972:265-266). The environmental movement, during the Earth Day, 1970, period, had a broad, general population support base, change emphasis focused on individual and family consumption decisions not coercion of high 27 public and private decision making levels. The movement at this stage could hardly be viewed as "radical." The data therefore represent a conservative test of the theoretical argument. The argument would 'maintain the more radical a movement's program, the less commitment to the existing social system, therefore the greater potential for youth participation. Since this was not the case, at this time, the data 1 represent a relatively conservative test of the argument. Independent Variables The main theoretical problem is the effect of the independent variable, age. Respondent age was directly taken from an optimal re- sponse item of the questionnaire. It is clear, however, that occupa- tion and education differences are related to age. These variables will also be examined in conjunction with age. Environmental interest is much more characteristic of some occupations than others, simply because of the content of environmental change ideas. Thus, there are "occupations that might be considered 'losers' because of economic threats prompted by environmental reforms or 'gainers' because of heightened private and government interest in 1See particularly pages 60—64 (Hornback 1974). 28 environmental issues" (Hornback 1974:91). Additionally, since the emr phasis of Earth Day, 1970, was centered on though by no means limited to educational institutions, and was successful as clearly indicated by the data (43 percent of the respondents were in nonstudent education- ally related occupations) a logical deduction would be that occupation is an important variable in determining environmental movement partici- pation. It may be the case, for example, that, although the young par- ticipate more than the old, this is because teachers participate more than nonteachers and teachers tend to be younger than nonteachers. Therefore the examination by age of teacher-environmentalist versus teacher-nonenvironmentalist must be made. This controls for occupa- tion. If the expected age differences are consistently found for a variety of occupations, greater confidence that movement participants tend to be young regardless of occupation will be gained. Similarly, environmental interest is much more characteristic of the more educated, simply because of the content of environmental change ideas. It may be the fact that the findings about age merely reflect the fact that the educated tend to be younger. Therefore it must be demonstrated that at each level of education environmental participants are younger than nonparticipants. This controls for edu- cation. Education refers to the number of grades the respondent has completed. 29 The test of the hypotheses which explicitly state the expected relationship between age and environmental movement participation, and the test of the control variables, occupation and education will be comparative. Comparisons will be made between the survey data and data compiled in the 1970 census of the United States. Because previous argument has restricted the applicability of the age variable to those 22 years old and above (N = 5,072), the census data will be similarly restricted. It should be recalled that this was done to deal as conservatively as possible with the problems of the nature and stage of the environmental movement and the data used to test the hypotheses. Since Earth Day, 1970, was largely though not completely a solicitation of the educational institution gig the Teach- In, this restriction is particularly crucial. Because students repre- sent 35 percent of the respondents, empirical support for the hypotheses would not be very credible were this exclusion not made. This restric— tion, thus, provides for a more conservative test and increases the credibility in the results. 30 Analysis This study is a firsthand analysis of age strata differences based upon survey data.1 Comparisons are between survey and 1970 Census data. Since the survey data do not represent a probability sample, inferential statistics will not be used. l"Age strata differences refer to the differential impact of an event across age states at a single point in time'(Hornback 1974: 247). For further specification see Appendix F in Hornback (1974). FINDINGS Discussion In the elaboration and development of the age/commitment hypotheses the conservative aspects of the test schema were pointed out on several occasions. This section begins by briefly summarizing these points so that the findings of this study can be evaluated. The first limitation was to exclude individuals 21 years of age or less from the test. Even though Earth Day, 1970, was not limited nor entirely oriented toward youth support and participation, its dominant focus was directed toward students. Because of the pos- sible effect of over-representation of youth, the exclusion of all students was felt to be justified. The second limitation dealt with the scope and applicability of the data. The environmental movement during the Earth Day, 1970, period, was participation oriented and consisted of a consensus support base. Its programs and strategies were not radical as compared to the surrounding dominant culture. Therefore, the nature of the environ- mental movement's programs and strategies did not mitigate the likeli- hood of nonyouth participation. 31 32 The third limitation developed from one of the points made con- cerning the possible effects of the mailing list nonrespondents. As one aspect of the data analysis nonrespondents were given the age char- acteristics of the general population. Furthermore, nonstudent re- spondents who did not fill in the optional age item of the question- naire (a 16 percent total consisting of 16 percent students and 84 per- cent nonstudents) were also given the age characteristics of the gen- eral population. Combining these two weighted groups with the survey respondents (movement core) to make an additional age distribution was viewed as a conservative control for the problem of nonrespondent se- lectivity on age. In the analysis this group will be called the "total survey sample." Test of the Age/Commitment Hypotheses The age distributions in Figure 2 were obtained by dividing the age category frequency by the appropriate population N. The movement core; i.e., questionnaire respondents, distribution is based on 5,072 cases, the total survey sample distribution on 25,693, and the 1970 Census distribution on 119,422,758. Figure 2 is based on the percen- tages in the Appendix. 33 .nsecoo ono~ we» use .umfia >u>e3w «egos .meoceeuon aumsccouuaosv one no“ mowsucuuuon cowespuuus«v ow