mmm ALLEN wane. COUNTRY 2mm... _'

18954905

Mask for the Degree of M. A.
'MlcchN STATE COLLEGE
Grace M. Pinonia
1954

\HF5w

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

nilliam Allen Jhite,
country iditcr, 1L95-19eb

presented by

f‘ ' 1 V i. “ I It “ .
i-:I‘<3C'C 1.91118 rchOIJiZ I

has been accepted towards fulfilIment
of the requirements for

. degree in E‘w‘ 5

@3492?ng ’

Date June 13. lung

04%

wILLIAn ALLEN WHITE, CO”KTRY entree, 1395—1905

By

GRACE M. PIZZOHIA
m

Submitted to the School of G‘eflnete Studies of Hichigan
State College of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

x...

'F [I INF-1
nae;

R OF ARTS

Pi

Department of History

Year 1954

 

lBSTRACT

Will an Allen White was the editor of a country news—
oaper, a prominent figure in Republican politics, and the
author of severe 1 books and numerous m1 azine articles. He
has been widely regarded as the spo see man and interpreter
for the midi1 le class in Americ a. The author has examined
"hite's writing» 5 in the E;wp ria gggette. from 1895 to 1905
in an attempt to establish the validity of this reputation.

This decade at the turn of the twentieth century was
marked by many changes on the domestic scene; there was re—
turning pr sperity after the panic of 15 9} industrial Chan? es
brought forth the movement toward combination and there ensued
a tremendous increase in business consolida tion ns; the Spanish—
American War launched America's venture into imperialism with
its many problems and responsibilities; Pepulism rose and
flourished briefly to champion the cause of reform; Theodore
Roosevelt succeeded the murderedl ncKinley and u.shered in a
new, more liberal brand of Republicanism. White, ever keenly
interested in the domestic issues of his day commented on

these matters in his editorials. These comments present an

interesting picture of him which differs from that which has

been generally accepted.

The years from 1895 to 1909 mai ked a chasm e in White

also, from an extreme conservative stand to a much more liberal

‘1 t) ”‘4 (‘h

2

position under the influence of Theodore Roosevelt. He was
a bitter foe of the Populist Party at its inception, but
later came to support many of its policies. By inclination
he was an isolationist; however, he supported America's
stand once we were committed to a war with Spain. When it
ended he abandoned his wartime patriotism and deplored tne
whole affair. The doctrine of Manifest Destiny which had
been repugnant to the editor in 1398 became appealing to him,
and he espoused for a while a policy of expansion. He dis~
paraged the hue and cry aimed at the "trust boaey," but later
urged that their predatory instincts be curbed. In 1895 he
supported the conservative Republican stand on protection,
but in 1905 he had modified his position somewhat to support
lowered duties and the abolition of those tariffs which were
no longer needed for revenue or to protect domestic industry.

He was famed for reflecting and interpreting the opin—
ions of the middle class; however, his writings indicate that
he reflected better conservative Republicanism in his early
years, and a more liberal Roosevelt Republicanism in his later
years. He did not influence the formation of opinion nor
even anticipate it accurately in many instances, but he wrote
of accomplished deeds with a colorful flair, summing up the
issues so that they could be understood by all.

His editorials indicate that he was not the prolific
and unbiased writer that many considered him to be after read—

§

ing the careful and polished articles that he wrote for the

3

national magazines. Many of his finest editorials were re~
peated frequently. He had many petty biases as evidenced

in his strong Anglo-Saxon prejudices and his deep distrust
for the foreign elements in our society. He was a shrewd
and practical politician whose sentiments usually placed him
on the side of the upper classes and the monied groups. His
extreme nationalism frequently caused him to make narrow
minded appraisals of domestic issues, and he was unable to
gauge our position in the world picture accurately.

He wrote with much emotion and consequently much of
his appeal was to the sentiment rather than to the intellect,
an attribute which assured him of a wider following. William
Allen White usually reflected through his editorials the
sentiment of the Republican party and that segment of the
pOpulation which subscribed to those beliefs. He can not be
considered the spokesman of the grass-roots pOpulation of
this country because he lent neither his sympathies nor his
talents to consistently support anything other than the

Republican party and its policies.

WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE, COUNTRY EDITOR, 1895-1905

By

GRACE M. PIZZONIA

A THESIS

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State College of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of History

195%

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER
I.
II .
III .
IV.
V.
VI .

I

WILL ”EJHITE OF 45130319. " . . .

1.

"WHEN POPULISM WAS IN FLOWER"
"MY LIFE LON} LIEG‘E". . . . .
" ‘J'vH EN THE NAT I ON TEN T MAD " . .
"THE BEST ADJUSTED TERIFF". .

"TRUSTS AND THINGS" . . . . .

BIBLI OCPL‘QPHI CfiL E S Stay 0 o o o o o o o

BIBLIO‘3FIELPHY . o o o o o o o o O O o

INTRODUCTION

William Allen White was born in 1868 and died in 194“.
His years paralleled and reflected the expansion and develOp-
ment of America. He was an interpreter and observer of the
unprecedented changes which characterized our country from
the post-Civil War period until World War II. He had a
genuine affection for the life in a small town and remained
as the editor of a small town paper through his own choice
although the fame which he achieved brought him many offers
to forsake Emporia, Kansas, for more metrOpolitan communities
in the nation. Combined with this genuine affection was a
sagacity which told him that his writings carried more weight
with the dateline, Emporia. Throughout his lifetime he delib-
erately maintained the general impression that he was a small
town editor with no inclination for city ways, but actually
White was a sephisticated gentleman who was as much at home
in the drawing rooms of the nation as he was on the front
porches of Emporia.

White had an active political career both in Kansas
and in the nation although his sole attempt to run for polit—
ical office was unsuccessful. Politics were as much an
occupation with him as was editing his newspaper. He was
acquainted with most of the prominent political figures of

the day, but his chief concern was for the government of his

2
own state, and chiefly of his own county. He achieved
his first fame through a political essay and after that
work he was thoroughly embroiled in politics until his death.

He represents an interesting phenomenon in that this
small town editor was known and respected throughout the
nation; his Opinions were regarded as the opinions of the
average, grass-roots American. He became known as the
Spokesman of the middle class despite the fact that most of
his friends were from the upper stratum of our society.

Throughout his lifetime he was primarily a loyal
Republican. He occasionally deserted the Republican party
in theory after he had been exposed to the liberalizing
atmosphere of Theodore Roosevelt, and in 1912 he supported
Roosevelt for President, but except for this sole deviation
he remained with his party at election time.

This paper examines White's writings as editor of his
newspaper, the Emporia QEEEIEE: from 1895 to 1905 in order
to get a clear picture of this paradoxical person who was
generally considered to be a prolific, shrewd, unbiased writer,
motivated solely by his own personal convictions. The first
half of this decade presents White in his most conservative
phase; the last half shows him as his views became more liberal
under the influence of the Roosevelt philos0phy. Indeed,
Theodore Roosevelt was the moat important influence in his

life at this time and for many years thereafter.

3

This essay also examines White's weekly editorials in
the gaggfifig in an attempt to establish how well White re-
flected what the average middle-class American was thinking
about such issues as the trusts, the Spanish—American War,
the tariff, imperialism, and the like. In order to under—
stand the editorials and their author better, the writer has
also examined White's background, the formation of his paper
and its policies, and the influences which resulted in his

colorful eXposition of America at the turn of the century.

CHAPTER I

"WILL WHITE OF EKPORIA"

William Allen White was born in Emporia, Kansas, on
February 10, l868. Although in 1870 his father moved the
family to El Dorado, some sixty miles to the southwest of
Emporia, young Will returned to his birthplace at the age
of twenty-seven and remained there until his death on Jan—
uary 29, 1944. At the time of his death, he had long been
firmly entrenched in the public affection as the symbol of
the essential goodness and greatness of small-town America.
As interpreter for the "grass-roots" pOpulace, White always
spoke in the vigorous, colorful idiom of the middle-class.
He was careful to keep pace with their prevailing Opinions
and their main currents of thought.1

White's father was an adamant COpperhead Democrat.
Accounts of the elder White's temperament, personality, phy-
sical and mental attributes are strongly reminiscent of his
son's close friend, Theodore Roosevelt. Mary Ann White, nee
Hatton, was a volatile, quick—tempered, sharp-witted woman.
Mrs. White was a staunch Republican, but while she differed

sharply from her husband in matters of political affiliation

 

1Walter Johnson, William Allen WhitejgmAmepgga (New

York: Henry Holt & Co.,l9577, pptgig: Hereafter c ted as
Johnson, White's America.

 

5

both were ardent prohibitionists and advocates of female
suffrage. Although both had dominating personalities, Mr.
White's gay, easy—going manner contrasted with the more
sober temperament of his wife.2

Both parents were well educated and widely read. The
mother had been a school teacher before her marriage; the
father was a doctor, druggist, merchant, and dabbled in real
estate and hotel-management in his spare moments. The in-
tellectual atmosphere of his home left Will with a life long
appreciation of music, literature,and education.

The political atmosphere of the White household was
anything but harmonious, and at an early age Will was well
versed in both the Democratic and Republican points of view
on current issues. Though he felt that the uncertainty of
conviction and the many complexes which characterized his
"salad" days were largely generated by the political hostil—
ity of his parents, this same hostility taught him to be
tolerant of divergent views, and to examine carefully both
sides of an issue before taking a definite stand.3

White completed his high school education in El Dorado,

and in the autumn of 188# he entered the College of Emporia.

 

2William Allen White, "Memoirs of a Three-Fingered
Pianist," Woman's Home Companion, v. 5H (September, 1927), p.E3

3William Allen White, The Autobiographygof William
Allen White, (New York: MacMillan Co,, 1940), p. bl. Hereafter
cited as White, Autobiography.

 

 

 

6
In the spring of the following year he obtained his first
full time job as a printer's devil on the El Dorado nggggafi.
His activities On this paper expanded until they covered all
the mechanics Of publishing a newspaper except writing the
editorials. His first and "dearest boss," T. P. Fulton,
helped in shaping White's interest in a career of journalism.
Will's manifold activities on the Dgfiggpat stood him in good
stead when he acquired his own newspaper a decade later.u

Additional newspaper experience was obtained as a compositor

on the Emporia Daily News and as a reporter with both the

 

Lawrence ggpgpal and the El Dorado Republican.

In 1886 White transferred to Kansas State University
where his varied and brilliant extra—curricular activities
interfered with his scholastic endeavors, which were only
average. Because of difficulties with mathematics, he left
the University in 1891 and accepted an editorial position on

the El Dorado Republican.

 

Kansas State supplied White with more benefits than the
rather sketchy education which he obtained there. While at
the university he formed lasting friendships with peOple who
were to become prominent in many professions on the local
and national scenes. He also made his first contact with
Professor James Canfield, an instrumental figure in White's
acceptance of the Republican party as his political affilia-

tion.

 

ulbid., pp. 139-111.

7

By 1888 White had begun to realize that he would soon

have to choose a political party. He had no particular feel-
ing for either party and was beset with further difficulty in
the form of confusion between "allegiance to his dead father
and fear of his mother."5 He had discussed the knotty problem
with his mother and many of his friends. Professor Canfield,
his political science professor at Kansas State, Offered the
most constructive and reasonable advice and White accepted it.
Canfield told his student,

I have tried to be independent and I got nowhere
politically. I know you dislike and distrust the
protective tariff, which ought to make you a Democrat.

But in Kansas, as a Democrat, it is hOpeless for you.

You probably can do more harm to the protective tariff 6
by going into the Republican party and fighting it there.

White's boss on the Republican was T. B. Murdock, who

 

became his model in many ways. Murdock gradually delegated
to White almost complete responsibility in putting out the
neWSpaper and was the final influence in White's decision to
7

pursue a Journalistic career.

In 1891, while he was still with the Republican, White

 

wrote his first piece of fiction, his first bit of political

prOpaganda, "The Regeneration of Colonel Hucks."$ This was

 

5;§i§., pp. 162-3.

6Ipid., p. 162.

7Ibig., p. 131.

8This article first appeared in the Eldorado Rfipubliggn

on September 4, 1891. It was reprinted in White's, ThenReal

Igsgp; A Book of Kansas Storieg, (Chicago: Way and Williams,
1 9 .

 

 

8
a sentimental parable of a bewildered soul who had sought
UtOpian reforms in the POpulist ranks only to be sadly dis-
illusioned. The Colonel was eager to return to the grand
old party of Lincoln and prosperity, the Republican party.
The story was published in the Republican, but within a week
it had been reprinted in the Kansas City §tg§, the Kansas
City Jgggggl, and in all of the daily newspapers of Kansas,
also. It came to the attention of the Republican state
central committee, who distributed it to all of the western
states where Populism was rampant.9 This literary effort
brought White state-wide fame and considerably furthered his
progress into the fold and graces of the Republican party.

As a result of the Colonel Hucks composition, White
was Offered editorial positions on both the gtgg and the
Journal, newspapers which were widely read in Kansas. He
accepted the position with Charles S. Gleed and the Journal.
"Taking my Republicanism seriously I chose the Kansas City
lgggggl thinking I should be happier writing for the Republi-
can organ than for a mugwump independent . . . ."10

White soon became disgusted with the unswerving Repub—

lican policy of this paper. This feeling, coupled with a

9Ibid., p. 198.

10; 1a.. p. 199.

—-——

9
distaste he acquired for a member Of the staff, resulted in
his resignation. His next position was with the Kansas City
§£g3. He had a deep respect for his new boss, Colonel
William R. Nelson, and for the editorial policies of the
paper. The two men became close friends and White's rela—
tions with the paper were so harmonious that the gig; sup-
ported him in the ggggttg venture which he was soon to under—
take. There was always space in the §£§£ for an article
which White might want publicized or for a discussion of a
candidate whom he might want to push. This amicable relation-
ship continued until his death. The experience which he ac—
quired on the Sig; was a deep influence on the editorial
policies which he formulated and pursued as editor of the
11

assesses

White resigned from the Spay for many reasons. He had
the highest regard for the paper and was given the freedom
to write about Kansas as he pleased, but in the campaign of
189M he began to feel that he was serving his friend Cy Leland,
the Republican boss in Kansas, at the direction of someone
else, and this irked him. He did not like the Sunday editor
and resented having to submit his Sunday stories, which he
prized highly, to that person for examination. The free

passes to Saturday matinees which he and his new bride, Sally,

 

11w. A. White, "The Man Who Made the Star," Cglliers,
v. 55 (June 25, 1915), p. 12.

10
had enjoyed so much were becoming difficult to obtain. The
really important factors in his decision to leave, however,
were implicit in his character and temperament. White was
a country man at heart and detested city ways; he yearned
to return to Kansas. In addition to this, he desired inde—
pendence; he wanted to be his own master. The boss-employee
relationship between himself and Colonel Nelson rankled deep—
ly. He wanted to give and receive the affection of an equal
with this man whom he admired so deeply.1

After White had made the decision to purchase his own
newspaper he began to search for a suitable location. Both
he and Sally wanted a paper in a college town where there
would be a considerable minority of intelligent peOple, an
intellectual upper—class with which they could associate
themselves. "Any talent or freedom((he))had could only
thrive in such an atmosphere.“

The search for a newspaper in a college town finally
narrowed down to Emporia, where there were two papers avail-
able. The Whites decided to purchase the §§E§§£§ which had
been founded in 1890 as a POpulist organ by J. R. Graham.

It had been sold to W. Y. Morgan in 1892 for two thousand

dollars because of the low circulation and poor advertising

 

lgWhite, Agjobigdgaph , pp. BBS-256.

—-——-— l

11

support. After three years in Emporia, Morgan decided to
cast his lot with a larger and faster growing community;
on June 1, 1895, he sold the %;_t3 to White for three
thousand dollars.1

It had taken White three months tofinance the pur—
chase of the paper. He used his mother's prOperty and bor—
rowed one thousand dollars from Governor Merrill, another
thousand from the estate of his father's friend, Senator
Preston B. Plumb, and two hundred fifty dollars from George
Plumb, the senator's brother. The remaining seven hundred
fifty dollars was supplied by Major Calvin Hood of the Em-
poria State Bank. Cy Leland aided White in securing the
loan from Morrill; his boyhood friend, Ewing Herbert, helped
him with Major Hood; and White persuaded the Plumbs unaided.15

All of the loans were secured with sound real estate mortgages

and were repaid at eight per cent interest.

 

lth‘rank C. Clou h William Allen White of Emporia, (New
York: Whittlesey House, 1931), p. 69. The author of this
book was the managing editor of the Gazette for twenty years

and supplies many interesting details about the paper.
15White, Autobiography, pp. 256-257.

16W. A. White to J. S. Phillips, May 8, 1901, in Walter
Johnson, (ed), Selected Letters of William Alien W‘dite: 1899:
lghfi, (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 19177, p. Bo. Hereafter
cited as Selected Letters

12

White promptly repaid the money that he had borrowed.
By 1899 the final note was paid off.17 Most of the money
to repay the debts came from sources other than the profits

of the Gazette. His books, The Real Issue, and The Court 9;
18

 

Egylillg, enabled him to pay the debts and to move the
QQEEEEQ from rented quarters to the building which still
houses the paper.

When White took over the paper it was published in one
room with a cubbyhole walled off as an office for the editor
and two reporters. There was little furniture and although
the building was neat and clean, it was also old and shabby.
The one large room composed the whole building, which was
located on a side street, a half block off Commercial Street,
the main thoroughfare in Emporia.l9 The equipment was old
but serviceable and fortunately there was an abundance of
type in the old type cases.20

The §§g§t§§_staff consisted of ten peOple and the first
week's payroll totalled forty—five dollars. White had a
difficult time in meeting this but the second week posed no

problem. That week the candidates for county offices announc-

ed their candidacy with paid advertisements. During July and

18W. A. White, The Court of Boyville, (New York: Double—
day and McClure, 1899).

19Clough, pp. cit., pp. 69-70.

2
0White, Autobipgraph , p. 259.

13

and August of 1895 he was forced to borrow money to keep
the paper going but by September it was solvent once more.21

White's first editorial, "Entirely Personal," stated
his plans and the policy he would pursue as the editor of
the Gagejtg. He said that the paper was a plain business
prOposition; it would support Republican policies and nomi—
nees with no bolting or sulking. Although the politics
would be strictly Republican, "politics is so little. Not
one man in ten cares for politics more than two weeks in a
year.. . . While the politics will be straight, they will
not be obtrusive. They will be confined to the editorial
page where the gentle reader may venture at his peril.” To
White, the main thing was to have the paper represent the
average thought of the best peeple in Emporia and Lyon
County. Furthermore, he declared that he was not running
the paper for political pull, but to make an honest living
and to supply the community with a fair, honest paper.22

By 1896, White's Republican loyalties were being re-
warded in the form of lucrative state and county printing
contracts. The editor of the rival Republican paper in Em-
poria sought an injunction against the city council for this

favoritism, but White successfully silenced him on the edito—

rial pages of the Gaggtte,

 

21
Johnson, White's Amerigg, p. 80.

 

22White, Autobiographza pp. 260‘261'

Emporia Gaggtte, December 7, 1895.

14

Under White's leadership the circulation of the paper
grew steadily. In 1895 it was 485; the following year it
was almost 800;2 in 1901 there were 2,500 subscribers and
in 1904 it was regarded as the principal paper of Lyon
County with a circulation of 4,000.25 Despite the success
of the paper White depended largely on his outside literary
efforts to supplement his income. When the Emporia figppplir
gap failed in 1904 there were no more serious challenges to
White's supremacy although fourteen other men tried to es-
tablish rival papers.26

The Gagegte was an evening paper with both weekly and
daily editions. White was telling the unvarnished truth
when he wrote that it was "simply a little country weekly
and daily, devoted entirely to chronicling the important
fact that Bill Jones brought in a load of hay today...."27
A large portion of the early QBEEEEEE were devoted to exact-
ly such items which appeared in a column entitled "The County
in Brief."

The six column weekly paper covered the local news and
state news extremely well. The national news was supplied

by the Associated Press wire service, an innovation which

 

2”Johnson, Whiieis_éme;isa, Up. 80-83.

25.1.1219... p. 227.

26 -
ipig., pp. 227-258.
27
White to W. R. Anderson, October 3, 1899, in Selected
L.§i:_t_._er's, p- 25-

15

White was proud to introduce into the community. In elec-
tion periods the entire Republican ticket was printed dir—
ectly beneath the masthead and remained there until after
the election. A column entitled "Told in a Few Words" gave
concise day by day accounts of national and international
events.

White was insistent in the matter of black, clear
print and always supervised the presses to make certain that
enough ink was being used.28 He felt that the constantly
improving appearance of his paper and the distinct impression
of its type were primary factors in the advertising which the
paper enjoyed.29

In 1895 newspaper advertising was regarded suspiciously
and considered rather vulgar. It was felt that anyone who
had to resort to advertising was doing so in desperation and
was in danger of failure. Therefore, the early Gagepgg ads
were chiefly from national concerns selling such wares as
patent medicines, tobacco, and baking powder. By 1900 adver-
tising had become reputable and the ad space sold by the
Gazette increased ten—fold.30 By this time White had form—

ulated a code of advertising ethics which was largely govern—

ed by his personal tastes and prejudices. He refused to

 

28C1ough, pp. cit., pp. 134-135.

2
9White, “The Ethics of Advertising," Atlantic Monthly,
v. 164, (Nov. 1939), pp. 665-666.

30

 

Ibid., pp. 665-667.

—-——-—_

16

advertise any alcoholic beverages, patent medicines, Demo—
crats, or Populists.31

White framed a strong editorial policy as soon as he
became editor of his own newspaper. This policy was to
change very little over the years and he was to reiterate
his principles on newspaper and editorial ethics many times
through the years. Not only did most of his principles re-
main unchanged, but so did his essays on these principles.
Practically identical statements may be found on the pages
of the Gaggtgg, in magazine articles, and in letters to
friends and seekers of advice.

Although White's fame was partly due to his many out-
standing editorials, he did not like to write an editorial
when he had nothing to say. On June 4, 1895, the day after
his first issue of the paper, he omitted the editorial with
the comment, "You will observe that there is no editorial
in today's paper. It will be that way lots of times. When
there is nothing to say, there will be nothing said.“32 The
editorials also suffered if the local news happened to be
particularly heavy. "If the local news crowds the editorial

out it simply has to wait until the local news gets scarce."33

1
3 White to E. H. Cherrington, Nov. 29, 1911, in Selected
letters, p. 26.

 

32Johnson, White's America, p. 82.

 

33White to W. R. Anderson, October 13, 1899, in ~e1ected
Letters, p. 26.

17
The editorials which appeared in the daily papers were re—
printed in the weekly edition, as were his many articles in
national magazines.

White's newspaper ethics were rigid. His frequently
repeated view was that the only excuse an editor or a news-
paper had for being was to print the news.3u A newspaper
could not succeed on its political beliefs, but on its
ability to get news to the pecple quickly. Although he ad-
hered to his belief that an editorial page should have a
definite point of view, he felt that the news columns should
remain Open to both sides of a controversy.35

White was extremely sensitive to any attempts to in-
fluence his editorial policies, and felt that the best way
to avoid this was for a paper to remain free of economic depen—
dence on any groups.36 Although in his early years he
heartily favored and praised railroads, he refused a generous
railroad printing contract in fear that it might influence
him unduly. He felt that good newspapers made peOple violent—
ly angry and the strong language of his editorials indicates

that he was not afraid of such a result if he felt that his

stand was right. He felt that it was his right and duty to

juEmporia gazette, October 12, 1903.
35Johnson, White's America, p. 228.

36
Ibid., p. 229.

 

 

18
try to make his private sentiment public Opinion.37

Another tenet of his Journalistic code was a strong
belief that a newspaper should be a powerful instrument of
good will in a community, ever striving for its material and
spiritual improvement.33 His activities in behalf of Emporia
testify to his active adherence to this belief.

He had many other specific rules concerning the paper
which he required his staff to adhere to, such as a collo-
quial and entertaining coverage of events, and the protec—
tion of minors and first offenders. He purported to ignore
gossip until it became a matter of court record; however,
the early gaze tee are filled with gossipy items which sure-
ly must have proved embarrassing to those involved. He par—
ticularly abhorred yellow Journalism and did not hesitate to
name and condemn papers associated with it.39

White reflected in his later years that the editor of
McKinley's day belonged to a ruling class and ran a free
press restricted only by his courage, honesty, and intelli-
sense.”O His editorials in the decade following the purchase

of the gazette indicate that he did not lack the necessary

 

37White, AutobiogEaphXi p. 153-

38White to Rolla Clymer, Mar. 29. 1918. in Selssted
Letters, p. 189.

 

 

39Emporia Gaze te, October 12, 190}.
MO
White, "How Free Is Our Press?", The Nation, v. 46,
(June 18. 1938). pp. 693-695.

 

 

1?
courage and honesty to express his Opinions on any matter.
While time shows that his intelligence frequently failed
or misled him, he always remained true to himself.

William Allen White's version of a successful country
paper was that it should derive its distinction and life from
the town in which it existed. The newspaper should always
be the town's spokesman and interpreter. White impressed
his ideals on the Emporia gagetpg, hich became the prototype
of the country—town newspaper in America. It reflected well
his oft repeated axiom, "The country newspaper is the incar-
nation of the town spirit."1+1

There are several misconceptions about the gaggtpe,
provoked in all probability by White's unique career. His
fame has spread the name of Emporia and the Gazette, but the
paper was never anything more than a strictly local organ.
While its editorials were sometimes published in metropolitan
newspapers, the §§E§££§ circulation outside of Emporia was
negligible. In 1903 White wrote, "It is a small local daily
paper of only two thousand circulation, and has practically
no subscribers off the townsite of Emporia, though the weekly

42
goes all over Lyon County." White always reprinted his

numerous magazine articles, some of his short stories, and

 

41
White, "The Country Newspaper," Harpers, v. 132,

(May, 1916), p. ass.

4 .
2White to the Success Company, OCtODer 9’ 1903’ in

Selected Letters, p. 57.

 

20
the texts of his more important speeches, in the gaggttgé

The paper always gave primary consideration to local
and state events. The politics Of Kansas and Lyon County
were an important preoccupation with White and national
events of great importance were very frequently completely
ignored in favor of local concerns. Despite the fact that
White was a powerful figure in the national Republican or-
ganization, his interest in national affairs, if Judged from
the editorial pages of his paper, was at best Spasmodic.

The gaggtgg would at times be filled for a period Of
several weeks with some maJor issue. White would write
prolifically and forcefully on this one issue for weeks and
then the matter would be forgotten. He would become busy
with his outside writings, be forced to leave Emporia, or
Just become disinterested and drOp the matter. He wrote
only when he felt moved to, and if an apathetic mood descended
on him in the midst of heated advocacy of or Opposition to
a matter, he merely ignored the event or controversy until
he felt once more moved to lift his pen in battle.

When he did not feel moved to editorialize on national
events, he usually fell to musing. The editorial pages of
the gaggtgg are filled with his commentary on morals, cooking,
Emporia customs, his social philosophy, and with other in—
teresting but largely insignificant literary meanderings.

There were still other factors which contributed to

the frequent omission of important material in his editorials.

21
The Whites traveled a great deal and when they did, page
on page of the paper was devoted to the lengthy accounts
he sent home of his Journeys. Scenery, peOple, local his-
tory, foreign foods, and climate are verbosely discussed.
He Obviously never gave the editorial staff of his paper
any measure of freedom to pen editorials in his absence,
or perhaps they did not care to assume this responsibility.
At any rate, there were no political editorials in the
gagegtg when the Whites were away. It should also be con-
sidered that White's chief editorial assistant, Miss Laura
French, was a devoted follower of William Jennings Bryan,
the target of some of White's most bitter attacks. Being
_aware of the Opposing sentiment Of her employer, it is not
likely that Miss French would venture to comment on any
political matters in his absence. Nor did White usually
send editorial material of this nature to be published while
he was vacationing.

White's editorials are largely general in nature; per—
haps this eXplains their enduring appeal. Although he used
a strong, colorful idiom in penning editorials which still
remain Journalistic masterpieces, in the majority of cases
he did not name names. His attacks against trusts, like his
earlier editorials praising them, never named Specific com—
panies. He wrote about ignorant or corrupt or inefficient
politicians who remained largely anonymous, with but a few

notable exceptions. His discussions of the tariff usually

22

deal with the tariff in general, not specific bills. The
same holds true for his discussion of railroads. Whether
this was a conscious device or not, he does not explain.
While there Were exceptions to this policy, it can be said
that on the editorial pages of his newspaper he preferred
to discuss our institutions in general, not in particular.

Vhite and his newspaper cannot be separated in a con—
sideration of either phenomenon. In spite of his editorial
idiosyncracies he was more than Just an ordinary country
editor. When he did comment editorially he was clear, de—
finite, and forceful. He was not afraid to change a stand
he had taken. To him editorial consistency was no virtue.
"The gagggtg has no policy today that it will not abandon
tomorrow if the facts change upon which yesterday's stand

H3

was taken. His was a vigorous voice in an era of vigor.
His editorials chronicled, however spasmodically, the spirit
of the decade and the sentiments of the middle class.
Looking back to those years White wrote, “Reading the
files of the Gazette of those days between 1896 and 1905, I
am always shocked but never amazed, at the intrepid complac-
ency with which I viewed the universe. I was an incurable

nu
Optimist, with a sort of spiritual hydrocephalus."

 

Emporia Gazette, December 19, 1913.

#4

".-'Jhite, Autobiofigraphy, p. 361+.

 

"WHEN POPULIEM was IN FLowaa"

It is difficult to divorce William Allen White from
Kansas, for despite his cosmOpolitan connections and nat-
ional fame he remained primarily a Kansan until his death
in 1944. Because of this, the economic, political, and
sectional upheavals of that state in his era are important
in any consideration of White.

Its frontier history has made Kansas typical of the
middle west in many respects, but despite this it retains
a color of its own. It has been accepted that Kansas's
provincial characteristics are merely exaggerations of tra-
ditional American eccentricities. Carl Becker has written:

The Kansas spirit is the American spirit double

distilled. It is a new grafted product of American
individualism, American idealism, American tolerance.
Kansas is America in microcosm...,

It appears evident that William Allen White was strongly

possessed of the Kansas—American characteristics and tradi—

tion.

 

Carl Becker, "Kansas," Ess§y§_in Amepican Histpgy
Dedicated to Frederick Jagkson Turner, (New York: Henry

—— .—-—.—~- .—

Holt & Co., 1910 , p. 110.

 

 

 

23

24

The formation of the state of Kansas was due to
political expediency. Kansas was territorially organized
in 1854 and soon began to receive settlers from the East.
The Kansas-Nebraska bill Opened togppular sovereignty the
territories of Kansas and Nebraska. An attempt to encour-
aae immigration was made by the railroads, which circulated
favorable publicity concerning the area. Despite the assis-
tance of the railroads, however, the sparseness of pOpula-
tion and settlements in the Kansas territory testified
eloquently to the pOpular belief that the soil was worthless
and the climate unfavorable.2 After 1870 this false notion
was dispelled by a wave of prosperity which cast the state
into the national consciousness for a short period. After
the Opening of the trans—plain trail the long believed myths
about the great American desert gave way to the favorable
reports of settlement societies, railways, land speculators,
town-site promoters, and other organizations organized to

3

promote settlement. In the post Civil War period superlative
descriptions of the resources and possibilities of the "Middle
Border" were in part responsible for the rise and decline
of the boom of the eighties.

Before 1880, Kansas had annexed itself to the cattle

economy which established its own culture, its own laws, its

 

 

 

2John D. Hicks, The_ P_pulist Fevolt A Hgggpgy o_”t;§
Farmer' 8 Alliance and the Peorle' s pPar_ty (1! Mi nneapoli : Un v-

 

 

ersity of Minnesota Press, 1931), 5.

Blbldo’ pp. 14‘200

25

own individual characteristics and implanted them so deeply
that they remained a part of that state's character. The
first half of the eighties were Kansas's boom years. The
first phase of life in the state was subsistence farming
but this was supplanted by large scale farming for market.

From 1880 to 1885 the pOpulation of the state increas-
ed by one-third; the value of prOperty more than doubled.
It was not uncommon for a new settler to discharge the debts
incurred for his land and home with the profits of one year's
crop. Many of the settlers were not dirt farmers, but spec—
ulators who profited from the unjustified bonanza scale of
growth and the exorbitant prices paid for land at the height
of the boom.5 .

One reason for the boom was the high prices which pre-
vailed for the bumper crOps of wheat and corn; the peak
years for these commodities were 1881 and 1882. Another
cause was the unprecedented growth of railroads in Kansas
from 1880 to 1890. During this period the increase in rail-
road mileage in Kansas was second only to the increase in
Texas. By 1888 there was one mile of rail for every one—

third square mile of land in the state.6 These were not

 

“Walter Prescott Webb, ThepGreat Plains (New York: Ginn
and 00., 1951), pp. 205-208.

5Raymond Curtis Miller, "The Background of Populism in
Kansas," Missiggippi~Yalley Historical Review, XI (1925), p.482.

 

 

 

6.1.12.1..(102 pp. 470-4720

26
built according to need, but to further inflate the land
values. Like many boom projects, these roads were built
at small cost to the speculators themselves, who realized
that returns in the area would be limited for many years.
Townships, cities, and counties bonded themselves heavily
for railroad construction. There were gifts of land, bonus«
es, and mortgages from the state and local treasuries and
even from individuals in this unhealthy, boom—happy area.
Money was easy to get for speculative purposes and expansion;
mortgages on property rose rapidly to unprecedented heights.
When the first adverse condition, a severe drought,
struck the state, the economic foundation of Kansas based
on eastern credit proved unstable. The weak structure was
not able to survive the blow and in 1887 Kansas entered a
decline which was to last for a decade. Glancing backward
over the years, White described the conditions which he
could not see clearly when they prevailed.
I knew in a general way that Kansas and the West

in general were living on borrowed money; but I did

not understand that I was living in a debtor land,

nor what that signified. Every town was bonded for

its public improvements, its macadam paving, its

waterworks, and, in some cases, its light plant.
Every business was more or less mortgaged. All the

 

 

Raymond Curtis Miller, "The Economic Basis of POpulism
in Kansas," Thesis (M. A.), University of Chicago, December,

1923: pp- u ‘ 5°

2?
railroads were heavily bonded. The utility companies
erected their plants on borrowed money. The banks
did a thriving business in renting out cash, and they
had a lively hOpe that some way, in some far off day,
interest would come back and mortgages would be paid.
But we Were all insensible, all of us over the western
Mississipp Valley, of the fact that what goes up must
come down.

From 183 on there was a collapse in prices for farm
products; heavy debt burdens resulted and scanty rainfall
contributed to the decline. Several bad crOp seasons follow—
ed and grain prices continued low. When the bubble of pros-
perity burst, the boom methods of settlement proved to be
disastrous. The supply of credit to the state was cut short
and the assets of the Kansas banks were frozen in land. The
most severe hardships fell on the farmers who had bought land
at the inflated prices.9 The East refused to invest any more
capital in the state and Kansas was burdened with a large

debt it could not meet.10

The psychological shock which en-
sued with the new and unaccustomed low in prices, coupled
with the fear of even greater impending losses, sounded the
death knell for prosperity.11

The exodus from the boom area began. In Kansas many

of the speculators and malcontents were swept out in the

first wave of emigration. Many peOple who had hOpefully

 

8White, astohigsyapax, p. 70.
9Miller, "The Background of Populism in Kansas," 100.
93:30: pp. 14.73..)183.

lolaid-, pp. 438-u89.

11
D. 52.

Miller, "The Economic Basis of POPU1ism in Kansas,"

28
moved into Kansas before 1837 were convinced by their new
experience that they had pushed too far into the arid west
and now began to retrace their steps.

Within a few years whole districts in this region
were almost totally depopulated except for the older
cattlemen who had been there before the boom began and
who did not depend for success on a heavy rainfall.
Covered Wagons, sometimes bearing such legends as...

"In God we trusted, in Kansas we busted," streamed to—
ward the east. Fully half the peOple of western Kansas
left the country between 1838 and 1892. Twenty well
built towns in that part of the state were reputed to
have been left without a single inhabitant and in one
of them an Opera house worth thirty thousand dollars
and a number of fine business houses were abandoned,

The boom had so conditioned the pOpulace that even a
decline in prices would have been serious; the complete de-
pression was catastrophic. By the turn of the century,
Kansas had a much smaller pOpulation than she had enjoyed
in 1890 despite a noteworthy influx of new inhabitants in
1597. Exact figures are difficult to compute, for in areas
hard hit by the collapse the census statistics of 1890 were
deliberately falsified to conceal as completely as possible

. 1
what had happened. 3 Railroads were going into bankruptcy,
the big lines swallowing the smaller ones; financial institu-
tions were reorganizing after failure only to fail again.
Paradoxically, the newspapers in the state grew and prospered

in this period.1u

 

12Hicks, 9o. g;£., p. 32.

h

13Miller "The Background of Populism in Kansas," 100.
Ql£:, pp, #77- 80.

114»
White, Autobiogpaphy, p. 248.

 

29
The collapse which began in 1887 gave rise to the

radicalism of the late eighties and the nineties, namely
Populism. The economic conditions of the blighted areas
found eXpression in the politics of the times and the de—
pression was a major impetus to the rise of the Populist
party. It, like similar movements, was an effort at ad-
Justment to new conditions. In times of plenty the farm
pOpulation had favored the existing order; now they sought
something new. In this Populist movement was to be seen
"the history of adjustments and modifications, of giving up
an old way of life for a new way in order that there may be

1
" 5 Since the Civil War days the discontent which

a way out.
had been endemic in the Middle Border usually sought relief
in political upheavals such as the Greenback Movement of the

l
seventies, the Farmer's Alliance, and then the POpulist party.
The peeple had begun to speak and think in terms of
"income and the single tax. They talked of government owner-

ship and abolition of private prOperty; fiat money, and the

17

unity of labor ... and a thousand conflicting theories."
Books, magazines, stories, pamphlets,and newspapers told of

the conditions that existed and prOposed various remedies.

1
Ewebh. 22. 935., pp. 507-508.

16Vernon Louis Parrington, The Beginnings of Critical
Egalism in America: 1560-1920, Vol. III, rain Currents in
American Thought, 3 vols. (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co.,
1930), p. 286.

17
Elizabeth Higgins, Cut of the Wegt, pp. 133—136,
quoted in John D. Hicks, The POpulist Revolt, p. 132.

 

 

 

 

 

 

30
Reform papers gained a wide circulation; increased circula-
tion was particularly marked in such papers as the Ppgpres-

sive Farmer and the Farmer's Alliance in the state of Kansas.

 

 

Out of this intellectual ferment came the demands
for reform that found their way into Alliance and
POpulist national platforms and in a surprising num—
ber of instances ultimately into state or national law.

The upheaval that took place...can hardly be des—

cribed as a political campaign. It was a religious re—
vival, a crusade, a pentecost of politics in which a
tongue of flame sat upon every gan, and each spoke as
the spirit gave him utterance.1

From the seventies on the farmers tended to organize
in seeking the redress of their grievances. The Granger
movement, the National Greenback Party, and many local pol-
itical parties were organized with the purpose of giving
eXpression to the debt-ridden farmer. The main attack of
such groups, particularly the earlier ones, was directed
against railroad malpractices such as excessive rates, kick—
backs, and the like. Even the Greenback Party, which primari-
ly emphasized currency reform, Opposed railroad practices of
the day as detrimental to the farmers.

One of the important forerunners of the Populist Party
was the Farmers' Alliance. This group was originally organ—
ized with reform of railroad practices as its main objective
but soon grew to adOpt resolutions with "a more pronounced

l9

tinge of radicalism." The first successful Alliance was

formed by Milton George, a Chicago editor. The drought in

 

18Hicks, pp. pit., p. 132.

l9lbid., p. 102.

31

1881 increased the pOpularity of the group immensely and
membership in the organization grew rapidly, particularly
in states such as Kansas where the drought hit hardest. In
1890, Kansas claimed a hundred and thirty thousand Alliance
members.20

There were attempts to consolidate the American Federa—
tion of Labor, the Knights of Labor and the Farmers' Alliance
into one powerful group, but such efforts were unsuccessful.
When the two labor groups were invited to attend an important
Alliance convention to be held at St. Louis in 1888, the
Federation refused to have anything to do with the meeting.
The Knights responded by sending three important representa-
tives but did not consider union or complete consolidation
"feasible."21

When the Farmer's Alliance was ended in 1891, the POp-
ulist Party arose out of the struggle between Alliance mem—
here who wished to retain the loose-knit state organizations
and those who desired the formation of a national third poli-
tical party.

White Opposed not only the Populists, Democrats, and
fusionists, but also the already extinct Farmer's Alliance.

He accorded this defunct organization the same treatment

which he gave to the active parties. Because of the fact

 

EOlEiQ-, p. 103.

212219., p. 123.

that the
other th
parties.
frequent

perience

pursuing.

has been
as origi
fanatic,
Alliance
deemed t
platform
reformer
leaders
politici
playins
selfish
Th
satisfac
any of 1
point of

in these

32
Alliance was not a present threat as were the
res groups, it received less attention than those
However, the editor spoke vigorously in his in—
references to the Alliance paralleling that ex-
with the course thlt the Populist movement was
White declared that the Alliance, like the POpulists,
"a most excellent order with great and noble objects,"2
nally organized, but had degenerated because of
unrealistic adherents. Groups such as the Farmers'
and the Populists were, it seemed to the editor,
0 failure at the outset by the very nature of their
8. This factor was usually accompanied by "scrubby
3" who accelerated the decline of such groups. Their
were not resoectable business men or eXperienced
ans, but usually failures, fanatics, or farmers
at the complicated game of government in the hOpe of
gains.
6 failure of the Alliance was demonstrated to White's
tion by its failure to live up to their preamble or
ts pledges; he averred that it had failed on every

its Declaration.23 He seemed to hold the opinion

early years that failure to accomplish one's aims

 

22

23

Emporia Gazettg, October 31, 1895.

Ibid.

——

33

was an indication that those aims were unrealistic or un-
desirable. In 1898 with a long editorial indictment of

k
the Alliance2 he repeated his earlier contention that the
party's promises and performances had been a "burlesque."25
After this he devoted no more large efforts to castigating
them, but continued to mention the Alliance occasionally as
an example of failure to be cited in reference to subsequent
more pressing issues.

In 1900 White wrote a belated obituary for the Farmers'

Alliance.

The Farmers' Alliance craze was pure emotion--there
was no reason in it. The peeple went stark mad and the
things they believed then make them blush now....Fancy
the people of a state flowing with milk and honey say-
ing they were starving....Imagine a state that is worth
its weight in pure gold declared on the stump and in
the press to be mortgaged for more than it is worth and
thousands of peOple advocating the issue of paper money
to pay these honest debts. The fact that a population
so thoroughly American...produced ghe Alliance is a sad
commentary on pOpular governments. O

The election of 1888 brought the expected smashing Re-

publican victory in Kansas; in the nation Republicans were
also victorious in the election of Benjamin Harrison. In

1890 the Democrats and POpulists in Kansas attempted a fusion

with gratifying results. In this fusion the Democrats had

 

————~—-c——>

 

2nIbid., November 3, 1898.
25
lbid., January 17, 1896.

26
Ibid., February 22, 19CO.

34
been the aggressors and the Populists reluctant. By 1891,
however, the Populists were thoroughly disillusioned at
the refusal of the Democrats to recognize their help. The
Democrats nominated candidates of their own party for local
offices and in some instances even COCperated with the Re-

27

publicans. Despite the appeasement policies of the Dem-
ocrats, both that party and the Populists faced a bleak
situation. "Republicanism seemed supreme and unchallenge-
able."
By 1892 the Populist party in Kansas had risen to a
high point. The Republicans suffered nationwide defeat in
this year; the dissatisfied elements had backed Cleveland
and elected him. They hOped for better times; many believ-
ed in free silver and tariff reduction. They got instead,
a panic, restriction of the currency, and hard times. The
next three years saw bad farm yields and lower prices. When
the panic came in 1893 the POpulist monetary views became
more pOpular and many peOple were converted to Populist ideals.
In the elections of 1892 the Democrats and Populists
in Kansas ran on separate tickets once more. Although the

Populists failed to get the complete control of a single

state government there were several states in which they

 

2
7Raymond Curtis Miller "The Ponulist Party in
Kansas," Dissertation (Ph. D.S, University of Chicago,
June, 1928, p. 6%.

28
Ibig., p. 208.

m

35

elected a large number of administrative officers or legis-
lators or both to "affect materially the character of the

regimes that followed."29 ApprOpriately, it was the state

of Kansas where Populism won its most notable victories and

first challenged the attention and sympathy of the nation.

There, the mere process of swearing in "the first PeOples

Party administration on earth presented a thrilling Spectacle."30

Most of the states which had given the POpulists some
support in 1892 returned to their former allegiances in 1894.
Perhaps some of the voters were swayed by William Allen
White's first important work, "The Regeneration of Colonel
Hucks."31 This political short story brought White the fame
throughout Kansas that his later editorial, "What's the Mat—
ter With Kansas?” brought him in the nation.

In Kansas, the absence of any real Democratic strength
and the dissension among the Populists gave an easy victory
to the Republicans. They elected a majority in the state's
lower house, every congressman but one, and the rest of their
ticket.32

The Populists had gained very little ground, if

any, by the election of 1894....After the election
there was not a state, southern or western, that

could be cited as predominately POpulist territory
....The Kansas state senate was Ponulist but this

 

29Hicks, 92. cit., p. 274.

O
3 Elizabeth N. Barr, "The Populist Uprising," in A Stap-

dard History of Kanggs and Kansans, ed. by William E. Connelly
(Chicago: American Book Co., 1933), II, pp. 1168-1169.

31
32

 

White, The Real Issue.See above, p. 3.

 

Barr, pp. cit., II, pp. 1191-1192.

36

was due entirely to the presence of hold-over sena-

tors elected in 1892. The Republicans had every-

thing their own way in the House and in the state

offices.33

The election in 1894 had none of the signs of conces-
sion or fusion which had marked several of the preceding
elections. It was an election with individual parties stand-
ing squarely on their own merits and platforms; as such, it
was of great importance. It was to indicate whether the POp-
ulists as constituted could be a real power in Kansas or
merely a minority group which could only achieve power on
terms and conditions dictated by Democratic allies. It was
to signify whether or not the Populists could win majority
control on their old issues or whether a modification of
these issues would be expedient. The results of the election
seemed to indicate that "POpulism in Kansas was indeed dead."31+
On its own resources it had mustered hardly more

than a third of the votes of the state. If it was

to become a power in the future, it would be only

as an adjunct to the Democratic party, and on some

issue which might cut the strength of the Republi-

can. POpulism, as Kansas had known it in the days

of the highest spirit and greatest idealism, was a

terror no longer. The "Crusade" was over, Kansas
was redeemed.35

 

 

33Hicks, on. g t., pp. 237-238.

‘—_

4
3 Miller, "The Populist Party in Kansas," p. 280.

35Ibid., p. 280.

37

The national campaign of 1896 was to belie some of the
dire prOphecies of Populism's demise for a while. In the
Republican convention the "debtors and creditors stood mass-
ed for the battle which resulted in a victory for the eastern

6

bankers and creditors."3 In Kansas, Populism was the rural
reply to urban combination and was largely the progency of
the econ mic decline which characterized the western area of
the United States from 1885 to 1895.37 Professor James H.
Canfield, who was in 1888 an important factor in White's
decision to affiliate himself with the Republican party, wrote
six years later:

I think the POpulist movement signifies the general
dissatisfaction of the rural community with the adminis—
tration of public affairs. In an age of combination
(not yet intelligent COOperation) the rural peOple feel
weak when pitted against the peOple of the towns because
the latter can and do combine; and the rural peOple seek
some form of political and economic combination that
will secure equality of privilege and of Opportunity.
Populism appears in connection with "hard times“ simply
because when times are "easy" the peog§e are easy going
...POpulism is one form of revolt....

The "new—sectionalism" which arrayed the West against

the East and eXpressed itself politically in the POpulist
movement harbored "that system of radical thought that emerg-

ed in the West from three decades of recurring unrest, agita—

tion, and intercourse with radical and reform movements in

 

36White, Autobiography, p. 360.

 

37Hallie Farmer, "The Economic Background of Frontier
POpulism " Mississipgi Vallgy Historigalfifigview, X (March 192%),
pp. 406, 27. This article and the previously cited works of R.
C. Miller are excellent treatments of the economic motives be-

hind the POpulist movement.

 

 

38James H. Canfield, "A Bundle of Western Letters,"
Review of Reviews, 10 (July, 1894), pp. 42-43.

38

the urban world.“39 Though Populism exhibited a clear con—
tinuity with preceding radical movements in the West such
as the Greenback and Anti~Mon0poly forces, it also present-
ed a faith and a creed in addition to demands for economic
reform.

The Populist platform demonstrated that they had both
a political and an economic program and a creed of brother—
hood and justice. Economically they demanded a bimetallic
national currency, a graduated income tax, and government
ownership and control of railroads and public utilities. In
the interests of brotherhood and justice they sought a union
of the peOple and the labor force of the country so that its
Spirit would "enter into all hearts for the salvation of the
republic and the uplifting of mankind." The political pro—
gram of the POpulists was perhaps their greatest legacy to
the nation. {any of the measures which they unsuccessfully
advocated were later incorporated into our legislation by
the Progressives and other liberals. The POpulists adVOCat-
ed the Australian secret ballot, the legislative devices
known as the initiative and the referendum, the direct elec—
tion of senators, the passage of corrupt practices legisla-
tion to aid in the abolition of malfeasance in government,

and other reforms. The Populists resented the attempts of

 

39Chester McArthur Destler, "Western Radicalism, 1865—
1901: Concepts and Origins," Mississippi Valley Historigal
Review, XXKI (December, l94e), pp, 351—352.

 

 

39

the other two major parties to ignore all of their reform
measures except the one demanding the "free and unlimited
coinage of silver." On this issue the Democrats and Re-
publicans alike marshalled their forces in an attempt to
becloud the other reform measures.

The short, rather unhappy life of the POpulist party
was approaching its end while the editor was unconsciously
approaching the beginning of the fame which was awaiting him
with the publication of his scathing indictment of that party
in "What's the Matter With Kansas?" The young manhood of
William Allen White unfolded against the background of a
politically and economically troubled Kansas; he cut his
political teeth at a time when the Populists were in the
national spotlight; he helped defeat this cause, many of
whose tenets he lived to approve and embrace in future years.
POpulism was a primary factor in his initial renown and in
his early political and social philos0phy. They were two
very different phenomena which concurrently existed and thriv-
ed in the same milieu.

In 1895 POpulism was yet a real force in Kansas, and
that state was beginning to make its first concrete strides
toward a recovery. "PeOple who had money were living well

in Emporia; others hanging on by their eyebrows. And

 

MO
Ignatius Donnelly, "People's Party Platform 0f 1392,"
Thewdhaping of the American Tradition, ed. by Louis M. Hacker,
(flew York: Columbia University Press, 1947), pp. 834—837.

 

Mo

POpulism was raging across the state, across the Missouri

Valley and through the South."ul

At this point White em-
barked on the career which he pursued until the end of his
life. He became the owner and Editor—in-Chief of the Em—
poria Gazette.

When William Allen White first became known outside
the small sphere of Emporia he was the most orthodox of con-
servatives. In his early years his philosOphy was simple
and Optimistic. He believed that this was the best of all
possible worlds, deplored criticism of it, and vigorously
sought to maintain what he considered to be the status quo.
He did not believe that injustice prevailed in the distribu—

tion of the world's goods and he frequently declared that the

ted

Q)

poor were solely to blame for their own proverty. He st
again and again that the rich were worthy and deserving, hav-
ing achieved their enviable positions by dint of their own
hard work and ingenuity. He believed that the work of the
world was done, everything which could make human relation—
ships more satisfactory had been accomplished; God was good
and had done His work perfectly; the world should be left as
it was. These tenets were more than just White's philosophy,
they were almost a religion to him. His early writings and

Cazett editorials constantly reiterated these beliefs.

 

l ,
White, Aptobiogranhy, p. 2b4.l

 

#1

White began his work as an editor in 1895. Populism
was a real and present threat to White and from the begin—
ning he Opposed it in his paper. The editor was thoroughly
convinced that the POpulists or any prOponents of reform
were entirely wrong and he directed most of his early efa
forts to proving this thesis. In the half decade after
1895 he pr. dicted the death of tr e POpulist movement at re—
gular intervals. H9 declared that they were "on their last
legs. There can be no doubt of that in the light of the

1:
cravening manner in which they are fawning over the Dem crats. "*2

'T‘

Again 1e stated, "The once :reat party has descended . . . .

. . . as a fi ghting party they are coznpletely incapacitated,
even now . . . . The old fire has burned out."'3 These senti-
ments were voiced so frequently, many times when the political
situation in Kansas refuted them, that they seem a conscious
device used by the editor in his attack on Populism.

Wh ite reported that the farners who had once embraced
the POpulist party as the panacea for all of their ills now
knew that party for what it really was. The farmer "relates
that it is a doctrine of hate that is preached and practiced
by the disciples of despair,"1m and he is now "ashamed of

j .—

l
Populism and its doctrines of hate." 9 White considered it

 

2
Emporia Gazette, August 22, 1'

ts
\U
U7
0

LBIb bid., October 13, 13.9l
Ibid , October 3, 1895.

Ibid., September 3, l€9 .

 

#2

a sad commentary that the Kansas pOpulation which was so
thoroughly American "went daft for so slight a cause."uv
To the editor the life had gone out of the party, their
enthusiasm was gone, and all of the old principles which
were to have reformed the world had been abandoned and for—
gotten)+7
Ifthere was one thing which White Opposed more vigor«
ously than Populism, that was fusion. For several years there
had been spasmodic attempts at combination by POpulists,
Democrats, and the Greenbacks. He felt that such tickets

#3

were dishonest. The editor regarded fusion as not only
unethical, but also impractical. He said that no party had
ever succeeded with fusion; the POpulists were being duped
since fusionists were not concerned over the old, honorable
aims of that party, but were merely seeking to defeat the
Republican party.149 In a discussion of such "unholy" alli-
ances White declared:
The Democratic party has lost the respect of the

peOple. The POpulist party by its disgraceful fawn-

ing over Democracy has lost their respect. Something

new must be invented. An old threadbare conspiracy

has been trotted out to catch Republican fish. It is
fusion.9

 

Ibig., February 22, 1900.
lb d., October 10, 1895.
October 3, 1895.

”9lbi ., October 10, 1895.

501bid., August 29, 1595-

43

The election of 1896 was to play a large part in the
rise of William Allen White to fame and to mark the begin—
ning of a decline for the POpulist Party as a real power on
the political scene. The Republican National Convention
met first at St. Louis and nominated William McKinley as the
presidential candidate and Garret A. Hobart of New Jersey
as his running mate. Almost the entire cost of the McKinley
campaign for the nomination had been paid by his friend,
Mark Hanna.51 Hanna had devoted not only his money, but also
all of his time and efforts to aiding McKinley, and in Jan-
uary 1395 he retired from active participation in his business
with this political activity in mind.52

Though the nomination of McKinley constituted no real
problem in the convention, there was a struggle on the cur—
rency issue. Both McKinley and Hanna were bimetallists and
had been favorable to silver for many years. Because of this
and the fact that both men were high protection advocates,
they would have preferred to wage the campaign on the major
issue Of protection.53 The sentiment in the Republican
Party for a single gold standard led by Senator Lodge of Mass—

achussetts and the eastern Republicans prevailed, however,

 

l
5 Herbert Croly, Marcus Alonzo Hennak His Life and Work
(New York: The Macmillan Co., 1923), p. 183.

 

52Ibid., pp. 173-17u.

53White, Autobiography, Op. cit., p. 273.

 

mi

and McKinley and Hanna yielded to the gold plank. Senator
Teller of Colorado, an advocate of free silver, and thirty-
three others, seceded from the convention. William Allen
White was present at the convention as a reporter for sev—
eral large newspapers.

The Democrats met the followind month. The chief con-
troversy in their convention was between the Cleveland sup-
porters-—the gold faction-~and the free silverites, represent-
ed by Bland of Missouri. The free silver group was victor—
ious when the gold standard and the resolution for an endorse-
ment of the Cleveland administration were defeated by large
majorities. During the discussion of the gold standard
resolution William Jennings Bryan came to prominence with
his famous 'cross of gold' Speech and he eventually captured
the nomination. Arthur M. Sewall of Maine, a wealthy 'gold
Democrat' was nominated for Vice-President.ELL Although there
was no formal 'bolt' from the Democratic convention there was
a large minority of discontented Democrats who went home and
worked for the Republican candidates.55 Bryan immediately
began an active, whirlwind campaign and the issue of silver

versus gold completely obliterated the tariff issue for the

 

 

 

time.
54,. y . ..
nhodes, James Ford, Tne McKinley_§nd gpgseygltwgdmin-
istrationsJ isgzzigpg (New York: The Nachillan C0,, 9225, p.18.
55

Charles S. Olcott, The Life of William McKinley (New
York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1916) I, pp. 322—323.

 

 

1+5

The Populists met last in St. Louis and at this con—
vention the split which was to eventually kill that party
developed. The two major factions at the Populist conven—
tion were the fusionists who favored an alliance with the
Democrats by nominating or endorsing the Democratic nominees
Bryan and Sewall, and the middle-of—the-road group who felt-
that such a move would mean the end of their party. They
particularly objected to Sewall, a national banker, since
Opposition to the national banks was a POpulist principle.
An unsatisfactory compromise was reached when Bryan was

nominated as the presidential candidate and Thomas Watson

*6
of Georgia was selected as his running mate.9 Almost all

of the POpulists were dissatisfied with the results of their
convention.

White and the QQE”§£_ supported the Republican candid—
ates. He wrote that the election of the Democrats or POpu-
lists would lead to the destruction of our American institu-
tions as they had stood since the beginning of our country.57
He particularly disliked a statement made by Bryan that a
Republican victory would mean hard times, lower wages, and
decreased eXports, and stated flatly that Bryan's abilities
as a prOphet were as inadequate as were his qualifications

58

for the presidency. In another editorial he declared that

 

 

6 i-
5 Hicks, The POpulist Revolt, pp. 554-378 assim.
57E

 

nporia Gazette, July 31, 1896.

58;:3g., September 19, 1896.

46

Bryan had a "fourth-rate mind" and did not think. "The
crown of thorns and cross of gold phrase is the high—water
mark of epigram. He does not read the best books nor keep
abreast of the world's best thought. He is, in the language
of the street, a 'cheap screw'....He accepts a doctrine with-
out question and tries to put it in the most catchy phrases...."59

During the summer of 1&96 White wrote the editorial
"What's the Matter With Kansas?"60 On a hot day a group of
POpulists confronted the editor on the streets of Emporia and
nagged him about some of his editorials. White became angry
and when he was able to detach himself from the group he
stalked to his office and wrote the editorial which "came

61

out pure vitriol". The editorial was hastily written and

that same afternoon the editor left for Colorado to join
his wife.

His departure constituted a problem, for though the
editorial was left on his desk with instructions for publica-
tion, his staff did not approve the intemperate tone. They
were worried as to the probable reaction to the editorial in
Populist Kansas and withheld the editorial for a few days.

A further complication presented itself. The managing editor

of the paper was Laura M. French, a thorough—going Bryanite

59Ibigu September 5, 1896.

6
oIbid., August 15, 1896.
61

White, Autobiography, p. 280.

47
who considered the article particularly distasteful, but
finally had to approve the article for publication. The
editorial brought fame to the Kansas editor. It received
the favorable notice of a Santa Fe vice—president, several
large urban newspapers, Speaker of the House Tom Reed, and
finally Mark Hanna, who had it released in pamphlet form as
campaign propaganda.62
This editorial blamed the Populists for all of Kansas's
woes. In strong, sarcastic language White Spoke of the de-
cline in wealth and pOpulation in Kansas——“the whole west is
ahead of Kansas." He declared that Nebraska had gained in
wealth and pOpulation while Kansas went downhill but ignored
the fact that in 1894 the POpulist and fusion tickets in
Nebraska polled over 49 percent of the votes, a percentage
only exceeded by the POpulist-fusion stronghold of North
Carolina.63 In Nebraska the Republicans had made some in-
roads into the state offices but the fusionists elected their
candidate for governor and one congressman. In 1396, the
fusionists in Nebraska completely defeated the Republicans,
as they did in Kansas.6hr The editor termed Colorado seven

times greater than Kansas, but in 1894 the Populist and fusion

votes in that state also exceeded the Kansas percentage.65

 

62Johnson, White's Ameriga, p. 92.

 

 

63Hicks, The POpulist Revolt, p. 337.
6h
l2i§-. P- 337.

°51b1d., pp. 333,337.

48
Despite such unfortunate statements the editorial was effec—

tive. How he said it Was as important as what he said.

What's the matter with Kansas?

We all knOW; yet here we are at it again. We have an
old mossback Jacksonian who snorts and howls because
there is a batqtub in the sta tehouse; we arexunning that
old jay for governor. We have another shabby, wild—eyed,
rattle—brained fanatic who has said Openly in a dozen
speeches that "the rL jhtS of the user are paramount to
the rL hts of the owner;" we are runninJ him for chief
Justice so that capital will come tumbling over itself
to set into the state. We he.ve raked the old ash heap
of human failure in the state and found an old human
hoop skirt who has failed as a businessman, who has fail-
ed as an editor, who has failed as a preacher, and we
are going to run him for Congressman—at-Large. He will
help the looks of the Kansas delegation at Washington.
Then we have discovered a kid without a law practice and
have decided to run him for Attorney General. Then, for
fear some hint that the state had become respectable
might percolate throufih the civilized portions of the
nation, we have decided to send three or four harpies out
lecturing, telling the peOple that Kansas is raising hell
and letting the corn go to weed.

Oh, this is a state to be proud of! We are a peOple
who can hold up our heads! What we need is not more money,
but less capital, fewer white shirts and brains, fewer men
with business judgment, and more of those fellows who
boast that they are "Just ordinary clodhoppers, but they
know more in a minute about finance than John Sherman"; we
need more men who are "posted,“ who can bellow about the
crime of '73, who hate prosperity, and who think, because
a man believes in national honor, he is a tool of Wall
Street. We have had a few of them——some hundred fifty
thousand—~but we need more.

We need several thousand gibbering idiots to scream
about the "Great Red Dragon" of Lombard Street. We don't
need pOpulation, we don't need wealth, we don't need well—
dressed men on the streets, we don't need cities on the
fertile prairies; you bet we don't! What we are after is
the money power. Because we have become poorer and orner-
ier and meaner than a spavined, distempered mule, we, the
peOpleof Kansas, propose to kick; we don't care to build
up, we wish to tear down.

"There are two ideas of government," said our noble
Bryan at Chicago. "There are those who believe that if
you legislate to make the well-to—do prosperous, this

Li9

prosperity will leak through on those below. The
Democratic idea has been that if you legislate to

make the masses prosperous their prosperity will find
its way up and through every class and rest upon them."

That's the stuff! Give the prosperous man the dickens!
Legislate the thriftless man into ease, whack the stuffing
out of the creditors and tell the debtors who borrowed the
money five years ago when money “per capita“ was greater
than it is now, that the contraction of currency gives
him a right to repudiate.

WhOOp it up for the ragged trousers; put the lazy,
greasy fizzle, who can't pay his debts, on the altar, and
bow down and worship him. Let the state ideal be high.
What we need is not the respect of our fellow men, but
the chance to get somethin: for nothing.

Oh, yes, Kansas is a great state. Here are peOple
fleeing from it by the score every day, capital going out
of the state by the hundreds of dollars; and every indus—
try but farming paralyzed, and that crippled, because its
products have to go across the ocean before they can find
a laboring man at work who can afford to buy them. Let's
don't stop this year. Let's drive all the decent, self—
respecting men out of the state. Let's keep the old clod-
hoopers who know it all. Let's encourage the man who is
“posted." He can talk, and what we need is not mill hands
to eat our meat, nor factory hands to eat our wheat, nor
cities to Oppress the farmer by consuming his butter and
eggs and produce. What Kansas needs is men who can talk,
and have large leisure to argue the currency question
while their wives wait at home for that niokel's worth of
blueing.

What's the matter with Kansas?

Nothing under the shining sun. She is losing her wealth,
pOpulation and standing. She has got her statesmen, and
the money power is afraid of her. Kansas is all right.

She has started in to raise hell, as Mrs. Lease advised,
and she seems to have an over-production. But that doesn't
matter. Kansas never did believe in diversified crops.
Kansas is all right. There is absolutely nothing wrong //
with Kansas."Every prospect pleases and only man is vile."DO

This was White's protest. It was typical of his style
and point of view in his early years. He blamed Populism
for unsatisfactory conditions in his state or wherever they

spread their doctrines effectively. The adherents of that

 

66

Emporia gazette, August 15, 1596.

50
group were fanatic, unrespected failures. To the editor,
such men were incapable of beneficial fovernre rt; he seemed
to be firmly of the Opinion that 'ncthin succeeds like suc—
cess.‘

The Democrats and Populists were the champions of free
silver in the campaign of 189”. To White, this v.‘a s the
single, dominant issue. He was Opp sed to the principle of
free silver; such a currency scheme to him seemed to threaten
existing institutions and the conservative editor distrusted
and Opposed chan;_je. The old ord.er we .5 being threatened by
cheap money schemes which were "in the la st analysis dishonest,"
and involved "positive dishonesty on the part of the govern—

/

"07 {a
ment. He editorialized:

The spirit of free coiname is es ssentie lly social—

istio in its tendencies . . . . . . . human progress
is only possible when the prod_ucers of wealth are pro—
tected. . . . There a e in this country a large number
of peOple who have saved a little money which they
loaned out to others. The advocates of free silver
boldly claim that the result of the adoption of their
money scheme would be to take from all creditors one—
half of their property. . . . When the farmer and work—
ing-man understand that this is m‘e real object of the
free—coinaae a;gitation will they con ntinue to favor the
attack on private proverty?°°

In November, McKinley was elected, but Bryan and the
fusionists were victorious in Kansas. The editor printed th

"sickening truth" in headlines. He declared that the state

was cursed and honest men all over the nation v:ere laughing

 

6 I! ~ /
71bia., Ootooer 24, 1890.

681bid., August 22, 1395.

51

and Jeering at Kansas.69 He was happy, however, that Mc-
Kinley had won in the nation, and several decades later
attributed his victory to the fact that the Republicans had
persuaded the middle class that a threat to the gold stan-
dard was a threat to their property.70

The editor conceded a complete Kansas victory to the
POpulists in that election and then, in characteristic fash-
ion, beaan looking to the next election instead of mourning
the one just past. He wrote an editorial eXpounding the
wonders of our American, democratic government——one in which
the differences between the rich and the poor were settled
peaceably, unlike those in Europe. He announced that he
would continue to support the Republican cause, the belief
in individual responsibility for failure or success, the

laissez-faire theory. He declared himself satisfied with

 

existing conditions, in favor of "vested rights“ and repeat—
ed his warning that change in our institutions would mean a
revolution which would bring in socialism, a most dangerous
doctrine.71

White feared and Opposed socialistic thinking. One of
his most strenuous objections to POpulism was that it foster-
ed such a philOSOphy. When the co-Operetivecnlony in Colorado

planned by Populist John Otis failed shortly after its inception,

 

691bid., November 6, 1396.

O
7 White, Autobiography, p. 235.

 

71

Emporia gazette, November 3, 1896.

52
the editor was pleased. He wrote that the brawny members
of the pOpulace instinctively serve their brainier cohorts;
co-Operative communities such as Otis planned were doomed
to failure because of this:

The socialistic colony which depends for its suc—
cesses upon the unselfishness of men has failed as it
always has failed and always will fail until nature
changes human hearts. The cunningest man wins the
battle. It is a fact of nature; laws can't change
it. The man who depends upon his muscle wil be the
servant of the man who depends on his brain.

After the election of 1896 "the POpulist party as a
great and independent organization was a thing of the past.“73
White's criticisms of that party became less frequent. He
regarded POpulists as more of a nuisance than a real threat
to McKinley and prosperity. In 1898 the Spanish-American
War diverted the national attention from the political scene
even more; the war was also a factor in the accelerated de-
cline of Populism after 1896. White's jibes at POpulism and
Bryan became spasmodic and somewhat humorous in a bitter way,
as best befitted a defeated foe.

In looking back on Populist and fusion "reforms," the
editor concluded that the returns of Populist government had

been "bad name, scandals, bribery, blackmail, bankruptcy and

, 4
constantly increas1ng taxes."7 He wondered how long it would

 

2
7 Ibid., July 10, 1897.
73

Hicks, The POpulist Revolt, p. 379.

 

Emporia Gazette, October 26, 1897.

53

be before Kansas could pull herself "out of the slough of
Populism," and questioned whether any POpulists or "little
men" anywhere were intelligent enough to understand or ap-
preciate the American idea of government.75

White rejected the idea that peOple were poor for any
reason other than their own laziness, ignorance or poor
management. He Opposed the Populist charge that circumstances,
not individual differences, were largely reSponsible for de—
pressed conditions. Like many self-made men White had little
tolerance for those who required aid in the struggle to sur-
vive and prOSper. He favored untrammeled capital as the
solution for depressions and continued to Oppose "dishonest
schemes" and changes such as the free coinage of silver.76
"Success doesn't lie in the government and the law, but in
the individual ....The law cannot change it. Failure or suc-
cess is an individual affair."77 The POpulist-originated
idea of correcting the maldistribution of wealth by legisla-
tion was to White dangerous and wrong.78

The editor regarded reform and reformers as the "twin
enemies" of prosperity, the product of "such unsafe experi—

ments as POpulism. In his zealous Opposition to reformers

 

75;§ig., November 8, 1897.

76Ibid., October 12, 1897.

77l§;§., August 15, 1896.

78
Ibid., July 10, 1897.

79Ibig” August 15, 1897.

54

he extended his suspicions beyond the POpulist ranks and
classed all reformers as "frauds."go

In the elections of 1898 Kansas returned to the Repub-
lican fold by a large majority. In the local elections of
1899 they repeated this performance with an even larger maj-
ority. The editor was jubilant and stated confidently that
Kansas was now completely cured of POpulism. Though the state
had "lost heavily" in respect, reputation,and prosperity by
yielding to POpulism, matters would soon be righted.81

The contempt which White accorded Bryan caused him to
lose his characteristic sense of fair play on occasion. While
the satire and ridicule which he heaped on the man were under—
standable and even typical of his dealing with Opponents, White
did not usually indulge in character assassination without
solid facts to back him up. He said of Bryan, "....And how
does Bryan make a living? Has anyone heard of his doing a
day's professional work for three years? Other peOple have to
work for a living. How does he get the money to gad?"82 He
wondered at the "connection" between Bryan and such conserva—

z
tive Democrats as the Tammany boss, Croker, and Gorman.8’

 

Ibid., August 22, 1897.
81Ibid., December 14, 1899.
Ibid., October 19, 1899.

831bic1 December 21, 1899.

55
From July, 1900, until after the elections in November the
EEEEEEE featured in large bold—faced type in each issue the
Bryan prediction of 1896 that the election of HcKinley and
the Republicans would mean hard times, lower exports and de—
creased wages. When Congressman Sibley of Pennsylvania, a
Democratic leader in the free silver movement, decided to
abandon his support of this issue in 1900, White noted that
Bryan had also promised to "soft-peddle" the issue and won-
dered "if they were bought."gu

In 1900 the POpulists again nominated Bryan as their

candidate for the Presidency and Charles A. Towne of Minnesota,
a silver Republican, for the second place on the ticket. Al-
though their numbers were very greatly reduced, the conven—
tion was a stormy one. The POpulists held conventions in
1904 and 1908 also but there were only a handful of delegates
at each of the last two conventions and the meetings were
mere token gestures to the party which had been. They retain-
ed their original platform again in 1900 and once more cham-
pioned the free coinage of silver. Unfortunately for this
platform, silver was no longer a serious issue. The prosperity
which the nation enjoyed during the McKinley regime coupled
with a large increase in the world's annual gold output be~
cause of the Opening of several new gold fields had completely

destroyed the Old POpulist arguments. White noted the weak-

ness of the POpulist stand in an editorial devoted to the

 

81LIbid” December 28, 1899.

W

56
gold standard. He criticized the POpulist and Democratic
advocacy of silver as a policy which would wreck the finances
of the country. He attributed the depressed conditions of
the Cleveland administration to the prospect of silver leg-

85 "The Pop-

islation which scared money out of circulation.
ulist crowd stands for silver, which will as surely as there
is a sun in the sky frighten capital, close the mills, beat
down prices, increase interest, coax back a panic, and play
hob generally."g6

One Of the POpulist charges frequently levelled at the
two major parties, especially the Republican party, was that
they were boss controlled, and that they encouraged the con-
tinuance of boss and machine controlled politics. White re-
plied to these POpulist charges with frequent statements on

the boss system. He termed boss rule "government by the

strong,"87 and went even further to state that boss rule was
inseparable from pOpular government. He called it "the best
system of government there is," and advised the Populists

that their political party would have probably been more suc-

g
cessful in the hands of a strong boss.'8 Some of his explana-

tions for favoring the boss syStem were characteristic of the

editor in this conservative phase Of his career.

 

85;§ld., August 31, 1899.

86Ibid., September 7, 1899.

 

87;§;§., December 10, 1901.

8
8;§i§., December 10, 1901.

57

He considered the boss system efficient and practical,
two qualities which he always respected. The fact that the
boss system existed and was successful proved that it had
merit. "The boss system is a good system or it would not
exist."89 He felt that the boss system had a long tradition
behind it in the history of nations although it had perhaps
been called by other names or used different methods; the
purpose, which was to obtain power and keep it, had always
been the same. The editor always respected traditional in—
stitutions.90 Final factors in his SUpport of boss rule
were the Populist opposition to it and the Republican prac—
tice of it.

When Populism ceased to be a political power the editor
ceased his attack. Although by 1905 White had assumed many
new liberal views and had completely reversed many of his
old conservative ideas, he never thoroughly appreciated the
Populist contributions to our political thought. In 1904 he
wrote what he termed his first reform editorial. He cham—
pioned the election of Joseph W. Folk, a Democrat with a
history of POpulist sympathies, as governor of Missouri. He
considered Folk the “best man" and therefore advised the

91

voters to elect him.

 

89;p;g., December 2c, 1901.
90

H

id., December 10, 1901.

_--——

91Ibid., July 21, 1904.

58
In 1905 White was beginning to regard POpulism in a
more tolerant light but he could not overlook the radical,
fanatic element which he associated with Populism and POp—
ulists. The most he would concede to that once great move—
ment was: "Although it was foolish and misguided, it was
almost justified by the conditions of things that confronted

'9
the peOple."9‘

 

 

CHAPTER 111
"my LIFE LON} LIEGE"

William Allen White was a Republican at the beginning
of his political career and at the end of his natural life.
Although in the years from 1912 until 1916 he was a member
of the Progressive party, it was undoubtedly his admiration
for and loyalty to Theodore Roosevelt which influenced him.
From 1905 until his death White became increasingly more
liberal in his views, but whatever those views, in the last
analysis he would support the Republican party. He admired
Wilson, but supported Hughes; he had no use whatsoever for
Harding and felt that the Democratic candidate Cox "was more
of a person" but he voted for Harding;l Franklin Delano
Roosevelt said that he appreciated “Bill White'SSUpport for
three and a half years out of every four."2 White achieved
his first fame by supporting the Republican party, and it
is as an interpreter of political events on the American
scene that he Was most active. Throughout his adult life he
was always thoroughly embroiled in politics, particularly
party politics, but only once was he a candidate for a
political office.

White, flappbiosrsiiyi p. 591.

 

Ibid., p. 640.

 

60
The first major campaign in which White participated
was in 1896. He contributed to thefknublican campaign with
his editorial "What's the Matter With Kansas?" He support-
ed McKinley before and after the election, but could never
become too impressed with him as a person. He felt a greater
affection and a deeper admiration for Mark Hanna. Although

the Gazette was filled with editorials supporting Republican

 

policies after 1896 and in the war, White rarely referred to
McKinley or to his role in shaping Republican policy.
When President McKinley addressed Congress in December,

1899, the Gazette did not print the text of this address.

 

White eXplained:

It((McKin1ey's address))is interesting and commendable
in that it attacks trusts and defends the gold stand—
ard...and as a forerunner of what the national policy
of the nation may be for the next five years the mes—
sage has a prOphetic value. But as reading the §§§§E£§
would recommend in preference either Mr. Dooley or Fox's
Book of Martyrs. If this is unrepublican and unpatriotic,
all right, trot out the court martia1.3

Despite his thorough—going Republicanism and his un-
bounded joy at that party's victory in 1%96, he could not

wax enthusiastic about the President. Typical of the Gazette's

 

s‘pport of McKinley for renomination in 1900 was an editorial
asking, "Why not be content with McKinley...?Why change for
the sake of change...?Will a nation that is doing well do any

better for a change?“Jr

 

3Emporia Gazetfig, December 7, 1899.

”11219.. May 10, 1900.

 

61

There was no animosity between McKinley and White.
Pleasant relations existed between the men. White sought
nothing of the President; McKinley bestowed nothing on White.
Mark Hanna had arranged a meeting between the two in grati—
tude to White for his efforts on behalf of the Republican
party's victory in 1896. Hanna penned a note of introduction
to the President, adding and underscoring, "He wants no
office." At the meeting McKinley was gracious, but humor—
less, cold and impersonal. The editor left the White House
with no ill-will, but his original apathy toward the man
was unimpaired.5 The situation remained the same at their
few subsequent meetings.

During a visit to Washington White was to meet the man
for whom he formed a lifelong affection, and who was to be a
heavy influence in shaping the philoSOphy of the conservative
young editor. A Kansas Congressman, Charles Curtis, intro-
duced White to Theodore Roosevelt, who had recently been ap—
pointed Assistant Secretary of the Navy. The two men immedi—
ately established a firm rapport and White later wrote in
describing that meeting, "After that, I was his man."6

Roosevelt had requested the meeting after reading White's

Kansas editorial. In their long walk and talk on that first

 

5White,.gptobioiraphy, p. 291.

6.112191” p- 298.

 

62
day, White was shocked at the ideals and attitudes which
Roosevelt eXpressed, attitudes which he believed were held
only by POpulists, but he was so overcome by Roosevelt's
personality that he made no objections. After that meeting,
the gazette carried frequent items about Roosevelt.

When American went to war with Spain, Roosevelt was a
lieutenant-colonel of a cavalry regiment commanded by Colonel
Leonard Wood. When he first applied for duty, Secretary of
War Alger had offered him command of that group, but Roosevelt
did not feel qualified for such a position. His regiment,
which was known as the Rough Riders, received acclaim for its
actions at Santiago and San Juan Hill. Roosevelt as their
leader received much publicity and praise for his part in the
undertaking and in 1898 was promoted to the rank of Colonel.7

White deeply a.dmired the part which Roosevelt played
in the war and wrote frequently of his exploits in Cuba. He
devoted long editorials to Roosevelt's heroism, his strong and
sensible attitudes, his leadership.8 He praised the Colonel
for never trying to advance himself at the expense of his men.9

On his return to the United States Roosevelt was elected
governor of New York. He had been reluctantly supported for

the nomination by Senator Platt of that state when it became

 

3: An Autobiogra—
97,p 218-219.

 

 

7Theodore Roosevelt, Theodore Rooseve 1
phy (New York: Charles Scrioner' s Sons, 92

8Emporia gazettg, September 22, 1898.

9Ibid., September 15, 1898.

/

b3
obvious that Roosevelt was the only hepe for the success
of the Republican machine which had suffered set—b ache in
the previous year. He threw himself int the work of gov-
ernor with all the energy he had displayed in Cuba, and the
small Kansas paper, he G»:ette devoted much space to his
activities. The editor wrote frequent glowing tributes to
the New York Jovernor who was cleaning up the corruption in
his state39 the "war—horse" who had been "groomed in a

all

clean stall. The editor classed Governor Roosevelt with

Senator Lodge, two of the rare men in American public life
with first—class minds.12
The Roosevelt rise to prominence made him the popular
“oice for the vice-presidential nomination. When the Re-
publican Convention met at Philadelphia in June, 19CC , it
was generally accepted and approved the t McKirley v.ou1d be
renominated. There was little difference of Opinion concern»-~
ing the platform either; th e Republicans retained and en-
dorsed the latform which they had framed in 1896. The high—
light of the convention was the vice-presidential nomination.
In addition to the pOpular sentiment in the West and else—
where for Roosevelt, Senator Flatt, the Republican boss of

New York was anxious that Roosevelt should receive the
,

 

lo_I_bi ., December 1, 1898.

11
Ibid., December a, 1898.

12
Ibid., January 29, 1900.

6h

nomination so that he could be rid of the man whom he could
not control.13 Roosevelt had repeatedly stated that he did
not want the nominition, that he would rather be reelected
Governor of New York. Mark Hanna was emphatically Opposed

to Roosevelt, but since McKinley refused to express any opin—
ions on the matter, preferring to leave the issue to the de—
legates, pOpular Opinion prevailed and Roosevelt was selected

almost unanimously.14

The only dissenting ballot had been
his own.

The editor of the Qagettg was Jubilant. He had worked
hard to create favorable sentiment for Roosevelt in the West,
but had not supported him for the vice-presidency as he was
aware of Roosevelt's sentiment in the matter. Roosevelt had
written to White in February, 1900, that he had "definitely
declined to take the Vice-Presidency." He said further that
his real desire was to be renominated for governor of New
York.15 In May of that same year he was even more emphatic
in another letter to the editor. He wrote, "I think I have
got things fixed so that I shall be free of the vice—presi—

dency. It is the last office I want. I should like to be

governor of New York again-"16

13Joseph B. Bishop, Theodore Roosevelt and His Time

.....—.— -———_-——_

(New York: Charles Scribner' s Sons 920) I, pp.134-139.
14

Rhodes, The McKinley and Roosevelt Admi ristra ions,
pp. 259—283.

 

15Elting E. Morison, (Ed. ), he -7--91-
Roogeyelt: 1333-1oo:3 Vol. 11,23e Years of Prepa

(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951), p. 1172.
16Ibid., pp. 1296—1297.

 

 

65

In reporting the results of the convention, the

(I)

azette was filled with items and editorial comments laud-

 

 

ing Roosevelt, six editorials and articles in all, while
there was only one brief article concerning McKinley, the
nominee for President.17 After Roosevelt's nomination was
an accomplished fact, the editor felt free to rejoice and to
praise him. Before the nomination he had had to restrain
himself with difficulty from actively supporting the selec—
tion of Roosevelt, since he was aware Of Roosevelt's avowed
Opinion on the matter.

Throughout the campaign White maintained the same
policy. He campaigned vigorously for Roosevelt, and wrote
prolifically of his background, career, and lofty ideals;
McKinley was largely ignored.

The Democratic convention met in Kansas City the follow-
ing month. There was complete harmony on the renomination of
Bryan, but friction develOped over the platform. The Bryan
forces finally prevailed and the remonetization Of silver at
a ratio Of 16 tO l was retained as the primary issue. Shortly
after the convention, however, Bryan conceded that the issues
were three-fold; they were silver, the trust question,and
imperialism.

In November the Republicans socred their greatest vic-

tory since 187? and much to White's delight the state of Kansas

 

l
7ggzette, June 28, 1900.

 

/

I

6
went Republican. He was even more pleased to note that the
Populists polled only a little over fifty thousand votes.
White attributed the "smashing Republican victory" largely
tO Roosevelt who had campaigned vigorously in the West.lg
Before and after the election Roosevelt remarked many
times that his political career was ended. Although he had
been "put on the shelf," he would try to make his position
'bheerful." In November, 1900, he wrote to a friend,
I do not eXpeot to go any further in politics.
Heaven knows there is no reason to expect that a
man of so many and so loudly and not always wisely
expressed convictions on so many different subjects
should go so far! But I have had a first class run

for my money, and I honestly think I have accomplish-
ed a certain amount.19

Shortly after the election Of 1900 White had begun
tO work Openly creating sentiment for Roosevelt's nomination
for President in 1904. Even before the convention of 1900
the two men had discussed the possibilities. In the summer
Of 1899 Roosevelt replied to a letter from White, saying,

.,
«:0

"I am not out for presidential honors at present. A few

weeks later he wrote to General Frederick Funston, a close
friend Of both Roosevelt and White,

Nothing is to be done with me as President in the
coming election....Without the slighest heed tO political
considerations, we can carry the next election with him
((McKinley)) and prevent the menace Of a Bryan adminis—
tration, which would mean the abandonment Of our destiny

 

Ibid., November 8, 1900.
1
9Bishop,gp. g;§., Vol. I, pp. 139—140.

Morison, Letters Of Theodore Roosevelt, II, p.1028.

 

67
abroad and treachery to all traditions of honor at
home....I think that for me tO be a candidate would
not only be futile, but would deprive me Of all in-
fluence in trying to get the administration to carry
out the policies in which we-—that is, men like yo
and myself, and White and Senator Lodge—-believe.d

In the summer Of 1901 White and Roosevelt were communi-
cating about White's progress in securing the support Of

22

Kansas, Missouri, and Colorado in the next convention. In

August, 1901, the gazette came out Openly and endorsed a
"Roosevelt for President" move. The editor urged the Kansas
State Convention to convene early so that Kansas could be
the first state tO instruct her delegates for Roosevelt.
He cautioned, however, against too much premature enthusiasm
which might dwindle away in the three years remainLn; before
the next election.23

The QEEEELE continued tO suoport the Republican admin—
istration in the months before McKinley's death. Roosevelt
was praised for his high ideals, good influence, and the

a

(.3
things he was "accomplishing in American political life."“

McKinley was termed by White the best President since Lincoln.

He "can't make much Of a speech and he is not a profound

 

211bid., pp. 1039—1040.

W

22
Johnson, Selected Letters, pp. 39—41, #1-44,

 

EBEsaaiis, Aufiust 29, 1901.

2nIbid., September 6, 1901.

68
9-
scholar, but he is a man.“b When White echoed this senti-

20 he incurred the dis-

ment in a national magazine article
favor of many Republicans.

On September 6, 1901, President McKinley was shot while
attending an exposition in Buffalo, New York. After seeming
to rally from his wound the President suffered a relapse and
died on September 14, 1901.27 White blamed the tragedy on
American's greed for cheap labor, which resulted in the im-
portation of "human vermin, beasts, millions of Polacks,
Huns, and Italians, the very scum of EurOpean civilization
. . . .Liberty to them means license."28 He eulogized the
dead President, but could scarcely restrain his pleasure at
Roosevelt's accession to the Presidency.29

The new President announced that he would continue
McKinley's policies unchanged and would make no cabinet changes.
The editor recorded all of his statements and approved them

enthusiastically. He quoted from Roosevelt's book, gmgrican

Ideals and Other Essays, Social and Political, to demonstrate

 

 

his honesty and intelligence.30 He felt that Roosevelt's

 

251b;§., August 29, 1901.

26 . ,
William A. White, "Hanna," McClure's Magazine, lo

(November, 1900), pp. 50—64.

 

9
‘7Olcott, op. cit., Vol. II,

——-A_

l(j

p. 3139325.

t, 1901.

 

H

mporia gazette, September
Ibid., September 19, 1901.

30Ibid., October 10, 1901.

69
elevation to the Presidency brought to that office "an
erudition ripened by a practical grapple with life; a
political sagacity . . . high ideals, good birth, liberal

advantages."31 His Joy was unbounded.

When Roosevelt announced his policy of adhering to
the principles of the Civil Service in making civil appoint—
ments in our insular possessions, White wrote:

Roosevelt is taking the country rapidly back to
the days of the high integrity of the founding
fathers. He has divorced politics from the presi—
dency. He is rising in his daily walk to the stan—
dard of Washington and Adams. He is administering
his office with absolutely no thought 0 a second
term. He is ignoring machine politics3 . . . .He
is appealing to the high intelligence of the masses
. . . .The influence of Roosevelt for clean politics,
for high civic ideals, for political virtue, will be
and is ow inestimable . . . .He has exalted the
nation.

White continued to support all of the Roosevelt poli~
cies without exception. The hitherto ultra~conservative
editor was slowly beginning to become more liberal, a course
which could hardly be avoided since he chose to champion

Roosevelt so actively. When Roosevelt proposed a reciprocity

31
W. A. White "Theodore Roosevelt", McClure's, 18

(November, iaoizp. 7.

32.Vhite's correSpondence with the President definitely
indicated active planning for 1904, despite the editor's state—
ments here. They had also discussed the possibility of garner-
ing the support of such political bosses as Quay of Pennsylvania,
Platt of New York, Hanna of Ohio, and Leland of Kansas. Johnson,
§Elected Letterg; pp. elafl4. See also, Henry F. Pringle, Theodgpg
599§§Y§l§i AwhgpggaphyL (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co.,
1931), pp. 228—229.

33

Emporia Gazette, November 28, 1901.

70

agreement with Cuba wherein the duties on Cuban sugar and
tobacco would be reduced to give the Cubans advantages in the
American market, White sUpported the President's contention
Vthat such a treaty was a moral issue.31+

The coal industry gave the President difficulty when
in the spring of 1902 a large strike began in the anthracite
regions. There had been previous difficulty in 1900 but Mark
Hanna had used his influence with the coal Operators to ward
off a strike which might prevent a Republican victory in 1900.35
When the strike of 1902 began to show signs of extending into
the winter and therefore of causing national hardships,
Roosevelt intervened. The President succeeded in appointing
an arbitration committee which was favorable to both the
miners and the Operators and work was resumed in the mines.
The commission made their report to the President five months
later and their findings proved favorable to the miners. The
recommendations of the commission included a ten per cent wage
increase for the miners, a sliding wage scale which would in-
crease wages when coal prices advanced, and a clause stipulat—
ing that there would be no discrimination against union or

36

non—union labor.

White, "Cuban Reciprocity--A Moral Issue", McClpgglg,
19 (September, 1902), p. 383.

35
36

Croly,,gp. cit., pp. 328,390.

Rhodes, _g_p_. cit., pp. alts—211.7.

"

71
White worried throughout the strike lest the President
incur some ill-will which would be harmful. He also echoed
the frequent Roosevelt contention that Wall Street was out
to discredit and destroy the President.

The eastern monied men who hate Roosevelt have un—
doubtedly set a trap for him in the coal strike settle—
ment. It is now time for Roosevelt to stand up and be
counted, either for unions or for capital. He must
offend someone—~either Morgan or organized labor . . . .
The President will find the peOple behind him if he
stands for the unions and insists that the coal Opera—
tors submit the matter to arbitration . . . .The peOple,
the President, and the unions canvhip unreasonable
capital a? every turn, whether in a coal strike or an
election. 7

The editor rejoiced that in a battle between right and

wrong the President had once more taken a strong stand on the
side of right. He had been able to win three times in one
year, on the issue of clean men in federal offices, Cuban
reciprocity, and the coal strike, because he was morally right
and had the people on his side. He had "made the peOple's
business, his business and spanked the insurgents into line."
In a struggle, Roosevelt's victory was foreordained, accord—
ing to White, because he had "taken a stand always backed by
moral principle and has won with the peOple behind him."38

As the elections of 1902 approached,White assumed a

position he had never taken before: he pleaded with peOple of

all parties to forsake party considerations so that they

 

Emporia gazette, October 9, 1902.

38 ,.
Ibid., October 1b, 1902.

72

would not send to Washington men who would fight Roosevelt.
He begged the voters to use common sense and not to upset
the "happy situation" which existed politically because
Roosevelt had "risen above party considerations and has con-
ducted his office as the average, sensible businessman would
do it . . . . It is a common sense prOposition with every
voter, not a political one."39

During the Roosevelt administration there was another
incident which won widespread public approval for the Presi—
dent's stand. In the summer of 1903 it came to the President's
attention that a man had been dismissed from the Government
Printing Office because he did not belong to a union. Roosevelt
reinstated the man and declared that the printing office was
an "Open shop." Samuel Gompers, the president of the American
Federation of Labor, and several other prominent labor leaders
came to Washington to call on the President to protest his
action. The President received them kindly, but firmly re-
fused to revoke his act since he had "followed the law of the
land." He stated further, ”I can no more recognize the fact
that a man does or does not belong to a union as being for
or against him than I can recognize the fact that he is a
Protestant or a Catholic, a Jew or a Gentile, as being for or

"40

against him. White approved and lauded this stand as

"another blow struck in the cause of righteousness."

 

39;2;g,, October 30, 1902.

Roosevelt, Autgpiggraphy, pp. 481-4S2.

hi
Emporia ggzette, July 23, 1903.

 

73

The Roosevelt Opinions on the trusts in the United

States were echoed by the editor of the gggette. The con-

 

servative stand which he took on the matter prior to his
friendly relations with Roosevelt was completely altered
and he repeatedly praised the President's policies. He con—
sidered Roosevelt's demands for regulation and his actions
toward the trusts as the wisest, most sane course possible.

The Republican state conventions of 1902 had indicated
a favorable attitude toward Roosevelt's candidacy in 1904
and by the time the National Convention convened, his nominee
tion was a foregone conclusion. Although there had been
indications that the Wall Street faction would favor the
nomination of Mark Hanna, he did not declare himself a candi-
date, but did cause Roosevelt some grave concern by refusing
to endorse his nomination until the last minute.1+2

The Democrats nominated Alton B. Parker, a New York
Judge, to Oppose Roosevelt. Parker ignored the currency and
tariff and made Roosevelt the issue of the campaign. There
had been a brief movement afoot to make Grover Cleveland the
Presidential nominee. Roosevelt accepted the rumors as sound
for he wrote to Senator Lodge in 1903, “It is evident that he
((Cleveland)) has the Presidential bee in his bonnet and it

is equally evident that a large number Of people are desirous

 

#2
Croly, 9.12- siiu pp. ”HE-4'16.

711.
of running him again." Roosevelt declared later that Pier—
pont Morgan and other Wall Street men were definitely sup-
n
porting Cleveland. 3 The editor of the gazette was aware of
the situation and wrote,
There seems to be no doubt that Grover Cleveland
is a receptive candidate for the presidency. There
is good reason to believe that he has J. Pierpont
Morgan and the Morgan railroads behind him. The
railroads hate Roosevelt for the fight on the North—
ern Securities merger. They have quit trying to
beat him for the nomination but they think they can
solidify the East and South against him in the elec-
tion, and by taking Indiana which is, they think,
subject to money influences Often, elect Grover
Cleveland. Cleveland is a brave man and in the time
the country needed him did great service, but from
his election next yevrguor the mere danger of it,
good Lord, deliver us!
The movement to nominate Cleveland, if it ever existed in any
strength, was unsuccessful and Parker offered Roosevelt no
serious Opposition.

White frequently warned against apathy among the Repub-
1icans regarding Roosevelt, an unlikely situation. He repeat—
edly cautioned his readers not to let up in the fighting and
take Roosevelt's victory for granted, as he was dangerously
Opposed by "Wall Street, the East, a cabal in the Senate of

the United States whose venal schemes Roosevelt has stopped,

and the like."1+5 He cautioned his readers against a crash

 

43Bish0p, g2, cit., Vol. I, p. 241.

44
Emporia §§§§:§_, July 2, 1903.

Irid., December 17, 1903.

75

which was coming "slowly but surely." He warned them to pay
their debts and get their credits in because "Wall Street
will make a panic at any time to defeat Roosevelt whom it
hates because it cannot use."u6

The Roosevelt campaign was in an unusual position as
regards campaign contributions. It was feared that large
corporations might interpret contributions to the Republican
campaign as a guarantee of immunity for the next four years.
When Roosevelt was informed, falsely, that the Standard Oil
Company had contributed one hundred thousand dollars to the
Republican campaign fund, he instructed the national committee—
man to return the contribution which might be “imprOperly
construed as putting us under imprOper obligation, and in
view of my past relations with the Standard Oil Company I
fear that such a construction will be put upon receiving any
aid from them."47 Indeed, in the campaign Judge Parker did
imply that Roosevelt had used his official position to induce
corporations to contribute funds}LS

White regarded this situation unhappily. While he
loyally maintained that Roosevelt would be elected unhampered
by any "pledge, promise, or understanding," he deplored a cam—

paign system which would cast such unkind reflections on the

 

461big., January 7, l90h.
”7

Bishop, 9p, cit., Vol. I, pp. 320—330.
MS

Rhodes, pp. cit., p. 233.

 

76

character of such an uncompromisingly upright man. He felt
that the legislator 8 right to act in certain matters had
been "sold from him like a chattel . . . . When laws have
been passed the corporations through their attorneys have
contributed to the campaign funds Of men elected to enforce
the laws and have thereby bought immunity from legislation."1+9
White prOposed as a remedy for this situation that the peOple
themselves should dor ate money to the central committees so
that there would be no need to seek the aid of the corpora—
tions. He lauded Roosevelt's dignified reply to Parker's
charge and stated that the results Of the election showed the
peop le's faith in Roosevelt's honesty and innocence.5

The strong influence which Roosevelt had on White is
demonstrated in the following incident. White had always been
a strong party man who favored and urged that Republicans
should vote a straight ticket to enable candidates who were
elected to work unhindered by the Opposition. He quoted an
interesting Roosevelt anecdote in the gfigette wherein Roosevelt
supposedly rebuked a man who boasted of never having "scratched"
his ticket, stating that he had split his own "a dozen times."
White wrote:

Party loyalty is not wr at it used to be a.nd rL htly

so. The Old idea that one should vote a straight ticket,
even if it includes dishonest men, has gone.

 

 

h
9Emporia gazette, August 18, 1904.

RF-
““Ibid., November 10, lacu,

77

Although Theodore Roosevelt, the leader of the Re—
publican party today, is a party machine man—«in the
sense that he is a believer in the close organization
and entire recognition of the party machine——yet no
one is more liberal than he with the man who believes
it is his duty to refuse to vote for a dishonest or
incapable man because that man is nominated by the
party.Jl

Exactly two weeks later the editor wrote his "first

reform editorial“ and strongly endorsed Joseph W. Folk, a
3 V 2
Democrat, for the governorsnip of Missouri.5
The friendship of White and Theodore Roosevelt, the
editor's deep and undying admiration for the politician, was
perhaps the single most important influence in White's change
from a conservative to a Roosevelt progressive. He acknow-
ledged Roosevelt as "the man who more than any other in my
twenties, thirties, and forties, dominated my life."53 His
admiration was so deep-seated that he never Opposed Roosevelt
on any issues whatsoever, and time and time again revised his
own Opinions in accordance with Roosevelt's. He eXplains the

attachment which he formed for Roosevelt, an attachment which

never wavered, in his Autobiography.

 

It was not the ten years between us. It was more
than the background Of his achievements in politics.
It was something besides his social status which it—
self might have influenced me in those days, something
greater even than his erudition and his cultural equips
ment, that overcame me. It was out of the spirit of
the man, the undefinable equation of his identity, body,
mind, emotion, the soul of him that grappled with me,

 

1
5 Ibid., July 7, 190%.

521hid., July 21, 190A.

\—
——.~«_——- ....

78

and quite apart from reason, brought me into his train.

It was youth and the new order calling youth away from
the Old order. It was the inexorable comini of change
into life, the passing of the old into the new . .

As a defender of the faith, I had met my first heretic.

 

54

CHAPTER IV
"WHEN THE NATION KENT MAD"

The Cuban insurrection against Spain broke out in
February,1895,after months of threatening unrest. The de-
pression of 1893 seriously harmed the already depressed
Cuban sugar industry on which the whole economic structure
of that island depended. In 1894 the Wilson tariff bill be—
came law restoring a duty on Cuban sugar and completing the
wreck of that island's economic life. This revolt which was
to be characterized by "a larger amount of lying than any
before or since,"1 introduced the American public to a host
of new problems and preoccupations.

William Allen White's literary and political prominence
was rapidly increasing through his writings. He was complete-
ly preoccupied with domestic affairs during the first years
of the revolt and his editorials in that period reflect a
thorough—going nationalism. The difficulties of the Cubans
seemed to provoke the beginning of the editor's interest in
foreign affairs.

At the beginning Of the insurrection the editor Opposed

any suggestion of American intervention in the Cuban situation.

 

lwalter Millie, The Martial Spirit (Cambridge: The
Riverside Press, 1931), p. 31.

 

79

80
He considered the Cubans an inferior lot with no capacity
for self government. If the American peOple were to help
the Cubans throw off the tyranny of Spain, they would soon
have a tyrant of their own.2 His characteristic disapproval
and distrust of a disorderly and rebellious minority was
Obvious in the view he took of the actions of the insurrec—
tionists.

The Cuban insurrection began to occupy more and more
space in the nation's newspapers and White began to realize
that the situation was more closely related to the nation's
business, politics, and health than he had realized, ".. .
for yellow fever was one of the Cuban eXports that affected
American life."3 He also became aware that interest in the
plight of the Oppressed Cubans had spread widely across the
United States. He was hostile to any ideas of aid for the
Cubans, however, and throughout 1897 was too busy Opposing
the Populists in a county election to be much concerned about
foreign affairs.

During the early months of 1898 the relations between
the United States and Spain were approaching a climax. In
the troubled months of February and March when the battleship

Maine eXploded and the DeLome letter was published, national

 

-u‘.

2
Emporia gazette, December 2;, 1%96.

3White, Autobioggaphy, p. 305.

 

81

feeling was at fever pitch. The editor's opinion of Presi-
dent McKinley reached its highest point then, too. Although
an ardent Republican he had always been lukewarm to HcKinley,
until the President's actions in the last weeks before the
outbreak of the war impressed him deeply. He felt that Mc—
Kinley had conducted himself like a statesman and had led the
nation ably and well through troubled times. "The President
has furnished the most conspicuous instance of sanity and
wisdom. His perfect calmness has not been for a moment dis-
turbed. His Judgment has been faultless. He has made no
mistake . . . he inspires the country with a feeling of con-
fidence."u

White was skeptical as to the reSponsibility for the
destruction of the battleship Maine. It seemed to him that
the only persons who could hOpe to benefit from such a catas-
trophe were the Cuban insurgents, "a band which all hands
agree is a mangy, measly lot."5 He believed that the insur-
gents had plotted the eXplosion with the intention of laying
the blame on Spain, thus gaining the United States as a
powerful ally in their rebellion. He reasoned further that

Spain had every cause to avoid such a plot. She could gain

nothing by such an action but a war which would end in disgraca

 

u

Emporia gazette, March 10, 1S98.

51b1g.

82

and though he held the Spaniards in equal contempt with
the Cubans he felt that they did have enough sense to realize
the outcome of such folly. "There isn't one iota of evidence
that Spain had anything to do with the eXplosion, and there
is considerable reason why the insurgents could have done it
and with sense in their doing it. Why should America play
into the hands of a lot of adventurers who are using the name
of Cuba to Juggle with."6 His implication that the Spaniards
were innocent dupes in the affair is an unusual piece of
writing in the light of his later declarations that the
Americans were led into the war by Just and holy provocations.7

The Euronean powers with the exception of Great Britain
were OppOsed to American intervention. White disliked the
rumor of an Anglo—American alliance. He was not an eXpan-
sionist and did not believe we had the right to eXpand at the
expense of Spain. He cautioned America to stay out of any
alliance, keep out of foreign quarrels, and to keep her hands
off the prorerty of others.8

White reacted differently to the rumor that Germany
might ally herself with Spain in the event of a war with the
United States. He seemed hOpeful that such an alliance might

occur. One of his reasons for Opposing a war with Spain had

 

6 .
Ibid., March 10, 1898_

7;; d,, April 27, 1898.

bid , June 12, 1898.

33

been that a declaration of war by the United States would
dignify the Spaniards whom he considered despicable and be—
neath our contempt. Since war seemed to be the national
sentiment and was becoming increasingly inevitable it would
be made more palatable to the editor if there was an Opponent
worth fighting. “It would be beneath American dignity to
fight with a beggar like Spain; but it would afford the aver—
age liberty-loving American great comfort to swat the face
off the arrogant bourbon Dutchman."9

When the war finally did break out in April, 1898, White
adjusted himself to the situation quickly. Although he had
Opposed American entry into the war he felt it was his patri-
otic duty to support his country's action when the war became
an accomplished fact. The tone of his editorials in the
early days of the war seems to indicate that his change of
attitude was more strongly influenced by political principle
and allegiance to the Republican party than to any real change
in his convictions.

The country was excited about the war. Sympathy for
the Cubans, the growing mood of imperialism, and American in-
vestments in Cuba made it a pOpular war. POpulists, Repub—
licans, and Democrats forgot their differences temporarily.

The newspapers were filled with the eXploits of our boys in

Cuba and the Gazette followed suit.

..-—.—

- .- ——- .— ——.-- ~.——.~—..—.

91bid., March 10, 1595.

31'.
The Emporia Qfiéfiififi was Just as crazy as any of
the newSpapers, no better. I hOpe not much worse.
For I, in my heart's heart, had my doubts that some—
times squeaked through in a questioning editorial.
But Kipling sang of the white man's burden in those
days and the English—speaking peOple were keen to
hear Just that soothing message to justify their
conquests. At least this is the way it stands in my
memory and in the editorial files of the Gazette. J
During the war the QEEEEIE recorded the activities of
the trOOps, particularly those of such men as Fred Funston,
a boyhood friend of White, and Theodore Roosevelt. White
himself did not participate in the fighting, although he was
very active on the home front through his newspaper. He
wrote Theodore Roosevelt that he wanted to go to Cuba very
much, but he felt that his first duty was to his wife, who
was 111. He formed a desire to help Roosevelt politically
all that he could, and thus heped to compensate for his
lack of direct participation. "I would perform a great a
service for my country as I could perform upon the battle-
field," wrote White, "and if this service is effective, I
will feel that I have made up for what I lost in '98."11
The Spanish—American War ended on August 12, 1398,
with the signing of a protocol providing for the disposition
of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and one of the Ladrones Islands. The

protocol also provided for a commission comprised of both

Spanish and American representatives to negotiate the peace.

[D

0White, Autoppggr 931, p. 3 O.

llNhite to Roosevelt, AU.;3USt 29’ 1901, in JChnson,

Selected Letters, pp. Ml—#4.

 

 

85

The end of the war ushered in a host of new problems, and
Democrats and Republicans began to ready themselves for the
struggle which was coming over such issues as the disposi—
tion of the Philippines. To William Allen White, the one
constructive result of the Spanish—American War was that it
elevated Rouqh Rider Theodore Roosevelt to national fame and
the governorship of New York. "He should be made governor
of New York and President of the United States."12

For many months after the war in a page one, boxed—in
editorial entitled in bold—faced type, "Are You a Spaniard?"
White advanced a pOpular Republican thesis of that period.
He wrote that to vote other than Republican in local, state,
or national elections would give Spain the idea that Americans
were rebuking McKinley for the war}3 Furthermore, he was
worried that Spain might be stalling off negotiations until
after the November elections in the hOpe that a Democratic
victory would mean better terms for her at the peace table
in regard to the Cuban debt question.1u White continued to
use the term Spaniard as one of disapprobation for Democrats

and POpulists alike for many months after hostilities had

ceased.

 

—-_-

12
Johnson, White's America, p. 112.
I

 

3Emporia Qééfifififi: September 24, 139%.

1%
Ibid., November 3, 189%.

s6

In the post-war months he maintained his pesition
that the Spaniards were innocent of implication in the Maine
disaster. Using almost identically the same phrases which
he had used two years before, he restated his belief that
the deed had been in all probability perpetrated by Cuban
insurgents. At the end of the war he also resumed, although
to a lesser extent, his Opposition to American participation
in a controversy which involved two foreign countries. He
abandoned his patriotic wartime support of the American cause
and deplored the frenzy of emotion which plunged our nation
into conflict as a tragic part of our national makeup. He
blamed our involvement on the "hysterically clamoring masses."15

From the vantage point of 1902 the editor felt even
more certain that from an intellectual point of view our war
with Spain was unjust. However, although the conflict was
distasteful, he was beginning to be attracted to the doctrine
0f manifest destiny. He wrote that while our war with Spain
was wrong, "There is a force in this world stronger than
brains; there is a destiny of nations as well as of men and
when we put our own little wills in its way--—call it destiny
or race tendency or God-——it intervenes and plays its own

game."16

 

1T—
DIbid., February 22, 1900.

l6Ibid., December ll, 1902.

 

87

Imperialism was in the air and on this issue White
ran the full gamut Of emotions, from a violent Opposition
to the course the nation was taking, to a reluctant accept-
ance of our stand, and finally a full-fledged support of our
right and duty to acquire and govern any new possessions
which we might acquire. He wrote ably and prolifically on
both sides of the imperialist fence, but two score years
later he confessed that on at least one issue he did not re—
member which side he took and inferred that he 'took a side'
because it was politically expedient to do so.

'Free Cuba' was a vote getter. I wrote editorials
about 'free Cuba' just as casually as Charley Curtis
((for whom White had great contempt as ignorant and
uninformed)) wrote speeches. I do not remember which
side I took, but which ever side I took was taken in
great ignorance of the deep movements Of the heart Of
men all over this planet that were moving toward free~
dom and the protection Of the invested dollar of free
men, the thing called imperialism . . . mortgaging the
souls and bodies of millions upon millions of men.

Although he has been termed as "at best . . . a reluctant ex—
13

pansionist,” reluctance was only one Of the phases through

which White was to pass on the issue of imperialism.

We emerged from the war to free Cuba with an overseas

empire Of our own. When the issue of the acquisition of the

Philippines arose White strongly Opposed America's acquiring

 

l7wnite. suishisexsflfli: 9° 305‘

18 I'. ' I I
Johnson, whltglpbgmgplpa, pp. Ill-112.

88
these or any other possessions. He felt that most of the
rhetoric which had been loosed on the issue was "rot". He
wrote that when the "duty" of annexing these islands had
been accomplished, the "responsibility" which we would have
assumed would go to sleep in the hands of carpet—bagging
politicians.19

Not only did White distrust the motives of the expan-

sionists, but he suspected their ability as well. Nor could
he understand what right we would have to confer liberties
on the inhabitants of our new possessions. In an eloquent
burst of prose which equals his famous editorial, "What's
the Matter With Kansas?" White sums up his early views on
imperialism.

The rhetoricians talk about giving these people cer—
tain liberties . . . . The liberties we Anglo—Saxons
enjoy cannot be bestowed by legal enactment any more
than our pale skins can be decreed to the brown man by
an American congress. The black man, the brown man and
the yellow man should learn from the horrible fate of
the red man what the white man does to him on whom the
Analo—Saxon would bestow those fine liberties. There
should be no disguising the plain, harsh fact. If
America takes these colonies she will hold these people
virtually as slaves or she will murder them outright.
That is the brutal fact about America's'duties' and 're—
eponsibilities.' The white man has never given his
liberty away because it is 'non—transferable'.CO

White Opposed imperialism in 1898 and 1899 on still an—

other ground. After the war with Spain had ended he lapsed

l - H .,
9hmporia gazette, December 1, ISjS.

20Ibid., December l, 1895.

39
once more into his exclusive preoccupation with domestic
affairs and assumed once more his characteristic isolation-
ist vieWpoint. As an ardent nationalist he looked about
him and saw much need and Opportunity. We were a young,
vital, growing country. Our resources and possibilities
for internal growth were virtually untapped. Additionally,
the country still had many unsettled domestic problems which
we had drOpped when we entered the war with Spain. All of
the energy which was being directed toward expansion should
be put to better use within our own boundaries. We had
greater Opportunities to make a contribution to humanity with—
in our country than we would be able to fulfill if we extend-
ed the national embrace to include an overseas empire. He
was particularly concerned with the plight of southern Negroes

who were still strU“wlin; for the liberties which did not

come to them with the Emancipation Proclamation.

Is it not enough for duty and responsibility to do
to take care of these inevitable troubles at home? Why
should duty and responsibility rush Off across the world
after savages when there are 8,000,000 peOple south of
the Ohio River who are further along than the Filipinos
who need‘American help in their struggle for liberty?

. . . . If this government is to be successful it must
deal with this business and begin now.

And on the other hand, perhaps in dealing with this
matter may come a greater gain to humanity and to Am—
erica than is found in chasing over the sea, pot—hunting
junglemen in the name of duty and responsibility . . . .
Perhaps he may do more for humanity than he can do by
stamping his feet when the orator talks about planting
the American flag forever where it has waved in any
battle. There are two sides to this duty and responsi—
bility business. It is possible that by making exemplary
American citizens, by perfecting a high state of American
civilization, by producing a state wherein something like

9O

.pproximate Justice is done between man and man in
the industrial and social world, this nation may help
duty and responsibility about as much as it can help
them by annexing trooical islands. And perhaps more
good may be accomplished by raising America as a shin-
ing light among the nations of the earth than will be
accomplished by battleships and the carpetbagger.
Perhaps this theory is wrong. Perhaps the time has
come to follow Greece and Rome. Perhaps the Lord of
Hosts may be deceived by this fine talk of taking our
liberties in gattling guns to the junglemen. Perhaps
God will not smite us for our hypocrisy. Perhaps
duties and responsibilities are calling us to the
slaughter of our weaker brothers and the practical en-
slavement of those who live. But on the other hand,
isn't it likely that the call to this deed is not
through the angel's trumpet, but rather through the
somewhatqunreliable instrumentality of a pig's
whistle‘PLl

The spokesman of grass roots America and the great middle~
class in this instance and for several months thereafter
deviated from the trend of pOpular Opinion by Opposing all of
the grandiose schemes for eXpansion which were proving so
pOpular with the people. Throughout 1898 and for the first
few months of 1699 White continued to denounce imperialism
and the American ability to govern' savage subjects'. The
story in every case was, according to him, "one long record
of cruelty, rapine lust and outrage."2

The editor particularly ob‘ected to the seeming neglect

of domestic matters by lawmakers who were occupying themselves

with expansionist schemes. To White the press of domestic

 

211222,, December 1, 1398,

2
2 $222-, November at, 139g.

91

needs was the primary consideration and at the close of the
Spanish—American War he once again began admonishing the
country to care for America first before assuming foreign
problems. He wrote, "There is no doubt that the banking
laws need fixing. There is Just now a need of a statesman
who can put a few of the institutions now operating on their
feet . . . . The need of a new banking law is more urgent
than the need of a new set of islands."2’3

Another aspect of imperialism was distressing to him.
In addition to the neglect of domestic problems, he felt that
imperialism and the acquisition of an overseas empire would
engender a raft of new domestic problems, more pressing than
those which already beset us. The new problems which would
result from a continued pursuit of an imperialistic policy
might even necessitate constitutional revisions, a considera-
tion which was most distasteful to him. White held the con—
stitution sacred and with his characteristic affection for
the status quo strongly objected to any "tampering" with the
document which had served us well since its inception.

White felt that in granting the Filipinos full equality,
the Negroes in that area too would perhaps receive the right
to vote, a right which was denied to many Negroes in the

United States. Such a situation would be embarrassing to a

 

13}

Ibid., December S, 1898.

92
sovereign nation and unfair to both American and Philippine
Negroes. "Will the word black creep into the constitution
of the United States? If the white man votes in Manila and
the black man does not, there will be a voting class and a
slave class with no political rights. This island business

is no easy Job to tackle."2u

In the issue of imperialism
White began to manifest clearly the long range vision and
sagacity which characterized his later years, but which were
usually obscured by personal and party considerations in
these, the early days of his editorial career.

In March, 1899, White entered his second phase of think—
ing on imperialism and reluctantly bowed to the inevitable
tide of expansion. He demonstrated his deep—rooted convic—
tion of Anglo-Saxon superiority and editorialized in a phil-
os0phic vein, "It is the Anglo—Saxon's manifest destiny to go
forth as a world conqueror. He will take possession of all
the islands of the sea. He will exterminate the peOples he
cannot subjugate. This is what fate holds for the chosen
peOple. It is so written. Those who would protest will find
their objections overruled.”25 He was compelled to yield to

destiny but felt regret that the old order had changed.

 

h
2 Ibid., December 1, 1898.

25
Ibid., March 20, 1899.

93

The editor feared that our deepening responsibilities
would bring us hardship and a loss of our old—time individ—
ual freedom. He gauged the national feeling for imperialism
correctly and feared the enthusiasm that he felt everywhere
for expansion. To White, bred in a tradition of individual~
ism, the imperialist sentiment which swept the country was
an unhealthy symptom of departure from time honored traditions
which had served us well. “This promiscuous throwing ahiut
of the boundaries of the world, this widening of duties,"
was an ill wind.26

White's surrender to the imperialist sentiment was com-
plete when the Republicans of his home county, Lyons, in whose
organization he was a powerful and active member, framed their
platform with an eXpansionist clause included. On the front
page of the gagette he featured the platform which he had
helped to draft and which endorsed the retention of Hawaii,
Puerto Rico, and the Philippines as necessary to the national
welfare.27

In the closing days of the last year of the nineteenth
century White clarified his current position on imperialism

in an editorial entitled, "Americanism is not Imperialism."

 

26
Fitzaibbon, Russell H., (Ed.) Forty Years on Main
StTEEE (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 9377, p. 24%.

 

 

Emporia Gazette, September 28, 1899.

 

94

The editorial attempted to whitewash McKinley and the Re—
publican party of the charge of expansion. White defined
imperialism as "kingly government . . . in the interest of
the crown at the expense of the peOple. No act or work of
President McKinley has hinted toward a doctrine of that
kind. On the contrary, every work and act of the President
has been the idea of Americanism.“2S He referred politely
to our territorial gains as our "newly purchased possessions
in the Philippines," and he compared them with the original
thirteen colonies, the Louisiana purchase, the Gadsden pur-
chase, and the territory acquired from Mexico. He no longer
referred to our dealings with subject peOple as cruel, but
"simply the time-honored American doctrine of 'enemies in
war, friends in peace'."29

The peace treaty with Spain which was signed on Dec-
ember 10, 1893, followed the protocol in regard to Cuba,
Puerto Rico, and the Ladrones Island and in addition it pro-
vided for the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United
States. The President had instructed that the treaty should
provide for the extension of the military government then at

Manila to all of the ceded territory to "give to the peOple

 

28
Ibid., December 14, 1399.

2
9ibid.

95

security in life and prOperty and encouragement under a
20
Just and beneficent rule."’ White hailed these words as

proof of good intent and purpose, and asked what more could
one want. He began referring to expansion in the past tense

and spoke occasionally of "the ghost of imperialism.”3

L.

The editor was satisfied that we had entered the
Philippines not as conquerors, but as friends, and he began
to speak of our little brown brothers in the same manner

hich had roused his wrath eszainst rhetoricians in the past
year. White enjoyed finding historical precedents to bolster
acti ns which he sup orted and on the issue of our expansion
into the Philippines he was happy to report that there were
Just such precedents.

Those familiar with American history need not be
reminded that within our own borders we have more than
once been confronted with the monsters of treason, se—
cession and rebellion and no thoughtful American will
deny the correctness of the doctrine that this is a
government of law administered by the people and for
the peOple . . . . The same rule that applies in the
United States will be applied to the peOple of the
Philippines.

The position of President McKinley is . . . 'If a
man attempt to haul down the American fla;, shoot him
on the spot.‘ That doctrine has been maintained in
the United States over every inch of American soil and
it will be mai.ntained in all of the territory recently
acquired. . . . When the ques stion is shall the flag
remain unsullied ELnd its glor‘ maintained, it is best
to stand in line with the President who stands in line
with all of ris predecessors in upholding that symbo
of unity, the honor an nd glory of the Unit ed States.)—

 

 

 

 

O . . -

3 James D. Ricerdson, A chipilatipp of_t:fmh§§gages
and Papers of the Precifents (hashin ton D. C. : Bureau of
National Litera tu1 e and Art, 1910) Vol. IX, p. 6322. Hereafter

cited as Richardson, Messages.
)1? Em or is Gazette, December 14, 1399.

2_big. , December 14, 1599.

KN

\O
0\

William Allen White seemed no longer concerned with
the problems of constitutional amendment, inhumanity, lack
of ability to govern, or neglect of domestic matters. He
was now satisfied that our expansion policy was Americanism,
not imperialism.

White's last stage of thinking in regard to imperialism
was a wholehearted support of American action in the Philip—
pines, action which he had first Opfiosed and then reluctantly
accepted with certain provisions. It seems significant that
in this phase of his philos0phy he seemed to grow progress—
ively more conservative while in all other matters he was
tending toward more liberal and democratic thinking in the
latter years of his first decade as the editor of the Emporia
gazette.

After carefully distinguishing between Americanism and
imperialism the editor drew an even finer distinction, sepa—
rating Democratic imperialism from the Republican variety.

As was characteristic of him he felt that imperialism would
be all right in the capable and efficient hands of a Repub—
lican administration, but feared what might happen if less

stable persons such as Democrats or reformers were to hold

the national reins.

According to White, the Republicans would establish a
good, stable government in our new possessions and then for

the good of the natives and the "twenty million good American

V-Q

97

dollars which they cost," the Americans would stay in the
islands to ”boss the job.“ This would be cheaper in terms
of dollars and lives in the long run. Nor would America
have to tolerate a lot of "foreign complications that a lot
of treacherous savages get into when they try to run a re—
public."33

The Democrats on the other hand, would "establish a
stable government-——Just as McKinley is trying to do now—~-
and then turn the island over to the savages. He((Bryan))
does say that he would establish a good government and that
could only be done by force of arms. He does not say he
would make the Filipinos pay the twenty million that America
paid Spain for the islands. . .((but would))then cut loose
and still protect the islands from foreign interference."3
Such a preposition Just didn't make sense to the practical
editor who was an ardent admirer of business methods. This
type of thinking was to White typical of William Jennings
Bryan's slip—shod logic and lack of common sense in practical
affairs.

White took advantage of many Opportunities to slap
slyly at his enemy, Bryan, while the national sentiment favored

eXpansion. Although Bryan Opposed our eXpansionist policy

33Ibid., August 16, 1900, August 23, 1900.

34
l§;§., August 16, 1900.

\O

8

and was the spokesman for the Democrats, he had come to
Washington in 1895 and urged enough Democrats to support the
peace treaty to secure ratification of that document. Despite
this, White could not overlook the fact that Bryan had Opposed
the policies of the nation on expansion under a Reoublican
leadership. He said of Bryan's views on American policy in
the Philippines, "White man's might has made right for three
thousand years. It is in every deed or conveyance or legal

instrument in the civilized world and it's not going to change

2
N”

for Mr. Bryan.

The editor became more deeply convinced than ever that
a strong hand and aggressive policy was not only expedient
but wise and morally Justified. He declared that the Philip—
pines would have to be held by the army for centuries and that
the army always preceded the schoolhouse, a reversal of his
earlier, more pacific View, when he looked to education and
enlightenment as the great equalizers.

In his Opposition to Bryan he became an even more ardent
expansionist. He had previously hailed McKinley's proclama—
tion that the Philippines would be governed so as to protect
the rights, welfare, and prOperty of the natives as all that

one could ask for as an assurance of good intent and good

 

 

35,
Ioid., August 9, 1900.

 

99

This had been a potent factor in reconcil—

36

government.
ing him to our Pacific expansion. Now he went even further
and insisted that the stable government which Bryan spoke
of could not be established by proclamation. It could only
be established by guns and soldiers. He no longer favored
returning the islands to the Filipinos at the earliest
possible moment, but spoke instead in terms of centuries.
"We will establish a stable government there if it takes a
hundred years to get it. The cheapest thing the governed
can do is to consent early and often."371f a final straw was
needed to break any hesitancy which Vnite might have about
eXpansion, it was supplied by Bryan's Opposition to imperial—
ism and his criticism Of Republican methods in handling the
:hole affair.
By the middle Of 1900 White's views on imperialism had
solidified. NO more doubting editorials slipped through.
He had satisfied himself that
Government is force. The consent Of the governed

has nothing to do with it. . . .The Filipino savage

is not the equal Of the American whose ancestors for

two thousand years have been climbing upward by slow

degrees in civilization, nor is Aguinaldo with his

veneer of education. g is absurd to say that all
men are created equal. ’

 

361b1d., December 14, 1899.
37

3%

Ibid., August 16, 1900.

Ibid., August 23, 1900.

100

As the national interest in imperialism lessened White
once more seemed to abandon the issue in favor of the more
engrossing tepics of national, state, and local affairs.
By 1901 he had penned an editorial entitled, "What Has Be—
come of Imperialism?" which considered the issue as dead.
He questioned whether it might not have been buried with
McKinley and doubted that Roosevelt and the Republicans would
continue the policies initiated by the dead president. He
ended the editorial on a provocative note which might indicate
that he considered the issue a part of the past. "Can it
be that ieperialism was only a political scarecrow. . . to
be reanimated once again with the hot wind of some other cam—
paign issue?“39

White wrote finis to imperialism as far as the Emporig

Gazette and its editor were concerned with a two line item

 

buried in a corner of the editorial page. "Why buy Greenland?”
‘4
he asked. "We have money to burn but have we money to freeze?"
' /
39

Ibid., September 26, 1901.

40
Ibid., August 21, 1902.

 

CHAPTER V
"THE BEST ADJUSTED TABIFF"

The years from 1893 to 1897 were years of depression
in the United States. The Republicans felt that one of the
reasons for the depressed economy was the tllsor— crman Act
of 1894, a Democratic tarif‘f which lo":ered the rates of duty
which had been set by the McKinley Act of 1590. Actually,
the bill was a moderate one which made no far reaching changes
in our tariff legislation except for the removal of the duties
on wool. The bill, however, had sgone into effect s~ortly

after a commercial crisis and during

_)

a severe epression, and

1 The Re-

vas, there? fore, unpopularxv th th general public.
publicans were largely united in their belie f that th e country
needed a high protective measure to allay its economic ills.
A]_thou 3h many of William Allen White's Opinions were
subjeCt to frequent change, he maintained his original posi-
tion on the tariff with only moderate changes throughout the
years. In 1895 he supported the conservative Republican
stand on protection; in 1905 he still believed in the theory
of protection, but he favored lowered duties and the aboli—
tion of duties where they were no longer necessary for revenue

lFren: J. Taussi-, The Tariff History of the Unitgg3

States (New York: G. P. Pvtnam's Sons ,leB), pp. 317— 23

 

 

102
or to protect domestic industry. As a practical "hard-
headed“ business man he had no sympathy for the advocates
of free trade, a scheme which he regarded suspiciously as
somewhat radical and more than a little impractical.

In his later years White was to claim that he was never
a true supporter of the protective tariff.2 This statement,
however, does not ring true in view of his early editorials
on the matter. horeover, protection was a strong Republican
policy in the last half decade of the nineteenth century,
and the editor rarely wandered far from the fold of Republi-
can doctrine.

White, who was usually opposed to any form of paternal—
ism, supported the tariff principle because he felt that it
would aid not only the industry of America, but also the
laboring man. His failure to include the farmer in his argu—
ment for a high tariff suggests that at this time his feelings
against the POpulist party in general, and the embattled
farmers of the middle-west i particular were yet too strong
to overcome; He disregarded the role of labor in the POpulist
drama to the extent, that he was willing to advocate the pass-
age of a tariff with the Special plea that the lot of the

laboring man would be improved.3

 

o ,
“White, Autobiographv, pp. abs—27o.

3

 

Emporia gazette, August 25, 1896.

103

The editor did not regard the Wilson—Gorman Act of
169&, which had been enacted during the Cleveland adminis—
tration, in a very favorable light. He felt, as did many
others, that "the injury to the business interests of the

l
country cannot be computed." He complained that this tar—
iff devised by the Democrats put American workmen out of
jobs since they could not compete with the low priced pro—
ducts from Europe.

In the presidential campaign of 1896 the Republican
candidate, William McKinley, and his friend, Mark Hanna,
would have liked to wage the campaign on the pOpular issue
of protection. They were disappointed in this desire and
had to fight the campaign with the currency question as the
main issue. McKinley declared, "I am a tariff man standing
on a tariff platform," and was disappointed when this issue
was overshadowed by the free silver controversy.5

The Democrats nominated William Jennings Bryan as
their candidate for the Presidency, a development repugnant
to White. Bryan epitomized all that he disliked in Populists
and Democrats alike, and he feared that Bryan and his fol—
lowers would "tear down the tabernacle of our national life,"

and destroy institutions which had stood since our national

beginnings.

 

ulbid., July 17, 1395.

5Olcott, he Life of McKinley, p. 321.

 

White, éaiehlesrezhz, pp. 278-279.

104
White went into the campaign of 1896 working vigor—
ously for a Republican victory. When the McKinley c mpaign
train stepped in Kansas a manth before the election, the
presidential aspirant surrounded himself only with men of
the strictest high tariff views, men such as Cy Leland, the
Republican leader in Kansas. Because of his friendship with
Mark Hanna the young editor gained access to the train while
such entrance was denied to many less fortunate Kansas poli-
ticians and more eXperienced newspapermen. He threw himself
into the campaign even more vigourously after this episode,
and although McKinley won in the nation White was sorely
disappointed when his home county and state went for Bryan
and the Democrats. His famous editorial, "What's the Matter
With Kansas?" was written in the heat of this campaign.7
Two score ye rs later the editor was to claim that he
supported McKinley's candidacy and high protection only as
the lesser of two evils after he had become aware of Bryan's
plans to tamper with the gold standard policy of the country.
I had no use for the protective tariff, but I
tolerated it because I wished to advocate the gold
standard . . . . It is not unlikely that occasional
editorials in the files of the Gazette speaking well

of the theory of protection were my defense weapons
against attack on my gold standard flank.é

 

105

In his inaugural address in March, 1897, McKinley set
forth the policies of the new government. He declared that
our government needed to maintain its credit and that the re-
venue for that purpose should come from a syste. of tariff
taxation. The controlling principle of the tariff, however,
was to be "zealous care for American interests and American
labor." He continued, "The people have declcred that such
legislation should be had as will give ample protection and
encouragement to the industries and the develOpment of our
country." thinley expressed the hOpe that Congress would
enact at the first possible moment revenue legislation which
would be "fair, reasonable, conservative, and just, and
which, while supplying sufficient revenue for public purposes,
will still be signally beneficial and helpful to every sec—

"9

tion and every enterprise of the peOple, He also recommend—
ed that in anyx"evision of the tariff, the reciprocity prin—
ciple of 1890 should be restored and extended. Such a measure
would extend to products of other lands which we COle not
produce ourselves, and would not, therefore, involve any 1058
i a 10

of labor to Americans.

McKinley called for an extra session of Congress to be

held a week after his inauguration to deal solely with the

 

9Richar€son, Hegsases p. 6233.

—-——

loiaia., p. 6239.

106
questions of import duties and revenue. The Re1mib lican

legislators enacted the Dingley bill to repl ce the Wilson-

German Act of lean, and the President signed it on July at,
1897.

The Dingley Tariff was the highest that had yet been
passed in American history. The most controversial item

was th ie removal of wool from the free list and the retention
of tariffs on manufactured woolen goods. The woolen industry
prospered under this act.12 Duties on hides were restored
and the metal schedules of former tariffs were largely re—
tained. This act also restored duties on works of art which
had been free under the Democratic tariff of 189%.13 The
DingleyT ariff remained in force for txelve years, longer
than any previous tariff. There are several reasons given
for the longevity of this act: it was followed by a period
of prosperity, and the public was content to let well enough
alone. Then, too, the Republican party which had pass ed the

Dingley Act was in power continuously during those years.

 

"em—-H—n»- .. *FMC—‘I’v—h—

11
Edward St:nwood Amer
Nineteepth Centugy Bosto
2 vols., II, p. 391.

 

pa. Tar ff Controver ies in
: o , Mif: lin Co., 1303)

                 

2
Frank W. Taussis, Some A

 

 

 

- -- 99:91:53.. 9:“..ihe Tail“; Ta: 9 12233
(Cambridge; H TV rd UHinT Eity Press, 15157,§p. 542—547.

'L
“‘5
la
11.:
L4
<1)
cm
A
*2
a
a
R:
o
1
h

1 , .
3Ida M. Tarbell Th” Tarii'_inpgfip
MacMillan Company, 19' ll), p. 2'

 

107
More important, howeVer, was the fact that the more press
it

ing issue of the trusts diverted attention from the tariff.

There was an increase in foreign trade in the decade after

F"
KI]

1897 which came in spite of, not because of,this tariff.
White was pleased with the Dingley Act and he gave his
full'editorial support to the bill. He wrote:

The prediction that the enactment of a protective
'tariff law would reduce the foreign market for our
manufacturers has not been realized. The exportation
of manufactured articles since the enactment of the
in ley law is greater than in the corresponding months
of last year under the Wilson law and amounts to 113
million for the first five months of Operation of the
Dinaley law . . . . It shiuld he c>nsidered that the
Wilson law during its first few months had the advantage
of extremely heavy importations which had been held
back to obtain the lower rates it afforded while the
exact reverse was true wit‘n reference to the Dingley
law. It is apparent that the new measure is a vast 6
improvement, to say the least, upon its predecessor.1

Later he wrote another editorial which was very compli-
mentary to the Dingley bill, wherein he quoted Mark Hanna,
"who should know," as saying that this bill was the most
scientific and test adjusted tariff ever enacted; it would
remain in force for years and would be changed by the Repub—
lican party only when the requirements of this country de—

17

manded that it be changed.

 

 

 

 

Taussig, The Tariff History of the U ited State
/ a / "“ r *- --'~ -‘ ---
301—302

 

 

 

York: Rinehart and Co., l;j17: p.—El.
16 , A
Emporia gagette ,Feoruary 17, 1873.

17

Ibid., November 24, 1898.

 

108

The editor rejected the argument that protection
mignt tend to increase prices, and thereby adversely affect
the laborer and the farmer as consumers. His reply to this
theory was characteristic of him and displays his chauvinistic
tendency. He felt that protection would not increase the
consumer prices in this country unduly unless the buyers be-
came 'toney' and began demanding British made goods. Nor
could he tolerate the idea Of any foreign countries raising
their tariffs. He declared firmly that protective tariff
barriers would not work well outside Of this country, and was
extremely displeased at Germany's attempt to raise some of
her duties.18

White continued to support the the Dingley Act as the
months passed and became more firmly convinced than ever that
this was an excellent piece of legislation. He seems to have
gone to some unnecessary lengths to praise this bill and to
urge the peOple to support it when there was no real need to
do sb and no pOpular or widespread sentiment against it. In
1899 he wrote an editorial ridiculing those peOple who had
Opposed and criticized the tariff when it was first prOpOsed.

He claimed that in the three years which had elapsed since

18
Ibid., October 1, 1397. In this instance White quoted

an editorial in the Lawrence, Kansas Journal to eXpress his
views. It was a frequent practice of his to express Opinion
by quoting the works of other editors and then endorsing them
in full with a sentence or two of his own.

109
the bill was passed it had proven successful, accomplish-
ing all that had been predicted for it by its friends.19

In 1399 McKinley declared that all customs between the
United States and Puerto Rico should be abolished. This is~
land had become a possession of the United States as a result
of the Spanish—American War, and it was now in serious eco—
nomic distress. This condition was caused partly by her loss
of free trade with Soain and Cuba, and partly by a hurricane
which had swept the island and destroyed most of her coffee
crop. Despite McKinley's request for the abolition of the
customs, Congress would grant only an 85 per cent reduction
of the high duties levied under the Dingley Act. This was
the beginning of a controversy in the Republican ranks over
reciprocity.

The Democratic tariff act of 1894 had repealed the re—
ciprocity provisions of the McKinley Act of 1890. The Dingley
Act revived the policy of reciprocity and somewhat enlarged
its scepe. It provided that the President might suspend the
free admission of certain specified imports if he were sat-
isfied that other countries had imposed duties that were un—
Just and unreasonable. There was also provision for lowering
duties imposed by this act if reciprocal concessions were
obtained, and prOpcsed commercial treaties for the general
reduction of duties by 20 per cent. No reductions of the

fi.
latter type were ever made, however.“—0

 

19Ibid., October 19, 1899.

————

o . .
Tau 6 s15; , EDS_T§E_1§§-H.1 t OILY 01‘ the Unlisifijfl as) _ GU - 3 E 9- 3 5 U,

 

110
In McKinley's last public speech at Buffalo, New York,
on September 5, 1901, he asked that we make sensible trade
arrangements to extend the outlets for our increasing surplus,
a system which would provide for a mutual exchange of com—
modities. He felt that reciprocity was a natural outgrowth
of our industrial development. He said further:
The period of exclusiveness is past. The expan—
sion of our trade and commerce is the pressing pro—
blem. Commercial wars are unprofitable. A policy
of good will and friendly trade relations will pre—
vent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties are in harmony
with the spirit of the times, measures of retaliation
are not. If, perchance, some of our tariffs are no

longer needed, for revenue or to encourage and pro-
tect our industries at home, why should they not be

I

employed to extend and promote our markets abroad?‘

William Allen White agreed whole—heartedly with McKinley's
views on reciprocity and with his desire for free trade ar—
rangements with the Puerto Ricans. He felt, like McKinley,
that free trade was necessary to alleviate starvation on that
island possession. At this time he voiced his first criticism
of the trusts, and declared that they were halting the passage
of a free trade measure because of selfish considerations.
"Such trusts," said White, hed "the greed of a beast and for-
felt the consideration of man."22 He feared for the welfare
of the nation if the Republican congress allowed the trusts

to influence them in this free trade issue.

 

91 ,
Richardson, Messages, p. C621.

til
.3
m
0
ins
...!-
in
G)
{‘3
N
(U
r!-
r :-

re, march l, 1900.

 

 

lll

In March the house passed a Puerto Rican reciprocity
measure and the editor was jubilant. He supported chinley
in this "plain duty. If that is psrty treason make the

..23' . - . _ .

most of it. he wrote an editorial admonishing party co—
horts who had failed to support the measure, and he asked
them to put selfish considerations aside.

The Republican party is in the majority in congress.
It can pass the necessary laws for free trade with
Puerto Rico. If it values the respect and the confi«
dence of the American people, the Republican party must
make such laws . . . . What a travesty it is on the men
who give their lives in Cuba for freedom that the land
bought with these men's blood should now be held in a
state of commercial slavery. . . . Wherein are Cubans
more deserving than Puerto Ricans? Uhy should We shed
tears and blood over the rebellious Cubans and loot the
peaceful Puerto Ricans until they starve . . . . And
for what? imply to satisfy a few industrial concerns
in the east that would be wrecked—-or think they would—-
by Puerto Rican free trade, The trusts are against
colonial free trade. It would wreck some of them. If
the Republican iajoiity in congress is to decide be~
tween humanity and the trusts there should be no debate
about the decision.34

When it became obvious a short time later that the
senate would kill the tariff bill passed by the house, White
was desoondent. He called it a most shameful thing and con—

Jectured that if we could impose a tariff tax on the territory

of Puerto Rico, which was a United States possession, then
9%

Pb
21
(D
r:
9
;[;1
>4
H
O
O
0

We could impose another on the territory m

-..—7-7»,—

2
3l§l§-: March 6, 1900.

Q
“ lpid., March 1, 1900.
25s, a a

ioio., karch K, 1900.

 

A few weeks later a compromise measure Was proposed

1

which stood a good chance of being dessed in both houses.

'I

The President was pleased and considered tne proposed tar—
iff just and fair. White was nuzzled and_disgusted at Mc—

"s acceptance of tne compromise glen. He could not

F‘
:3
...]
m

((0

understand how the President was able to consider the pro—
posed 15 per cent tariff a satisfactory substitute when he
had asked for the whole loaf of free trade for Puerto Rico,
and he felt that McKinley in his about face had broken the
faith. Nor could he accept the President's statement that
this new policy was necessary to Rep blican success at the
polls in November; he did not feel that this was a correct
interpretation of the public sentiment. Furthermore, even
if this interpretation were to be proven accurate, he felt
that the President and the legislators should rise above

.71“?!-

\d

party considerations on this matter a.d work for the
good. He considered Puerto Rican free trade a moral as well
as a constitutional issue. It was "the old issue of taxation

Without representation wrich We have traditionally disfavored

{v
Q\

and are now overturning in Puerto Rico."
In April the Senate passed the Puerto Rican tariff by
a small majority. White bitterly deplored this as a "shameful"

action, and felt that the only recourse left Was with the

 

ll}
people. He argued that the measure must not be allowed
to stand because "America cannot afford to begin its colo—
:3'7
nial career by creating an ireland.""
In a short tire White recovered from t.
effects which thisetruggle had wrought in him, and with
characteristic p rty loyalty and inconsistency he decided

to champion the Republican measur now that it was an accom—

plished fact. The clause which helped to placate him most

C
d-
(D
H
\1
..b
' o

n
(D
CT
"5
"J
’3
(D
(‘3
(D
«2+
(I,
(0
1:5

was that which provided for obsol
the United States and her island possession at the end of
two years.

By June, the Puerto Rican measure which had seemed

onal a few short months before was

CT
H o

shameful and unconstitu

now hailed by tTe Gazette as the most liberal law concerning

9,
the island of Puerto Rico which had ever been enacted.“6 It

was characteristic that White, a practical man, could so easily
accept and rejoice in this thing which he had so bitterly
cpoosed, once it had become a law of the land, particularly
since it had been the product of a Republican administration.
On September 14, 1901, President ficKinley died. During

his administration there had been some downward revisions of

 

 

the

tariff

under the Dingley Act.

speech which favored an

——‘

city. noo

continue the

R

Kr.

hand he so

of

he insisted

present tariff and that notr in
general tariff changes a

Reciproci
protection.

30007"

sevelt,

A;

laissez—faire and free

11h

plished by means of

C“? E' L/ f 2‘) j. S

6?"1 sion

McKinley policy

‘

rec that he
trade."‘j

that there was a

*r‘\

4

t that time

ty must be treated

Our first

tection granted by the tariff .
reciprocity be soucht

and that

safely be done without injury to

meet our
upon the
never be
dis tance

Suoject to
necessary to our

Every application of our

shifting national needs
cardinal principle that
redrced below the point
between the labor
this proviso of the
in‘ustri 1 well

last acts was hi

of this policy

toward

had early been taught

"general acquiescence"

duty is to

cost here
croner protection

reciprocity treaties

Q

L.

Buffalo

A .0
V J.

recipro—

pledged himself somewhat ambiguously to

the tariff. On the one

the "doctrines

4,.
V:

Bu on the other hand,

in the

could be more unwise then any

as the hwncriioen of

see that the pro—

. . is maintained,

for so far as it can

our home industries
tariff policy to

mus st be conditioned
the duties must

that will cover the
11nd abroad . . . .

P+

(9. v

Lx

bein “ore, the

principle of reciprocity must command our hearty sup—

port.30

V iii t8

on the tariff issue.

by a practical man,

was very erthusiastic
They

and they were

 

 

 

about Roosevelt's

moderate.

opinions

were cooly and sensibly presented

q

)1

He beca:ne a

little worried, however, when enthusiastic Republicans began
Roosevelt, Autobio ranhy, p. 350.
30‘, t, z»
pionerdson, Ewe .a es, p. 0050.
311- fit A- .
suporia dazette, October 3, 19Cl.

115
to climb onto the Roosevelt bandwagon and not only supported
his tariff position, but began to embellish his views with
their own. White feared that such actions might ruin the
President's already "perfect" Opinions on the tariff, and felt
that some Republicans were beginning to so too far with their
interpretations of reciprocity. He agreed with Roosevelt that

there v s danwsr in tinkerine with the tariff and began to
D \3 ’ ..J

i.
S‘n

write about reciprocity more cautiously.
Reciprocity is a good thing on paper but it won't
zork as well in the law books. There is more danger
of the prosperity of this country evaporating in the
hot fight over what shall be put on the reciprocity
list than there is from any other source.9‘

The editor became convinced that Wall Street and cer-
tain politicians in Washington were attempting to distort,
for their own selfish ends, the reciprocity views which had
been set forth by Roosevelt. To counteract this White re—
sorted to a device which had served him well throughout his
Journalistic career. He drew a careful line of distinction
between "just any recipracity" which was confused, economical—
ly motivated by capitalists, and used as a political band-
wagon by "fanatics and machine politicians", and the Roosevelt
brand of reciprocity. Roosevelt reciprocity was moral, good,

and instituted in the best interests of both American and

foreign markets.33

 

2 \
xelbid.’ OCtOber 24', 1901.

331bid., July 24, 1902.

116

Joseph R. Burton, the senior Senator from Kansas, had
long been a fly in White's political ointment. He was tried
for irregular practices in office and ended his term in pri-
son.3u Evidence supplied by White was instrumental in bring—
ing about his conviction. Before Burton was imprisoned, how—
ever, he had made the public statement that some states, such
as Kansas, did not approve of reciprocity. White had some-
times said that for Burton to support something was enough
to provoke his own Opposition. Conversely, if Burton was
against something, White Wxs for it. He flatly stated that
there could_be no question about Kensas' approval of recipro-
city; opinion in his state was unanimous and clear. It was
not a business question but a moral issue, and "when it comes

to a moral issue Kansas is never divided." 9

He also wrote
what became a widely quoted magazine article which reiterated
this theme.36

Senator Burton then lowered himself even more in White's
Opinion when he broke a pr mise which he had made to President
Roosevelt to support a reciprocity agreement with Cuba which

was pending. Although Burton had never favored reciprocity he

had given his word to support Roosevelt, and had then withdrawn

 

34

White, Autobiography, p. 293.

 

Emporia Qflfléfifié» June 19, 1902.

6.. , . - . , _ ,
3 N. A. White, "Cuban ReciprCCity—A horal issue," thlure's
Magazine, v, 19 (September, 1902), pp. 357—394.

117
that support. He began preaching a rebate plan in connec—
tion with the contemplated Cuban measure. The editor was
irate and tore Burton apart editorially, while pleading
passionately for public support of Roosevelt on this matter.37
He became convinced that Burton and Wall Street were joined
in an evil cabal aimed at discrediting the President and
harming the laborer an ad f rmer for whom he had recently de-
velOped a deep concern.
Whenever a tariff is found to be too high, it will
come down. And whatever of evil there is in the system
will be corrected. Roosevelt will not play favorites
. . . . It is encouraging to find the new leader of the
Re publics‘ n party QTa\eini the party away from the rut
of commercialism. . . . Wherever the influence of 'na all
Street falls, the sentiment will be against' Roosevelt. 33
In the contemp ated reciprocity agreement with Cuba the
chief items under consideration for tariff reduction were
Cuban suggar and tobacco. In November, 1903, Roosevelt con—
vened the Con; fir es in a special session to ask for this com—
mercial treaty with Cuba, assuring them that such a treaty
would not harm our industry and would secure the United States
as Well as Cuba, many economic advantages.)9 The reciprocity
treaty with Cuba was consummated over the protests of American

sugar producers and tobacco growers. It provided that we

would admit all the dutiable products of Cuba at a reduction

 

3
7Emporia Gazet 6, July 31, 1902.
33

Ibi

.Ch

., September 25,1902.

 

an _ , /
Richardson, Messasss, pp. 37§1~o783.

1

S

F.)

of £0 per cent from the general tariff rates. Goods on the

..A

free list of either country were to remain there. Cuba agreed
to admit most American products (tobacco was a sianificant
exception) at reductions ranging from 20 to 40 per cent.)+0

The agreement proved to be mutually advantagerus and within
ten years of its enactment trade between the two nations was
tripled.LLl Roosevelt had conferred a "boon" upon Cuba,;2
or so he thought.

White rejoiced that the Cuban reciprocity measure was
in accordance with what the well informed electorate demand—
ed and expected. The treaty seemed to him a moral victory
and the credit was due entirely to the President's undeviat—
ing determination to keep the faith with the new republic of
Cuba. At last this country had ”a leader who knows how to
lead."u3

In 1903 Roosevelt was nominated by the Republicans as
their candidate for the Presidency, and the Democrats named
Judge Alton B. Parker. Roosevelt and Senator Lodge agreed
on a tariff plank to be included in the platform which stated

that protection was a cardinal principle but that the schedule

of duties could be altered from time to time if it became

 

IEid., pp. b733-C7570

 

F aul‘fir‘ cl“ , 1132s- Digit)? _0§._Le.i§ swish" e

 

'Roosevelt, Autobiogrgggii p. 5M5-

 

Emroria Gm etje, November 19, 1903-

119
evident that such alterations would be beneficial to both
the peOple and the business interests of the country. White
whole—heartedly supnorted this plank but cautioned that such
a delicate task as tariff revision could only he entrusted
to a Republican administration. He felt that such a tariff

ank should plexse both sides. However, to elect a Democra—

’U
’4

tic administration and eXpect them to enact a better tariff
would be to invite once more the panic and disaster of 1593.44
Although forty years later William Allen White was to
declare that he was never for a protective tariff his writ—
ings have shown that he supported the protective policies of
first McKinley, and then Roosevelt. If we can accept his
statement that he never sincerely and whole—heartedly accept—
ed the theory of protection, then there are several factors
which would help to explain his nublic support of the Repub-
lican measures in the decade after 1895. Party loyalty,
which he possessed in a large degree, would be an important
factor; the,editor's views usually changed only as the party
leaders altered theirs. His affection for Theodore Roosevelt
and his loyal support of that man would be an important in—
fluence. His dislike of Senator Joseph Burton, and Burton's
opposition to the Roosevelt policies would tend to make the

editor even more determined in his stand. In the case of

Cuba and Puerto Rico there were important considerations in

“515’ 19 . 1904.

 

120
that this highly moral man was firmly convinced that tariff
agreements with these countries were moral issues wlich
America could not honorably ignore.

He was never an advocate of free trade, nor did he ex-
tend his support of reciprocity measures to countries other
than those to which we were obligated as a result of the
Spanish-American War. There was little agitation for a re—
vision of the tariff in this decade. The general oro perity,
coupled with Roosevelt's reluctance to alter the tariff, and
the emergence of more pressing national issues, such as the
trust problem, all tended to make this a comparatively quiet
period in the tariff history of our country. White rode with

the Republican tide.

CH.d DTER VI
“TRUSTS AND THINGS"

The years from 1397 to 1903 were marked by a tremen-
dous increase in business consolidation in the United States.
Some of the causes for the national trend toward consolida-
tion were the returning prosperity after 1593 and the national
Optimism in the years after the Spanish-American War, the
legislation in such states as New Jersey, Delaware, and West
Virginia which encouraged the growth of monOpolies, the Amer—
ican patent system which in itself granted a type of monOpoly
control, the increased tendency toward large manufacturing
establishments in this country, the desire of manufacturers
to eliminate competition, and the desire for promoters'
profits.l

Consolidation in this period was largely confined to
the railroads and the manufacturing and mining industries.
Certain industries such as shoe manufacturing and the cotton
ggoods industries were relatively unaffected by the general

increase in size and output which was occurring in the Amer—

ican industries; other industries such as the silk, carriage,

 

lMark Sullivan, The Turn of the Century (
Times, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, i9 927

 

VO
),1

121

122
lumber, and shipbuilding industries actually decreased in
size during these years.

Same forms of business cahsoliiation wni ch were pap—
ular in this period were the pools, trusts, holcing corranies,
mergers, a.d variations on these forms. The holding chn oany,
or holding corvoration as it Was sometimes called, was the
most effective form of business combiraticn.3 In this form
of combination, as with the trust form, the Standard Oil
Compcn y too the lead. In 1399 that co: ny had reor-anized
under the laws of New Jersey, and changed their corporation
from a trust to a holding com. Jany. A

In the deca 6.e oefore 15 37 there vere less than one

hundred in6u_s wt ial c mbinatiors in t? e United States. In the

‘LJ

period from 1396 to 1*04 there were 199 so omb oinstions org aniz—
ed, and 127 more were formed in t he next three years. Al-
together there were 318 active and innortant trusts in the

United States. Of these, 236 were incorrorated after

 

9

“Harold U. Faulkner, The Decline of aissez Fairs (Vol.
VII of The Econ migufiicturv of tee Un -ted States, New York:
Rinehart and Co , 199l5,15o.

 

 

”\JJ

Mark Sullivan The Turn of the C§§Eurv, pp. 320—324.

 

4:

16a M. T-r rbell, The__Nationalizini of Bus inessifilS/S—lé92
(Vol. IX of A History_oi Ameriggn_;if:, New York: Macgilian
Co., 193t), p. 210.

 

 

 

123
January 1, 1S9 S, and 170 of them were organized under the

laws of New Jersey, where legislation beneficial to such

I’—

combinations had been passed.9 The year 1398 marked the
/
beginning of the odern trust— I'o;ming period.

The growth of the large business combinations, coupled
with the buses frequently inherent in these or ”andtl rs
and their cas suel di ard for public welfare, gave rise
to anti-trust activities which took the form of muCtrekin"

Ida M. Tarbell, Ray Stann rd Baker, and Lincoln Steffens be—

came familiar names (n the American scene as a result of

‘7!)

their activities in EXposing the evils in business, politic ,
and our urban society.

When William Allen White became the editor of the En~
poria gazette he was cheerfully Optimistic regarding the
national prosperity and the good intent of big business in

v. 7 . . .q . .

this country.“ At this time white hated anything that smacked
of reform. He and the millions of middle class people whom

he represented were still imbued with the frontier belief in
the free individual, private enterprise, and the socialistic
dangers which lay in any attempt of the government to regulate

the business of this country. White betrayed his social

Darwinist sympathies with statements such as, "In this American

 

Jghn Moody, The Truth About Tre_ Trrsts (7ew York:
3

The moody Publishing CO., le-+), p. égo.

/
C

 

 

I“!

Faulkner, TLe Decl .ne_pffigaissez saire, p. 152.

 

 

Emporia fiazetie, October 17, 1395.

\
I

12.
government, paternalism plays no part. It is every man Ior
himself. It is free for all and in the end the keenest,

a

most frugal, and most industrious win."O

White feared that any attempts by the government to
regulate business would endanger American institutions which
had stood since 1776. he editor praised the Republicans
for pr eserving our national institutions despite the denuncia—
tions of Bryan and the Populists. He felt the t Brya and his
followers would li he to implant socialism in America.9

The editor was a vehement champion of the railroads in
this country. Cons client on had occurred. not only in info try
but also in Lublic utilities such as the railroads. At the

turn of the century ninety—five percent of the high rade

UV)

re 11 mile ..... 5e in the country was in the hands of six powerful
grouns. Dissatisfied with even this high degree of concen~
traticn the railroads were attempting to draw even clos ser to—

10 When the POpulists complained about the aouses

gether.
existing in the rail transportation of the nation, the editor
was very inclis :nant and when the Populists asked for govern—
ment ownership of the railroads, he firmly opposed their views.

He declared that he was in o;position to any measures which

might prevent the railroads from running their own business

 

 

 

 

S
Ibid., July 31, 1896.
9
Ibid., August 111s96.
lO
Harold Underwood Faulkner, The m%E§$£_:OT Sicial Jus_§i_g,
1S? S- 1911L (Vol. XI of A History of American Life, Ne.v York:

 

——-———-—_—. ——._—'-—-—__. ~.—_—_—

MacMillan Co., 1936) pp. 33 :33

125

in their own way. He declared further that while the rail—
roads might have some faults, they were the product of a system
"which ias thus far been found to be the best that has been
invented. . . . There is probably more clap trap and flap
doodle in circulation concerning the railroads than there is
current concerning any other topic.“11

The editor, like most of middle class America, support-
ed McKinley as the best hone for democracy. He cherished a
belief that any industrious, honest, loyal American could
succeed as many of his friends had. He felt the the Popu~
lists and Democrats who were unable to achieve success for
themselves were not looking to the government to help them.
Such peOple were, to White, un—American, and a real menace

to the economic well—being of our country. They failed to
comprehend that the only hOpe for good government lay in the
hands of safe and sane business men.

In 1589 Kansas had passed the first anti—trust law

ever to be passed by a state.12

In his famous editorial,
"What's the Matter With Kansas?" White satirized bitterly the
peOple and the state that could enact such legislation and

then be proud of it. They were too short—sighted to see that

they were frightening away capital, and thus prosperity.

l /
Enporia Gazette, July 17, 1890.

2
Sullivan, The Turn of_the Century, p. 309.

 

126
They sought to regulate the very money power which could

rhi ch had

‘1'?
(11

bring them relief; t:1ey criticized the ilr
acne more for Kansas than any other single agency. They
sought to hamstring these "phila ntiropic" and beneficial
1 .. V 'l 13
agencies wits government contrcls.
In his early, conservative years White was particular—
ly sensitive to any criticism of the railroads and their
organization. He felt that any talk of a trust 'bogey' was
exaggerrated and untrue, and he was even more convinced of
this if the business under consideration happened to be a
railroad. He replied with hezated editorials to criticism
that the railroads were robbing the peOple, frequently pro—
claiming them to be one of the best things which could .ap—
pen to an area.
that has become of the gentlemen who were rampant
in Kansas a few years ago with a scheme to confiscat
the railroads . . . . They played a steady stream of
statistics upon the paralyzed hearers. These figures
told them that the people were being robbed by t‘e
cornorations 'nd the c ief robber was ttie railroad.
Where are these mentlemen nOV? In Kane 3s tiiere is a
disposition to let busines s necple solve business
problems in a business-11h e vmay 1
White claimed that the pOpulation of Kansa had renain~
ed static for ten years because ire railroads had been d.e-

nounced by "demagogues" and had therefore stopped their lacors

in Kansas's behalf. Before the Ponulists had virtually driven

13 . 10"

Erporia cazette, Auéust 15, 18

1%

Ibid., November 24, 1593.

127
railroad goodwill away, such corporations as the Santa Fe
had aided immigration into Kansas by advertisements, capital,

1 0 1 - j I ‘
and ouSiness. 5 The Gazette declared that the railroads

 

would resume their efforts in the state's behalf and pre—
dicted unheralded prosperity for Kansas if she would have
the sense to silence the reformers and seek the goodwill of
the railroad corporations.

The editor was thoroughly convinced that-government
and all industry should emulate the good example set for them
by the railroads, and employ sensible businessmen to guide
their affairs. He had a deep admiration for Mark Hanna whom
he regarded as an excellent example of a successful business
man who had applied business techniques to politics. In his
early years he Was able to see nothin5 but admirable qualities
in the expanding corpor tions and business men who ran them.

By 1899 the Kansan began to feel a little uncertain
about the increasing number of business combinations in this
country. In 1598 the number of trusts and holding dampenies
had sharply increased, and criticism of them was becoming
more and more pronounced. The first indication that the
editor was undergoing a change of opinion came when he re—

sorted to a characteristic device and began distinguishing

 

15
Ibid., July 19, 1900.

—-

128
between Democratic, Populist, and Republican views on trusts,
and their different methods in dealing with the large corp—
orations. Such distinctions on his part are unfailingly in-
dicative of a pending change in point of View. Whenever he
began to reverse his views on a matter he began by qualifying
his earlier stand.

When the first faint glimmer of suspicion that the

rusts might need regulating dawned on him, he retreated to
the folds of Republicanism. As with tariff revision, the
editor felt that governmental controls could be beneficial—
ly effected only by a Republican administration. No other
party knew how to handle such a task for the greatest good
of all the parties concerned.

The difference between the Republican and Populist
wayCfi‘looking at trusts is this: The Republican farmer
who has a refractory colt breaks him to work. The Pop—
ulist farmer who has a refractory colt,kills him with an
elm clib, then goes around kicking because he has no
horse to plow with.lb

Ho ever, in his practical, optimistic mcnner, the edi—

tor did not believe that all trusts were evil. Even before
Theodore Roosevelt made similar distinctions, White felt
that there Were good and bad in combinations as in men. A

few refractory and selfish trusts were beginning to mar the

economic horizon, but the best method of dealing with such

 

1'6
l£i§-, August 10, 1g99.

129
combinations was not iovernment re ula tion. He had not
yet so pletely reverse d his conservative S»EIZG but tr e work—
ing around to it gradually.

He felt that those trusts which were guilty of selfish-
nes s and disres rd for the public welfare could be best dealt
with by methods other than government control, which he fear—
ed in his early years might tend to advance the Socialist cause.
He held that the best way to end such monOpolies wasthrough
enlightened I)Ub]iC Opinion and lones t men. If such trusts
were persistent, they would bring down the last resort, govern—
ment regulations, on themselves. In an editorial entitled
”Trusts and Things," he casually, but concerneély expresses
his views at this time.17

He even began to view the railroads with a more objective
eye. When the railroads in several stat es began to combine
in Opposition to the deme nds of the railroad commissions in
those states, he ar ued that the railroads should pay more
regard to the commissions which fairly represented the peOple
and constituted boards of arbitration. He suggested, however,
that perhaps the railroads were igznoring the commissions be—
cause of the caliber of the men who composed those boards.
While cautioning the railroads to heed the will of the geople
which was exeressed th rou h toe railro: 2d com issi: he he
admonished the state governments to be more selective in re—

gards to membersh p on the commissions.

w— con—”...... .- ———— .—o-—- .— ——~—-—--—.—-.—_

 

1 - ~ .Hl
71316., August 10, iojg.

 

Too often the men who form tres e raierid commis—
sions are ignorant and mercenary, with the morals of
bandits and the crude intelligence of arrogant dema—
sosues. These men too often reg rd the railroad as
their prey and the people as their dupes. Too often
the railroad commission in a state stands be etween the
shipper and justice. But becaus se these facts exist
should be no justification f Jr railroads combining to
insult tie reo is by defvin- he peoples' officers.
If these men are bad, the railroads should point out

w o ‘_1 q
this evil to the peOp1€.lv

When there were rumors that a beef combine was causing
much hardship to western cattlemen, White investigated the
matter and was displeased with the situation that he found.
He felt that there might as well be one big packing house
since there was already a virtual monopoly in that industry.

Althiugh he found an "illegitimate" oroiit of five per cent

.L
to forty per cent, the butchers were still going broke.

There was absolutely no competition among packers. He pre-

J.

dicted that the beef combine l ould cor e to grief for its ex«
cesses.

(@he beef combine))is Carrying its plans and de-
vices beyond the legitimate paths of co mmercia profit.
Nobody With any sense desires to restrict a ousiness
man using business methods. But common sense and com—
mon honesty and common courage demand that a briaand's
schemes shall be checked. The difference between a

acker in honest business and the beef combine, is the
differenc e betwee-n a merchant beoind his counter and

sees James behind his gun. . . . The ranter will not
stop this business. The politicians will have nothing
to do with it. The 'tribune of the people' will only
delay the chase. But the business man, the well— to-do,
the thrifty, the economical will rise up in eeither a
business or a political revolt and hitch tr j:ower
gathered by the ccmoines to the en ;ine of government

. . Somed.ay these outlaws will be rounded up and

the Pebublica nparty vill brand them and put them in
cells.1

lglglio, January 13, 1g95.

19H-

131

While the editor retained his faith in the will of

the people to right matters, he was not blinded by this
faith, nor by his ideals. HF looked at the matter in his
practical way, weighing what he saw against the already
firmly established ways of capitalism and the greed of many
men.

There is a difference between protecting the legiti—
mate rights of capital which ranting Populists would
destroy, and legalizing any devilment that capital can
devise. It is all right to protect capital in its
rights, but it is utterly and criminally wicked to assume
that men with capital Cin do no wrong. Men With capital
are just like men without it, a little good, and a little
bad, and a pretty average medium. Here and there, there
is a Robin Hood in the packing house . . . a Billy-the—
Kid on the farm. Both are enemies to society . . . .

The trust in and of itself may be a good thing. It has
many advantages. It cannot be abolished. But it must
be controlled. Greed in man is the mainspring that moves

the world. It cannot be abolished, but the penitentiaryO
controls it. That is the trust question in a nutshell.

While White believed that the will of the peOple was
the primary force in our society and could rectify any evils
which might exist, he also believed that when a law orinsti—
tution continued to exist it was an indication that the
peOple wanted it thus. He also seems to believe that because
such laws or institutions exist there is an implicit good in
them, and therefore the majority of the pcpulation are retain—

ing them despite the protests of the few.21

 

2OIb1s., flusust 10» 1599'

 

21 .
Ib d., March 10, 1898.

—*

132

White was gradually adapting himself to the View that
there was more evil in the trusts than he had originally per-
ceived. His pendulum was swinging from a laissez faire policy
toward business, to government regulation of those trusts
which proved evil or predatory. He had performed the first
two steps of his usual ritual in changing an Opinion. First,
he had distinguished nicely between what he and the Fepubli—
cans supported as Opposed to the distorted views of the hos—
tile camp; second, he had minimized the issue somewhat by
pointing out that there were only isolated, not universal,
abuses in the trust system. When the abuses and the public
clamor grew more insistant he felt that much of the blame
should be laid to the individuals responsible, not to the
institution itself. Next he labeled the whole trust con«
troversy a red herring which ambitious, opportunist politi—
cians had seized on in the absence of any more pOpular issues.

The trust, he said, was being used as a bogey man by
some politicians to frighten the people. "Let a politician
be out of an issue and he takes up the cause of the Great
Plain PeOple against the Tyrannical Trusts." The only thing
"scarey" about a trust was the fact that it gave manipulators
a chance to be greedy. Many economic abuses which were being
committed were wrongly attributed to the trusts when the
blame could be more proserly laid to greedy and unscrupulous
men. "It would be as sensible to legislate afiainst the church,

".4

or against matrimony, or against banks, or against government

133

as it will be to legislate against the trusts. It seems
strange that . . . no one has thought to legislate not
against the trusts, but against the scoundrels that abuse
the trusts.“22

White suggested that if a trust was evil the only
moral and practical solution was to destroy it, not with
fine words, but with fine deeds. He prOposed that buyers
boycott unfair combinations because the buyer of a commodity
from such an organization shared equally in the guilt, and,
therefore, both shuuld be punished. "You can't lift up your
eyes in sanctimonious prayer against the trusts' manipulators
when you share the booty with them in murderous prices . . . .
No reform is accomplished by wholesale."23 However, the edi-
tor did not offer any practical su gestions regarding the punish—
ment which should be meted to the purchasers. He also ignored
the fact that his pronosal to punish both the buyer and the
seller was as paternalistic and un—American as the prouosal
for government regulations of business which he had once ab—
horred and still distrusted somewhat. His suggestion went!
beyond any demands made by the Populists or Democrats. The

editor was wont to suffer from a lack of perspective in the

heat of a controversy. For the moment his practical nature

 

Ibid., September 14, l'

0‘).

\LJ

r)
I

bid., September 14, 1&99.

H

 

lBM
had abandoned him and he had lapsed into an extremist view—
point, a situation always repugnant to him.
Belatedly, White discovered Henry George's Efiggress

apd Poverty, which had been published in 1879. He did not

 

agree with George that the one solution for the problem of
monOpoly was a single tax on land values, though he approv-
ed George's dislike of too much regulation and restriction.
He felt that the idea of abolishing all taxes, save a single
levy on economic rent, was just short of idiotic. While
gripped by an increasing sympathy for the common man he de-
fended the "poor farmer" whom he had much abused in the past,
along with his much beloved respectable middle class. He
feared that both of these would suffer should the Georgian
thesis ever be put into effect. A single tax would weigh
most heavily on the already Oppressed farmer and would only
22+
add to his burdens.

While still enmeshed in the problem of abuses in the
trust system, White extended his criticism to a new type of
coercion by combination which had lately appeared. In Patter—
son, New Jersey, a "labor trust," a union, had prevented a
woman from working to support her baby and her dying husband.
White looked on this combination in exactly the same light as
he had come to look at combinations of capital. "A labor

or
trust may be just as bad as any other trust if it is run wrong."“3

 

t., September 23, 1898.

Ibid., November 9, 1339-

135

In ld39 the railroads of Kansas deci be t to raise their

rates, much to the dismay of the shippers in that ex ea.
White still harbored an especial affectirn for the railroads

and was not as critical of them as he mas coming to be of

'71

in u tris l trrets. Though he had proceeded to the point

0)

vhere he acknowledged that some ggovernment reg ule tions miaht
be necessary to curb greedy trusts, he did not welcome the
idea of politicians "meddling" in a dispute between the rail-
roads and the people. He wrote:

The railro ds of Kansas have decided to increase
freight r tee to just as steep as the traffic will
bear. The railro ds are not to be blamed. They are
not in business for fun. They are human. They are
going to hog the platter if they can iust as they
would do if they wereindividuals and not corporations.
The rates now are high enough, but if the railroad
can increase them, that's their gain. However, if the

hippers stand by and don't protest . . .that's their
ice and they are fools if tley stand it . . . . This
is a business question. There should be no rabid ad—
dresses, no feeling. It is a cold-blooded business
pro position. And it should be settled by the courts
as befits business men to arbitrate their differences
(Otherwise))t e railroad question will be shifted into
politics and there will be the old Harry to pay.26

In 139* there occurred a small panic in Wall Street

\l

1

caused by trouble in industrial stocks. White seized on
tris oroortunity to chide those people who had regarded the
trusts as o,rninent, unshakeble institutions. He wrongly
interpreted the small flurry as an indication that the trust
as a form of business Dre‘snization v.as putan; from the Am—

erican scene. He was pleased to note thet in their brief

 

Ibid., November 30, 1699.

I

13b

stay as a form of business the dangerous precedent of govern—

g

ment regulation had been averted. The yeople who had been
frightened of combination and desired sushi egulation could
once more relax. Their imasined danégers were on he decline

d it had all come about without resorting to Socielistio"

(’1‘
{3

measures. Even though the trust was "on the way out,“ they
Were still "strictly a business bros lem , having heir life

in business laws, and best settled by business men in the

(N
’ I

ordinary course of every day business."
Although he had predicted that the trusts would survive
only a few more months, a few years at most, White still found
it necessary to defend combination from the slanders of re—
formers. He had consistently den'ed any real or present need
for government interference in all but a very few trusts al—
though he had be un to ackno owledge occasionally that if abuses
became prevalent such a course would be warranted. He was
still convinced that trusts were a normal manifestation on
our economic scene and in the American tradition. Trusts were,
to White, a normal increase and ,3rowth, occasioned by the ex-
panded volume of world commerce. They differ, said White,

only in extent and degree. He made the mistake of oversimply—

‘3‘

ing the problem and as a result is “1 sio ns Vere son ewhat
inaccurate. According to the editor, the evolution of trusts

in the United States could be easily explained thus:

 

27

ibid., June 21, 1900.

 

137
Centuries ago When the individual found that his
business was growing too large for him to handle, he
took a partner. They formed a trust in a small degree.
Fifty years ago the partnership form of business befian
to give way to the small corporation as business men
found thzt corporations afforded better facilities and
protection to their business. Kore recently corworetions
grew in size until ye have experienced the very large
corporations called trusts. In nearly every case they
are neither more nor less than partnerships, the only
difference being in extent and degree. The increase in
the world's volume of business has compelled the grogth
from the original partnership to large corporations.55
Shortly after the middle of 1900 an uneasy note can be
discerned in White's views of the trusts. Though his public
utterances on the issue were not yet much changed there began
to creep into the editorials an occasional note of fear. He
even occasionally criticized the railroads. After months of
deriding any talk of a railroad rust as a menace, he wrote,
"The railroad octOpus in the state is unchained; he is roam-
‘ '- a ‘ 4' " 29
ing the niils and dales of the state dragging his lariat. . . .
Before many more months were to pass, the editor would be
advocating many of the same measures which he had denounced
when the Populists sponsored them.
He retained his View that not only the capitalist was
reSponsible for the situation, but the consumer as well, and

to this duo he added a third resoonsible factor. This final

element which made the trust a possibility was labor. All

 

28;bid., June 21, 1900.
29 .
Ibid., September 19, 1900.

138

three were absolute essentials and combined they formed a
trust. Unfortunately, White did not elaborate on labor's
role as he did the consumer's. He flatly and emphatically
stated, however, that labor shared in the guilt of the trusts,
if guilt there was.30

By 1900 White had further reason to distrust the trusts
when he became convinced that they were the chief hindrance
to the passage of the Puerto Rican free trade measure which
he considered a wise and humanitarian piece of legislation.
He considered their actions and attitudes on the matters
ignorant, and dangerous to their own best interests. He was
uneasily aware that the stand which some trusts_had taken on
the matter was economically motivated and he felt that the
Republicans should most certainly fail to support business
in such a stand.31

Between 1899 and 1900 White had been engaged intermit—

tently in writing a book entitled Stratagems and §poils. This

 

book was a collection of stories which reflected his philosophy
during his early years as the editor of the quette. He ridi-
culed the Populists and their prOgram. He stated that legis—

lation could not offer any solution for the ills of our society,

indeed, it might actually prove harmful to undertake such

 

30;§;fl., June 2%, 1900.

31
Ibid., march 1, 1900.

 

139
action. He did not consider legislative reform of business
of sufficient importance to discuss since he considered such
a course both dangerous and unnecessary. The problems which
confronted America could best be met by working toward a more
enlightened electorate which would send "good men" into pub—

lic offices, and, coincidentally, mo t of the good men were

[4

Republicans.32 By the time that this book was published in
1901 White had almost completely reversed his views on these
matters and through his friendshij with the new President,
Roosevelt, he had become much more liberal in his political
and social philosophy. There was no evidence of his current
increasingly liberal attitudes in his book. It represented
White in his most conservative early years before the turn
of the century.

After six years of extolling the virtues of business
men White stated editor'ally that they were as blind and as
foolish as the Populists had been at the height of their
folly. Once more it was a case of the editor deploring excess
where it existed, or sometimes where he imagined it existed.
Business men had become "all swelled up with vanity. They

imagine that money is bigger than government, beyond control,

 

32 ,
White w. A,, Str

and Politics (New Yorn

 

atagems and Spoils: Stories of Love
Charles Scribner's Sons, 19017, passim.

 

its

and an entirely indEpendent creation." White went a step
further and not only a cused business of ignorance and vanity,
but also of corruption.33

His wrath had finally been fully aroused by the realiza—
tion that money had frequently purchased immunization from
legislation. Both trust magnates and Populists were reckoning
without taking into consideration the "sound racial honesty of
the An lo-Saxon peorle. Whoever rests his case on corruption,
be he Ponulist or trust magnate, is a stupid fellow who has a
great lesson to learn, and teaching is excensive."3u

Although he was for the moment disillusioned with busi—
ness men, he retained his faith in the Resublican party to
right matters. He Spoke for his party and claimed that they
were seeking a system of control and regulation. Such regula—
tion of business would be accomplished by occasional examina—
tions of business organizations, a course which was naturally

Opposed by well Street. He had no faith in the ability of

Cf

he Democrats to deal with such a delicate economic problem.
The Democrats would confiscate and ruin the trusts, destroy-

ing prosperity and business alike. The editor did not advocate

the extreme of abolition of trusts, but he had finally declared

\Jl

himself for effective and immediate regulation.)

 

\N
RN

 

\JJ
4:
H

bid.

3 - - A
’BIbid., October )1, i901.

1:1

White's decision was undoubtedly influenced by hi

(I)

close association with Theodore Roosevelt who was exoressing
very similar statements, and such friends as Ida Tarbell,

Lincoln Steffens, and Ray Stannsrd Baker. McClure's Hagszine

 

had begun a series of reform articles and while White never
really became a muckraher these writers were his close friends
and he resyected their views. His associations with these
people further convinced him that the "malefactors of great
wealth" must be curbed.
After thinley's assassinwtion the White House was

H7

3. If

\21

p4

"crowded with people, mostly reformers, all day lor

this is over‘t

(1‘

go

ting the case a little, at least the new
President could accurately be regarded as extremely friend~
ly to the reform group. Lincoln Steffens, a muckraher and a

close friend of William Allen Waite, suggested to the editors

of McClure's that White be retained to write a series of

 

articles discussing corruption in the state governments. This
series was to be a follow-up piece to Steffens' series on
corruption in our city politics.

White never did write any real muchraking articles in
the full sense of that word. He was constitutionally and em—

otionally ill equipped to do so because of his Optimistic,

d.— ~-—.—--—._—-«— «.-.—..p—s. -— ..-.—

 

—,/
9°Johnson, White's America; p.137—138.

 

3 7T . ‘T- "
' V \ I .
A .. _ L.‘

nincoln Steffens, T‘
(New York: Harcourt, Brace an

---——————~

to _ A
00., 1931), pp. 502—503.

142
sentimental outlook on life. He did, however, make half—

hearted attempt to write such a series of articles for tne

{O

yatp,dgy Exeping Eggt. These articles amounted to little

——.-

l

more than a eulc;y of Theodore Roosevelt's actions in the
anti—trust movement. Roosevelt was the "~ttorney o the

peOple," leadinj them in their fight against the "barons of

I

f"

,.
J
«I

K)!

hi-h finance.” A year later he wrote an article on Hoose~

velt and his successful prosecutir;n of the postal frauds.39
host of these articles were more concerned with glorifying
Roosevelt than in exposing evil and corruption.

Although the editor was never a very enthusiastic

mucarak er himself he did learn a great deal from the reform-

CD

ers and they were instrumental in Opening ni eyes to the
need for some government regulations 0
these peocle were his personal friends and 1e admired them
and respected their views he eventually came to share the
Presid ntkcviews on them and in time became a little irrit-
ated with their constant ranqerin* on evil. White and Roose—
velt felt that these peOple were seeing only the filth in

40 N

society. onetheless, the reformers were a very important

 

 

3 8-;

:{.A. White, "The Politicians: Our Hired hen at Wash—
ington, " qaturdiv Evenipgmfgst, v. 175, (Mar. 14, 1903), pp.l—§;
"The Brain 'Tru.st, ' Ibi§., V. 175, (March 21, 1903) po 1- ~3;

"The Balance-Sheet of‘ the Session," Ioid. v. 175 (Lar 25 l903),
pp s,9, 22,23; "The President" gpig., v. 173 (April 4, 190 35,
,1H;"The Fair Play Dapartment, " Ioid., v. 175 (May 2,19 3

I'
pp ‘4“, 5
pp.1—2° "Swinging Around the Circle With Hoosevelt," Ibi§.,
v.175 June 27, 1903), pp. 1—2. passim.

Frauds," Mchgre'gfi

39W. A. ~ re(i

- "Hoos evelt and the P
EEEEEEPSJ V- 23 Z

te
September, 1904 ), pp, 5n
4

loons‘n Whitp'q America- no- lZT—ldd-

11+}

element in the editor's swing away from the laissez faire
theory of government toward business.

By 1902 the editor had become thoroughly inured to
the idea that wealth needed regulation and his first outburst
of hunzindi nation and disillusionment gave way to a more
seahisticated and cynical attitude toward big business. He
wrote:

A new element has entered into the American govern~
ment: It is th: financial and industrial cor oration.

It has a part in the government . . . and controls in a
measure the laws and customs which affect corporations

. . . . The powers which the cor or tions have,they got
from the peOple . . . . Sensible peOple no longer grow
excited over the fact that corporations help to shape
legislation . . . . . . . they see that the part taken
by corporate influence is not necessarily unfairly taken,
nor for unfair measures . . . . Dealing with intricate
financial and industrial problems requires a technical
knowledge and an acumen not possessed by the average man
and hence is not reflected in the average legislative
majority through the ordinary course of pOpule gov rn—
ment. Hence the change in the form of government, un-
consciously, from pooular to party government in which
the corporation plays a perfectly legitimate, almost
Open—handed part.

It is not corrupt politics. No one is bribed. There
is no lobby. It is all perfectly regular and thoroughly
established. The money contributed by corporations is
used by committees in a simple legitimate way; it is a
matter of public record and no wrong is done anyone. The
thing about the system which gives nervous people a shock
is the fact that the peOple no longer have all the power
they had under the Constitution. That is gone and will
never come back till the people grow wise enough to handl ,
the new conditions wisely, and justly, and intelligently."

This editorial betr ye some of White's most consistent

characteristics. He always approved of business men and their

kl”

sporia Gazette, January 9, 1902.

1

144
methods in handling affairs practically. He also had always
betrayed a tendency to accept and cling to the status quo.
Now that the business men were firmly established in our
government the editor was satisfied to accept the situation
and to make the best of it. This respect which he always
seemed to hold for the status quo seems to have been his
anchor on a scene which sometimes shifted too rapidly for
the country editor's tastes.

Shortly after Roosevelt became President he made clear
his p0sition on the trust question and big business in this
country. He supported government regulations over all big
business combinations engaged in interstate commerce. He
stated that he wanted to maintain a position somewhat between
that position established by the reactionaries and the ex—
treme prOgressives, and would like to protect the "good"
trusts while syposina the "bad" trusts. 2 The editor was ex-
tremely pleased that the President was taking a stand against
predatory combinations, an attitude that he considered "most
courageous and worthwhile." When Roosevelt had been in office
for almost a year White wrote an anniversary article in which
he praised his friend and rejoiced that the President had not

proven to be the proverbial bull in the china shop which unkind

 

42

Theodore Roosevelt, §HEQPEQHFQPEX: pp. 431—432.

1M5
opponents had predicted. Eoreover, Roosevelt had kept his
sharp eye on business and the peOple alik . "The President

takes pains to show honor to the masses, even against the

No more congenial administration could possibly have
presented itself to the editor than that of Roosevelt. He
was happy to be considered a member of that distinct group

~- - 44

weich believed in "conservative progress." He had been un—
easily aware during the McKinley administration that there
was an understanding between the Resublicans in power and
Wall Street that there would be no tampering with the trusts.
He was pleased and satisfied that Roosevelt was breaking his
unholy alliance and that now the understanding was off. He
wrote that the fact that "certain trusts" had contributed

r‘z“

heavily to the Republican campaign in 1096 and again in 1900
would imoose no obligations on President Roosevelt.“5
By 1902 it had been definitely established that Roosevelt
and White agreed fully in their views on the trusts. Indeed,
wherever the editor's views might have differed slightly in
the past, he quickly altered them to match the Roosevelt line.
He graciously deferred to the President's views on all matters

of domestic interest in these years, so deep was his affection

and admiration for him.

 

)i
Exocria Gazette, September 25, 1902.
Ibid., September 25, 1902.

“5

Ibid., September 95, 1902.

1A6

When he was assured that Roosevelt agreed With his in—
creasingly liberal views on combinations in inCustry, he felt
ree to unleash more criticism of the trusts. It seems, how—
ever, that the editor would have been much more vociferous in
his denunciations of business combinations if it had not been
for Roosevelt's somerhat moderating influence. Although White
was now fully convinced of the predatory asjects of many of
the trusts, he assured his readers that Roosevelt's pronise
to bring these ”brutes" to the halter was sufficient assurance
of his future plans. He decl red that crass wealth was drunk
with power, but held that Roosevelt would curb the selfish
instincts of the monotoliste.1H5

William Allen White was very favor bly impressed by Ida
The History_of the Standar§_0il_0onuany.

N. Tarbell's be h,

 

 

He felt that all discussion of the trust problem prior to the
publication of this book could be compared to a seventeenth
century discussion of witchcraft, due to the public's previous

serious contri—

m

ignorance of the real facts. He termed this
bution to our economic literature, and a scientific treatment
of the facts. He once more ably set forth the prevalent think—

ing of the grass-roots and middle class America.

~-.—_. —_———_.mrr-——

 

46

White, "One Year of Roosevelt," §:tur§gy-Evening_?ost,
v, 175 (October n, 1902), pp. 3—4.

 

1&7

Miss Tarbell he s no prejudices, no theory to prove,
no political svoitio n to gratify, no clients to satisfy,
She is seeking facts and interpreting them in truth.
Kiss Tarbell with her ristoiv v.ill do more to solve the
true problem by defining it th1n any writer or states-
man has done to d'te . . . . . . the plain, scientific

C a t trusts are e et dov vn carefully and sanely
. . . . :ne country owes her adebt of gratitude. 7

Cf

In l“03 White was concerned lest Grover Cleveland re~
ceive the Democrgtic nomination in 1904. He was convinced
that J. Piersont Morgan and tall Stree , interests were beck—
ing this candidate in a sinister move to unseat Roosevelt
whom they feared. He feared that if the move was to prove
successful, and Clevel:nd was reelected, all of the good
work which Roosevelt and the 3e3ublicans had done on the

a
trust issue might be undone. O The rumor proved false and
the edit or never referred to the matte r a,;ain.

The r il M Had begun to receive their share of critic-
ism from the editor. He had voluntarily surrendered his an-
nual railroad pass, a privilege which he had always enjoyed
and made much use of, with the come ment that free railroad
passes were, "one of the things that((don't))go with me."+9
After he had done this he felt more free to criticize abuses

which he saw in the railroads. He was suspicious cf the in—

creasingly large part the roads played in the state goverxm en t.

LL _
'7Emporia §;g:tt§, November 13, 1902.

 

1‘43:

0

8

*Ju

He conceded that they might have some business in polit

just as anv citizen did, ”but that business should be for

s
0

r0 ‘
9 ne rails had been

self defense only." He asserted that t

-'

.no had grown

533

treated fairly by th Republican regimes
steadily in power during Republican administrations, and that
now they were trying to use this acquired power to interfere
in politics. He called such encroachment "mighty poor Judg—
+‘ ' ‘* : .. *- -, - "51

ment and .ne kind of oom_neerina that makes rupulists.

In all of his increasing criticism of the railroads in this
period he always exempted one line from any vrongdoing, the

I . : ,_ - _ -
Santa Fe. The Santa Fe, Wsite commented later, had for ten

f_l
H
or
*4
0
u
no
:1
2L

years Kept out of po" had made friends by such a

course, unlike 0th r lines who "have been in it to their ears."52
In 1902 President Roosevelt launched a suit against

the Northern Securities Company, a holding company formed by

the Northern Pacific and Great Northern Railroads. After

two years this case reached the Supreme Court of the United

States and on March 14, 1904, they handed down their decision.

The Court ruled that the Northern Securities Company was an

illegal combination in restraint of trade. Roosevelt declared

that "the power to deal with industrial monOpoly and supress

 

 

2
Johnson, Selected Letters, p. 69:

 

149
it and to control and regulate combinations, of which the
Knight Case had deprived the Federal Government, was thus
restored to it by the Northern Securities Case."53
Of course William Allen White was pleased and proud
thzt "Roosevelt's case" has been won. Hw wrote of the de~
cision:

The victory of the nations s1 administration over
wh t President Roosevelt hu.s m‘ten seen fit to call
the ”wee mt y criminal clas see" is one that should
strengthen the fa 1th of Reouolicans. The defeat of

he merger is nore than a victory for Presi cent
Roosevelt. He started the suit; he urged it against
all the vicious assaults t"et the vicious element 0f
organized wealth could make on him. The President
had ocd coure he and good sense in all the contest,
but ii the Re ublican party, which has practically
had the naming of the American courts Ior the past
twenty-five years, and has had charge of the oublic
sentiment of the country-~if the Republican narty
had been recreant in all these years the people would
have lost. The contest was essentially a victory of
the Republican party. It should teach the railroads
one thing; thit aggrandizement is the most dangerous
position for a corporation to take. The railroad
should be in politics for defense and defense only,
and not to control policies. . . . In Kansas Just now
the railroads control more thoroughly than they ever
did before. They head the na tional deleaat ion to the
Republican convention, and the very men wno were most
bitter ; ainst Roosevelt for his fight on the merger
are the e ployers of tr e heads of the Kansas delegation
to Chicago, The railroads dominated the committee on
credentials at the Republican convention . . . . The
people demand of the executive that it stand as Roose—
velt stands, for the people and against railroad ag—
grandizement.5L

 

53

Roosevelt, gutobiggraohv, pp. 423—430.

54E

150

The editor continued his Opposition to railroad inter—
ference in politics in general and in Kansas in particular.
He accused them of electing corrupt politicians like Senator
Birtcn of Kansas to office; he blamed the railroads for the
defeat of fine candidates like Governor Stanley. He predict-
ed that the activities of the Harrin n interests in building
up political "railroad machines" Was going to result in anti~
railroad legislation because the wrath of the peonle has been
aroused at their high handed tactics. Once again he admonish-
ed the rail lines to emulate the pOiicies of the Santa Fe
which "doesn't meddle in politics exceot for self defense.

Why don't other roais do the same? Why not let the people

run their own politics?"55
At the close of 1904 White had become a’Tull blown pro—

gressive."3J He no longer wavered in his treatment of American
industrial combinations. He vociferously advocated government
supervision and regulation of big b siness. He had at one
time reluctantly conceded that the corporation, like the rail-
road, had a right to interfere in politics in a defensive
capacity. Now he wrote of such interference: "When a cornora—

3

gets into politics it his to use tense weapons of offense

tion

and defense that the Lord gives t; in that Way it is like

 

5

07

Ibid., April 21, 1904.

KI!
O \

Johnson, White's America, an. 143—159. casein.

 

 

151
"57

the humble, but much respected skunk. On one fine spring
day while commenting editorially on the joys of living he honed
that during that week the House of Representatives had pass—
ed 319 pension bills in two hours, "And that was better than
passing one bill to aid a trust.“55 This was quite a departure
in one short decade from his strong beliefs in the self—

of Socialism

m

sufficiency of the individual, and the danger
which lay in the aid from the government which POpulist and
Democratic "failures" had been seeking.

The optimistic editor found a heartening incident on
the national scene. A union had had one of its own members
arrested for slugging a scab. American Federation of Labor
President, Samuel Gompers, endorsed the stand of the union
and the editor agreed with him that the only way to win
strikes was for a labor union to remain within the law. White
found the actions of the union even more meritorious in the
light of the bad example which had been set for them by the
corporations which frequently took the law into their own
hands, or distorted it to suit their nuruoees, and yet fre—
quently emerged Victorious from legal squabbles. He predict—
ed; "In the end the cornorations will fail . . . . Every day

in this world men who work with their hands are rising in

 

\fl

7Emp0ria C—Tizettg’ April 21, 190A.

S -. . )
Ibio., April 14, 1304,

 

 

\J'}

152

the scale of social and economic importance because of
their mental and moral strength. . . . These words are writ—
ten by one who believes the ultimately the laborers of this
land will come intoa broader share in the good things of
this land."59

Only once in his progressive years did White revert to
the monster trust, and even succeed in competition with then.
Since tnis occasion was the business anniversary of a close
friend, a successful, self—made man, White's words on this
occasion cannot be considered too significant, or indicative
of his feelings on big business in general. The editor de—
clared thst though it had been said that the doors of busi~
ness were closed to the individuals by the combinations of
great capital, A. O. Rorabaush, a Kansas merchant, had pro—
ven this to be false. "The personal element enters into
success. his is the way it Was in the beginning, and it is
the way it will be when the curtain falls, no matter what

laws or trusts, or combinatiors come up. Energy will win

I
if it is well directed. Mothind can overcome this rule of

/
human conduct.u50

 

Ihi§., May 12, 1904.

153
Treodore Roosevelt received the Republican nomina-
tion for President in 13 4. This was exoected and there
was no real fight in the convention. White, of course, had
been working quietly toward this end for several years and
was elated now that his idol could become President in his

‘
(

own right. To tie editor the chief force to combat in the

w 3

election was the money power whicn ne felt was seeking the

n V
!

defeat of Roosevelt. The main poems in White's support

.e President's elec—

of Roosevelt in this campaign was that t
tion was necessary if the prosecution of the trusts was to
be continued.

White felt that only Roosevelt and the Republicans
could honestly and efficiently enforce the anti-trust laws.
The area problem before the country was the distribution
of wealth.

The problem facing the country which demands ad~
Justment is the problem concerning the equitable dis—
trihnticn of wealth piling up in this country . . . .
When a min owns more than a million be is using the
surrlus to promote great deals in which there are un-
fair profits. These profits cone out of someone——
partly out of the laborers at the factory,,oartly
out of the general public. This is wrong.'

White was jubilant at Roosevelt's election. He said

that Roosevelt had row led the Rppbulican party away from

the issues of the nineties, away from the problems concerned

 

-_.-»—.-_——..——._.—r-'.-

 

El - . ~
Ibid,, November 2, 19b4,

154
with the accumulation of Wealth toward problems that were
concerned with thesquitable distribution of wealth. The
trust nroblem could be attacked sanely and without malice.
Johnson, White's biographer, states that this was so close
to Roosevelt's views that White was probably paraphrasing
/0
one of their conversations.c;

By 1905 William Allen White supported nrogressive
principles so thoroughly that he supported a state owned re-
finery. In 1905 Kansas had an oil boom. Governor E. W. Hoch,
to off-set the Standard Oil Comoany's monoooly established
a state refinery as a way of checking that comoany's rates.
When the Standard Oil Company sought to place an ad in the
Emporis gazette to present their side of the case, White re—
fused, He wrote them: "I do not wish to be a Pharisee in
this matter, and yet it seems to me that in View of the st nd
that the state of Kansas as a state has taken in regard to the
Standard, it would not be right for me as a citizen to take
the other side——even to the extent of printing your cepy mark
advertising—~of the controversy for a fee.63 Ida Tarbell

joinefi White and Governor Hoch in their successful fight to

 

fo
0L.
Johnson, White's America, rp. 1M5wluo

 

0\

3Johnson, gelected Letters, 9. 67.

 

155

establish the state refinery, and White observed that Kansas
had acted in the interests of all America against unfair
monOpolies in this matter.62+

After the Republican victory in 130% the editor no
longer feared that government regulation would lead to tyranny.
He was confident that under the leadership of Roosevelt, the
United States could regulate the forces of greed and exploita—
tion without endangering individual liberties. Furthermore,
he Optimistically contended that the nation was in the grip
of a moral awakening; crass wealth and vested interests were
being driven from the political scene. Not only did big
business have the duty to conduct itself morally, but small
business men and the middle—class also shared in this respon—
sibility.65

White had run the full gamut in the decade from 1895
until 1905 from a conservative, laissez faire attitude to—
ward business, to a progressive, benevolent attitude of re—
gulation for tne greatest good of all. He was once more in
the familiar position of advocating policies wiich he had
deplored in the hands of the reformers, POpulists, and Demo—

crats, now that such policies were advocated by respectable

Republicans, the great middle-class, and honest business men.

 

,
04
Johnson, dhite's America, p. 1%“.
5r" ' n r N A , i '1 -
White, The Golden Rule, atlantic hontniv v. 96
(October, 1905), pp. 433—4Ml, oassim.

“..—......—

 

BIBLIOERAPHICAL ESSAY

Because of the nature of the problem with which this

paper deals, the newspaoer files of the Emporia Gazette were

 

the most important source materials used. These were avail-
able on microfilm at the Michigan State College Library.
Unfortunately, there were several gaps of a few weeks or a
few months in the early copies of this paper, particularly
in the year 1397. This writer was ails to fill in some of

IV

these omissions with the microfilmed copies of the gazette

...—unu—

 

and some of the White letters which were available at the
University of Chicago.

Yhite's letters were an interesting source and cast
additional light on his private Opinions and affairs. These

were available in Walter Johnson's Selected Letters of

 

William fillen fizite (New York: Henry Holt, 1947). Elting
E. Morison's collection of Theodore Roosevelt letters, The

Years 2: Preoerajion, Vol. II (Cambridge: Harvard University

 

 

Press, 1951) was a little less important but equally inter—
esting in that it revealed Roosevelt's relationship with
White more clearly.

White's many books and magazine articles were an in-

valuable source. Of prime import was his Autob ograohy

 

(New York: Machillan, 1946) which is an excellent and full

account particularly of his early years, and an equally fine

H
U“!
()\

White which rendered

ct
h
*‘5
(1
Q
C“
P5
U‘
(‘1

picture of his time. 0

much information were The Real Issue (Chicago: Way and

 

Williams, 1396) and Stratagems and Soc ils (Iéew York: Scrib—

ner's, 1901).

 

 

A Bibl'ographv of the Published Works of William Allen

Halter Johns on and Albe:rta Pantle,

\J
C‘
t<

W‘aite (Tepesa, 19%

which was first published in the Ken sas Historical Quarterly

 

and then reprinted in pamphlet form, was a great convenience.
William L. White, the son of William A. White was interviewed
by this ariter when he visited the hichigan State College

L.

campus in 1990 and was able b0 give some valuable advice on

he validity (in his Opinion) of certain :io final 3 vritten

about his father and the location of some source materiel.
Some of the most interesting and informative journal

articles by the editor were ”Hanna," wrioh was published in

McClure's (Novehber, 1900), "McKinley and Hanna," in the

 

Saturday Evening Post (March 12, 1904), "What the West Thinks

 

of Wall Street Now, " in Cglliers (November 23, 1903), and

"The Dollar in Politics: Some Modern Methods in POpular Mis-
government," which appeared in Vhe.§i§ERQQY Eggping 39st
(July 2, 190%). He wrote a serie es for the S turdav Ev_e_ni na
Eg_t w_.ich was supposedly an attempt at muckrahing. T.e best
of these articles were ”The Politicians: Our Hired Men at
Washington,‘ ‘(March 14, 1903) and "The Reorganization of the
Republican Party," (Decm er 3, 19C 04). The rest of the arti—

cles in the series were merely a chronicle of Roosevelt's

158
successes as President. One of his best magazine articles
and one which was widely quoted Was "Cuban Reciprocity__g

(September, 1902).

U)

Moral Issue," in M glgre'

 

Autobiographies of some of White's contemporaries, men
who were his friends, were valuable sources for background

material as well as presenting different aspects of the edi-

'3
tor through another person's eyes. The best of these were

Roosevelt's figtab’gfiraphy (New York: Scribner's, 1929) and

Autobit‘ anny,2f Lincoln Steffens (New York: Harcourt,

A
I .
#4 A __

TX

'1
(D

6

 

Brace, 1991). Biographies were valuable for the same reasons.

Some of these were Charles S. Olcott's Life 9; flilliam EgKinlez,

 

2 vol. (New York: Houghton, Mifflin, 1915), Joseph B. EishOp's

Theodore Roosevelt and His Time, 2 vol. New York: Scribner's,

 

1920), Thomas Beer's The Life Hark Hanna, Herbert Croly's

 

.0
.....J:.
Marcus Alonzo Hanna, His Life and Work, and Henry F. Pringle's

 

Theodore Roosevelt (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1931). Special
attention should be paid to Walter Johnson's comprehensive
biography Nilliag Allen White's America. While this is an
excellent account of White and his work it tends to paint en—
tirely too favorable a picture of White and treats him more
from the standpoint of his published works than his day to

day writings in the Gazette. In short, it is too charitable
and presents the popular View of White as a wise seer and
typical country editor. Unpublished materials presented in-
teresting information but not much that was new or important.

An exception to this was Fenstad Trondby's "Political Philosophy

159
of William Allen White," (Ur niversity of Chicago, 1923), a
Ph. D. dissertation. Unfortunately, this work oealt with
his political philosophy in his later, more liberal years.

An excellent account of Pooulism was founi in John D.

 

 

 

Kick The Pooulist gigolt, 5 Hi stg" g; the Farmer's Alliance
4n; the Peo Tile's Party University of Minnesota,

1951). Harold U. Faulkner's The Quest For Social Justice,

l3EH—ljlu, Vol. XI in Arthur M. Schlesinger and Dixon R. Fox,

 

6d,, é Historv of American Life, 1} vols., (New York: Mac—

A"—

 

Millan, 1948) deals with certain phases of our economic and

social history as does Mart Sullivan's Egg Turn 2_ the Gen—

 

EBZX, V01. I in Our Times, The United States, l90J_1332, 6

 

 

 

vols. (New York: 8 rioner's, 1927). An innortant economic

history is Faulkner's The Decline of Laissez Faire, lSQZ—lall,

 

 

 

e §§et;§ (New

--——-—-

Vol. VII of The Econonic historx of re 3

9-.— -——~— . .i—~—- —— _ —

H3
!d
In

 

York: Finehart, 1051). Raymond Curtis Killer's unpublished
Master's thesis and Ph. D. dissertation were excellent ac—
counts of Kansas and Populism in the decade at the turn of

the century. These vere "The Ec Hon mic Basis of POpulism in
Kansas," (University of Chicago, 1923) and ”The Populist Party

in Kansas," (University of Chicago, 1923). These w re ve ry

valuable sources for material about the economic history and
the political unrest in Ker -sas during; White's early years.

James Ford.Rhodes' work, The hex HIEXr nd Roosevelt A61nini_—

 

tratiogg (New York: The Machillan Co., 1922) also provided
valuable background information about the years vith vhich

this thesis deals.

160

Walter Millis' The Iertial Snirit (Cambridge: River—

 

side Press, 1931) is a lively and important account of the

Spanish—American War and Julius W. Pratt's Erg9nci 0,19 ts 2:

 

3:33 is a valuable treatment of the imperialist urge which
sweet our country at that time.

Frank W. Taussig's works deal with the tariff history
of the eriod exhaustively The most informative of these

vere 8: me Aslects of the Tariff ggestion (Ca.norio,g e: Harvard

 

University Press, 1931) and The Tariffi History 9: the United

 

gta tes (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1923). The true cts
are ably dealt with by John Moody n his The Truth Aoout the
T usts (New York: Moody Publish ing 09., 1904) and in Ida n.

Tarbell's TLe {Lti nal Zing of Bu iress, Vol. TX in A Histggy

 

MacMillan, 193 ).

[0

‘HJ
J)
”D
*3
3.5.
(3
‘3
:5
t4
...»
‘4:
40
A
'74"
(D
<5
K
0
“'5
'5‘

 

Other works which were consulted and yielded informs-
tion which for the purposes of this paper was of a more con—

ventional nature, were:
BOOKS

Barr, Elizabeth M. A Sterdard _fiistory of Kansas_ahd ansahs.
Vol. II, Edited by W. n. Connelley, Chicago: America
Book 03., 1933.

 

 

 

Becker, Carl. ssa3s in American History

E \
erick Jackson Turneg. New York: he

 

Dedicated to Fred—
nry Holt and Co., 1910.

 

Clouth Frank C. William Allen White of Emooria. New York:
Whittlesey House, 19TO.

 

 

 

Cochran , Thomas C. and William Miller.e The Age of Enter orise:
A S30 is 1 History_of Indus rial rice; New York: The
lmac illan Co., 19#&.

161

 

Connel W. E. AP 1 torv of Kansas Newsoaoers. Tepeka:
Topeka Pubiienina Hg‘ms e, 191 .

Fitzaibbon, R. H. Fortv Yea rs on Main Street. New York:
Farrar and Binehart Inc., 1937.

Grueni n1, Ernest. These Unitee States. New York: Boni
sno Live ri;;ht, 1923.

 

 

 

Hacker, Louis M. (ed.). Th
‘1
J.

e Sienin» of the Averican Tradi—
gigg. New York: Ct n

‘u oia University Press, 19+?
Hill, Howard C. Roosevelt and the Caribbean. Chicavo: Tne
University of Chicago Press, 1937.

Lockhar , Earl G. My Vocation, Ly Eminent Americans. New
York: H. W.wi1s3n Co., 1933.

 

 

Tahin, Helen ngen. The Edito and Hisufiegole. New York:
The MacMillan Co., 192%.?

 

Mills, Frederick C. Economic ngigggi§;_in the United States.
New York: National Bureau of Economic Hesearch, 1932.

 

 

,

Parrinr;ton, Vernon Louis. T-e B nnincs 01 Critical He zlism
o I1Main Currents in
1’1

: Harcourt, Brace and Co.,1"30.

l

 

in America, 1520—199“. V
American Thoubgg. New Yo

 

 

9L
1
k

 

Richardson, James D. A Ccmoilation of the Messages and Pacers
of the Presidents. Vol. IN, Washington D.C.: Bureau of
National Literature and Art, 1910.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Stanwood, anard. American Tariff Cintroveesies in the Nine-
teenth Ce.n turv. 2 vols. Boston: Houbhton, M14 filin Co.,
1905.

Tarbell, Ida M. The Tariff in Our Time. New York: The Mac-
Millan Co., 1911.

Taussig, Frank W. greenTrafig, the Tariff, and Reciorocity.
New York: The Ma Iillan Co., 19: 7.

Webb, Walter Prescott. Tie Great Plairs. New York: Ginn
anfi Co., 1931.

White, William Allen. The Court_§f Boyville. New Yor‘:
Doubleday and McClure Co., 1599.

 

L;§k9 in a Pe.ean_ New York: The Ma cMiilan Co
19 29.

 

 

 

White, Willidm Allen. The Clem in; West: _ _. l
Ab;ut our Gglficn age, New York: The Macmillan

‘f‘ ‘ Wmva-‘fl
‘iul-tkd :1 ~*\~‘.‘ .. D

Cunfield James H. "A Bundle of Mes tern Letters, Review 3f
IF 1evg, Vol. X, July, lSjF,

Beetler, Chester MCATthur, '“western F.a Cl calism, 1555-13w1:
C~1 ts anfi Origins,"”ICCT=¢13911Y311111E1§§9315§1
Ee1iew XAAI, December, ler

Fa1men Hell e. "The Econornic Bacajr3“3é of 11 ontie1 Popul—
isw "11s;1§513;1_y2113v héiFPFJE§J1§§V ieur K. March,

 

Killer, Ragimand Curtis “The Background of POpulism in Kansas,"
113915223311Xfillfx_filffiii9§lléiiléfl1 MI, March, 1325.

 

 

White, Willie: Allen. "The Ba.lcnce— Sheet of the Session,"
suturfi Lgvenium Posg¢ Vol. l7f1,1£;rch ST, 1903.

 

Imuc " Satu°ng Evening-fget, Vol. 175,

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O
nnryan H?” dwels EEQEE}LC Vol. 13’ V01? lump

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. "Clevelunc_, " MCQQpr§j§_Mng;1§§, Vol. l5, February, 1902.

"The Country Laitor Sneaks," Netlgg, V31. 12%, June 12,

"The Country Newspaper," Keene"§, Vol. 132,11‘Cay, 1916,

 

. "Edi f Live and Learn," Atlantic Lurt*1v Vol. 170,

"Emuoria and New York,“ “nericu1 gagazine, Jenuury,

 

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. "Tm? 1n1 01 1h 2300“,“ ul. {1, June,

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”The Ethics 0
Novenber, 19

 

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V91. 175, mav 2, 19

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white, William Allen. "From One Country Eeitor to
EQEEEEJE valew 0? Li§§x~-2.:, V01. 17, Jdnuary L

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. "The Gqcry of the States: Kansas," Averic n E893—

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g_p§, January, 1916.

 

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‘ A n 2- 'n-». x a pa
n nuie," ntLafitiC Lsn1.fr VJl «w

 

 

”Good News23pers and Bad," Atlantic Hgntn1y V01.

 

153, May, 193M.
. WéwTFree is Our Press?" T59_§7E22£2 V010 1L6:
JLne %, 19j3.

. "Journalism—~1ts Good '1nd Its Gray Side,"
ifiiiéfi, V0 . %, Mxrch 15,1«29.

 

d. "Kansas: Its Present and Future," Eggum V01. 23,

. "Tie Man Who Maia the Star," Ccllge g, Vol. 55,
June 20, 1915.

 

___”_*_. "Nemoirs of a'Three Fingered Pianist, Women's Home

£¥EVnlen Val. 12, September, 1927.

 

. "Lewsp perms n At Work," geyufigpyglig, Vol. 197,
ecenoer 25, 1!94

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"One Year of Roosevelt," Saturggy
Vol. 175, October 9, 1902.

 

. "The P3>s ins of the Free Editor," £22£292n_3§:9221.
32‘ v.1 " -

XufOJ—Q K), it; '-.y; lj:.6.

_. "Tte Presléent," Saturgav Evenin? Post, V01. 175,

April h, 1903.

 

__. "Roosevelt and th e Po stal Fr=qu,"Kc81ure's F9 2-
gggg, Vol. 23, Sen mbeer,1904

K . "Swim infi Arounfi the Circle With Roosevelt,"
SaturQEX Trening Post, Vol. 175, June 27, 1903.

 

. "Theodore 5 MO evelt 'MeClure's Eggfigigg, Vol. 13,
November, 1901.

 

 

_. "These United Stetes: Kansas, A Puritan Survive ,"
2.3.192 April 19, 222.

M -—-—--—

164

White, William Allen. "This Business of Writing,“ gaturdax
Review of Literature, Vol. 3, December 4, 192b,

"White on White, " Saturday Review of Literature,
Vol. 24, September 20,1941.

"Why the Nation Will Endure," Saturday Evening
Post, Vol. 177, March a, 1905.
UNPUBLISHED MATERIAL

Johnson, Walter. "William Allen White Defends America."
Unfiublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Chicago,

Whinery, Christine. "William Allen White." Unpublished
Master's thesis, University of Chicago, 1939.

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