'E’HE NEEHOFF PRIMARY VARIABLES:
A PILOT TEN BY UTILEZATEON OF
TWO CASE HISTORIES OF
iNDUCEDB CULTURE CHANGE

?59333 For The Degree of M. A.
i’iEC‘fiiG‘éN STATE UREE’ERSETY
George ’E‘ayior m
2356

J, LIBRARY

Michigan Sues
University

   
    

IHESIS

ABSTRACT

THE NIEHOFF PRIMARY VARIABLES: A PILOT
TEST BY UTILIZATION OF TWO CASE
HISTORIES OF INDUCED CULTURE CHANGE

by George Taylor III

In 1964, Arthur H. Niehoff, cultural anthrOpologist at the

George Wishington University, with his development of ”Primary Variables
in Directed Cross-Cultural Change,"l took a preliminary step in an
effort to delineate the process by which new ideas or techniques are
transferred from one culture to another in situations where identifiable
innovators are (consciously) trying to bring about change.

To briefly'background the Niehoff work, it is recognized that
today similar variables everywhere undoubtedly determine the rate at
which adoption of change occurs. There has been a need to determine
these variables and possibly organize thom.into some workable order.

In an attempt to meet the need, Niehoff has presented his
description of the major influence factors, 20 in number, as derived
fren.a total number of 171 case histories of cross-cultural change.

His list of variables, many of them sub-divided, making a total of 56
individual influence types, includes both innovator and recipient
behavior characteristics, and Niehoff believes it to be a workable

'2' George Taylor III

model by means of which any number of case histories of induced culture
change can be analyzed. To this author's knowledge, the Niehoff frame-
work comprises the only such attempt to date to devise a workable list
of the factors influencing cultural change.

Due to their recency, the Niehoff variables, in the writer's
knowledge, have not yet been tested or evaluated. This study is a
pilot test of the Niehoff variables using a constant stimulus situation,
namely introduction of the same innovation in two less develoPed
countries, and specifically, the introduction of tractors into Comilla,
East Pakistan, and.Acholi, Uganda, respectiveky.

The two basic assumptions were 1) that the Niehoff variables
would be inclusive of any factors which might influence the outcome of
the research project, i.e., they would include all variables, and
2) that this framework can be utilized as a valuable set of guidelines
by change agents in both the execution of their innovation projects
and the assembling of report material.

As to methodology, we first presented a detailed account of each
research project. we then linked up various defined events and described
cultural circumstances by simple content analysis into the Niehoff
variables, which are classified into Innovator and Recipient categories.

In general it was found that Niehoff seems to have completed a

 

thorough analysis of the magy'variables resulting in chgnge in emerging
W

In regard to the first assumption, i.e., that Niehoff would

include all variables, it is this author's Opinion that he had included
all of the factors which might influence the outcome of the research
project with the exception of variables _pertaining to mass commrdcations,
we recommended how Niehoff might go about organizing his framework to
include a category on mass media.

As to the second assumption, i.e., the utility of the Niehoff
paradigm, we have recommended that innovators contemplating a change
program in develoPing nations use this tool to aid in setting up object-
ives, formulating Impotheses, carrying out their change projects in the
field, and, particularly, writing the final report. Our findings made
clear that much of the information not provided in the written research
resulted from the innovators' lack of an adequate set of guidelines
on which to produce the final report.

we also emphasized the potential role that mass media, particularly
radio and films, coupled with interpersonal comnnmication, could have
played in the success of the East Pakistan and Uganda eaqaeriments.

We briefly mentioned possible ramifications of Niehoff's work
in theory building, and concluded with the hope that future researchers

will make widespread use of the Niehoff framework in cross-cultural

change projects.

 

1Arthur H. Niehoff, The Primafl Variables in Directed Cross-
fltural gangs. Washington, D.C.: Human Resources Research Office,
The George Washington University, 19614». (mimeographed.)

THE NIEHOFF PRIMARY VARIABLES: A PILOT
TEST BI UTILIZATION OF TWO CASE
HISTORIES 0F INDUCED CULTURE CHANGE

BY
George TAylor III

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of -, Commicatione

1966

PREFACE

Many of the problems which now confront modern nations of the
world in convincing underdeveloped countries to adopt more mechanized
and efficient techniques were prevalent in our own society at the turn
of the century. Consider the growth of the automobile in America
between 1890 and 1910.

Shortly after the first crude version of the horseless carriage
appeared in the late 1870's, a few mechanically minded Americans began
to build experimentally what appeared to be, at the time, rather
' awkwardplooking machines.

Since the concept of the internal combustion engine was com-
pletely new and strange to most people, their endeavors met strong
criticism from nearly everyone. It was Bald that the machines were
never too reliable, and indeed, they were not. In those days if one
could travel 30 miles without experiencing some form of difficulty it

was considered a miracle.

Some opposed the horseless carriage also because of the strange
noises made by the engines and the odor of burning gasoline and oil.
For others it was suply a matter of desiring to cling to tradition-~a
horse and buggy would never fail to get one to his destination.

It was not until 1911+ when Henry Ford began mass production of
the Model T that the automobile began to grow in acceptance. Several
factors led to its adaption. One, the United States economy was ex-
panding at a rapid rate, enabling more peOple to afford the luxury of
owning an automobile. Second, after years of trial and error the
automobile had become more reliable and peeple realized that it was a

faster mode of transportation and was certainly here to stay.
The application of mass production to automobile building by

Ford enabled his company to build cars at a low price which almost
anyone could afford. Perhaps the most important factor, however, was
that more and more people began to understand the principles of engines
and other automotive components. They began "living with" the idea
of the machine. The concept of the horseless carriage was no longer
mysterious. I

Today innovators are attempting to introduce modern machinery
into less developed countries all over the world. They, too, are meeting
resistance for some of the same reasons we ourselves were reluctant to
adopt the automobile. The Latin Americans, Asians and Africans hesitate

to change to more modern technology because they say the new methods

iii

have not been proven. The old methods have worked for years, they
argue, so why change to something new that might fail. In agriculture
the particular problem is of major importance. The rapidly expanding
populations of developing nations must adopt new and more reliable
methods of farming if crOp production is to keep up with the ever
increasing demands of these countries.

In America, the growth of farm mechanization developed gradually,
starting with horse-drawn hand plows in the mid-1800's, progressing
slowly to the first general purpose gas tractors of 1925, and today
the massive Diesel-powered combination machines are familiar sights on
our vast mechanized farm lands. The peasant farmer, on the other hand,
is being asked to jump from his bullock-drawn hand plow to a Diesel
tractor almost overnight-a swift transition which took the American
farmer over 100 years.

Why is the peasant being asked to make this sudden and often
difficult transition? Over a cenmry of farm modernization in America,
the farm labor required to produce a bushel of wheat dropped from 3.?
man hours in 1850 to 0.31 man hours by 1950. At the same time that
the manpower available per farm was decreasing, the horsepower available
per agricultural worker increased throughout this period.

‘wo know now'that this was made possible through the use of
machines in large numbers, but many change variables determined the
extent to which the innovation was adopted. This thesis will examine
a recently developed model which attempts to categorize and pattern

these variables that influence the change process in emerging countries.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page
I C mmchION O O O O O O O O O O O O O O . 1

II. In NIEHOFF PRIMARY VARIABLES . . . . . . . . . 9
III. TRACTOR INTROIIICTION IN COMILLA . . . . . . . . 15
A. Resume of Research Project . . . . . . . . 16

B. The Camilla Research as Viewed Within the
RiehoffFramework . . . . . . . . . 32

C. Camilla: Summary and Analysis . . . . . . 59
IV. MOTOR INTROWCTION IN ACHOLI e . . . . e . . e 62
A. Resume of Research Project . . . . . . . . 63

B. The Acholi Research as Viewed Within the
NiehOff Frmmrk e e e e e e e e e 88

C. Acholi: SummaryandAnalysis . . . . . . 111
v. sumuR! AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH . . . 115
VI. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .128
BIBLIOGRAPHI..............131

I .
INTROHJCTION

Daring the development of farm machinery in America certain
variables influenced the adoption of mechanization by American
farmers--for Mple, the traditional customs and leadership of the
local townspeople. Similarly, when introducing a new technique into
an underdeveloped nation, research has shown that it is often difficult
to achieve acceptance of the idea by the population.

The particular values, customs, traditions, and norms of a given
culture, plus the characteristics of an innovator cause difficulties
which will differ with each society.

Today, as farm mechanization is being introduced throughout the
world, it is recognized that similar variables everywhere undoubtedly
determine the rate at which adoption of modern agricultural equipment
occurs. There has been a need to determine these variables and, if
possible,' to organize them into some workable order.

-1...

-2-

This task has recently been undertaken by Dr. Arthur H. Niehoff,
a cultural anthrOpologist with the Human Resources Research Office of
George Washington University, who in 1964 has given us a model he
calls ”The Primary Variables in Directed Cross-cultural Change."1
This is a framework for analysis of the process of directed cross-cultural
change. Niehoffnand this writer--believe it to be a workable model by
means of which any number of case histories of induced culture change
can be analyzed.

Niehoff has presented his description of the major influence
factors, 20 in number, as derived from a total rmmber of 171 case
histories of cross-cultural change. He divides his scheme of cultural
variables into two classifications: one listing Innovator variables,
i.e., the characteristics of the change agent; and the second, listing
the determinants of recipient behavior, or the Recipient variables.
Mary of the list are sub-divided, making a total of 56 individual
influence types.

To this author's knowledge, the Niehoff framework comprises the
only such attempt to date to devise a workable list of the factors
influencing cultural change. Due to their recency, the Niehoff variables,
to the writer's information, have not yet been tested or evaluated.

In amr such test or evaluation involving cross-cultural change it

 

1Arthur H. Niehoff, The Primag Variables in mrected Cross-Cultural
Mg, Washington, D.C.: Human Resources Research Office, The George

Washington University, 1961+. (mimeographed.)

-3-

would seem desirable to hold the stimulus situation constant where the
testing occurs. This study is a pilot test of the Niehoff variables
using a constant stimulus situation, Specifically, introduction of the
same innovation in two lower deve10ped countries.

To achieve this objective we will present detailed accounts of
two research projects dealing with the introduction of tractors into
Camilla, East Pakistan and Achcli, Uganda, respectively.

It was felt that both Uganda and East Pakistan at the time of
these research projects, had many desired similarities. That is, both
countries were characterized by high illiteracy rates, a low level of
technology, an underdevelOped agricultural econonw, and a generally low
level of knowledge regarding mechanical principles essential for the
operation and maintenance of mechanized equipment.

Tractors were chosen as the innovation because the same basic
understanding is required for awone to use tractors, and also the same
problems could be expected to occur during the introduction attempt,
i.e., those dealing with training drivers and mechanics, and those
concerned with land usage, that is, the re-organization of the land to
insure the most efficient operation.

While mam? similarities are noted, the cultures described in each
of the two projects differ. This, too, is desirable in order to meet
our objective of testing Niehoff's framework of variables. Essentially,
what we are attempting to determine is whether or not either of these

studies contain variables not included in his model. Thus, differences

-h—

are also desirable.

Of course it is agreed that several, rather than two, studies on
innovation of tractors would be needed to thoroughly test Niehoff's
paradigm. However, the field of studies on tractor innovation appears
to be very limited, as the writer's thorough examination of all
available literature lucidly demonstrated.

With these two studies serving as background, we will then utilize
the Niehoff’model to ”plug in? workable examples of the primary
variables in action.

As to methodology, a simple content analysis procedure will be
used. we will first present a detailed resume of each of the two
research projects.

we will then examine all of the information about the innovation
introduction that appears in the reports studied. The coding unit will
be the "context unit," defined as "a paragraph or statement which
denotes a complete definition or description (the existence of) a
Niehoff variable."

we will then link up the various defined events and described
cultural circumstances (i.e., context units) into the Niehoff variables,
comprising the 56 pro-determined categories of Innovator and Recipient
behavior. Following each project examination, in a Summary and
Analysis section, we will point to strengths and weaknesses of that
project as seen in the light of Niehoff's model.

Our two basic assumptions will be: 1) that the Niehoff variables

-5-

will be inclusive of any factors which might influence the outcome of
the research project, i.e., they would include all variables, and

2) that this framework can be utilized as a valuable set of guidelines
by change agents in both the execution of their innovation projects
and the assembling of report material.

The thesis, therefore, will set out to examine whether these
assumptions are valid. The use of identical innovations (tractors) will
fulfill the requirement of stimulus constancy.

Of course, the Niehoff list is a recent develOpment and to this
author's knowledge has seen little or no application in the field.
we are therefore cognizant of the fact that this framework was not
available to these researchers at the time of their writing.

‘we further realize that our findings will not prove the assumptions
that the Niehoff variables are all-inclusive or valuable; too few
research reports will be analyzed and field research is needed. They
would appear to test, however, whether the findings are in accord with
the assumptions, in general, and thus keep it in good order for future
analysis and testing.

A secondary consideration will be the attention given to those
variables pertaining to the role of various mass media. In view of
this author's contention that mass media play a significant part in
developing countries, is the Niehoff framework inclusive of all
pertinent media variables?

To this writer the many roles of’mass communication are of major

-6-

significance in any change situation. we prepose to discuss this further
in the final section dealing with Implications for Further Research.

Thesis Rationale

Before turning to the research projects and Niehoff's model, it
is first necessary to point out the reasoning behind this writer's
choice of Niehoff's conception of the change process.

Over the years there has been a great variety of independent
studies conducted on nearly all of the individual variables relating to
change which are included in Niehoff's framework.

Countless numbers of social scientists have carried out projects
on such variables as kinship groups and their influence on induced
cultural change. Sociologists have also studied leadership, religious
influence, and the overall social structure in a village, to mention
only a few.

The role of mass media in a deve10ping nation has also received
growing attention from the communication Specialists. For example,
Specter studied the potential influence of radio, visual media, and
combinations thereof on the success of community deveIOpment programs.2
Neurath studied the affects of the radio farm forum in India and found

that radio, coupled with group discussion, were chief factors in the

 

2Paul Specter 3:9 59., Communication and Motivation in Comnity
Develomgt: An Eeriment, Washington, D.C.: Institute for International
Services, American Institute for Research, (November 1963).

success of getting farmers to understand and adopt new agricultural
practices.3

To further illustrate communications research, Daniel Lerner,

1+
with his "Conmmnication Theory of Modernization," has shown the

importance of media in the national development, i.e., by instilling a
desire for growth toward "modernity" as a "style of life." In fact,
to drive this point home, we will note that the innovators in the
Acholi study, which we review in a later section, advocated this very
approach offered by Lerner.

To quote a few of their phrases:

If mechanization is to succeed the farmers themselves
must first want it to succeed. They may want it to succeed
because of associating it with higher income. . . In many
areas there may be peasants who have been in contact with
others enjoying a greater standard of living than their
own. It is only through such contact that peasants learn
of these higher standards. . . . (There must) be a sustained
demand for a higher level of money income and expenditure
. . . Nothing succeeds like success. A pioneer who
succeeds in establishing a fanning business in raising
his standard of living becomes a power in the land to be
looked up to and copied. . . (There must) be a demand for
mechanical cultivation . . . (There is) a need to

 

3Paul M. Neurath, "Radio Farm Forum as a Tool of Change in
Indian Villages," Economic Develcpment and Culture Change, Vol. X,
No. 3 (April, 1962), pp. 275-2 3.

“Daniel Lemar, "Toward a Communication Theory of Modernization, "

in Lucian W. Pye (ed.), Communications and Political Develoment,
Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 19 3, pp. 327-350.

advertise tractor hire service. . . It is worth repeating
that there must be a growth of the desire for spending . .
. Mechanical cultivation cannot succeed until peasant
famers believe that using tractors can help them.

The point made here is in accord with Lerner's contention that
there must be instilled in the individual a desire for aspirations and

a feeling for psychic mobility--a transition in which mass media plays

an influencing role.

These are a few examples of the attention given to the many
individual change factors-«leadership, religion, social structure,
mass media. However, it should be noted here that prior to Niehoff's
endeavor, no one has attempted to organize all. of these influencing
variables into a workable list that a researcher could apply while
working in the field.

With this in mind, let us now begin our discussion of the studies

with an examination of the Niehoff variables.

 

5Joy, J .L. "Acholi: Tractor Hirings by 'Special Development' up

to 1958," Mosium on Mechanical Cultivation in Uganda, Department

of Agriculture Publication, Uganda (Kampala: Uganda Argus Ltd.,
P.O. Box 20081, 1960), pp. 131-133.

II.
THE NIEHOFF PRDIARY VARIABLES

At this time we should examine the Niehoff framework of variables
for analysis of the process of directed cross-cultural change. Niehoff
has presented this as a model by means of which any number of case
histories of induced culture change can be analyzed.

As Niehoff explains, the model "is a preliminary step in an
effort to delineate the process by which new ideas or techniques are
transferred from one culture to another in situations where identifiable
innovators are (consciously) trying to bring about change." 6 He
presents a description of the influence factors, 20 in number, as
derived from the total number of 171 case histories.

In order to most lucidly define Niehoff's conceptions, we will

present his own words of explanation about the model:

firth” H. Niehoff, The grimag Variables in Eected Cross-

Cultural Ch e, 92. 31... p. l.

-10..

A selection was made of case histories which had been
described by social scientists or development specialists
of specific efforts to introduce innovations into social
units of develOping countries. Two examples of the types
of cases that were used are the following:

”To introduce disease-resistant varieties of
coffee and.modern methods of cultivation in villages
of the Bolovens plateau in Laos." (Niehoff: 1959)

”To carry out 24 drainage and irrigation projects,
primarily reclaiming old canals in a single district
of approximately'lOO square miles in East Pakistan."
(Khan and.Moksen 1962: 4-9)

The total listing of cases that were used can be found in
the publication, "A Selected Bibliography of Cross-Cultural
Change Projects" (Niehoff and Anderson, 1964).

The method of analysis was basically’to evaluate the
effort in terms of success and failure and then to attempt
to abstract the factors of influence, both positive and
negative, which contributed to this outcome. The behavioral
influences were classified empirically, starting with a list
of influence factors from the first case history and altering
it to meet the description of each successive one. AA "5 x 8"
file card was prepared for each case, listing the location,
the project type, statement of the goal, outcome, the
bibliographic reference and each of the influence categories.
After each of the influence categories, a brief statement
was made to indicate why this was a valid influence. Two
examples of the influence category and validating statement
come from a case history of an effort to establish literaqy
among women in one district of Kenya:

"Kinship-negative. The males, in general, felt it
was a waste of time for women to learn to read.
Husbands made fun of their wives for studying."

"Demonstration-positive. Wbmen in one village were
sent to another to observe the success of the program

Introduction
of new idea

Innovator Behavior> 6 Recipient Behavior
Action Reaction

 

\J/

Integration

Figure l - The Change Process
£From Niehoff j

-12-

 

Characteristics of Innovator Determinants of Recipient Behavior
B avior
I. Communication, Innovator XI. Communication, Recipient-
.A. Innovator-Recipient, Recipient
audio-visual
B. Innovator—Recipient, XII. Motivation-Felt Need

personal contact
C. InnovatorbRecipient,

formal
D. Recipient-Innovator

XIII.
II. Role (image created)

.A. Use of Native Language
B. Personality
C. Technical Competence
D..Affiliations

III. Demonstration (of innovation) XIV:
IV. Participation (obtained)
A. Labor and Time
B. Material Contributions
C. Organizational
D. Passive
v. Traditional Culture (utiliza- XV-
tion of)
A. Leadership
B. Economic Pattern
Ce Other
VI. Environment (utilization of)
VII. Timing (utilization of) XVI-
VIII. Flexibility (of implementation)
IX. Continuity (of implementation)

X. Maintenance (established)

XVII.

XIX.

XX.

A. Active Solicited
B. Active Demonstrated
C. Latent Ascertained

Motivation-Practical Benefit
A. Economic Immediate

B. Economic Long-term

C. Medical

D. Educational

E. Other

Motivation-Other

A.
B.

Competition-Individual
Competitioanroup

C. Reward-Punishment

D.

(immediate)
Novelty

E.Oflmr

Traditional Leadership

A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
F.

Traditional Officials
National Officials
Educators

Religious Fraternity
Civic
Non-institutional

Traditional Social Structure

A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
F.
G.

Kinship
Caste-Class
Ethnic

Political

Central Authority
Vested Interest
Other

Traditional Economic Pattern
XVIII. Traditional Beliefs

A.
B.
C.
D.
E.

Theological

Magical

Medical

Negativism (realistic and
Other project)

Traditional Practices
(recreation, consumption, etc.)

Other Process Factors
(beneficial coincidence)

Figure 2 - Influence Factors‘ZEiehof£:7

-13-

there so that they would undertake literacy programs
in their own village." (Holding 1945: 20h-208)

When we had assembled 108 case histories, we had the
information put on IBM punched cards and had frequency
distribution made. .A model of the analysis system as
indicated by the influence factors was abstracted from
this. . . Further case histories were analyzed.until there
was a total of 171. The punched cards were re-done according
to the process model abstracted from the first distribution
run and a final model was arrived at which will be described
herein.

. . . As indicated in Figure 1, the change process
is visualized as the introduction of an idea or a technique
into another society, during which there are two forces
at work. One is the behavior of the innovator, which can
also be viewed as the action, and which is defined as the
techniques used to obtain acceptance of the new idea. The
other force is the behavior of the recipients, which can be
viewed as the reaction brought about by the innovator's
action. The new idea or technique is considered to have
been introduced into the other society when it has been
integrated into the other society's cultural patterns. Lack
of integration or rejection of the new idea can take place
at any time from.the beginning of the introduction, up unto
the final stages where the pattern of maintenance needs to
be assured.

As will be seen on Figure 2, there are 20 major cate-
gories of influence, ten of innovator and ten of recipient

behavior. Many of these are sub-divided, making a total of
56 individual influence types.

This summarizes Niehoff's own explanations of his conceptions.
In the next chapter we shall attempt to link up these variables to the
many events which occurred in the study of tractor introduction in the
East Pakistan and Acholi villages. That is, we will ”plug in" examples

 

7Niehoff, pp. 2-5. (Includes Fig. l, 2.)

-111...

from the Comilla study directly to the Niehoff model.

A definition of each of the influence categories will be given
along with a major example of each. Because of the limitations of time,
it will only be possible to provide a single example of each which will
usually be the positive influence. However, it should be kept in mind
that there are also negative influences for most of the categories.

In the few cases where a negative one will be used, its use will be
Specified.

III
TRACTOR INTNWCTION IN COMILLA

-16..

A. RE'SUME OF RESEARCH PROJECT

There has been to date only a limited amount of research in the
area of tractor adoption by peasant farmers. In the following pages
one study will be examined in order to become familiar with what has

been done and where additional research is needed.
Research Setting

The study was conducted in Comilla Kotwali Thane, East Pakistan,
by Anwaruzzaman Khan.8 The mechanization of agriculture in East
Pakistan was started some years ago by the Provincial Agriculture
Department, and presently is under the control of a new autonomous

organization, the East Pakistan Agriculture Development Corporation,

 

8Anwaruzzaman Khan, Introduction of Tractors in a Subsistence

Farm Economy (Camilla, East Pakistan: Nazeria Press, 19 2 .

-17-

which is trying to introduce tractors and power pumps. Its efforts had
been‘unfruitful.

.A recent center, the Academy for Rural Deve10pment, staffed by
agricultural specialists and researchers, was started at Camilla to work
directly with the farmers for the develOpment of agriculture in the
Kotwali Thane of Camilla District. One of its research projects has
been the introduction of tractors on a cooperative basis in selected
villages of the district. Mr. Kahn was an Instructor in Rural Economics
at the Academy.

In the study, two Massey-Ferguson935 tractors were initially
obtained from the Agriculture Department and sent to the Academy. The
objectives of the study were to collect information on whether or not
the tractors were useful to the farmers, to examine the mechanical
problems and possible solutions, to observe the psychological factors
involved in the Process of introduction, and what steps must be taken

to make a program of this nature economical.

Background Information

Before going into the details of this study it is necessary to
present some background.information concerning development in the
district in order that the importance of such an undertaking will be
clear.

Taking the statistics of a typical village in the district,

-18..

Dhanishwar, in 189h there were 26 families in Dhanishwer, 130-180
persons. These families occupied 68 houses, farmed about 116 acres,
had 26 plows, #5 plowing bullocks, ll non-plowing bullocks and 8 cows.
This was about 1.3 persons per acre plus 0.5 of a cow.

In 1960 this village cOMprised 77 families, occupying 163 houses,
composed of 426 persons, farmed 151 acres, had 41 plows, 80 plowing
bullocks and 108 cows.

Thus from 189# until 1960 there was a three-fold increase in the
population and in the number of animals. But the situation is much
more critical than these figures would indicate, because in 1894 the
villagers had access to a considerable amount of pasture lands in the
Tripura Hills nearby. This land is currently either plowed for crOp
land or has since become Indian soil and is not available to the
villagers.

The Dhanishwar story is typical of the district. In short,
then, this means that all available land in Comilla is used for
agricultural purposes. Because of the rapid growth of the pepulation
the land has been subdivided until presently, the average farm is only
two acres. This amounts to a land area of 660 by 264 feet, which is
hardly adequate with the conventional farming methods of the peasants
to meet the food needs of the population. With all the available
pasture land being utilized the situation appears even more critical
because the number of cattle has leveled off and is beginning to show
signs of declining.

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The farmers made attempts at improving the bullocks and the
plows as it became more evident that the existing bullocks and farm
equipment would never keep pace with the rising pepulation. But efforts
in this area failed and it became apparent to the agricultural

specialists that more efficient farming methods were needed.

Resistance to Mechanization

It would seem from this discussion that the farmers would be
willing to accept.more up-to-date methods of crop production. Yet
resistance was found. However, when one looks at the situation from
the peasant farmer's point of view it is easier to see why such a
drastic transition to mechanized agriculture was difficult.

The villagers pointed to several advantages to the use of
bullocks: l) The availability of dung which can be used for manure,
as an excellent fuel, and also as a coating on the mud floors of the
bamboo huts. 2) The farmer can work at any time he likes. 3) There
is no problem in using the traditional small plots; in fact, it was
soon found that some of the plots were too small to be plowed by
tractors. 4) It is possible to do selective plowing of particular
sections of land in those areas which are not ready for plowing at the
same time as the rest. 5) Laddering and raking can be done effectively.
6) The bullocks provide means of threshing of crops by trampling on

the harvested plants. 7) Bullocks can haul crops from the fields to

-40-

the threshing tables, and can pull carts through areas where tractors
or trucks could not operate. 8) A.plow and a cart, with a little
added investment, can provide income to the farmer on a custom basis.
9) The bullocks can operate a sugar cane crusher or an oil extractor.
10) They can prepare earth for brick-making.

Furthermore 11) They are a source of income if reared and sold
for a higher price than they were purchased for. 12) For the most
part they can be fed by household products such as rice fluids, oil
cakes and nonpconsumable parts of fruits and vegetables. 13) They
provide entertainment in the form of bull fighting. 14) They can be
offered for loans of security in time of distress. 15) They are used
in connection with religious affairs, quorbani. 16) They are a source
of income as meat, hides, bones, hoofs, horns and blood.

The farmers also reported some disadvantages of owning bullocks.
They include: 1) High cost of maintainence. 2) Disease is always
a problem.because of a lack of veterinarians; if the bullock is sick
the land does not get plowed in time. 3) Death is a great loss and
sometimes results in the farmer going bankrupt. ’4) Accidental death
caused by insecticides is common, but insecticides are essential to
protect the crops. 5) Stray bullocks often damage crops. 6) Although
carts are useful for transportation they move very slowly and damage
to the roads is often great. 7) An abundance of pasture land is
needed, but East Pakistan is heavily populated, resulting in a serious

land shortage.9

 

9101811, p. n.

.. 21-

How Tractors were Used in the Village

The program.began in 1960 with the acquisition by the Academy
of two Massey-Ferguson935 tractors. The hiring rate for use of a
tractor was set by the.Agriculture Department at 9 Rs. None of the
farmers in the village knew how to use a tractor. In fact, most of
them had never seen one before. It was therefore decided that land
demonstrations would be given to show them the fundamental techniques
of operation and the machine's capabilities. After two or three days
of demonstrations several farmers became interested and went to the
Academy to rent the tractors.

The first few days posed no problem because the demand for
tractors was small. But within a few days many farmers wanted to use
them. Because of the increased demand it was decided that the farmers
should form into groups of five to ten, and that each group should
have eight to ten acres of cultivatible land. The farmers disliked
the idea of sharing their land with others, and feared too much friction
and factions.

Their resistence brought a halt to the use of the tractors
until they would form into groups. It was explained to them that if
a tractor traveled to a village to fulfill the needs of one farmer,
the tractors would do more traveling than work, and the farmers soon
realized this. After several days of discussion, a group of farmers

from the village of Kuchaituli agreed to form into a group and qualified

-22..

for use of the tractors.

This acceptance by one group was pointed out to the other farmers
and.within a short time others formed groups from the nearby villages
of Dhulipara and Rajapara. It was in this way that farmers of homo-
geneous interests grouped themselves together to use a tractor. This
was the beginnings of what was later to become a cooperative society
in the villages.

In April 1961, two more MAF tractors were sent by the Agriculture
Department. By this time several cOOperative societies had come into
existence, and the tractors, new four in number, were being used for
the most part by the members of these societies.

With the introduction of the two additional tractors, the group

discussions which lead to the establishment of cOOperative societies
'were at their height. At this time an Agricultural Machinery Rally
was arranged at the.Academy to demonstrate the tremendous power of the
tractors, as well as power pumps, power Sprayers, power threshers,

and other field equipment.

.A gathering of over 600 villagers watched with great enthusiasm
the demonstration of the machines. Throughout the course of this
demonstration it was made clear to them by the Director of the Academy
that machines such as these could belong to them in time if they worked
cOOperatively as groups and learned how to use them.

But the high enthusiasm of the farmers was short-lived when
they learned of the hiring charge for the use of the machines. They

-23-

protested that the price, set by the Agriculture Department, was too
high. But they were assured by the Director of the Academy. the prices
would be fixed through discussion at the meetings which were held at
the Academ' each week with representatives from the cooperatives.
After long deliberations at the subsequent meetings a decision was
reached on a fair price to all.

The next problem involved tractor drivers. The original tractors
had come with drivers trained in Dacca. It was found, though, that
the city boys were unused to village life and poor workers. It was
decided that villagers living in the Comilla area should be trained
to Operate the tractors. It was noted that a village boy, when given

an opportunity to drive a tractor, was proud and eager, but felt
ashamed when holding his father' s conventional plow. Apparently the

traditional values were less strongly held by the boy than were those
instilled in the older generation of farmers who had plowed by hand
during their entire farming lives .

At first, the best educated village boys were selected as
driver-trainees, but soon it was found that boys trained in farm life
made better drivers. So eventually the farm youth were used as drivers.

Accordingly the training period began and lasted for one month.
After the completion of the training period, the boys began operating
the tractors in the villages. It soon became apparent that they had
developed skill at Operating the machinery. They did their work well

and there were no complaints from the farmers. They worked hard at

.22}...

their tasks even in the scorching heat of mid-day and in the rain.
During 1962, the number of village cooperative societies had

increased to 60, and the plans called for 20 new tractors a year.

Tractors and Available Land

In the Camilla Kotwali Thana area the average land holding per
farmer is about two acres and this is usually subdivided into smaller
plots, some as low as 1/20 of an acre. Consequently, there were many
instances when the large tractors were impractical for such small plots.
On occasion many drivers came back without doing the work because they
found it impossible to Operate the tractors in such a confined area
and, in some instances, could not even get the tractors into the plots.

This was a crucial problem in the introduction of farm machinery
in the villages because many farmers thought it was useless to do with
a tractor what appeared to be much easier to do with a hand plow. The
cOOperatives soon realized, however, as the agriculture agent suggested,
that they must do away with the boundary lines to achieve efficient
tractor Operation. But the decision to do this did not come easy. The
cOOperative groups conducted lengthy discussions in attempts to solve
the problem. The farmers resisted the idea of removing boundaries
because their love of land was so powerful.

It was finally concluded that the boundary lines would be pegged

so that when the tractors broke the lines to plow the entire area, the ‘

-25..

farmers could once again restore the original boundaries after the
craps were planted. Up until the time of writing there had apparently
been no disagreements with this system and author Khan believed the
harmony over sharing was largely due to the effectiveness of the

cooperative societies.

Tractors and Timeliness of Operation

Much of the success of the Comilla experiment was attributed
to the fact that the tractor made timeliness of Operation possible in
most years. When plowing conditions were right, the tractors could
work the soil with more swiftness and efficiency than could the bullocks.
Furthermore, it permitted another crop of rice to be grown in some

years, because the more efficient tractors could prepare the soil better

before the monsoon rains, thereby enabling earlier planting of seed

than was possible with the slower work pace of the bullock-drawn plows.
Maintenance _<_>_f_ Tractors. One of the most significant factors

in mechanized fanning is the necessary provisions required for maintenance.

Since the tractors had been provided, it was crucial to the program's

success that prOper maintenance procedures be taught as soon as possible

so that the tractors could be prOperly serviced to insure efficient

Operation. In order to achieve this, there must be an adequate workshOp

along with an abundant suppr of replacement parts and skilled mechanics.

Early Attempts. When the first tractors were put into Operation

-26-

one of the drivers was appointed as a skilled maintenance man to look
after the Academy tranSport, power pumps, and other small machinery.

But he was not by any standards a skilled mechanic. He could locate

minor malfunctions but did not know how to make repairs.

Meanwhile, as the need for tractors and power pumps increased,
there was a great need for more skilled maintenance personnel. How to
repair these machines without adequate facilities and mechanics became
a critical problem. Fortunately, at this stage, a young man trained
in this skill became available and was thus appointed Mechanical
Overseer. His job consisted of teaching mechanics and supervising the
training of boys for maintenance and Operation of the tractors and
power pumps.

As more tractors and other mechanized farm.machinery were added,
more skilled maintenance men were needed, and the demand was partially
filled by the Agriculture Department. However, it was discovered that
these mechanics would take a longer time to come and perform their job.
So critical became the shortage of skilled mechanics that at one time
in 1961 a tractor was out of service for three weeks for lack Of
skilled help.lo

Later Developments. By 1961 there were four tractors and 17
power pumps in Operation. With the demand for such equipment rapidly
growing, it became apparent that more tractors and other machinery were
needed.

In Order to fill the needs of the villagers several conditions

 

lO
Khan, p. 37.

-27-

had to be met: -- l) village boys trained in the Operation of these
machines, 2) skilled mechanics proficient in maintenance and repair,
3) an adequate supply of Spare parts, 4) enough fuels, lubricants,
distilled water and grease, 5) adequate repair and workshop facilities.
These essentials were not yet sufficient for the number Of tractors
needed, and village organization for Obtaining them was poor. In fact,
these conditions were almost non-existent throughout East Pakistan.
These problems produced a slowzdown in the program's development
until two Peace Corp members were assigned in late 1961 as maintenance
workers and to eXpedite training of the villagers. They became
responsible for building the much needed workshOp, acquiring parts
and caring for all major equipment breakdowns. They also worked
closely with the existing facilities of the local Camilla cooperative,

Muhajir Karkhana Limited, to help with organization.

Psychological Aspects

After the program had been underway for two years, the change
agents wanted to find out what affects the introduction of tractors
had on the Camilla farmers. They conducted interviews with a sampling
of cOOperative members in several villages.

The purpose of the interview was to find out the following:

1) what they knew about tractors, 2) what problems they encountered

in using tractors and how they overcame them, 3) what they thought to

-28..

be the advantages and disadvantages of tractors.

The farmers were not interviewed individually; rather, they
were questioned as a group. They were selected from various villages
which had used tractors for varying lengths of time, some two months,
others as long as two years. This provided a comparison of reSponses
from those having used tractors constantly, with those having had only
limited use.

Knowledge of Tractors. The interviews indicated that no farmer
had any knowledge of tractors prior to 1959. Some had seen tractors
but they had no idea how to use them. After seeing the demonstrations
in 1959, many said they thought the tractor was a useful machine but
that it would be too costly and would not be practical for their
situation. They felt it could only be used on government plots because
it would not operate efficiently on the small plots.

Problems and Solutions. Most of the farmers regarded the tractors
as superior to the conventional bullock-drawn plow and eXpressed a need
for them. They noted a sharp contrast between the efficiency of the
two methods.

They reviewed in the interviews how the first real problem,
already mentioned here, had arisen when the farmers found it difficult
to conceive of the idea of forming into groups to enable a tractor to
plow a five-to-ten acre area. When they finally established agreement
about forming groups there had developed a wideSpread distrust about

the advanced payment. Many had recalled misdeeds of the past.

-29-

Agreements had been reached and money had been paid in advance with
the understanding that certain work would be done in the village. but
frequently the money was misused by a prominent individual or group Of
persons. There were instances of illegal uses of money by the man
charged with the reSponsibility Of collecting it.

As for formation of cooperative groups, many said they had seen
the formation of other groups in the villages and, for the most part,
they had failed. Hence, at first, as mentioned, they expressed
pessimism about the success of the cOOperative society. With general
distrust prevailing among the farmers it was only after much group
discussion, as shown, that they had decided to go along with the plan.

Advantages and Disadvantages of Tractors, In the course of
questioning it was found that those who had used tractors for a longer
period of time could give more advantages of tractors than those using
them for shorter periods Of time.

The following advantages were mentioned: I) Tractors can be
used to open the soil after the harvest Of amon paddy (rice). This
helps maintain the timeliness of agricultural Operations and improves
soil condition. 2) Disc harrowing is deeper with the tractor than
by bullock plowing. Tractors plow from four to six inches deep as
Opposed to two or three by conventional methods. 3) In terms of
quality, tractor harrowing is said to be superior by three or four times
to bullocks. 4) Tractors can be used on comparably hard and dry land

where bullock plowing is impossible. 5) Land coverage by tractors is

-30-

much faster than bullock plowing. A tractor can plow six to eight acres
in a day compared to one-half acre with bullocks.

Other advantages listed were: 6) Farmers using tractors can
avail themselves of early sowing. 7) Since tractor Operation is
Speedier, more areas can be sown at the Optimum time. 8) Early
sowing of crepe reduces the risk of flood and insects, which are Often
harmfu1 to young plants. 9) The cost Of weeding is reduced by a
half with tractors. Farmers reported that an acre of land required
only five men for weeding with a tractor as compared to ten men with
bullocks.

The farmers also noted several disadvantages of the tractors:

1) They thought tractors would not be available when they needed

them the most. 2) Movement Of tractors on the plots was difficult
and often impossible in areas of standing crops. 3) Tractors could
not be used for laddering the plots, an essential Operation in agricul-
ture. 4) It was difficult and costly to plow small plots Of land.

5) Tractors could not plow wet lands. 6) Farmers reported that it
was costly to move tractors in small and fragmented plots because much
time was wasted. 7) Introduction of tractors meant the reduction of
the bullock population and the tractors could not be used for threshing
the crops. Furthermore, they do not produce dung. 8) All payments
for tractors were required in cash and in full. Charges for hiring out

bullocks could be made on easy installments.ll

 

11
Khan, pp. 46, #7, 48.

-31-

Project Summary

To sum.up the total achievement Of the Comilla project, it can
be said that in two years (1960-1962), a total of 60 OOOperative
sOcieties were established in several villages, four tractors and 17
power pumps were successfully introduced, 515.86 acres were plowed in
1961, a self-perpetuating system for driver training and maintenance
needs was established, and a proposed Five-Year Mechanization Plan for
much greater mechanization worked out by the Academy. Those villagers
who had used the tractors for one to two years reported they preferred

them to the conventional method of bullock-plowing.

-32-

B. THE COMILLA RESEARCH AS VIEWED WITHIN THE
NIEHOFF FRAMEWORK

Let us now consider individually each variable in Niehoff's
framework as it relates to the Comilla tractor study. It will be
recalled that Niehoff lists 20 influence factors, ten Of innovator
and ten of recipient behavior. Examples from the study will be
"plugged in" wherever they seem applicable.

As stated, while there may be a large number Of examples re-
lating to each variable, Space limitations will permit us to explore
only one event or a related sequence of events on the study to each

variable.

INNOVATOR BEHAVIOR

I. 499mmunicationflnnovator. The transfer of ideas through

communication channels established by the change agent.

A. Innovator-Recipient, audio-visual. Methods of transmitting
information regarding the innovation by means of audio-visual devices
such as printed material, pictures, charts, loud speaker systems and
other mechanical aids. m Upon introduction Of the first two
tractors, two or three days of demonstrations were held in the villages
surrounding the Academy. Demonstration comprised the only practical
and available means of communication, no other form of media apparently
being available. It was quite successful in that farmers eagerly
lined up to rent the tractors. Later, as a means of persuading farmers
to form cooperatives to use the tractors, a large-scale Machinery Rally
was held, and 600 farmers watched more demonstrations with enthusiasm.

B. Mator—Recipient, personal contact. The transmission
Of information by means Of face-tO-face interaction between the change
agent and the recipients, usually informally and usually in paired or
small group situations. The most common type Of comunication in this
category is the home visit. _Eb_c_amg_I_L_: As stated, demonstrations and
personal contact comprised most of the communication under this overall
variable. Personal contact was in the form Of meetings by cOOperative
group members once a week in the various villages. In addition,
teacher-training meetings were held at the Academr to instruct drivers
and mechanics. Representatives from each cooperative also met with
experts at the Academy once a week.

C. Innovator-Recipient, formal, Transmission Of information

-34.

by means of formal group meetings, customarily in neighborhood or
village councils, although sometimes in classroom situations.
Exmnple: Formation Of the village cOOperative societies with their
weekly formal group meetings.

D. Recipient-Innovator. Establishment of channels of communi-
cation so that the recipients can respond Openlgr to the innovator in
regard to the change project. Basically, this is the establishment of
two-way communication. w: After the program had been underway
for two years, the change agents established two-way communication
with Comilla farmers by means of an interviewing procedure that offered
than Opportunity for feed-back in regard to their views on, and problems
with, the project Of tractor innovation. Farmer members Of cOOperatives
in various villages were sampled, the villages being selected according
to the length Of time they had been using tractors, ranging from one
month to two years. Thus, the recipients were able to respond Openly
to the innovator about the project.

II. £033; The image of the change agent projected to the re-
cipients, produced as a result of his individual characteristics, both
as an individual and as a member of an outside organization.

A. Use Of Native Lawage, The influence produced through
the use Of the language Of the recipients. Ebcginple: In this project,
the change agents were alreachr staff members Of the newly-organized

Pakistan Academy for Rural DevelOpment at Camilla, with the purpose

of helping improve the local agriculture. They were Pakistani, there-
fore spoke the language, and were already familiar with the culture
and had the confidence and respect Of the villagers with whom they
worked.

B. Personality. The individual characteristics of the
change agent apart from his technical competence and affiliations.
This involves not merely the innovator's real behavior but the impression
he leaves with the recipients in the framework of their value system.
Example: Since the work was conducted by staff members of the Academy,
which was a local agenqy operated by Pakistani, and the report having
been assembled and written by these same members, the individual
characteristics of the change agents themselves were not included in
the report. This was a lack Of necessary information on the part Of
the research writer.

While it would seem understandable that an author would show
reticence in evaluating the impression he leaves upon a people, it is
pertinent to the reader in total evaluation Of the project. However,
the very success Of the project in forming 6O village cooperative
societies for tractor innovation within two years would seem to indicate
acceptance by villagers of the agent's personality.

C. Technical Competence, The ability and experience of
the change agents in their technical field of Specialty. Example:
The change agents, as staff members of the Academy, had already been

selected for their technical knowledge in agriculture. Furthermore, it

-36-

was this technical background that soon indicated to them the need for
tractors to help the total agriculture picture.

D. Affiliations. The influence produced by the image of

 

the innovator because of his organizational affiliation. Example:

The change agents were affiliated with the Academy, which was a newly-
formed government agency for local agricultural aid to farmers. While
the villagers apparently trusted the agents themselves, they displayed
a reluctance and distrust toward government affiliations, in this
instance due to a past history of corrupt officials or townSpeOple.
For instance, they hesitated to form groups or to hand over advance

rental payments to the change agent.

III. Demonstration. The technique of illustrating in a pragmatic
fashion the advantages of the new idea or technique as a means of con-
vincing the recipients to accept it. This form of demonstration is not

to be confused.with teaching methods which do not include any demonstrable
indication Of the advantage Of the new idea. Egppple: Demonstration

was indeed, as stated, the major technique of innovation utilized by
the Academy (i.e., the change agents). As stated above, initial
demonstrations were held in the villages for two days when the tractors
arrived. A.further’Machinery Rally was also held. All demonstrations

showed immediate success.

IV. Participation. The types of participation obtained from

the recipients in planning and implementing a project.

-37-

A. ‘Lgbor and Time. The provision Of labor and/or time
for the fulfillment of the project goal. The two are usually synonymous
although there are certain kinds of innovations where provision Of time
only is necessary. Example: The local peOple contributed all of the
labor and time. First they formed the village cooperatives, then
pooled their funds for tractor rental. Next, they provided village
boys to be trained drivers and maintenance men.

B. Material Contribution. Participation through the
provision Of needed money or tangible goods by the recipients.
jggggggg, The tractors and the training and workshOp facilities at the
Academy were provided by the government. The recipients paid the
necessary costs for tractor rental. This cost included depreciation,
service and repair charges, driver wages and fuel and Operating
costs -- the cost being worked out within the cOOperatives themselves,
with.Academy assistance.

C. nganizational, Participation through the deveIOpment
Of new groups or institutions or the utilization Of established in-
stitutions for accomplishing the project goal. W Snell village
groups were established expressly to organize the use of the tractors.
These groups were the forerunners of large-scale group formation, and
Of the eventual 6O cOOperative societies in the villages.

D. gassive, This type of participation.mere1y indicates
a lack Of Opposition to the innovation, a nonpactive compliance, and

is chiefly a willingness to be present when needed. 1e: Since

-38-

the tractors had to be Operated by the local farmers, cooperation was
an essential for success, and passivity would have meant failure.
Hence, with the relative success of the Pakistan program, it would seem

that the element of passivity was non-existent.

V. Utilization Of Traditional Culture. Within this category
is indicated the utilization or lack of utilization of traditional
patterns. Traditional culture also occurs on the recipient side of the
change process but there it indicates the influence of the patterns of
the innovation whether the innovator utilizes them or not.

A. Leadership, Utilization of the traditional leaders
within the sociO-cultural unit. Is: This report, unfortunately,
did not provide us any information on utilization of local leadership.
For instance, who were the local leaders? The influentials? The
early adepters, etc.? And how did the change agents use them?

HOwever, it might be added the fact of speedy formation of many
village cooperatives, which were heretofore unpopular among villagers,
indicated that the agents must have successfully used whatever local
leadership did exist.

B. Economic Pattern. Utilization of the traditional
economic organization of the recipient peOple for the gathering, pro-
duction and distribution of material resources. Is: The use of
tractors was specifically Opposite to traditional economic organization

Of the villagers in land philosOphy since it would mean that the

farmers, who were independent and land loving, would have to form
cooperative groups for some of the farm Operation.

To offset this attitude and bring about change, the change agents
utilized another traditional economic organization, that of rice growing.
They emphasized the increased production capabilities of mechanized
agriculture, showing the farmers that this profit could be theirs by
use of tractors and they could still preserve their traditional practice
of rice growing. Only now they could obtain two or three harvests of
rice instead of one.

C. Other Tradition§l_gulture. The utilization Of any
aspect of traditional customs other than economic patterns or leadership,
or as sometimes occurs, unspecified traditional culture. ' le:

NO mention.

VI. Envirorment (utilization 011. The adaptation of the innova-
tion to the Special local environmental conditions. This category
does not include the social-cultural environment but, in general, the
physical environment and all that is not directly a part Of the local
cultural patterns. Example: The environment prior to the introduction
of the tractors was not suited to efficient tractor Operation as it was
found that the land plots were too small for them. In order to use
the tractors, therefore, the boundary lines dividing the land had to
be done away with to provide maximum land area for plowing Operations.

The total land holdings of a farm family averaged about 2 acres. This

.NO.

is usually divided into 5 to 10 small parcels of different sizes, many
as small as one-twentieth of an acre. The big MpF-BS tractors were
found quite unsuitable for Operation in such small plots.

This was a crucial problem. Farmers resisted sharing acreage
because the love of land was so powerful. Repeated explanations were
given to cOOperative members, who finally decided that they must
cOOperate fer efficient production. It was decided to pitch small pegs
to mark the boundary lines, which could be removed for plowing and

replaced after the tractor had done its job.

VII. ggmdng_fiutilization of). The introduction and adaptation
Of an innovation at an Opportune time in terms Of the recipient community.
There are two types of timing; one, the adaptation Of the innovation
to traditional time patterns; and two, the introduction Of the innova-
tion to take advantage Of a crisis or special occurrence. la:
The traditional time pattern in agriculture in Comilla revolved around
the growing and harvesting of amon paddy (rice), which in turn was
dictated by climate conditions, in particular the contrasting monsoon
season with its severe flooding of the clay soil fellowed by an acute
dry season which hardened the soil to make hand plowing impossible.

The change agents demonstrated how the tractors could work
faster and longer to take advantage Of the short duration of Optimum
growing and harvesting periods occasioned by the drastic climate
changes. (For example, the tractors could work the hard-packed soil

-lfl-

where the bullocks fell from exhaustion in four hours.)

As to item two-~introduction of the innovation to take advantage
of a crisis--thetractors were introduced specifically to take advantage
of two crises, -— a land crisis and a production crisis. With the
increase in population and the additional demand for good agricultural
land, there simply was not enough land area for planting enough crops
to meet the needs of the peOple with the utilization of conventional
farming methods. More pasture land was needed if the bullock pOpulation
was to expand and survive.

Second, there was a production crisis. With conventional tech-
niques the peasant farmers could not increase production to meet
the rising pOpulation. With the available land area remaining constant,
it became apparent that more efficient agricultural techniques would
be needed to increase the crOp yield per acre. Thus, the change
agents realized that tractors, fertilizers and other innovations would
be the ultimate solution to these problems which disturbed the villagers.
It was now the prerogative of the innovators to convince the villagers

of this necessity.

VIII. Flexibility_(of implementation}. The willingness and
ability of the innovator to alter his project plan in order to better
adapt it to unforeseen circumstances. Example: The original plans
in the program included the training of city peOple as drivers. Four

drivers came with the four original tractors from the Agriculture

-142-

Department in Decca. However, this plan did not work because it was
found that these cityhbred drivers were not willing to work under the
extreme conditions of heat, sun and rain and many times a full day's
work was not accomplished. It was then decided that the villagers
with the most education should be trained for these jobs but this too
produced unsatisfactory results.

Finally it was discovered that those most suited were the village
boys who had spent most of their time working the plots with their
fathers. They learned the necessary skills quickly and the farmers
had no complaints about their performance. Thus, flexibility in this

instance produced better drivers.

IX. Continuity, The consistent followathrough of a plan even
though it may be altered to fit local conditiOns. ‘gzggplg; After
the first year, a breakdown of the program became imminent due to lack
of skilled.mochanics, workshop facilities, and parts to service the
tractors. Villagers simply did not possess the required knowledge.
After a temporary curtailment of activities, outside help arrived in
the fOrm of two skilled Peace Corps members who were at once delegated
to build up a maintenance program and to provide training for village
apprentices and construct workshOp facilities.

The innovators realized that the permanent establishment of
mechanized farming would hinge upon the success of building a sound

teacherbtreining program.in the area. Thus the plan was followed even

n+3-

though it was altered by including outside help to offset local lack

of training.

X. Maintenance, The organization of means for maintaining the
new idea or technique within the abilities and facilities of the re-
cipients after the change agent has left the scene. Example: The
aforementioned program in teacherbtraining of drivers and mechanics
was of course essential in any maintenance of the tractor program
and was organized to be self-perpetuating.

Equally important was the establishment of the village cooperative
societies for without a local group nucleus capable of self-supervision,
any innovation program would be doomed to failure as soon as the
change agents left.

To quote from.the author's recognition of this point:

0n maturity, the harvesting should be done jointly
irrespective of the ownership Of the various plots of land.
This will facilitate timely ploughing and a larger acreage
can be brought under cultivation.by the tractor. This can
only be achieved now through training the farmers and having
a permanent organization in the villages. Of course,
eventually the answer may best lie in a complete qystem of 12
village roads, or where there is water, boat transportation.

RECIPIENT BEHAVIOR

XI. Communicatign, Recipient-Recipient, Spontaneous communication

 

12101811, p e Sue

-144—

on the part of the recipients caused by the innovation, but which was
not purposefully induced by the innovator. ExamEle: At completion
of the first dmnstrations only a few farmers came to rent the
tractors from the Academy. However, within two or three days they
were lined up and were eager to make use of them. Obviously, to
result in such a rapid growth of interest and enthusiasm the farmers
did indeed discuss among themselves the value of having tractors
working for than, and thus acted upon their discussion.

As the author notes directly in one instance:

One village leader went out and discussed the usefulness
and the method of renting a tractor with his neighbours,
mostly relatives. After a great deal of persuasion, he
succeeded in convincing them. He pointed out that the
tractor could be taken out in the village and could be
used successfully. 13

XII. Motivation-Felt Need, A need recognized by the recipients
as a consequence of their own wants and values, not those of the
innovator.

A. Active Solicited, A need of which the recipients are
fully aware to the extent that they have solicited assistance for
its fulfillment prior to stimulation by change agents. m The
Comilla Kotwali farmers did not know how to use tractors; most of
them had not even seen a tractor before. Thus their need for tractors
was _n_o_t active and solicited; e.g., the change agents had to persuade
the villagers of the tractor's potentials and profitability. Indeed,

 

1
3101811, pe Me

-16-
the villagers initially resisted the change. To quote from the study:

The organisers and interested farmers were shown the
tractors (upon arrival) and the various forms of utilization
were explained to them. . . At this stage they eaqaressed
the opinion that the tractor was useful, but it was not
really meant for their use. They thought it could be used
on Government farms and by well-to-do persons. They believed
that it was very costly and fit; efficient operation would
need to be used on big plots.

B. Active Demonstrated, A need which has been indicated
by the recipients through the fact that they have previously attempted
to accomplish the change goal. through their own efforts. m
The change goal in Camilla, as in all of East Pakistan, was to

produce more food for a rapidly increasing population. These living
in the Camilla district had attempted to increase the available food

supply but no attanpt was made at changing the methodology. Rather,
they used the same traditional tools. They attempted to increase
the bullock population and make more widespread use of the conventional
wooden plow. They had known no other way.

C. Latent Ascertained, A need, which though it alreaw
exists when the innovator arrives on the scene, is not clearly re-
cognized until its presence is brought to the consciousness of the
recipients by the innovator. Mg; This variable applies specifically
to the introduction of tractors. As mentioned above, the need for

 

luKhan, p. 43.

-h6-

more food had prevailed for some years in Camilla. However the
solution did not appear to be at hand.

Soon after the arrival of the innovators at the.Academy, the
change agents observed that the power and implements used by the
farmers were inadequate and stood as a barrier for a developing agri-
culture. The innovators knew that tractors would have to replace the
bullocks. It was only after repeated demonstrations and discussions

with the villagers before the farmers became conscious of the need.

XIII. motivation-Practical Benefit, An advantage obtained by
the recipients, producing an obvious benefit in this life. It must
be stressed that this category indicates an advantage recognized by
the recipients rather than the innovator.

A. Economic Immediate, .A benefit which produces an
economic gain for the recipients in the easily foreseeable future,
usually a year or less. Egggplg; For the most part, advantages of
the tractors were immediately apparent to users. In an interview by
the change agents in 1962 of farmers who had used tractors from one
to two years, the farmers reported many immediate gains.

They stated the tractors tilled the soil better, disc-harrowed
two inches deeper, produced harrowing that was four times superior in
quality to bullock plowing, and could be used on hard dry land where
bullock plowing was impossible. The tractors were Speedier (could

plow 6 to 8 acres to the bullock‘s one-half an acre), and so the

-a7-

farmers could avail themselves of the opportunity of early sewing,
and sow more acres at the optimum time.

Results, too, were immediately visible. In 1962, two years
after introduction of the first two tractors, about 69 per cent of
lands were sown earlier in two of the villages because of tractor use.

Harvest yields were larger.

The Kamalapur farmers reported they found in 1961 that
they had increased yields of about 3 to 4 maunds per acre or
around 20 per cent for the plots where tractors were used.
During the 1960 season, 201.34 acres were cultivated by
tractors. Total area covered by tractors during 1961 was
518.86 acres. 15

B. Economic Long-term. .A benefit which produces an economic
gain over a period of time, which though foreseeable, is not in the
immediate future, usually a period of years. Emample: While
tractors showed immediate advantages over the bullocks in terms of
Speed and.efficiency of production, the change agents recognized
that the tractor operation would in the future be a losing concern
within the present level of earnings, even though it was proving
cheaper and.more efficient than bullocks. They saw that long-range
plans had to be formulated to assure long-term economic gains. To

quote:

Analysis (of earnings) shows that the tractor Operation is
not a paying proposition as it is being carried on at present

 

‘15 Khan, p. 60.

-u8-

in the Comilla Project. It has been pointed out, of course,
that in the initial stage there was need for demonstration
and training. These items are generally subsidized.
Moreover, required experience has to be gained. Now that
the project is running quite successfully, plans should

be made fgr this important unit to be operated without

a loss.

Suggestions for long-term benefits from the tractors were there-
fore made to the village cOOperatives, which acted as the permanent
groups to insure program.continuity. Recommended goals included
increased usage of tractors in the fields, more trained drivers so
that tractors could be worked longer during optimum field conditions,
increase in rental charges, and.use of tractors for operations other
than in agriculture.

The tractors, for instance, could be used for pressing and
baling of jute, crushing of sugarcane, trench making, operating flour
and rice mills, wood sawing, land levelling, road construction,
dredging of channels, ditch construction, drilling of wells, operating
irrigation pumps, and so forth. The villagers are presumably currently
being urged to recognize the economic long-term benefits possible
with tractors.

C. Medical, ‘A benefit which provides an improvement in
health conditions, usually in the immediate future. Example, The
improved yield in crops, plus a better crep, naturally provided more
food for the villagers immediately-and with more food, of course better
health conditions. Further, with the tractors, the crepe could be

 

16318.11, pe 62e

sown earlier.

Early sown crops reduce the risk of flood and the attacks of
insects which appear at certain periods of the year on.young plants,
both of which pose problems of famine, dirt, and spread of plant and
human disease.

D. ‘qucational. .A benefit, usually economic or for improving
the status position of either the innovation recipients or their
children, achieved through formal education. le: Formal
classes in basic engineering and mechanics were initiated at the
.Academy in order to train farm.youth of the villages in the driving,
use, and maintenance of mechanized equipment. The best drivers were
selected for further training in mechanical skills and workshOp
operations to assure future Maintenance Engineers for the project.
The village boys thus improved their status position by becoming
skilled technicians in the ways of Twentieth Century modern farming
methods, as opposed to the old traditional farm patterns which they

were now coming to look down upon.

It was observed‘lwrote the change agent7 that a village
boy after receiving some years of schooling felt embarrassed
about holding the plough which his father used, but that
this same boy was proud when g ven the chance to drive a
power'machine like a tractor.

The driver training program.was successful, the boys making good

 

l7Khan, p. 27.

drivers. The villagers, too, learned much about modern farming
methods in their weekly cOOperative meetings. Knowledge about the
new ways usually improved one's status position in the village.

E. 'Qgggg, Those forms of practical benefit that occurred
too infrequently in this group of case histories to be separately
labeled. .Eggmplg; The actual start of a successful society of village
cooperative groups was a benefit, probably soon realized (or soon to
be realized) by the recipients.

The presence of Operating groups in the villages, the first of
their kind to be successful, meant that the same group nucleus could
be used to discuss and solve other agriculture-related problems, and
even perhaps move on to undertake solution of other community'problems
outside of agriculture, such as road building, develoPing electricity,

inaugurating communication media, improving schools, and so forth.

XIV. MotivationPOther.

A. Competition-Individual, Acceptance of a new idea or
technique for the improvement of personal or kin group status, or
rejection because of fear of losing such status. Example: The concept
of individual competition was discouraged among the village farmers.
Rather, the change agent encouraged cooperative action in groups. On
the other hand, competition did exist to a limited degree among those
youth declared eligible to operate and maintain the tractors. The
village boys, after having had limited experience with the tractors,

-51-

showed resentment, as mentioned, at the idea of holding the old hand
plow; The modern tractor here had apparently become a status symbol
for individual competition.

B. Competitioanroup. Competition of groups larger than these
based on kinship, usually village communities. Example: Competition
between villages seemed to be non—existent in this program; at least
was unmentioned. Conversely, in fact, some of the villages adopted
a "wait and see" attitude about utilizing of tractors.

C. RewardpPunighment (immediate). An immediate reward or
gift, provided to induce the recipients to accept the new idea or
technique, or coercive pressure to induce compliance. le:
Coercive pressure was used to induce compliance among the villagers
to force them to organize into cOOperative groups, and also to pay for
tractor hire in advance. That is, they were told that tractors would
not be available until they did so organize themselves.

The hope of reward.was also held out to them. .As the author

described the effects of the Machinery Rally:

At the Machinery Rally, the Director of the Academy
made it clear that machines such as these could belong to
them in time if they co-Operated with one another and
learned how to use them. This Speech acted as a tremendous
morale booster to the gathering; the news of the powerful
machines spgead like wildfire into every corner of the
VillaSOSe

D. Novelty. Interest or desire generated for a new idea or

technique because it is new or impressive; or fear or suspicion of it

13 Khan, pe 25s

 

-52-

because it differs so much from traditional techniques or ideas.
ggagplgi When the tractors arrived, demonstrations were held for
three days in the villages. Most villagers had never seen a tractor
before. They were very impressed. Interest at first was low. But
within three days demand for their use became high and a long line
of farmers formed to rent them.

E.‘Q§hg£& These type of motivation that occur too infrequently
for the establishment of separate categories. Is: No mention

in report.

XV. ‘Traditional Leadership. Reaction to the innovation which
stems from traditional leadership patterns.

A. Traditional Officials. Secular leaders which are designated
and hold office according to local patterns of selection, whether or
not these are sanctioned by the national authorities. Example: All
aspects of traditional leadership within the village were unfortunately
omitted by the report author. This writer feels such an omission to
be a lack of essential information. It must be remembered that any
report of this nature will most probably serve as a guideline to
similar programs in the future, as well as being used for reference.

In either case, leadership patterns must be known for progress.

B. National Officials. Those leaders in authority positions

who serve as the administrative arms of the national government,

normally members of the local civil service, or holders of elective

.. 53..

offices. Example: The Camilla program was a research project conducted
by’a local branch of the East Pakistan Provincial Agriculture Department,
namely the Academy for Rural Development located at Comilla. It acted
as an experiment station to carry out research to aid the farmer.

Thus, this particular tractor introduction program was an experiment
carried out by "government" officials.

Had this type of agricultural innovation program been in practice
throughout the nation rather than operating on an experimental local
basis, it would seem probable that traditional officials would need
to be initially consulted. That is, each village would require local
leaders to be responsible for administration of such a nationwide
tractor introduction program.on the village level.

C. Educators. Those government officials directly concerned
with the formal education of the community members, normally school
teachers. Egagplgi The writer of the report, and a mover of the
project, was an instructor in Rural Economics at the Academy. However,
no mention was made in the report of involvement with other school
teachers, teacher conferences, reaction by local teachers, and such.

ID. ggflggfious Fraternity, Organized leadership groups of the
traditional religion, usually Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim or Christian.
m Again, no coverage was given to possible reaction from
religious leaders within the community which may have influenced the
program's outcome. Since the Muslim religion is a dominant force

in the Pakistan culture, it would appear that its presence would exert

-5u~

influence in the adoption of many innovations.

E. giyigg Groups, or leaders of such groups, organized for
local community needs but existing apart from groups organized
specifically for the innovation project. Example: Like the other
categories of religion and education, no account was given in the
report of any possible contacts by innovator with existing civic
groups in the villages, or their reaction to the innovator. For that
matter, we were left without information on whether any other village
groups existed at all.

F. Non-institutional. Leadership not associated with any
groups or specific authority positions, usually individuals influential
due to personal ability or positions of wealth. Example: Once again,
in this case too, the reader is not told who the "influentials" were,
whether they were contacted, and what was their reaction to the

innovators, the tractors, or the formation of coOperatives.

XVI. Traditional Social Structure,

A. Kinship, Formalized groups based on common ancestry,
whether it can be traced or is merely believed to exist, and the
beliefs and attitudes based on these relationships. Example: No
mention was made of any reaction from.kinship structures or influences
within the villages or cooperatives. This would seem a serious
omission since the traditional kinship system existent in Pakistan,

as in much of Asia, often acts as an important variable in innovation.

B. Caste-Class, Social groups larger than those based on
kinship, having special status relationships with others, normally
hierarchical, and usually with particular economic attributes; also
the beliefs and practices based on these relationships. Example:

No mention in report.

C. Ethnic, Social groups with distinctive, independent,
cultural or sub-cultural patterns, usually Speaking separate languages,
and.usually in hierarchical relationship to other such groups in the
total culture or nation. Example: No mention in report.

D. Political., Locally organized branches or representatives
of national political or administrative groups, functioning within a
village, district, or town context. ‘Exggglg; The cooperatives were
organized in each.village to act as representative arms of the
Academy to administer the rentals and.use of tractors in each village.

E. Central Authority. The attitude of the local population
towards the centralized control of their national government. This
is defined as the generalized attitude towards central power, rather
than reactions towards specific representatives or organizations.
.Egggplg; The innovators found an attitude of distrust existent
among villagers both as to the forming of groups and the collecting
of advance payments for tractor renting. The villagers stated that
they had been disillusioned in the past by groups or officials who
ended up doing nothing and squandering the money, and this continuity
of distrust extended into their association with the change agents,

-56-

not particularly because they represented "government" but because
they preposed the same schemes that had failed before.

F. Vested Interests. Those types of vested interests that
do not fall into the previously listed leadership categories.
Example: No mention.

XVII. _Iraditional Economic Patterp, The traditional system of

 

utilization of material resources and the production and distribution
of goods within the local society. Example: The traditional economic
system revolved around the production of rice. When the tractors
'were demonstrated in Comilla the point was emphasized that by using
tractors, the farmers could continue this economic tradition but

that through the use of tractors it would be possible to increase

rice production substantially.

XVIII. Traditional Beliefs.

A. Theological. Patterns of belief which stem from the
dominant formal religious beliefs, ordinarily Christian, Hebrew,
muslin, Hindu or Buddhist. Example: No mention was made. Again,
with theology, as in the case of kinship, such an omission of informa-
tion about patterns stemming from religious beliefs seems important
since the tenets of the.Muslim.religion could potentially influence
much of the villager's reaction to any change.

B. Magical, Supernatural ideas not derived from the

dominant religion and stressing manipulation of everyday affairs

-57-

rather than the ethical and philosophical aSpects of supernatural
beliefs usually found in formal theologies. Example: No mention.

C. Medical. Beliefs concerning the nature of the human
body and physical ailments which do not stem from supernatural con-
ception. Example: No mention.

D. Negativism. Two types of negativism have been found:
realistic fatalism, which is defined as an apathetic attitude based
on a real understanding of limited possibilities, and project nega-
tivism, a type of apathy toward development projects based on previous
failures. le: Realistic fatalism did exist in that some of the
villagers realistically assessed the individual land area for each
man and thought that the tractors would not work for them. They
said that the machines were too big to Operate efficiently on the
small plots; and indeed they were. Since they hadn't conceived of
the notion of pooling the land together into larger and more manageable
plots the farmers were convinced that tractors could not work for
them.

Project negativism also existed. The innovators were faced
with an initial pessimism.because the villagers had seen other cOOpera—
tive groups formed for community assistance previously and the
mortality rate had been near total. In those cases the oo-op money
had been squandered and.misused, leaving behind an attitude of
mistrust towards this type of innovation.

E. Other, Varied types of beliefs or attitudes which have

-58-

produced reaction towards innovations but individually have appeared

too infrequently to be separately categoried. Example: No mention.

XIX. Traditional Practices. The primary types are consumption
and recreation patterns, although other traditional practices, such
as informal small group and functional traditional cooperative group
patterns, are included. Example: The introduction of tractors in
Camilla to increase the production of rice crops was greatly enhanced
since rice was already the traditional major crop grown in East
Pakistan and.was the staple family diet. Innovators thus utilized

the traditional practice of consumption here.

XX. 'cher Process Factors. This is a catch-all category to
include any influences, either stemming from the behavior of the
innovators or the recipients, that did not fall into any other category.

Example: Nothing to mention.

C. COMILLL: SUMMARI.AND.ANALISIS

Let us now turn to some questions for further research which
may have been left unanswered by either Niehoff, or by Khan in his

analysis of tractor introduction. To repeat, the Niehoff variables

were utilized as a framework with which to compare the various events
throughout the course of the program.

First Assumption, ‘we must first ask whether the initial assump-
tion of the thesis was fulfilled. were the Niehoff variables inclusive
of any factors which might influence the outcome of the research
project; i.e., did they include all variables?

For the most part, Niehoff seems to have completed a thorough
analysis of the many variables resulting in change in emerging
countries. However, what to‘gpig writer appears to be the most signi-
ficant group of factors in any change situation-~the many roles of

mass communications--has been almost totally neglected.

-60-

Indeed, the whole Spectrum of mass communications was referred
to by Niehoff only in one sub-section of the first variable labelled
"Communication-Innovator," namely, the first sub-category labelled
"Innovator-Recipient , audio-vi sual . "

In this sub-section, Niehoff has lumped virtually the whole mass
communications process. As he explains the parameters of the
"audio-visual" category: "Methods of transmitting information re-
garding the innovation by means of audio-visual devices such as printed
material, pictures, charts, loud Speaker systems and other mechanical
aids."

This can hardly be said to include the entire range of mass
media. For example, the Comilla report did not indicate whether such
media as radio or television were utilized. It would seem reasonable
to assume that had these media been used as tools by the innovators
for reaching the peasants, they would have been significant in the
enhancement of, or to inhibit the rate at which, the change process
occurred.

The point'being made here is that with the potential importance
mass media could play in a project like that of Comilla, Niehoff has
failed to mention any mass media in the category noted above, or in
any other category. Therefore, this author holds that Niehoff should
provide a separate category which would include all mass media, and
this is discussed in the general Summation of thesis.

Second Assumption, In regard to the second assumption, i.e.,

-61-

that the list of variables provides a valuable guide-line, the Niehoff
framework does seem to provide a useful and workable check-list to
analyze cases of directed cross-cultural change, both as an addition

to understanding the process of culture change and also as a guide line
for action by technical change agents.

In order to achieve the utmost success from the Niehoff variables,
however, the research writer would do well to include information on
all variables where possible.

Nwmerous instances are found in the East Pakistan study illustra-
ting the omission of relevant information that would seem essential
to any innovator. For example, among Niehoff's variables were two
important characteristics of innovator behavior, namely, the traditional
leadership and traditional culture existent in the villages.' That is,
who are the village leaders and how does the village political and

social structure function? Khan does not answer these questions.

It would seem that such answers would be needed to provide the
initial stepping stone to swifter introduction of the innovation, or
perhaps to any introduction at all. Khan fails to discuss either of
these Niehoff variables in his report, either in their use by the
innovator, or, equally important, as mentioned, as determinants of
recipient behavior. Surely all of this information is needed for
change. Similarly, he did not account for several other seemingly
important variables, such as personality of the innovator, the in-

fluence of his associations, reaction by village officials, religious

-62-

groups, etc.

Of course it is recognized that the Niehoff list was non-existent
at the time of Khan's writing. we point out the lack in order to
illustrate the future utility of the Niehoff variables,‘if applied
conscientiously as a check-list by the research writer in assembling
his report. It is only where information is given in detail that
another change agent can be helped.

we now move on to another report of tractor innovation, this

time originating in Acholi District of Uganda.

IV
TRACTOR INTRODUCTION IN ACHOLI

-63-

A. RESUME OF RESEARCH PROJECT

The second study took place in a northern region of Uganda,
located in northwest Africa, from.l9h9 to 1958. It was authored by

J. L. Joy, lecturer in Agricultural Ebonomics athakerere College,
Uganda, and D. Innes, Agricultural Engineer for Acholi District.19

The problems encountered in tractor introduction contain several
parallels to the Comilla experiment, such as tractor drivers and
maintenance, as will be seen below. In other areas, primarily culture,
it differs from the previous work. Attention is thus focused on
several of the Niehoff variables which were not discussed in Khan's
research.

With this in mind, let us now turn our attention to the research

carried out in Uganda and link up various events to the Niehoff

 

19J.L. Joy, "Acholi: Tractor Hirings by 'Special Development'
up to 1958," §zmpgsium.on Mechanical Cultivation in Uganda, Department
of Agriculture Publication, Uganda (Kampala: Uganda Argus Ltd.,
P.O. Box 20081, 1960).

-64—

framework wherever it may seem applicable.

Research Background

In 1947 the Ten Year DevelOpment Plan was approved by the Uganda
legislature. This plan called for nationwide development projects
such as building dams, etc., and also included goals of improved
agriculture for the Uganda farmer.

The Department of Agriculture, feeling that mechanization would
encourage growth of commercial farming, inaugurated a Special Develop-
ment Section and began posting Agricultural Officers and Agricultural
Engineers to various areas of Uganda, and sending a few tractors into
the districts, where mechanization was almost non-existent.20

In 19b9, the Department posted an Agricultural Officer to the
Acholi District to help farmers improve their crepe by new methods.
In November, 1952, an Agricultural Engineer, Mr. D. Innes (co-author
of research report), was posted to Gulu in Acholi District to take
charge of all tractors in the Northern Province, which now numbered
six.

Eventual goal of the Uganda government is a complete changeover

 

20To illustrate the unfamiliarity of tractors in Uganda, we can
quote the following sentence taken from the report: "It is a
remarkable achievement that, although in the whole area of Toro
there were only two tractors, they managed to collide head on in
the Fort Portal main street." (Joy, p. 7)

-65.

from peasant agriculture plus controls and eXport taxes to cash
economy plus income tax and companies tax, a goal which of course
will take years to accomplish.

Project Goal. Much of the activity of the Special EbvelOpment
Section in Acholi, like all of Uganda, was aimed at the economic
development of agriculture through the encouragement of pioneer
(commercial) farmers. The tractor hire service was regarded as one
of the government agencies that could stimulate this development.
Mechanization was never an end in itself.

Hence, this goal differed from that in Comilla. In the Pakistan
experiment, the emphasis was on formation of cooperative groups, and
tractor ownership was discouraged. Apparently the East Pakistan
government felt that the formation of village cooperatives would raise

the standard of living.

In Uganda, on the other hand, emphasis was primarily upon instil-
ling a desire in the individual for a higher standard of living and
more money. They felt that a farmer who established a profitable
business would be looked up to and copied. While tractor cooperative
groups were formed, it was essentially for business purposes, and
individual ownership remained the eventual goal of the innovators.

(As the following pages will note, this government scheme was directly
Opposed to the Gulu traditional social value structure, which punished
persons desiring wealth over and above the group, eSpecially wealth
gained in farming.)

-66-
Research Setting

Acholi is the second largest district in Uganda, covering an
area of 11,000 square miles. With a population of 250,000, the
district borders the Sudan in the north and dry garimgia in the east.}Q1ramw%%

The extent to which mechanized farming is practical in Acholi
varies widely as does the amount of natural resources. The chief
factors affecting land development are a) rainfall, b) soil,

c) water supplies, d) tsetsi, and e) natural vegetation, e.g.,
trees, topography.

The area most suitable for mechanized agriculture has an annual
rainfall of about 60 inches which, although fairly reliable, frequently
has erratic timing. The peak of the rainy season occurs in.May and
August, with August amounts usually exceeding the May total by eight
inches. Hot and dry weather extends from November to March, with the
soil becoming extremely hard and dry by January.

The area is characterized by rolling plains with several rocky
hill crests. Considerable areas exist where the soil is suitable for
mechanical cultivation.

The principal crops which might be grown with the aid of mechanical
cultivation include: cotton, tobacco, simsim, sorghum, finger millet,
ground nuts, beans, sweet potatoes and cassava.

Unlike Comilla, which is solely a "rice-paddy" economy, the

creps of Acholi are described by agriculture experts as "an ill-assorted

-67-

type of agriculture.“ This factor, as well as land usage with which
it is identified, has made mechanized farming difficult. In fact,
the Agricultural Officers recognized that an introduction of mechaniza-

tion necessitated a change in the farming system.

Human and Social Factors

Population, For about five miles around Gulu, the main city,
the population is fairly dense, with heavy land occupation. The
population of Gulu Township is about 7,000. Beyond this area the
A population becomes light with a sharp increase in cultivatable land.
Pepulation in the outlying area is approximately 30 per square mile.

Lizigg Standard, In terms of material wealth the living standard
is very low; Even today the thatched roof mud huts are common, with
the use of cement and other modern innovations of this nature almost
unknown to the peOple. In fact, such "modern" goods as clothes,
battery radios, and gramaphones are only today appearing on the Uganda
scene.

Incentives. The Acholi is likely to be attracted by prOSpects
of wealth and the power and prestige it represents. Traditionally
the power and prestige in this culture lies in the hands of the Rwots
(chiefs) with their major function historically being that of granary
keepers for their subjects. When the people were hungry the Rwots
distributed food at the cost of obligation.

-68-

Today, the chiefs are losing power and the individual becoming
more ambitious. Now, the typical reaction by an Acholi inhabitant
to an increase in money income seems to be: 1) Spend a little on
personal amenities, especially drink, 2) keep the bulk as cash to
finance his own or his brother's bride-wealth or house building,

3) provide education for his own children or relatives. Whatever the
motive, the ambition among the Acholi appears to be for money and
wealth.

Clan Power. Although it is not objectionable for a man to
become rich, there may be objections if he attempts to become rich
through farming, eSpecially if he achieves wealth through expanded
cultivation. In order to cultivate additional land a farmer must
secure approval from the clan to which he belongs. If he does not
receive this approval he is subject to social pressures such as
ridicule, or ostracism.

One form of social pressure frequently used is the threat that
a man will not receive assistance when he is building a new home.
Persons may also attack his property. Perhaps above all he may fear
thatrx>ene will attend his funeral. Thus, while the tractors would
enable the farmers to expand in cultivation, the social pressures
involved in such expansion impose restrictions.

Two other custmms regarding cultivation act as deterrants to
tractor introduction. One, by customary law a man has the right to
cultivate a piece of land alloted to him so long as his hoe marks are

-69-

visible. Clean clearing and tractor plowing are therefore tantamount
to an extra long lease. A.man able to hire tractors could easily
secure land domination which would then be denied to others.

Second, by tradition he must observe reciprocity of assistance,
especially at harvest. Traditionally the Acholi harvest on a group
system. One man throws a beer party to which thirty or forty people
might come. The drinking takes place after a day's work is completed
on the harvesting of a man's crep. Later, the man will reciprocate
by reSponding to the call of a neighbor to help in his harvest and
join the subsequent party.

A.man.who plants an acreage double that of his neighbor's is
placing an extra demand on the community and also possibly making
it more difficult for the rest to acquire harvest labor. In addition,
he may be contracting out of his own reciprocal harvest obligations.
He will himself probably need to offer more beer and probably'meat
as well, and he may bid up the cost of entertaining group labor. Such
a man.may be unpopular among those who do not wish to take advantage
of his offers of employment and opposition will express itself in
resisting the expansion of his plot should he apply to the council
for more land.

And in matter of jurisdiction, the clan is powerful. When land
disputes arise, they may be bound over to a local council comprised
of representatives of different clans and it may be possible to

over-ride a clan's opposition. However, the clan involved in the

-70-

diapute may plow the land in question with a tractor and thus eliminate
the question of who has control of the land. Hence, attempts at
negotiations may be a frustrating experience.

The Role of Wbmen. A.man depends on his wife in two important
respects--for cultivating the small family food plots, and preparing
beer for the harvest parties. She performs most of the task of
brewing beer, especially in the pounding and roasting of finger millet.

weeding is also considered a woman's job. If a man needs more
‘weeding done than his wife can perform, she is expected to recruit
and supervise other women in this task. When women do extra work
they usually expect additional reward.

Thus, for these reasons a man is strongly dependent on his wife,

or wives, for cooperation. She will often face limits on accepting

the added labor responsibilities which result from increased cultivation
of land.

FM Aid, Although it is traditional to provide family aid
in the establishment of a new plot or in case of a family crisis,
tradition does not include assistance for hiring tractors. In fact,
a man.may disqualify himself from future aid if he hires tractors,

such as for house building.

Traditional Cultivation

Traditionally, the men do the cultivating, the women conduct

-71-

weeding operations and everyone works during the harvest. When a man
marries he will Specify plots for the woman growing potatoes, finger
millet, simsim, sorghum and, if she asks for it, ground nuts. She
then arranges for the brewing of beer and the killing of chickens

and her husband will gather friends and relatives together for the
breaking and sowing of the land.

After the creps have been harvested they are stored in the
granary which is the exclusive responsibility of the women. Cotton
is chiefly the man's concern but women sometimes have their own
small plots.

A typical peasant plot averages about two acres excluding
those plots of his wife. In the first year the land is used for
the most valuable crap which is usually tobacco, if it is to be
grown, or else cotton. Finger millet is grown in the second year
when the land is cleanest. Since simsim grows equally well in the
third year, it is usually grown then. When considering this sequence
it must be remembered that conditions vary for various holdings of
land and from year to year. The situation is further complicated
because a day's work has a different meaning for different people.

Note that it is only in the first year of the rotation that
land preparation takes a significant proportion of the total
effort of crop production. For a rotation of cotton, millet, and
simsim the total amount of time required for preparing the land,

e.g., opening, second digging, and preparation for sowing, amounts

-72-

to 17 per cent of the time required for all of the operations
combined. This is an important fact to consider in introducing

mechanized cultivation.

Tractor Operation

For tractors to be economical in.Acholi it was found they had
to either 1) reduce costs, 2) increase returns, 3) reduce
risks, and/or #) increase income by expanded operations even at
a diminishing rate of returns.

Comparing the cost of tractor operation to hand labor on the
small two-acre plots, it was found that while tractors could reduce
the cost and time for weeding, for the most part they were more
expensive to operate during the total number of steps than the con-
ventional hand techniques. It would be more profitable in the long
run to use them, however, if the acreage was substantially increased.

Farmers found, though, that tractor cultivation produced
greater crop returns than with customary techniques. They reported
1) a 25 per cent improvement in crOp yield, 2) better timing (i.e.,
optimum.time during which the farmer should plant his crap), 3) re-
duced risk from drought and pests, and 4) easier expansion of
cultivation. (That is, the amount of land which can be plowed during
the two peak periods is limited when using the hand plowing method.

For example, it.may take as long as 50 days for the women to weed

one acre for finger millet.)

Agents agreed that it seemed certain that tractors could Open
more land during the peak time periods. However, the harvesting
problems resulting from expanded cultivation would set limits on

such a program and would have to be solved.

Special Development Operation

Tractor-hire service has been in Operation in.Acholi since
1949, and it has been the most successful of all such services.

Rental Payments, The prices charged for the hire of tractor
services were based on the assumption that a sliding scale of
prices would, in itself, promote a change in the land usage. Thus,
heavy rates were demanded for cultivating a single acre with reduc-
tions and discounts for larger areas.

Late in 1949, as the result of charges made by dishonest
drivers and plot measurers in the field, it was decided to have the
scale of charges and the conditions of hire printed, and these were
given to farmers prior to work being done.

Tractor Qgivers, It was at first assumed that eanbrld war II
lorry drivers would become efficient tractor drivers but it was
soon found that it was better to train young schoolboys, preferably
those who had had some secondary education. ‘As in Comilla, it was

found that local boys familiar with farming made better drivers than

-714.

the technicians trained only in driver techniques.

Because of the problem of drivers, initial work in the district
from.19h9 to 1951 was almost negligible. As the report reads, the
initial work ”was largely started by enthusiastic Agricultural
Officers unfamiliar with mechanized farming techniques."

Tractor Maintenance, In 1949, machinery was largely confined
to what could be obtained, rather than that which was required.
workshop facilities were poor, and African mechanics familiar with
agricultural machinery almost nonexistent. In fact, in 1948 there
was apparently only one official of the Uganda Department of
Agriculture who had intensive tractor training, and he was put in
charge of field.maintenance work. The next year the Education
Department began apprenticing students to a commercial firm with

tractor workshops to learn the necessary mechanical skills. Then,
as mentioned, in 1952 an Agricultural Engineer arrived in.Acholi
to supervise maintenance and training.

Wbrkigg Hours for the Tractors, Most of the tractors worked
many hours annually with some working as many as 1,000 hours. However,
the timing of operations left much to be desired, according to
innovators. As they noted:

Most of the first plowing occurs in April and May which
means the planting is done in late May and June. If this
plowing‘were only for tobacco the problem would not be
serious, but it is too late for cotton. This problem

occurs because money from the sale of cotton is often not
fully realized until February or March. This, then, causes
a delay in organizing group payments for the tractors and
the opportunity for plowing new land in November and
December is missed. The important point to be made is that
advantage gained by using tractors is lost.

Sigigg Problems, The farmers often complained that the tractors
were never there precisely when they needed them. Most expected to
have one immediately after rental payments were made.

The innovators in turn complained that the farmers obviously
did not appreciate the problems of the systematic organization of the
hire service. They changed their minds about the amount of work
required, and often offered.more money for work once the tractor
appeared. They even changed their minds about what they wanted
done. A farmer's committee was set up to try to iron out these
organization problems.

work anlity, The work was reported as generally quite good
where the soil clearing conditions were favorable. The quality and
amount of work done was limited by breakdowns, the speed with which
they were repaired, and the length of day worked by tractor drivers.

Incentive bonuses for the tractor drivers were established in
order to eliminate the problem of obtaining a full day's work. Each
driver was given an additional two / '[Ehilling7 for each extra acre

he plowed over sixty per’month and three / for every one over eighty

 

21Joy, p. 17.

-76-

acres.

As they wrote, the innovators felt this "would seem to be a
good system of wage payment when one considers that it is possible
to cultivate 80 acres per month working a sixhhour-dey provided
there are no breakdowns."

However, the drivers were reluctant to work six hours, which
they considered long hours. Innovators attempted using two drivers
for each tractor, but this was not particularly successful because
the drivers often neglected the recommended maintenance practices,
and so they reverted back to the "one driver for one tractor" system.

Labor Egoblems, The farmer who Opened up more acreage could
expect some disapproval for going against the traditions of small
plots and a system of communal assistance at harvest time. Some
farmers who expanded their area under cultivation began hiring labor
for many jobs. However, in the face of community disapproval and
because his neighbors were usually busy with their own plots, he
soon found that labor was scarce. The hiring of labor became one of
the problems for the innovators.

As they wrote:

It is sometimes possible to find a few men who will
work a monthly ticket. ‘zihat is, 30 / for one month of 6
days a week and 4 hours a day,7 Wbmen can also be attracted
to work for cotton dresses. . . women work for food to
take home, especially cassava, simsim, sugar and salt.
They will walk up to 10 miles for this if short of food.

They will also work for beer for 15 women per day. For
larger parties, 180 lbs. maize meal would be required for a
brew for 50-60 people. . . Another attraction to labour
which has proved pOpular in at least one case is the
organization of "EurOpean" dances by moonlight to the
music of a portable gramaphone. With these devices a
number of farmers have been able to obtain labour
necessary for their expansion.

They have, nevertheless, usually encountered resistance.

. . .A common attitude towards the man who considers
taking employment for one of the larger farmers is "if
you work for him.now, then your sons will work for his sons."
However, for many who have not Opened their land in time
the reward as eMployed labour is likely to be greater than
the reward for self employed cultivation. The lesson is
sometimes learned though, and in the next year exaporters
become tractor cultivators, perhaps applying their savings
from.emplqyment earnings to the hire of tractors. In this
situation the bigger man and the man who started first
have the advantage in attracting labour.

Peeple are now coming from as far as Kitgum (more
than 60 miles) to seek employment. This labour is welcome

to farmers although housing is now being offered to
attract it. This of course becomes an extra cost.22

Project Evaluation

The tractor hire service was extremely successful. The machines

proved so pOpular among farmers, in fact, that even the sliding

scale of costs set by Special Development for their hire failed to

deter small plot cultivation. The farmers seemed glad to pay the

higher prices charged for smaller areas. In fact, more were paying .

the premiums than were expanding their acreage. Expansion, of course,

 

22Joy, p. 160

-78-

was the Department's original goal.

is the innovators wrote:

While it was recognized that changes in farming
systems would be necessary, and inducements'li.e., smaller
rental payment‘;7 were incorporated to promote the cul-
tivation of larger areas, mechanical cultivation became so
popular as an adjunct to hand cultivation even at high
cost on small plots that the ultimate need to introduce
new farming systems was in practice almost forgotten.
Mechanization was so pOpular, and so much in demand,
that all of the farmers in Acholi, regardless of plot
size, kept all 0% the available Department tractors
in constant use. 3

This popularity, the innovators added, did not imply, however,
that the farmers had a substantial workable knowledge regarding
tractor maintenance. .

It should be added also that, regardless of the popularity of
tractor use on the small plots, the original attempt by agents of
encouraging larger commercial farms had not entirely failed. As
mentioned, due to innovator efforts, by 1956 six individuals had

established large commercial farms.
Formation of Tractor CoOperatives

Like the Comilla project, the farmers in.Acholi were encouraged

 

23Joy, p. 5.

to form into groups in order that the land could be plowed in plots
of ten acres. A.group may typically constitute about 10-20 members.
Perhaps when they started hiring tractors the area ploughed by each
was roughly similar, but a tendency was noticed, however, for one
or two members to become dominant in a group.

A.number of groups had formed to grow cotton, the profit from
which went to finance the renting of tractors to grow more food
for consumption. Acholi had suffered consistent food shortages for
several years. This, plus the fact that the farmer's digging
capacity was reduced during food shortages, acted as incentives to
start groups for tractor hire. While improved food craps was an
important factor, weeding was also started on a group basis.

The number of tractor hirers totalled 83. Of these, 35 were
leaders of groups and 48 were working independently. Usually the
groups were not clan and were formed.merely for hiring tractors
and had no other function.

The money needed for hiring tractors came from earnings on
previous cotton crops, cash income from cotton grown eSpecially for
tractor hire, or income from other skills such as teaching, hunting
and carpentry. Not infrequently one or two individuals emerged as
dominant members of groups and they secured extra (i.e., "unrecipro-
cated") labor from the rest of the group by offering meat as well
as beer or salt for weeding by women. Larger farmers sometimes

hired labor for a monthly wage.

-80..

It was found that hiring tractors for tobacco was more pro-
fitable than for other crops, eSpeciaJJy if the women would handle
some of the labor for beer, salt or cassava, which are relatively

cheap to produce.

The Larg er Farmers

A significant feature of agricultural development in Acholi
was the emergence of a few commercial farmers. By 1958, two of these
had purchased their own tractors and others were considering doing so.

As the innovators said of these comercial farmers:

The largest farm is about 1&0 acres. (Although it is
difficult to define the management unit when family com-
plications are involved.) Tobacco is the main crap, pro-
viding a high level of income, with millet, simsim, cotton
and groundnuts also grown. Much capital has been invested.
It is sufficient to. note here that a few farmers (no more
than six could be counted as yet) have, within a few
years, built up businesses comparable in complexity and
in turnover with new farms in the so-called developed
area of the world. The greatness of this achievement
can hardly be over-estimated. The problems that these
farmers face as pioneers are considerable and they
range through all fields, mechanical, agronomic, economic
and the day to day management of business. Their
achievements in spite of misoalculations and setbacks
have been remarkable. They are shaping the farming
systems that others will follow. Their impact on Acholi
is not to be measured by the acres cultivated or
craps grown but by their influence on others.2

 

quOys P0 20-

It soon became obvious, however, continued the report, that the
rate of mechanized farming expansion by the pioneer commercial farmers
would not reach its fullest potential with the tractor hire service
alone. Rather, the farmers would have to purchase the tractors
outright if rapid growth was to be achieved.

Other Tractor Programs

The Agricultural Officers also tried establishment of coopera-
tive farms but their failures far outnumbered their successes. For
any future success, the agents recomended insuring members
individual reward for the effort, and detailed and personal guidance
and planning, especially on labor requirements.

Besides the contract hire work done by the Special Development
Section of the Department of Agriculture, some tobacco plowing had
been done by the East African Tobacco Company. Also, two of the
leading farmers had purchased tractors of their own and often rented
them out when they were not in use on their own farms.

During the this of tractor introduction a large number of oxen
were still in use on the fame. One farmer interviewed in 1957
reported having plowed eight acres per year with animals since 195‘},
but that by 195?, with more available land, he could not manage the
three-by-eight-acre blocks and had applied too late for hiring
tractors. He hoped ultimately to buy his own tractor in the future.

-82-

On most of the small two-acre plots, though, oxen continued to be more

useful than tractors.
Factors Limiting Mechanical Cultivation

The innovators reported that labor, its scarcity and unreliability,
was currently the greatest single problem inhibiting the growth of
large- scale mechanical cultivation. They complained that beer as
part payment caused inefficiency: "It is difficult to hold off the
consunption of beer until the work is completed. Also the brewing
of beer beginning in the early afternoon severely curtails the work
pace."

Labor was a chief factor in limiting cultivation expansion, and
the innovators were looking into alternate solutions such as the
possible mechanization of harvesting by use of combines and sheers.

Capital shortage also plagued mechanical growth, but agents
reported good prospects for the use of capital loans, the development
of commercial farms, and the peeling of capital in group farming
schemes.

Marketing was often a more serious problem than labor or capital
shortages, they reported. While an adequate market existed for cotton
and tobacco, simsim, sorghum, groundnuts and millet could only be sold
in small quantities. Beans, maize and posho were hard to sell and
usually produced for home consumPtion. Lack of adequate storage

-83-

facilities also brought price fluctuations.

Land shortage itself was not a limiting factor. However, low
water supplies and problems of clearing operations inhibited develop-
ment. a significant factor which inhibited the willingness of
Acholi farmers to prepare additional land for mechanical cultivation,
noted the innovators, was the resulting social opposition to increase
acreage. is they wrote: "This will probably continue to be a pro-
blem, but with the success of the pioneer commercial farmers it seems
likely that future farmers will expand cultivation in spite of social
opposition.“

There was also no lack of incentive for higher incomes. On
the ether hand, in regard to social attitudes, attnnpts to break from
the traditional social life were likely to be met with suspicion,
dislike and opposition.

Report Conclusions

In summary, says the report, it can be said that about 2% of the
total cultivated acreage within range of the tractor hire services,
i.e., for about five miles around the city of Gulu within Gulu township,
was tractor ploughed. Bearing in mind, they added, the fact that
tractgrs are used largely for opening operations, it might be estimated
that up to 6’ of cultivated land had been opened by tractors.

-8“-

In the first year of records, 1954, six tractors cultivated 1,898
acres for a revenue of 77,333. In the last year listed, 1958, the
number of tractors had increased to 16, and had cultivated a total of
3,068 acres with revenue of 123,119.

As the innovators summarized:

It can be concluded that there is at least one area in
Acholi suitable for mechanized farming. Mechanization in
this area provides an opportunity for expanded production
and incomes through better timing, better cultivations
and expanded operations.

So long as their efforts are continued, the pioneer
commercial farmers of.icholi will undoubtedly bring about
a revolution in agriculture in this area. In addition
to being a mechanized revolution it will also have far
reaching implications economically and socially as well.

It seems apparent that the introduction of tractors
has had a strong impact on the lives of the.Acholi
farmers and there can be no doubt that mechanical

cultivation hag been of significant benefit to the people
of the region. 5

The tractor hire service, they reported, had become well established
and the demand for its services had been sustained. Future plans inp
cluded aid by Special Development in providing repair and maintenance
service to groups, with the groups encouraged to undertake a hire-purb

chase of their own tractors.

 

25'Joy', p. 24.

-85-

Some Economic and Social Factors Influencing Mechanization

In the opinion of the research writers, there existed several
economic and social factors that influenced mechanization in Acholi.
is listed in the report, these are as follows, in the innovators'

words:

If mechanization is to succeed the farmers themselves
must first want it to succeed. They may want it to succeed
because of associating it with higher income. Several
points can be made on this issue:

1. In many areas there may be peasants who have been
in contact with others enjoying a greater standard of
living than their own. It is only through such contact
that peasants learn of these higher standards. We cannot
therefore assume that the peasants have necessarily felt
this attraction.

2. Even where peasants have clear ideas about things
they would like to buy, their desires are commonly epito-
mized by target goods and there will not necessarily be
a sustained demand for a higher level of money income
and expenditure.

3. A farmer who attempts to raise his standard of
living above the general level might find himself a target
of local gossip, much to his concern. This will be the
case especially if his attempts include the use of
tractors, the cultivation of abnormally large areas,
repudiation with family or tribal obligations or, in
general, a separation from the traditional behavior. In
a very real sense a ”progressive" farmer may cease to
belong to his people. The desire of people is to belong
to his group and this desire is a dominant incentive,
and only where it is possible to continue to belong in
spite of being progressive will people be progressive.

4. Nothing succeeds like success. A pioneer who
succeeds in establishing a farming business in raising

-86-

his standard of living becomes a power in the land to be
looked up to and copied.

Secondly, even where higher standards of living are
desired and people would not be detoured by social con-
siderations from seeking them through mechanized fanning
enterprise, there may still be no demand for mechnical
cultivation. This would happen if people were completely
unaware of the existence of tractors. There is evidence
that in Uganda there is a remarkable awareness of the
existence of tractors. Requests for tractors have been
received from as far as the Soudan border.

It would be wrong to conclude from this there is no
need to advertise tractor hire service. The economics of
tractor hire services demands the highest possible con-
centration of tractor work. In areas where such services
are operated the knowledge of the possibilities of tractor
hire must be made universal.

Thirdly, Special Development should believe in the
possibilities of profitable mechanization in the areas
which it operates. It should also be able to set down

the basis fgr its belief and make its lgowlggge available
to all mtential tractor users so that there is even
omrtunitz for correct assessments of costs and benegitg,‘

Fourth, given that peasants want higher incomes and
that they are aware of the possibilities of tractor use
the demand for mechanical cultivation will still depend
on a number of subjective factors. Technically and
economically the use of tractors might appear to the
peasant farmer to be something of a gamble and his
assesmnent of the following factors might influence
his decision. A. What does he stand to gain? B. What
does he stand to lose? C. What are the risks and un-
certainties? D. How long will he have to wait for his
return? E. How clear is he in mind what he is taking
on?

 

5. The certainty and the immediacy of the profit
prospect are immensely important. A scheme which may
pay off over five years is not so attractive as one which
will pay off in six months.

6. It is worth repeating that there must be a growth
of the desire for spending. Without this there is likely

-37-

to be a slackness in farm management resulting in poor
crops and the discontinuance of tractor work. In such
cases, there may be an apparenttechnical cause for the
failure of tractors--that the weed problem was too great,
for example, but to accept this as the cause of failure
would be to ignore the root of the trouble.

Whatever the conclusions about the need to improve
technical efficiency or to reduce costs, the importance
of the attitudes of indivichzal farmers are of paramount
importance. Mechanical cultivation cannot succeed until
peasan§6farmers believe that using tractors can help
them.

 

26Joy. pp. 131-133.

-88-

B. THE ACHOLI RESEARCH A3 VIEWED WITHIN THE
IIEHOFF mammal:

Let us now consider individually each variable in Niehoff's
framework as it relates to the Acholi tractor study. Examples from
the stow will be plugged in wherever they seem applicable.

Fer cenvenience, the expanded definitions of each variable will
be emitted, with only the snaple itself presented. The reader may
oensult the Cenilla chapter fer definitions where necessary.

IllOVAIOR BEAVIOR

I. Meetion-Lmvator.

A. Engvator-gggipient, audio-vi sual, Example: The
Agricultural Officer in Gulu worked out of the Government Farm in the

District and made informal contacts with the farmers in the area.

-89-

Although no mention was made of demonstrations, or am use of media
for that matter, it must be assumed that some form of demonstrations
were conducted in order to familiarize the farmers with the mechanized
equipment. For, as the innovators pointed out, mechanization was
almost unknown in most of Uganda. However, it can only be assumed

as, again, any mention of media use was unfortunately omitted in

the report.

The study gig include discussion of a limited amount about
printed messages in that the change agents decided that the prices
for tractor hiring would be printed and made available to the farmers
to correct several. misunderstandings on price of hire.

B. Easter-Recipient, personal contact, m The
report, again unfortunately, made no mention of the exact extent and
frequency of personal contact of the change agent with farmers.
Again, though, it must be assumed that such interpersonal contacts
349 indeed take place because of the development over the period of
six years of many cooperative groups and a few cooperative farms.

It is interesting to note that, unlike Comilla, cooperative
groups for the most part wore not successful social units. Perhaps
this was a result of too infrequent meetings of the members, e.g.,
meeting once a month or so, and then mainly for tractor hire purposes.
As the report says, "In some cases they are groups merely for tractor
hire with no coordination of such other activities as cultivations

2?
or marketing. "

 

27Joy, p. 19.

-90-

The more successful Camilla groups, conversely, met regularly
once a week, with talks by the change agent on modern farming methods,
research, etc.

The goals of the change agents were of course different, the
Camilla agents wishing primarily to form successful cooperatives,
the Acholi agents wanting to encourage indivichial (or group) tractor
ownership.

C. Lnnovator-Reoipient, formal, W No mention in
report was made of fomal meetings in council or classroom situations,
in direct contrast to the formal Camilla village cooperatives.

D. Recipient-gmovator, m Bo mention was made of
the existence of am two-way communication in this research project.
The change agents themselves were aware of this lack. They recomended
that there was a need for'more twoaway'communication with the farmers
in the future in order to assess their understanding and needs.

To quote:

A rational assessment of costs and returns is a
complex matter. . . In practice, even where this data
is available, it is unlikely that all the information
necessary to a complete understanding of the opportunities
of mechanization is known to either the peasant farmer
23; to Special Development. The need is stressed for
Special Development to undertake to discover all the
necessary data, including such details as, say, the
cost of beer parties incidental to the employing of
casual labour for harvest.

Special Develolnent should be able to . . . make its
knowledge available to all potential tractor users so

-91-

that there is every opportunity for tgg correct assess-
ment of possible costs and benefits.

In Camilla, it is remembered, the agents conducted interviews

after the program was underway in order to facilitate two-way

communication.
11- 3.4.0;
A. Use of Native E53139, Example: Like Comilla, the

Agricultural Officers were all natives of Uganda, although not from
local villages, and spoke the language. They presumably had the
confidence of the farmers since the tractor hire program was so
popular and successful.

B. arsenalitz, m Unfortunately, as in the Comilla
report, no mention was made of individual characteristics of the
innovator or the resulting inpression he left with the farmers. It
seems obvious, however, that had the impression been negative, the
program would have fallen short of success.

0. young gypetence, m Unlike Camilla, the
initial change agents in Acholi, known as Agricultural Officers, had
relatively little familiarity with the mechanical principles of
tractors, resulting in many problems, for instance, with drivers and

maintenance. To quote from the study on the incompetence of the

 

28
Jay, p. 132.

-92-
early agents:

Early direction. . . was largely in the hands of
those familiar with farming but not so proficient or
familiar with mechanization. . . Initial work in the
districts. . . ‘was largely started by enthusiastic
Agricultural Officers unfamiliar with mechanized
farming techniques.29

Therefore, in 1952 an Agricultural Engineer was sent to the
District to coordinate and.manage the tractor hire service.

D. Affiliations, Example: Similar to the East Pakistan
study, the innovators were employees of the Uganda government, which
backed them in their efforts to introduce tractors.

In contrast to the suspicions initially prevalent in Camilla,
however, the government image must have been favorable. To quote,
"Mechanization was so pOpular, and so much in demand, that the re-
sources of the Section were largely absorbed by the fulfillment of

obligations on.the existing system."30

III. Demonstration. Example: No mention was made of any form
of machinery demonstration.
IV. Participgtion.
A. Labor and Time, Example: Both group and individual
tractor hirers paid a standard rate per acre for hiring of the govern-

 

30

2
QJQY9 Po 5- J0?) Po 5.

ment tractors, which included driver wages. Thus the individuals
contributed neither their own labor or time.

Unlike Camilla, however, where the goal of the agents was per-
manent group rental, the goal of the innovators in Acholi was individual
ownership of tractors. By the end of the project six farmers had
bought and were using their own tractors. Also, unlike Camilla where
ownership was discouraged, the innovators recommended that the groups
eventually own their own tractor.

B. Material Contribution. ExamEle: Like Camilla, the
government furnished the tractors and the farmers paid for their
hire.

C. Omanizatianal, W Like Camilla, the innovators
urged the organization of groups of farmers, 10-20 in a group,
expressly to hire tractors to cultivate the members' individual
small plots. The innovators also established several cooperative
farms, although these were not successful.

D. Passive, W As in Camilla, since the farmers
actively participated in the development program, and the program

was highly popular, it could not be said that they were passive.

V. Utilization of Traditional Culture,
A. Leader-gig, m Unlike Camilla, the change agents
in this project did not appeal to the leadership of the villages, nor
did they utilize the traditional cultural patterns, as they did in

-9h-

East Pakistan. In fact, they worked in apposition to both. It will
be recalled that the innovators swayed those farmers who adopted
mechanized agriculture pm from the social norms of the group,
which were communal, and into following an individualistic approach
to farming.

The traditional leadership in Gulu lies with the clan and the
clan councils. The councils have traditional jurisdiction over land
and cultivation. They will, for instance, punish a person who wants
to cultivate more land. The innovators, in encouraging groups, did
not work through the clans. To quote:

Out of 83 nominal tractor hirers. . . 35 are leaders
of groups and #8 are individuals farming on their own. It
should be noted that groups are not necessarily clan or
extended fmlil groups. . . (but) are groups merely for
tractor hire.

B. Eonomic gettern, m As in Camilla, the
innovators did not utilize the traditional economic structure.

Rather, they introduced mechanization with the eventual. goal of
switching from a peasant agriculture to a cash economy. Ultimately
their purpose was to persuade the farmers to purchase the tractors
outright and to cultivate larger acreage, all of which was directly
opposed to the traditional economic pattern in Acholi of small plots,

 

l
3 Joy. pe 19e

-95-

neighborly assistance with harvesting, and group-dominated decision
making on the cultivation of plots.

C. cher Traditional, ‘gggmplg; Again, the Acholi innova-
tors worked in direct opposition to other traditional customs of the
district.

For instance, where labor was once a form of neighborly
reciprocitya-farmers help their neighbors with the harvest and they
in turn return the favor by providing a party with large quantities
of beerb-now, with the introduction of tractors, farmers were
expected to, or found they usually had to, hire labor. Labor
shortages thus became very acute at times. This proved to be a pro-
blem in that the independent farmers were reluctant to work for

their neighbor for cash.

VI. Environment {utilization of), Example: Like Camilla,

the farmers were encouraged to form.graups for the cultivation of
land because the individual plots averaged only about two acres and
the tractors would not operate efficiently and profitably under those
conditions.

Unlike the Camilla project, however, the Acholi farmers had
access to large areas of uncultivated land which enabled them to ex-
pand cultivation to make mechanized farming more profitable. (It will
be recalled that in Camilla the peasants were using all of the

available land for crap production.)

-96-

VII. Timigg {utilization of}. Example: As to adaptation in
terms of traditional time patterns, the life of Acholi, like that of

Camilla, revolved around the demands of its crops. The innovators
in each area showed how the tractors could produce greater yield in
the optimum time.

Unlike Camilla, the soil and climate around Acholi were more
suited to mechanized cultivation. Seasons were more moderate, land
was open and rolling, vacant acreage was available for cultivation,
and conditions were more profitable for commercial farming.

As to item two, i.e., timing in terms of a crisis situation,
tractors were introduced by the Uganda government specifically to

combat long-standing hunger and low crap yields. As the report states:

There seems no doubt that an increase in food supplies
without the effort of digging is a major incentive to
some groups and it must be remembered that food shortage
was a common and regular occurrence in Acholi until the
forties, and that individuals may still go short and
when they do their digging capacity is much reduced.32

Food shortage was thus a determinant in both Acholi and Camilla.

VIII. flexibility; {of i_r_qplementatign2, Ehcample: Exactly as

in Camilla, the innovators had to be flexible on the issue of tractor

drivers. First they tried expworld war II lorry drivers but, as in

 

32«Joy, p. 18.

-97-

Comilla, found that the professional drivers were less efficient than
young farm boys of the district who knew local farming.

Also, they found drivers were reluctant to work what they con-
sidered to be long sixphour shifts. Their attempt to use two drivers
per tractor also failed.because the drivers neglected tractor mainte-
nance. Thus, they returned to the "one driver for each tractor" rem

system.

:1. Continuity. Example: As in Camilla, the Acholi change

 

agents experienced similar problems in securing an adequate number
of drivers and skilled mechanics. The original plans had called for
1 Agricultural Officers to take charge of driver and.maintenance
training.

However, from.1949 to 1951 work in the district was almost
negligible because of driver problems. As the report states, the
initial work “was largely started by enthusiastic Agricultural
Officers unfamiliar with mechanized farming techniques." Furthermore,
African mechanics familiar with agricultural machines were almost
nonexistent. Thus in 1952 an Agricultural Engineer was sent to Acholi

to coordinate the tractor hire and repair service.

X. Maintenance, ‘Egggglg; .As stated earlier, the goal of the
change agents was the ultimate purchase of tractors by the farmers
in order to start commercial farming. It was in this way, coupled

-93-

with the expected desire by the farmers for a raised standard of
living, that they felt the program.of mechanized agriculture would
continue on and be most successful.

The Comilla agents, on the other hand, counted on the cooper-
atives as the selfeperpetuating means for carrying on the innovators'

ideas.

RECIPIENT BEHAVIOR

II. Communication, Recipient-Recipient, Example: Paralleling
the Comilla research, interpersonal communication played a significant

role in.Acholi in spreading the news of mechanization throughout
the district. As the report states, "There is evidence that in
Uganda there is a remarkable awareness of the existence of tractors.
Requests for tractors have been received from all over the northern

province up to the Sudan border. "33

XII. flptivatioonelt need,

A. .Active Solicited, 1e: Here, we cite a negative
example, because Acholi farmers, like their counter-parts in Camilla,
‘were almost wholly unaware of mechanized agriculture until a specific

 

33Joy, p. 131.

program of innovation had been started by the change agents. Like
Camilla, they _w_e_2_'_e. however, aware of their need for increased crop
yields because food shortages were acute.

B. Active Demonstrated, m Again, since Acholi
farmers, like Camilla, were almost totally ignorant of mechanized
farming methods, there appeared to be no active demonstrated need
for tractors on their part. However, as in Camilla, once they
observed the initial tractors in action in their district, the demand
became great.

C. Latent Ascem Examge: To repeat, the farmers
had a need for increased crap production. However, it was not until

the tractors were shown to them that they realized that the machines

would fulfill the long desired goal of increased crop yields.

XIII. activation-Practical Benefit,

A. Egonamic Immediate. mangle: As in Camilla, the
farmers quickly recognized the immediate advantages of the tractors.

They reported a 25 per cent increase in crap yield, more efficient
weeding, and faster cultivating during optimum land conditions. The
tractor hire service became so popular that the demand was greater
than the supply.

Said the report about the factor of immediate economic benefit
over long-term: "The certainty and the imediacy of the profit

prospect are immensely inportant. A scheme which may pay off over

-100-

five years is not so attractive as one which will pay off in six

months."’3u
13- W W In the beginning. due
to small average plots, tractor Operation was not profitable.

However a few farmers recognized that with expanded cultivation the
tractors could operate at a substantial profit if employed over a
period of time. 5-
This was evidenced by the fact that several farmers eventually I
purchased their own tractors instead of using the tractor hire

service and began pioneer commercial farming. They thus fulfilled

 

the goal of the change agent, which was to promote the idea of 5.1..
long-term economic gain through commercial farming. To quote from

the report:

It is sufficient to note here that a few farmers
(no more than six could be counted as yet) have within
a few years, built up businesses comparable in complexity
and in turnover with many farms in the so-caJled developed
area of the world. The greatness of this achievement can
hardly be over-estimated. . . They are shaping the
farming systems that others will follow. Their inpact
on Acholi is not to be measured by the acres cul vated
nor crops grown but by their influence on others.

C. nedical, W No mention was made regarding this'
variable. However, as in Camilla, health benefits undoubtedly re-
sulted from increased crop production along with a reduction in the

 

3401055 p. 132e 33037, pe 200

~101-

number of man hours required with the new techniques of mechanized
agriculture.

D. Educational, W No mention of education.

E. 91.31% m In Acholi, mechanization brought about
the beginning of a complete reorganization of the economic structure
from a peasant agriculture to a cash economy. Like the cooperatives r._
of Camilla, this exampled another benefit which was probably not 3
immediatexy apparent to recipients. Taken alone, this change is '
highly significant because farmers would undoubtedly come to realize

 

that it formed a basis on which other problems related to agriculture
could in time be solved. Furthermore, it could undoubtedly start
other modernization trends in such areas as road building, developing
electricity, inaugurating communication media, improving schools

and so forth.

XIV. flgtivation-Other,

A. Campetition-Igdividual. Example: While the desire for
personal wealth was great and the demand for tractors to cultivate

individual small plots was high, the acceptance of tractors for
cultivating additional acreage was mainly rejected.because of fear
of losing kin group status. The ruling clans punished those who
achieved wealth through expanded cultivation.

As the report said:

-102-

.A farmer who atteMpts to raise his standard of living
above the general level might find himself a target of
local gossip, much to his concern. This will be the case
especially if his attempts include the use of tractors,
the cultivation of abnormally large areas, repudiation
with family'or tribal obligations or in general a separation
from the traditional behavior. In a very real sense a
fiprogressive" farmer may cease to belong to his peOple.36

”"1

Thus, while innovators in Camilla encouraged cooperative action,
which was in accord with traditional philosOphy although seldom
practiced, in Acholi the innovators urged individual competition,
which was directly against the traditional pattern.and practice of

 

cooperation.

B. Coppetitioanggup. e: In direct opposition to
Camilla, since the aim of the change agents was to eventually en-
courage tractors on an individual rather than a group basis with the
final goal that of commercialized farming, the tractor groups
established were nonpcompetitive. They acted.merely as business
organizations.

C. fieward-gggishment fimmediate!. Egayplg; Pressure to
force acceptance of the innovation was used in Acholi as in Camilla.
Rental payments provided an inducement for the individual in Acholi
to accept cultivation of more acreage, over the disapproval of his
clan. The prices charged for the hire of tractor services were based

on the assumption that a sliding scale of prices would in itself

 

aéay, p. 131.

-103-

promote a change in the land usage. Thus, heavy rates were demanded
for cultivating a single acre with reductions and discounts for
larger areas.

D. Novelty. W Like Camilla, the novelty factor
was great. Interest and desire for tractors among the Acholi farmers
was generated to such an extent that even at high rental cost on
small plots the machines were much in demand and the farmers kept all
of the available Department tractors in constant use.

E. Other, W No mention of am other such category.

XV . Traditional Leadership,

A. Traditional Officials, Mil-£3. The power and prestige
in the Acholi culture lies in the hands of the clan councils. These
councils often resisted the increased land acreage caused by tractor
introduction. In order to cultivate additional land a farmer must
secure approval from the clan to which he belongs. If he does not
receive this approval he is subject to social pressures such as
ridicule, or ostracism.

When land disputes arise, they may be bound over to a local
council comprised of representatives of different clans and the
council will often arbitrarily over-ride any negotiation attempts.

B. National foicials, le: Similar to the Camilla
project, the Acholi project was part of a mechanization program

conducted throughout Uganda by the Special Development branch of the

-10’4-

Uganda Department of Agriculture. The local officer in charge, or
Agricultural Engineer, was therefore a representative of the national
government, and so was naturally receptive to tractor introduction.

C. Educators, .Egggglgg No mention was made of contact
with educators.

D. Religious Eatemity, W Organized religion P
was not mentioned in the report. However, it is recognized that E

(~“‘ 13 A

widespread religious beliefs are not usual in Africa--most spiritual

”at! V. .

power residing in individuals.

 

E. Civic, le: The clan councils comprised the .-
primary groups for the fulfillment of community needs. While the
Acholi clan councils in general approved of tractor use as a labor-

saving device and to increase personal wealth, they mainly resisted

the innovator's pressure toward expanded cultivation.

F. Non-institutional, 1e: Those farmers who were
first to adapt tractors and operate them at a profit were somewhat
influential to those who had not yet adapted. The Acholi farmer is
likely to be attracted by prospects of wealth and the power and
prestige it represents.

As the innovators said:

Nothing succeeds like success. The pioneer farmer
who succeeds in establishing a farming business in raising
his standard of living becognes a power in the land to
be looked up to and copied. 7

 

37Joy, p. 131.

-105-

IVI. t t .

A. m le: Unlike the Comilla report, coverage
was extensive regarding the role of kinship groups and their affects
on the introduction of mechanized agriculture.

As the report brought out, clan councils are all-inportant.

While it is not objectionable for a man to become
rich, there may be objections if he attanpts to become
rich through taming, especially if he achieves wealth
through expanded cultivation. The clan helps in establish-
ment of a new plot. . . A farmer who attunpts to raise
his standard of living above the general level might
find himself a target of local gossip, especially if his
attupts include the use of tractors to cultivate
larger areas of land. '

Land shortage itself is not a limiting factor. .
. . One of the significant factors which inhibits the
willingness of Acholi farmers to prepare additional
land for mechanical cultivation is the resulting social
apposition to increase acreage.

There are doubtless individuals who are concerned
about the social consequences or emanding their
activities with the use of tractors. This will continue
to be a problem but with the success of the pioneers
others will be persugged to try for thanselves in
spite of opposition.

B. gate-gees, m The report mentioned no larger
caste or class hierarchical influence, other than the small clan

councils.

C. m, m No mention of other ethnic groups

 

38Joy. 1:. 23.

-lO6-

in Acholi.

D. Eclitical, Exacxple: The local branch of the national
administration, i.e., the Agricultural Office, often worked in oppo-
sition to local village philOSOphy. Labor hiring became one eminple
where the innovators had to use pressure.

In the government mechanization project in Acholi, the ulti-
mate goal was a cash economy, which necessitated the use of hired
labor. The farmers were reluctant to work for their neighbor for
wages, however, since this went against tradition which taught the 2
comanal life of mutual group assistance, with work helped along by i
social beer drinking. A comon attitude towards the man who con-
sidered taking employment for one of the larger farmers was, "if
you work for him now, then your sons will work for his sons."

Thus the government innovators complained about the constant
scarcity and unreliability of labor. They objected to the constant
beer drinking resulting in lower work output, and had begun a search
to force a solution to what they considered to be labor "problems."

E. Central Authority, e: The attitude of the
Acholi pOpulation towards the central government was not discussed.

F. Vested Interests, Examgle: The vested interest of
the Uganda government was an eventual changeover from peasant
agriculture to cash econonw. The activity of the Special Development
Section in Acholi was mainly aimed at the encouragement of commercial

farmers. The tractor hire service was regarded as one of the

-107-

gcvernment agencies that could stimulate this development. Mecha-
nization was never an end in itself.

G. 93221;, EJmmEle: No mention of any other types of
socia1 structure in Acholi was made. If the attempts at establishment
of cOOperative farms by Special Development had been successful,
which they were not, it is probable that the communal farms would [‘7

have comprised an influential type of social structure. i

XVII. Traditional Economic gettern, E_J_g_ample,' The traditional
economic system of Acholi revolved around the crops of cotton, i 5

tobacco, simsim, sorghum, finger millet, ground nuts, beans, sweet
potatoes and cassava. Unlike Camilla, which is solely a rice-paddy
econonv, the crops of Uganda are described by agriculture experts as

" an ill- assorted type of agriculture.” This factor as well as land
usage with which it was identified (i.e., small plots and rotations),
made mechanized fanning difficult. The Agricultural Officers
recognized that an introduction of mechanization necessitated a change
in the farming system.

XVIII. Traditional gagefs,
A. Theological, M3, No mention of theological
beliefs.
B. Magical, W No mention of magic beliefs.
C. gedical, Mil-3.3 No mention of beliefs concerning

-108-

health.

D. Negativism. Ebcample: As in Comilla, negativism towards
the innovation did appear. While the goal of the innovators was to
instill a desire for a higher standard of living in the farmers of
Acholi, the famers generally responded with a negative or apathetic

reaction for two reasons.

To quote:

. . . 1) even where peasants have clear ideas about
things they would like to buy, their desires are commonly
epitomized by target goods and there is not necessarily a
sustained demand for a higher level of money income and
expenditure, and 2) A farmer who attempts to raise his
standard of living above the general level might find
himself- a target of local gossip, much to his concern,
andhe will no longer "belong" to the group. 39

E. 93333, m Attitude toward change brought varied
reactions. The farmers who worked most closely with the innovators
were the ”progressive" ones who had a positive attitude toward
increased acreage and commercial farming. These early adopters,
however, found themselves looked down upon by those who had clung to

tradition for violating social norms.

XIX. Traditional Rectices, Eagle—3 Beside social rule by

clan council, another traditional practice heretofore unmentioned

was the role of women as providers of labor on the farm. The women

 

39.303} Pe 131e

-109-

did all of the weeding, prepared and brewed the beer for harvest
festivities, managed the family plots, and in general comprised
much of the labor force in Acholi.

When tractors were introduced, it was difficult to find an
adequate labor supply. The change agents were forced to offer
additional rewards for the women--cotton dresses, more beer and

dances--to induce them to work elsewhere.

XX. Other Process Factors, W A major influence, not
mentioned previously, was the goal of the change agents to instill
in the farmers a desire to spend money. As the report described,
the success of the changeover to a cash economr depended to a large
extent on the farmers ' willingness to spend, coupled with the
desire to raise their standard of living.

Attempts at producing the desired attitude posed problems for
the innovators, which is noted in the following quote from the
stucv:

It is worth repeating that there must be a growth of
the desire for spending. Without this there is likely
to be a slackness in farm management resulting in poor
crops and the discontinuance of tractor work. In such
cases, there may be an apparent technical cause for the
failure of tractors-that the weed problem was too great,
for example, but to accept this as the cause of failure
would be to ignore the root of the trouble . . . the
irnportance of the attitude of individual farmers are
of paramount importance. Mechanical cultivation cannot

 

-110-

succeed until Beasant farmers believe that using tractors
can help them. 0

Thus the recipients tended to sometimes resist acceptance of one
innovation, i.e., tractors, because of a latent resistance to a

second, and basic, innovation, i.e., instilling a desire to spend.money.

 

ggx

“Joy, p. 133.

 

C. ACHOLI: SUMMARY AND ANALYSIS

We should now examine some questions for further research which
may have been raised by the Joy and Innes report on tractor intro-
chlction in Acholi. As in the previous analysis, the Niehoff variables
were utilized as a framework with which to compare the various events
throughout the course of the program.

First Assumption, Regarding the first assumption: Were the
Niehoff variables inclusive of any factors which might influence the
outcome of the research project; i.e., did they include all variables?

As mentioned earlier in the study, Niehoff appears to have done
a rather complete analysis of the numerous change variables. His
framework seems to have held up equally as well in the Acholi
research; i.e., most of the significant factors were dealt with.
Again, however, the major exception was his failure to include a
category for mass media. This lack of information was noted in the

 

Acholi research, with the reader being left with no nation of what
forms of mass communications were used and what affect they might
have had.

Second Assumption, As to the second asMption, i.e., the
usefulness of the framework for bath innovator and report reader,
there appear to be parallels to the Camilla analysis. Where the
innovator followed the guidelines offered by the variables (or,
rather, an glivalent of the guidelines, since, again, Niehoff's
framework had of course not been structured at the time of the Acholi
report), the reader was given adequate and useful information. On
the other hand, where the information was not provided by the research
writer as called for by the guidelines, the reader was left with a
number sf unanswered questions.

Just as in the Camilla analysis, examples of both inclusions
and emission are numerous in the Acholi report. Unlike Camilla,
the cultural variables _w_e_r_e_ adequately discussed concerning Uganda.
Fer example, the factors of Traditional Leadership, Traditional
Culture, and Traditional Social Structure, and their far-reaching
effects on the success or failure of introduction, were covered.

Numerous instances are equally found in the Acholi stuchr
illustrating the ondssian of relevant information that would seem
essential te any innovator. For example, unlike Camilla, information
regarding the initial variable of Commanicatar-Innavatar was
entirely neglected. The reader is left with no knowledge about 11.9.!

the innovators introduced their tractors. Was it through meetings,
demonstrations, home visits, mass media?

While the innovators pointed out that mechanization was almost
unknown in their area, the demonstrations that would seem to be
almost a necessity were not discussed. It would seen likely that '
such demonstrations indeed took place, in order to alleviate the
ambiguity surrounding the situation.

Did the change agents use posters, pamphlets, radio, television,
informal group discussion, or some other form of mass or interpersonal
communication in maintaining interest in their program (which they
reported as extremely popular)? We are not told of this in the
report.

Another important factor left out of the written report on
the Acholi research was that dealing with the attitude of the farmers
toward central authority (or Category XVI, E). Since this program
was supported by the Uganda government, it would seem that such
attitudes would play a significant role regarding the success of the
introduction.

The crucial significance of this variable was seen in the
Camilla research. In Camilla it will be recalled that attempts at
bringing about change met some resistance because the peasants had
feelings of distrust toward the central authority based on prior
experience.

Let us now turn to a general summary of findings and to some

 

-1lh—

implications for further research, as they might relate to the

Niehoff paradigm and also to the use of mass media in change projects.

V.
SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

We have presented Niehoff's framework for analysis of the
process of directed cross-cultural change. It is a model by means
of which any number of case histories of induced culture change
can be analyzed.

we have examined two such cases--the introduction of tractors
into Camilla, East Pakistan and into Acholi, Uganda. For each of
Niehoff's variables, we have attempted for each case to present the
major instance where this variable was exampled.

We presented analyses for bath the Camilla and Acholi projects
in brief form. We can.now summarize in greater depth, and enlarge
our analysis further to include some implications for further research,

Use of Niehoff Variables

The Niehoff variables, in the author's opinion, seem to represent

-115.

. 3."er

"I. -T . r..v‘ I‘-

 

 

-ll6-

a viable step in an effort to delineate the process by which new
ideas or techniques are transferred from one culture to another in
situations where identifiable innovators are consciously trying to
bring about change. That is, it seems to provide a useful and
workable check-list to analyze cases of directed cross-cultural
change, both as an addition to understanding the process of culture
change and also as a guideline for action by technical change agents.

To repeat, the Niehoff framework of variables was the primary
concern of this work. As stated in the Introduction, there were two
basic assumptions: 1) that the Niehoff variables would be inclusive
of any factors which might influence the outcome of the research
project, i.e., they would include all variables, and 2) that this
framework can be utilized as a valuable set of guidelines by change
agents in both the execution of their innovation projects and the
assembling of report material. The thesis, therefore, has set out
to examine whether these assumptions were valid. The use of identical
innovations (tractors) fulfilled the requirement of stimulus
constancy.

A secondary consideration has been the attention given to those
variables pertaining to the role of various mass media. In view of
this author's contention that mass media play a significant part
in deve10ping countries, was the Niehoff framework inclusive of all
pertinent.media variables?

As to methodology, we first presented a detailed account of

I“: '. ”14'! 1'4

 

‘Ilz “u! .. Elk-

 

 

-117-

each research project. We then linked up various events and cultural
circumstances into the Niehoff variables, which are classified into
innovator and recipient categories.

Following each project examination, in a Summary and Analysis
section, we pointed to strengths and weaknesses of that project as

seen in the light of Niehoff's model. in“
In general, it was found thatI for the most part, Niehoff seems

to have completed a thorough analysis of the many variables resultigg

in change in emerging countries,
Eirst Assumption, In regard to the first assumption, i.e.,

 

that Niehoff would include all variables, it is this author's opinion
that he has included all of the factors which might influence the
outcome of the research project with the excgption of variables

erta to mass communications

Indeed, the whole spectrum of mass communications was referred
to by Niehoff only in one sub-section of the variables, specifically
the "Communication, Innovator," and namely, the first sub-category
therein, labelled "Innovator Recipient, audio-visual."

In this sub-section, Niehoff lumps virtually the whole mass
communications process. As he explains the parameters of the
category: ”Methods of transmitting information regarding the innova-
tion by means of audio-visual devices such as printed material,
pictures, charts, loud speaker systems and other mechanical aids."

How might Niehoff go about organizing his framework to include

-118...

a category on mass media? Perhaps we might make the following
recommendation on accomplishing this.

Such a category, in our opinion, would be listed as the second
variable under Niehoff's heading of ”Characteristics of Innovator
Behavior" and would be titled "Mass Media, Innovator.”

This added variable would be further subdivided into sub-categories
as follows: Audio-visual Eadie, to include pictures, posters, charts,
diSplays, loud Speaker systems, fairs, etc.; Oral Media, to include
radio, television, films, records; Print Media, to include newspapers,
magazines, books, pamphlets; flkeue.Used in Combinations, to include
one medium independently or in combination with other media; 11332-3.
Combined with Inte ersonal Communication, to include-radio used
with meetings, and other such combinations of media with group
contact, and Media, Maign, to include media and meetings to bring
about national acceptance of innovation.

With the addition of such a category we feel it would be
necessary to revise the first variable slightly, - specifically, to
change the title frmm ”Communication, Innovator“ to ”Interpersonal
Communication, Innovator." (The sub-category of ”Innovator, Recipient,
audio-visual," would be removed since this would new fall within the
second category.)

By making this change, the first variable, i.e., "Interpersonal
Communications, Innovator," would then refer strictly to the initial

interpersonal contacts made by the innovator. The second variable,

 

v-V'

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i.e., ”Mass Media, Innovator," would offer Space for the utilization

of mass media.

Thus in such a revision, the first two variables in print would

read as follows:

Characteristics of Innovator Behavior

1. Interpersonal Communication, Innovator

A. Innovator-Recipient,
personal contact

B. Innovator-Recipient,
formal

C. Recipient-Innovator

2. Mass Media, Innovator

A. Audio-visual

B. Oral Media

C. Print Media

D. Media in Combinations

E. Media plus interpersonal
communications

F. Media, Campaign

To this writer the many roles of mass comnnmication are of

major significance in any change situation. We will discuss this

below at some length.

Second Agmtion, The second aSMption dealt with whether

the Niehoff framework can be utilized as a valuable set of guidelines

by change agents in both the execution of their innovation projects

and the assembling of report material.

As to its value in carrying out change projects in the field,

it appears to us that the Niehoff variables would have utility _i_f_

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consulted both before and during attempts at innovation, and.;£
applied conscientiously as a check-list to predict and control events
and circumstances.

It is perhaps the second half of this assumption which is of
most significance to us. In their assembling of report material the

_‘F1

change agents can benefit themselves and others in future research
only to the extent that they provide all of the pertinent information
in the final report.

_ _ ..-_. _. “a 3.45 11,--.. .

It would be of no value to future researchers, for example, if

 

an innovator had not given emphasis to kinship groups and their
influencing role on the success or failure of induced cultural change.

It will be recalled that the absence of information on Kinship
and other Traditional Social Structure patterns left several questions
unanswered in the Comilla report. Similarly, in the Acholi research,
the report omitted entirely information dealing with the innovator's
attempt at communication with the farmers. How did the innovator
introduce his innovation? Did he use.meetings, informal visits,
posters, pamphlets--contact leaders? This category is provided in
the Niehoff variables, and would serve as an aid to any innovator.

Of course, it is understood that the Niehoff list is a recent
development and to this author's knowledge has seen little or no
application in the field. ‘We believe that the researcher who utilizes
this framework of variables as a guideline to his work will fulfill
two very important objectives. First, he will have obtained a more

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complete picture of all the elements which must be accounted for when
bringing about change in a society. Second, he will have a more
thorough understanding if he wishes to carry out similar research
projects in other less developed countries.

Our findings made clear that much of the information not provided
in the research report resulted from the innovators' lack of an
adequate set of guidelines on which to produce the final report.

Eossible Ramifications, We conclude with a brief mention of
some of the possible ramifications of Niehoff's work. As the
application of this ”Ixmovator, Recipient” model becomes more wide-
spread, one might consider the possibility of establishing formulas
with each variable which would aid in predicting what steps might be
necessary to make a change project completely successful. In other
words, formalization might eliminate much of the trial and error
method which typifies most attempts at innovation.

This comprises just a brief mention of some of the possible
ramifications of Niehoff's work in theory building. If Niehoff could,
after testing, successfully categorize and weight his variables in
relationship to his model for the change process, there might
conceivably be a place for building formulas, resulting in a more
scientific approach to the problem of change.

Use of Mass Media

We now approach the secondary consideration mentioned earlier,

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i.e., the role of mass media and this author's contention that it
plays a significant role in the change process. There arises the
question of whether or not to use mass media as a means of getting
village peasants to adopt new techniques. This question has created
a long-standing argument among workers in emerging countries that has
yet to be resolved.

Some have advocated the use of such media as radio and films
right at the beginning of modernization programs in less deve10ped
countries. Yet others maintain that any attanpts at using mass media
to convey information to the people would be futile.

Those holding the latter position argue that until a nation has
made progress well into the transitional stage of development, the
mass media would fail. They contend that the villagers, having had
no prior eXposure to the media, would be quite amused about the media,
so much in fact, that they would focus their attention on the radio
or film itself, and fail to gather the significance of the message.
The media become important and the message does not get through.

In sum, the issue before us has become already a familiar one
in mamr areas of innovation, in fact, even in highly developed
countries. For example, the Agricultural Extension Service of the
United States long experienced an internal debate on the extent of
use of mass media versus interpersonal conmmnication in innovating
agricultural methods.

While the traditional method of innovation was group discussion,

 

 

-123.

the media specialists, on the other hand, contended that, given a
familiarity with mass media by an audience, the same message would
reach more people at the some time via media. While they granted that
interpersonal communication was helpful, a greater emphasis on mass
media exposure would result in an optimum influencing condition for
innovation.

This same basic question of media versus interpersonal use
today confronts us in developing nations such as Pakistan and Uganda.
It is this author's opinion that in future research programs of this
nature, those who coordinate the introduction of innovations would
do well te consider the potential influence mass media might have in
persuading village peasants to adopt new techniques.

Mass media can undoubtedly reach M people with m informa-
tion in a shorter length of time. Consider how much political
knowledge 180 million Americans gained during the 1960 Remote-Nixon
debates. A more recent example is noted in the vast coverage by radio
and television of the quite complex American space probes in a manner
which permits the "man in the street" to understand some of the basic
principles of rocketry and space science, principles almost completely
as unknown to him a mere five years ago as perhaps the tractor is in
much of Asia today.

This writer holds that if the mass media were introduced before
any attempts are made at getting the population to innovate a particular
technique, the ”novelty effect” created by the first exposure to such '

-12h—

media as radio and television would already have diminished by time
of innovation. Thus, attention would undoubtedly be focused on the
message rather than on the.medium itself.

Let us briefly consider how mass media could have aided in the
Camilla project. It was observed that no attempts were made to use
radio or visual media when the innovators communicated with the
village farmers. It will be remembered further that demonstrations
were conducted in the villages to familiarize the farmers with
tractor operation and how tractors could be valuable in crOp production.
The trained personnel had to move the tractors daily to various
villages in the area--a slow, costly process, with a minimum
audience exposure.

If the change agents had used television to supplement these
demonstrations it would have been possible to reach all of the
peasants at once, permitting a saving of time. Radio also could have
been used to complement the television demonstrations.

Research, indeed, seems to have borne these assumptions out.
The Neurath and Specter studies in India already mentioned in the
Introduction (p.7’) support this conclusion.

Another area where the mass media is aiding the peOples in
develcping countries in making rapid progress is Africa. To put the
change in the words of anthropologist Hortense Powdermaker, as taken

from her 1962 research study, Copper Town: Chapging Africa:

___.

-125.

The mass media introduced to Africans another form
of reality-a world and peOples beyond their experience.

. . In most of the historical societies, there
were centuries during which the elite and, later, larger
groups of people exPerienced this secondary form of
reality through print and established customary forms
of response, before the movies and radio were intro-
duced. In Africa, the three media have been intro-
duced in less than half a century and, for most people,
within one generation; radio and movies were reaching
many peOple who could not read. Then, too, the reading
of the literate minority has been mostly restricted to
nevmpapers, small paper pamphlets or booklets designed
to give practical help or tell tales, text books, and
the Bible. There has been little reading purely for
pleasure. . .

. . . Africans have emerged directly from a
preliterate society with its emphasis on direct oral
communication into the latest twentieth century
technological developments in secondary comrmmication.
The leap into the modern world of commication is

dramatic and rezfrding but, naturally, brings its
problems, too.

Powdermaker, in extensive research, found that media--radio,
movies, printed wordnaccelerated cultural change in Rhodesia.

In yet another area, Latin America, several research works also
tend to support this position of media expediting change. They
include studies by the United States Information Serviclgz, by McNelly

1+1 Hortense Powdermaker, Copper Town: Chm Africa, Harper 8:
Row, New York and Evanston, l9 2, pp. 22 -229.
42 United States Information Service, The General Pattern of

_Ez.posure to Mass gedia in Seven Latin American Countries,
Washington, D.C., November 19 1.

 

l'-¢4- -v. -Y

VJ”.

 

-126-

and Deutschmannlpand by Deutschmann, McNelly and Ellingsworth.

.As in these areas, with the added use of mass media it would seem
reasonable to assume that interpersonal connmmication would have been
mrther stimulated in Camilla since more people would have been made
aware of tractors at one time.

Similarly, in Acholi, mass media could have aided in the
innovators' attemPts to introduce mechanized farm equipment. The
innovators themselves were aware of this need. As they noted in the

following quotation from their general recomendations:

. . even where higher standards of living are
desired and peeple would not be detoured by special
considerations from seeking them through mechanized
farming enterprise, there may still be no demand for
mechanical cultivation. This would happen if. peeple
were completely unaware of the existence of tractors.
There is evidence that in Uganda there is a remarkable
awareness of the existence of tractors. Requests for
tractors have been received from as far as the Soudan
border e

It would be wrong to conclude from this there is
no need to advertise tractor hire service. The
economics of tractor hire services demands the highest
possible concentration of tractor work. In areas
where such services are operated the knowledge of
the possibilities of tractor hire must be made
universal. 1+5

 

uaJohn T. McNelly and Paul J. Deutschmann, "Media Use and
Socioeconomic Status in a Latin American Capital," Gazette.
Vol. IX, pp. 1-15 (1953)

Mt
Paul J. Deutschmann, John T. McNelly and Huber Ellingsworthg
"Mass Media Use by Sub-Elites in Eleven Latin American Countries,"
J__o______umalism anr terly, Vol. 38, pp. 460-b72 (Spring 1961;).

'"T—
sJoy, p. 132.

-127-

Radio and television are chosen as the initial media by which
to introduce (rather than print media) because they approximate the
live demonstration and the "howbto-do-it" technique. Literacy in an
audience is unnecessary; indeed, even with a literate audience,
demonstration of innovation is almost always required before
acceptance.

Admittedly such a program.involving introduction of radio-tv
would take time for development, but the longer time period required
for adequate mass media exposure would seem to have a more beneficial
affect in the long run because it would expedite all future
innovation, especially in a nationwide campaign.

The innovator’must think not only about the immediate program
at hand. If the mass media are brought in at the start, they will
not only serve to help with programs dealing with.modernizing
agriculture, but may become useful tools in further and more rapid

acceptance of other modern methods.

VI .
CONCLUSION

 

This study has been a pilot test of the recent (1964) Niehoff
variables ("The Primary Variables in Directed Cross-Cultural Change"),
using a constant stimulus situation, namely, introduction of the
same innovation in two less develOped countries, and specifically,
the introduction of tractors into Camilla, East Pakistan, and
Acholi, Uganda, respectively.

The two basic assumptions were 1) that the Niehoff variables
would be inclusive of any factors which might influence the outcome
of the research project, i.e., they would include all variables, and
2) that this framework can be utilized as a valuable set of guidelines
by change agents in both the execution of their innovation projects
and the assembling of report material.

As to methodology, we first presented a detailed account of each
research project. We then linked up various defined events and

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-129-

described cultural circumstances by simple content analysis into the
Niehoff variables, which are classified into Innovator and Recipient
categories, and number 20 major influence factors, many of them
subdivided, making a total of 56 individual influence types.

Ip general, it was found that Niehoff segms to have completed a

Eporough anglysis of the pppy variables resulting in chapge in

emergipg countries,
In regard to the first assumption, i.e., that Niehoff would

include all variables, we concluded that he has included all of the
factors which might influence the outcome of the research project
with the exception of variables pertaipipg to mass communication, and
recommended how he might go about organizing his framework to include
a category on.mass media.

As to the second assumption, i.e., the utility of the Niehoff
framework, we recommended that innovators contemplating a change
program in emerging nations use this tool to aid in setting up
objectives, formulating hypotheses, carrying out their change projects
in the field, and, particularly, writing the final report.

we realize that these findings do not prove the assumptions
that the Niehoff variables are all-inclusive or valuable; too few
research reports were analyzed and field research is needed. It.would
appear, however, that the findings are in accord with the assumptions,
in general, and thus keep it in good order for future analysis and

testing.

-l30-

we further emphasized the potential role that mass media could
have played in the success of the East Pakistan and Uganda experiments.
‘We briefly'mentioned possible ramifications of Niehoff's work in
theory building, and concluded with the hepe that future researchers
will make widespread use of the Niehoff framework in cross-cultural

change projects.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The following three works comprise the primary sources

used for this study:

Joy, J.L. "Acholi: Tractor Hirings by 'Special DevelOpment' up to
1958," §ypppsium cn.Mechanica1 Cultivation ip UgandaI Department
of Agriculture Publication Uganda Kampala: Uganda Argus
Ltd., P.0. Box 20081, 19605.

Khan, Anwaruzzaman. Introduction of Tractors in a Subsistence Farm
Ecpnopy, Comilla, East Pakistan: Nazeria Press, 1962.

Niehoff, Arthur H. The Primag Variables in Directed Cross-Cultural
Qhapge, Washington, D.C.: Human Resources Research Office,

The George Washington University, 1960. (mimeograph.)

The following sources were consulted for background information
on the cultures of Pakistan and Uganda and also on mechanization

innovation in other emerging nations.

-131.

.132-

Ahmad, Nafis. The Basis of Pakistan. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co.,
19W.

Bailey, F. G. Pelitics and Social ghgpge: Qrissa in 1252. Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 19 3.

Burke, Fred C. Local Government and Politics in U anda. Syracuse,
New'YOrk: Syracuse University Press, 19 .

 

Cunningham, J. F. Uganda and Its Peoples, London: Hutchinson & Co.,
1905.

The Economic Development of Uganda. The International Bank for
Reconstruction and Develo ent (Baltimore 18, Maryland: The
Johns Hepkins Press, 1962)?

Elkan, Walter. The Economic Developpent of Uganda, London: Oxford 3
University Press, Nairobi, 19 1. '
Gauba, K. L. Ipside Pakistan. Delhi: Rajkanal Publications Ltd.,
1948.

Ikram, s. M. (ed.) The Cultural Heritage of Pakistan, Karachi:
Oxford University Press, 1955.

Karpat, Kemal H. "Social Effects of Farm.Mechanization in Turkish
Villages," Social Research 27 (1960) 83-103.

mm, A. He and Mahsen, AeKeMe "MObiliZing Village LeaderShip,"
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9.

Kolars, John F. Tradition Season and Chan e in a Turkish Villa e
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963.

Linck, Orville F. A Passage Through Pakistan, Detroit: Wayne State
University Press, 1959.

Mair, Gegrge B. Doctor in Turkgy. New York: Roy Publishers, Inc.,
19 l.

Mukherjoe, Ramkrishna. The Eppblem of Uganda, A Stugy in Apculturation,
Berlin: Akademia-Verlag, l9 .

Niehoff, A. H., and Anderson, J.C. "The Progress of Cross-Cultural

Innovation," I_pternational Develoment Review, VI, No. 2
(June, 1964), 5-11.

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Pakistan T095: and Tomorrow, (Karachi: Pakistan Publications, 1951.)

Powesland, P. G. Economic Policy and Labour, A 3mg in Uganda's
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Kanpala, Uganda. (London: King a Jarrett Ltd., 1957.)

Qureshi, I. H. The Pakistani We of Life. New York: Frederick
Praeger, 19%.

Robinson, Richard D. "Tractors in the Village-a Study in Turkey,"
Journal of Farm Economics, XXXIV, Na. 1+ (1952), 1451-1162.

Stephens, Ian. Pakistan, New York: Frederick A. Pneger, 1963.
Wilber, Donald N. Pakistan. New Haven, Comm: Hraf Pmss, 1961+.

Other Sources

East Lansing, Michigan. Personal interview with Syed Rahim, Doctoral
Candidate in - Connnunicationl, Michigan State University,
and former Research Coordinator, Academy for Rural Development,
Camilla, East Pakistan. October 21, 1965.