COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS: AN ‘EXPLORATORY CROSS-NATIONAL (ST:U DY Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UAA “VERSITY STANLEY H. TAYLQR 1967 LIBRAR Y Michig' e State Univeasity Thhistoeertlfgthetthe thesis entitled COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS: AN EXPLORATORY CROSS-NATIONAL STUDY presented by STANLEY H. TAYLOR has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirement: for M degree inm— Major professor Date Auguat 29, 1967 0-169 ABSTRACT COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS: AN EXPLORATORY CROSS-NATIONAL STUDY by Stanley H. Taylor The specific objectives of the present study are the following: (1) To provide a comprehensive review of literature related to the cross—national study of committees and the group process, together with a selected bibliography on related research. (2) To develop and test instruments which might be used for the cross-national study of committee structure, group process, and individual tendency in groups based on the previous research of John K. Hemphill and The Human Dynamics Laboratory at the University of Chicago. The Hemphill-type items and dimensions were used for the cross- national study of committee structure and group process.1 The University of Chicago dimensions on work and emotionality were used for the cross-national study of individual ten- dency in groups.2 Students in Korea and the United States were the primary study groups. Factor analysis was used to determine if the tentative dimensions and these instruments would apply in both of these countries. (3) To use a modified version of the Q-sorting technique for the study of leadership patterns as developed by Kenneth J. 3 Cooper. Stanley H. Taylor The basic approach in the present study was the development and testing of instruments for the cross— national study of committees and the group process on the basis of the previous instruments. The modified instru- ments were extensively tested before they were used with closely matched groups of Korean and American students. The findings on these groups showed apparently reasonable data, including the analysis of variance which showed significant differences between these countries. However, the factor analysis of the tentative dimensions has made the application of the Hemphill-type instrument highly doubtful. The findings of the factor analysis by both dimensions and items showed very different factor structures in each country. As long as a stable factor structure within and between countries is not established, this instrument should not be used to study cultural differences in committee structure and group process. The instrument which was based on the research of The Human Dynamics Laboratory at the University of Chicago was partly supported by the factor analysis. W. R. Bion's categories of work and emotionality were found in both countries. For the modified version of Kenneth Cooper's statements on leader- ship, the highest ranking statement in both countries was related to dynamic, active, and enthusiastic direction of the group. However, the selections for the other statements which were considered as "most like" the leadership were Stanley H. Taylor mainly different. The statements selected by the Koreans as "least like" their groups were not the statements which might be expected; traditional ideas about leadership for modern organizations in Korea might have to be revised. 1John K. Hemphill, Group Dimensions: A Manual for Their Measurement (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, 1956T. 2Dorothy Stock and Herbert A Thelen, Emotional Dynamics and Group Culture (New York: New York University Press, 1958). 3Kenneth J. COOper, "The Modified Q Technique in Rural-Urban Field Research," Human Organization Research, eds. Richard A. Adams and Jack J. Presis (Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey Press, 1960), p. 27. COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS: AN EXPLORATORY CROSS—NATIONAL STUDY 3 0 "f {1’ Stanley Hg‘Taylor A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Speech 1967 CC) Copyright by STANLEY HANFORD TAYLOR 1968 ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank the members of my thesis committee and others at Michigan State University for the help that they have provided in the development of this dissertation. I wish to thank the following: Dr. Kenneth Hance, Dr. Fred Alexander, Dr. Gordon Thomas, Dr. David Ralph, Dr. A. O. Haller, Dr. Hideya.Kumata, Dr. Brad Lashbrook, and Dr. James McCroskey. I would like to express my special thanks to Dr. Hance who was the chairman of my committee, to Dr. Bill Henthorn of Princeton University for the translation, to Mr. Chun—Gyun Kim of the University of Seoul for collecting data, and to Dr. Lashbrook for his help with the computer. There were many others who also have helped in the course of the research and writing of this thesis. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS LIST OF TABLES Chapter I. II. THE NEED FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH ON NATIONAL DIFFERENCES IN COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS . . . . . . . . . The Increasing Awareness of the Importance of Understanding National Differences in Behavior The Changing Structure of International Conferences and the Group Process Group Discussion and Community Development A Method for the Introduction of Social Change The Need for Further Research on Gross- National Differences in the Group Process The Objectives of the Present Exploratory Cross-National Study of Committee Structure and Group Process THE NATURE OF PREVIOUS STUDIES RELATED TO NATIONAL DIFFERENCES IN COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS . . . . . . The Cross-National Contributions to Attitude Research The Contributions of Anthropology and Field Observation to the Study of Groups and Communication Studies of Values and Patterns of Thought in Different Cultures Factorial Studies of National Attitudes and Cultural Patterns Images and Stereotypes in Cross-National Communication iv Page iii viii 32 Chapter III. Page The Study of Social Distance in Various Countries Studies on the Conduct of International Conferences: The Use of Committees and Discussion The Theory of National Differences in Groups and Committees The Germans and Experiences with Group Dynamics Attitudes Towards Committee Behavior in Four Cultures: An Important Exploratory Study Studies of Group Discussion and Forums for Adult Education in Various Countries Experiences in Group Dynamics and Discussion Training for Community Development Workers The Q-Sort Methodology and Cross- Cultural Study of Leadership The Cross-Cultural Study of Small Groups and the Sociometric Method Selected Social-Psychological Experiments with Small Groups Summary of the Current Status of Research on Cross-National Studies Related to Attitudes Towards Committee Structure and Group Process THE DEVELOPMENT AND TESTING OF THE QUESTION— -wzer‘ NAIRE FOR THE CROSS-NATIONAL STUDY OF COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS . . . . 152 The Development of Descriptive Scales for the Study of National Differences in Committees and the Group Process The Description of the Dimensions Used in the Final Revised Questionnaire The Description of the Items Used in the Final Revised Questionnaire The Use of the Questionnaire for the Study of Committee Structure and Group Process in Other Countries Chapter " Page IV. THE FACTOR ANALYSIS OF THE DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE, GROUP PROCESS, AND INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS . . . . . 200 The Methodology of the Factor Analysis Previous Factor Analysis of the Hemphill Scales on the Dimensions of Groups The Factor Analysis of Group Descriptions by American University Students The Comparison of the Factor Analysis for American and Korean Groups The Evaluation of Factor Analysis on Committee Structure, Group Process, ‘ and Individual Tendency in Groups V. THE PATTERN OF LEADERSHIP BASED ON A Q- SORT TECHNIQUE . . . . . . . . . . 218 The Cross-National Study of Leadership Patterns The Leadership Pattern in the American Group The Leadership Pattern in the Korean Group Evaluation of Cross-National Differences in Leadership Patterns VI. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS ON THE CROSS-NATIONAL STUDY OF COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227 The Need for Social Research on National Differences in Committees and the Group Process The Nature of Previous Research Related to National Differences in Committees and the Group Process The DeveIOpment and Testing of the Questionnaire for the Cross-National Study of Committees and the Group Process The Factor Analysis of the Dimensions of Committee Structure, Group Process, and Individual Tendency in Groups The Pattern of Leadership Based on a Modified Q-Sort Technique vi Page APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232 I. Detailed Tables of the Findings . . . . 233 II. Consistency of Item Placement by Five Expert Judges . . . . . . . . . 279 III. Percentage of Undecided Responses by Dimension . . . . . . . . . . . 281 IV. English Version of the Final Questionnaire. 283 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299 vii Table 10. LIST OF TABLES The Mean Dimension Score for Male Korean Students, Part I-—Dimensions of Committee Structure . . . . . . . . . The Mean Dimension Score for Male Korean Students, Part II--Description of Group Process . . . . . . . . . . The Mean Dimension Score for Male Korean Students, Part III-—Individual Tendency in Groups . . . . . . . . . The Mean Dimension Score for Male American Students, Part I—-Dimensions of Committee Structure . . . . . . . . The Mean Dimension Score for Male American Students, Part II—-Description of Group Process . . . . . . . . . The Mean Dimension Score for Male American Students, Part III—-Individual Tendency in Groups . . . . . . . . The Mean Dimension Score for Nigerian Community Development Workers, Part I—— Dimensions of Committee Structure The Mean Dimension Score for Nigerian Community Development Workers, Part II-- Description of Group Process . . The Mean Dimension Score for Nigerian Community Development Workers, Part III-- Individual Tendency in Groups . . The Mean Dimension Score for American Farm Extension and Urban Development Workers, Part I-—Dimensions of Committee Structure viii Page 23A 235 236 237 238 239 2A0 241 2A2 2A3 Table Page 11. The Mean Dimension Score for American Farm Extension and Urban Development Workers, Part II--Description of Group Process . . . 2A4 12. The Mean Dimension Score for American Farm Extension and Urban Development Workers, Part III--Individua1 Tendency in Groups . . 2A5 13. The Mean Dimension Score, M.S.U. Under- graduate Students, Part I--Dimensions of Committee Structure . . . . . . . . 2A6 14. The Mean Dimension Score, M. S. U. Under- graduate Students, Part II—-Description of Group Process . . . . . . . 2A7 15. The Mean Dimension Score, M.S.U. Under- graduate Students, Part III--Individual Tendency in Groups . . . . . . . . . 2A8 16. The Mean Dimension Score, M.S.U. Graduate Students, Part I--Dimensions of Committee Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . 2A9 17. The Mean Dimension Score, M. S. U. Graduate Students, Part II--Description of Group Process . . . . . . . . . . . . 250 18. The Mean Dimension Score, M.S.U. Graduate Students, Part III--Individua1 Tendency in Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 19. The Mean Dimension Score for U.S. Businessmen and Community Leaders, Part I—-Dimensions of Group Structure . . . . . . . . . 252 20. The Mean Dimension Score for U.S. Businessmen and Community Leaders, Part II—-Description of Group Process . . . . . . . . . . 253 21. The Mean Dimension Score for U.S. Businessmen and Community Leaders, Part III-—Individua1 Tendency in Groups . . . . . . . . . 25A 22. The Mean Dimension Score, E. N. M. U. Under— graduate Students, Part I--Dimension of Group Structure . . . . . . . . . . 255 ix Table 23. 2A. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 3A. The Mean Dimension Score, E.N.M.U. Under— graduate Students, Part II--Description of Group Process . . . . . . . . The Mean Dimension Score, E.N.M.U. Under— graduate Students, Part III--Individual Tendency in Groups . . . . Variance Analysis Between American and Korean Primary Study Groups, Part 1-- Dimensions of Committee Structure Variance Analysis Between American and Korean Primary Study Groups, Part II—— Description of Group Process Variance Analysis Between American and Korean Primary Study Groups, Part III-- Individual Tendency in Groups . Intercorrelation Students, Part Matrix for Male Korean I--Dimensions of Committee Structure . . . Intercorrelation Students, Part Structure Intercorrelation Students, Part Process Intercorrelation Students, Part Process Intercorrelation Students, Part in Groups Intercorrelation Students, Part in Groups Matrix for Male American I--Dimensions of Committee 0 0 Matrix for Male Korean II-—Description of Group Matrix for Male American II——Description of Group Matrix for Male Korean III—-Individua1 Tendency Matrix for Male American III-—Individua1 Tendency Rotated Factor Loadings, Primary Korean Group, Part I--Dimensions of Committee Structure Page 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 268 Table 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. A0. Al. A2. “3. AA. Rotated Factor Loadings, Primary American Group, Part I-—Dimensions of Committee Structure . . . . . . . . Rotated Factor Loadings, Primary Korean Group, Part II--Description of Group Process . . . . . . . . . Rotated Factor Loadings, Primary American Group, Part II--Description of Group Process . . . . . . . Rotated Factor Loadings, Primary Korean Group, Part III-—Individual Tendency in Groups . . . . . . . . . . Rotated Factor Loadings, Primary American Group, Part III--Individua1 Tendency in Groups 0 O 0 I O I 0 O O O I Percentage of Total Variance Included by Factors . . . . . . . . . Ranking Scores on Leadership Patter, Korean Group on Statements Considered as Most Like Leaders . . . . . . . Ranking Scores on Leadership Pattern, American Group on Statements Considered as Most Like Leaders . . . . Ranking Scores on Leadership Pattern, Korean Group on Statements Considered as Least Like Leaders Ranking Scores on Leadership Patterns, American Group on Statements Considered as Least Like Leaders xi Page 269 270 271 272 273 27A 275 276 277 278 CHAPTER I THE NEED FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH ON NATIONAL DIFFERENCES IN COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS The Increasing Awareness of the Importance of Understandinngational DifTerences in Behavior International Relations and the Need to Study Others in the Modern World As the United States of America has become increasingly involved in the affairs of other nations, there has been a growing awareness in this country about the importance of understanding the behavior of other peoples in the modern world. Since we are a powerful nation with military, economic, and political commitments in many parts of the globe, it is of decisive importance that both our people and leadership rapidly increase their comprehension and respect for the cultural differences between nations.1 In the past, we have frequently conducted our inter- national relations under the false assumption that the rest of the world follows our rules for individual, group, and national behavior; in many cases, this assumption about lMelville Jacobs, "Cultures in the Present World Crisis," Human Relations, 1 (19A8), 228-239. other peoples has led us into misunderstanding and conflict. Ruth Benedict has emphasized that we must recognize the cultural diversities that exist in the world today; for except in a small portion of Western Europe which has long experimented with the democratic process, the world is built on different sets of folkways. While it is likely that other peoples will adopt some of our procedures, we must also attempt to explore the group process of others.2 In order to communicate with other peoples, we must under- stand the different cultural aSpects to their version of social interaction. The understanding of patterns of social interaction in other cultures is difficult because most peoples do not have shared cultural eXperiences; in this situation, communication between people from different cultures is not so complete as between people from the same culture. Any failure in the exchange of meaning is likely to be understood as a differ- ence in intention, instead of merely as a difference in habits. In order to prevent this kind of misunderstanding in cross-national situations, we must know more about the cultural factors in communication behavior so that we can recognize real differences in Opinion from cultural dif- ferences in behavior. 2Ruth Benedict, "Recognition of Cultural Diversities in the Postwar World," The Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, 228 (19u3), lOl-lO7. Problems in Communication Because of the Lack of Understanding of Other Cultures Edward T. Hall, in his writing on the cultural dif- ferences in communication behavior, has stressed that much of our difficulty in understanding the peoples of other countries comes from the fact that so little is known about cultural differences in communication behavior. He has said that because of the lack of understanding about cul— tural differences in behavior, much of the goodwill and effort of this country in its overseas programs has been 3 We have left ill-feelings in many countries because wasted. we have insisted that others do things our way, without regard or explanation for cultural differences in the social process. Most of this problem springs from our ignorance about national differences in group action. Sometimes our actions are correctly interpreted by other nationalities, but perhaps more often they are not. This failure to take into account the cultural aspects of communication endangers our relations with many other nations; we must learn more about how to communicate with peOples of other countries. When we have a better understanding of the basic differences in the communication behavior of other peOples, perhaps more progress can be made by working together in committees. There are many serious problems related to national differences in attitudes towards communication and the group 3Edward T. Hall, The Silent Language (New York: Doubleday & Company, 19597, pp, l-A. process that arise when men from different cultures try to communicate with each other. It is what people do and the hidden rules that govern their behavior, rather than what they say, that forms the silent language which has been described by Hall and that varies so greatly from culture to culture. These differences are reflected in many cross— cultural situations where the lack of understanding about the culture has prevented effective communication. The following are some of the examples cited by Hall and others which show the nature of the problem we face in working with peoples from other countries: (1) Americans working on committees in Greece were too outspoken, and they created distrust by limiting the length of meetings. The qualities of being outspoken and forth— right are regarded as a liability by the Greeks; this is not how things are done in their country. The Americans tried to reach agreements on general principles, limit the length of meetings, and delegate the details to subcom- mittees. The Greeks regarded this as a device "to pull the wool over their eyes." Their practice is to work everything out in front of all concerned and to continue meetings for as long as is necessary. The result of this misunderstanding about committee practices was a series of unproductive meetings, with each side deploring the behavior of the other.“ Ibid., pp. 10—11. w. A..«_ (2) Many Westerners have trouble in establishing interaction with Japanese. Mort foreigners come away from their first meeting with a sense of confusion because the Japanese are taught a reserve which results in hesitation to express oneself frankly, to behave freely, or to assume the initiative in meetings. These differences in behavior usually confuse Westerners who are accustomed to vastly different attitudes towards communication. The Japanese are generally not trained to form a definite opinion about a subject, to express their views clearly, to listen to the ideas of others calmly, and to argue critically. They are very sensitive to criticism and apt to become excited by objections to their views.5 Because the Japanese are reluctant to take the initiative, numerous meetings are held in Japan. Meetings are usually attended by large numbers of people, either directly or indirectly connected with the matter at hand; the discussion may continue for hours on end, with little likelihood of a decision being made. This may sound like a very democratic way of reaching decisions, but in truth it is not. As soon as someone takes a positive stand, the others usually submit to this decision, and dissenting voices immediately disappear. Meetings continue until someone takes the initiative, but 5Tsuneo Muramatsu, "Japan," World Tensions: The PsychOpathology of International Relations, ed. G. W. Kisker (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1951), pp. 197-198. as soon as a decision is suggested the discussion is closed. These characteristics have caused much difficulty in meet- ings between Japanese and Westerners. (3) The Cuban delegate to the Social Committee of the United Nations General Assembly once protested against the chairman's constant interruptions of his speech. He told the chairman that the members of the Assembly, not being all Nordics and Anglo-Saxons, cannot fit into the pattern of brevity, terseness, and conciseness demanded by the chairman. Latin Americans eXpect a speaker to be imagina- tive and emotional. From their point of view they are not deviating from the substance of the matter.7 The Latin American speakers are following what is the prOper pattern for an important speech in their culture. This is a case where the chairman has not considered the cultural differ- ences of the members of the Assembly. (A) In Egypt, American agricultural eXperts erred by eXpecting local farmers to discuss future crop yields when custom considers that only God knows the future. The farmers, who considered it presumptuous to talk about the future, were insulted because they thought the Americans considered them crazy.8 This is a specific instance where 6Ichiro Kawasaki, The Japanese Are Like That (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 19557, pp. 198-199. 7Ina Telberg, "They Don't Do It Our Way: How World Cooperation May Be Balked by Cross-Cultural Misunderstand- ing," United Nations World, 3 (1949), 28. 8Edward T. Hall, 09. cit., p. 11. an understanding of the cultural factors would have explained this failure in communication. (5) Different cultures do not have the same values about time. The amount of time spent discussing a topic makes an important difference in many cultures. In Ethiopia, the time required for a decision is directly proportional to the importance of the matter. In fact, this is so much the case that bureaucrats there have a way of trying to elevate the prestige of their work by taking a long time to make up their minds. Americans in that part of the world are innocently prone to down-grade their pro- jects in local people's eyes by trying to speed-up the decision—making process.9 The Americans would do better by not attempting to go too fast in situations where decisions are important. (6) There are also differences in communication patterns with peoples who have fairly similar traditions about committee procedures and the group process. In British committees, it is assumed that it is necessary to come to an agreement. Thus, an unanimous outcome is desire— able as an end in itself. This attitude produces strong pressure towards unanimity and a compulsion to agree.10 9Edward T. Hall, "The Silent Language in Overseas Business," Harvard Business Review, 38 (1960), 88. 10John Cohen, "The Study of Small Groups: Committees and Conferences," Occupational Psychology, 26 (1952), 70-77. An Englishman may speak approvingly of any arrangement which has been a "compromise," including a situation where others have gained more than he. According to Margaret Mead, in England to "compromise" means to work out a good solution; however, in the United States to "compromise" usually means to have a poor solution in which almost everything is lost.ll This example of attitudes towards committees may not be true in all cases, but it does show how different attitudes could affect the group process. (7) At international conferences there are people from different nations who have never been together before. Say that there are a number of Americans, French, Belgians, and several other nationalities at the meeting. After the Americans have been together for half an hour they usually start calling one another by their first names. This is noted by the others, and they have a feeling that already there is a small clique in formation or they may feel that the Americans have been together for years and have come to this conference with a united front. The fact is that non—Americans are very much slower to break the barriers of politeness and formality. By persisting in calling others by their last names, they get a feeling that they do not belong. They come aware of a small group with an apparent degree of solidarity which the others do not share. 11Margaret Mead, "A Case History in Cross—National Communication," The Communication of Ideas, ed. L. Bryson (New York: Harpers, 19A8), pp. 209—229. The total feeling of "belonging" is interfered with by these cultural variations in attitudes towards the group process.12 The clique probably does not exist among the Americans, but the other nationalities are likely to react unfavorably against what appears to be cohesion among the Americans. The Changing Structure of International Conferences and the Gropp Process The number and nature of international meetings have changed rapidly in the past hundred years. In 1853 only three international conferences were held, but by 1900 the yearly number of international meetings exceeded one hundred. During 1948, more than four thousand separate meetings of the United Nations were held, ranging from small, informal committees to full-dress conferences of several hundred delegates. Outside of the United Nations, hundreds of other inter-governmental and private organiza- tions held conferences for the face—to-face discussion of 13 mutual interests. It has been estimated that in 1960 there was an average of fifteen international meetings held daily around the world.lu 12Otto Klineberg, "Group Atmosphere," Communication or Conflict—~Conferences: Their Nature, Dynamics, and Plannin , ed. Mary Capes (New York: Associated Press, 1960), p. 73. l3Genevieve Deville, "The Rise and Growth of Inter— national Meetings," Monthly Review of International Organiza— tions and Meetings (May, 19617, 3UO-3A3. l”Mary Capes, "Why Study International Conferences," Cpmmunication or Conflict--Conferences: Their Nature, Dynamics,pand Planning (New York: Associated Press, 1960), pp. 1—2. 10 At the same time, the nature of international meetings has changed. There has been a trend from unanimity to majority decision in international meetings that has made the process of discussion and negotiation more complex.15 The number of people participating in these conferences has also increased; the new principle of equality of functions requires that every country be represented on every com- mittee by as many delegates and experts as it deems neces— sary.16 Many of these conferences are much more informal than past international meetings which were conducted according to strict protocol. The interaction between members on international committees is much more direct today, and the outcome of these conferences is more affected 17 by the participation of committee members. The personality of participants based on the national and cultural differ- ences of members plays an important role in these meetings.18 The fruitful discussion of problems relies on the participa— tion of delegates who know the rules of the game and have sufficient understanding of working with different nations 15Cromwell A. Riches, Majority Rule in International Organization: A Study of the Trend from Unanimity to Majority Decision (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1940). 6George Scelles, "The Evolution of the International Conference," International Social Science Bulletin, 5 (1953), 2A3—2A9. 17H. M. Spitzer, "Why the Conference Method Needs Study," ETC: A Review of General Semantics, 15 (1957), 103-110. 180. Chaumont, "The Evolutionary Aspects of Inter- n tional Organization and Co—operation," International Social Science Bulletin, 5 (1953), 257—277. —_ II and races to enable them to sense in advance how a particu- l9 lar group is likely to react. Differences expressed in committees may result from different political goals, but differences may also arise from attitudes towards committees and the group process. With our international position resting in part on the effectiveness of member participa— tion in many informal, small group meetings, the need to understand more about national differences in attitudes towards the group process is great. Group Discussion and Community_Development A Method for the Introduction of Social Change The Role of Group Discussion in Social Change In 1920, Charles Ellwood made the following observa- tions about the function of public discussion in relation- ship to social change, Public discussion in a group has two functions; first, the criticism of habits, institutions, policies, and social patterns; and secondly, the construction of new social institutions, and policies. Discussion works in the social life, therefore, very much as the process of discrimina— tion and association of ideas work in the individual mind. Its first function, as public criticism, is to pick out those elements in habits, institutions, and policies which do not work well. It is dis- cussion of this sort, as Bagehot says, which breaks the bonds of custom. It serves as an instrument to break up old habits and institutions in a group because it points out wherein they work poorly. It undermines the confidence of the group in habits, 19Arno G. Huth, "International Organization and Conferences," Social Research, 17 (1950), 498—511. 12 institutions, or policies criticized. It, there- fore, prepares for change. The next step in the discussion is, of course, to pick out the elements in the old situation which are still valuable and which may be utilized in the construction of new habits and institutions. In this phase of its development, discussion places a premium upon intelligence. The individual in the group who can point out how the old elements can be readjusted in a way to meet the demands of the new situation easily and certainly is the one who can usually get a hearing. Thus ideas gradually get associated and combined until the stage is reached when a public opinion is formed.2 Ellwood also believed that members of the group mutually educate each other. This process is said to develop intelligence in members of the group because every member is educated in the concerns of the group and awakened to appreciate the situation; thus, it gives the group the ability to solve problems that could not be handled by individuals. The group is very important in the process of attitude change and in reinforcement of new attitudes. Ideas are difficult to alter, but group pressure is a strong factor in attitude change. There are many advantages to changing ideas through group action rather than by attempting to change individuals. If all of the members of the group can be persuaded together, the new attitude will be supported by the same social forces that had supported the previous 20Charles A. Ellwood, The Psychology of Human Society: An Introduction to Sociological Theory—(New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1920), pp. 153—15A. l3 attitude.21 According to Kurt Lewin, changes of attitude in groups move through three steps; an "unfreezing" of the previous attitude, a change in attitude, and a "freezing" of the new attitude. This involves the recognition of the inadequacy of the present situation, the expression of a full exchange of ideas and values by members of the group, and a willingness to withold judgment.22 Norman Maier has found that with skillful leadership it is possible to accomplish this "unfreezing" of attitudes with most groups. During this process, the members of the group are likely to arrive at high quality solutions to the problem.23 Also, better cohesion and a high level of satis- faction are usually achieved.2u The decision must lead to commitment by the group or the "freezing" of the new atti— tude by members. Once this is accomplished, there is group 25 pressure to support the new attitude. 21Josephine Klien, Working with Groups: The Social Psychology of Discussion and Decision (London: Hutchinson and Company, 1961), pp. 119—132. 22Kurt Lewin, "Group Decision and Social Change," jReading in Social Psychology, ed. T. M. Newcomb (3rd ed.; IWew York: Henry Holt, 1958), pp. 197-211. 23Norman R. F. Maier, Problem—solving Discussions and Ccnuferences: Leader Methods and Skills (New York: McGraw— .Hill, 1963). 2“Robert R. Blake and Jane S. Morton, Group Dynamics: Keyr'to Decision Making (Houston: Gulf Publishing Company, 196I). 25R. Lippitt, J. Watson, and B. Westley, Planned Changge: A Comparative Study of Principles and Techniques (New ifiDrk: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1958). 1A It has been this kind of a theory, together with the developing knowledge of group dynamics, that has been the basis of many of our foreign aid projects in community deve10pment. However, our knowledge of how to apply the principles of group dynamics that work successfully in the United States to community development in other countries is not very advanced. Some of these techniques have been successful, but others have met with complete failure. We need to know much more about how to apply the principles of group work developed in the United States to situations 26 in other cultures. Selected Applications of Group Dynamics and Discussion in Community Development The Informational Meeting and Group Discussion in Rural Japan.--The film forum and group discussion procedure was successfully used in rural Japan during the American occupation to introduce new democratic practices in village governments. This experiment took place in the perfecture of Kochi on Shikoku Island in southern Japan. In the ,government-sponsored campaign for increasing crop production 111 1948, many of the Japanese farmers and public officials rweceived first-hand lessons in the democratic process. 26James W. Green, "Success and Failure in Technical [unsistance," Human Organization, 20 (1961), 2-10. 15 The meetings were planned to include audience dis- cussion of their farm problems. After a film and a brief explanation of democratic discussion procedures by a moderator, the meeting was thrown open to the audience. The officials managed to lead the discussion from mere complaints to a serious consideration of the problems of increasing food production. Observations made six months later at these villages indicated advances in agricultural methods, increased ability in group problem-solving, and improving relations between officials and the public.27 In this case, the group meeting and discussion technique showed definite possibilities of being efficient instruments for producing social change. The Village Level: Introduction of New Farming in ngi§.-—The average farmer in India has not accepted improved agricultural methods; this also has been the case where the central or provincial government has had active farm improvement programs for many years. Farm experts have found that green manuring, where a satanding crOp of grass is turned under, was the most eaconomical way of increasing food production. However, the sueed.which had been sold at subsidized prices in government stxores was not being used for this intended purpose. 27William A. Scott, "The Informational Meeting as Instnnument of Social Change in Occupied Japan," The Public Opinion Quarterly, 16 (1952—53), 160-178. 16 In the Etawah district of Uttar Pradesh, the planners decided to introduce green manuring on a large scale. The workers made a vigorous campaign at the village level to convince the farmers, but few of them came to the store to get the seed. After much discussion, it was decided to risk taking the seed to the farmers. Seed was supplied to individual farmers willing to buy it; and others were offered delivery at any time by leaving some seed in every village with one of the respected, responsible villagers. This project became an outstanding example of success— ful group action in India. It happened because of many factors. First, the farmers were accustomed to dealing with people on an interpersonal basis. Second, there was the opportunity for repeated and satisfying interaction. Third, there was a democratic spirit in the organization of this project which broke down status barriers. Fourth, the delegation of responsibility was local. Fifth, the develop- ment workers were able to instill flexible elements into an otherwise inflexible situation. Sixth and lastly, there was a successful demonstration at the village level.28 It has been rarely that this combination of factors for effective group action has been achieved in these develOpment projects. The report on this project leaves the impression that the successful establishment of group 28Rudra Datt Singh, "The Village Level: An Introduc- tion of Green Manuring in Rural India," Human Problems in Igchnological Change, ed. E. H. Spicer (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1952), pp. 55-67. l7 interaction was the result of an unusual reaction to the situation, rather than conscious planning or knowledge of group dynamics. Group Work Among the Arab Fellahin.-—Village develOp— ment workers at Ilat, Lebanon, met with the elders to inform them of a plan to improve the village water supply and to ask them for as much help as they could render. There seemed to be general agreement at this meeting on the plan to install a new pump, but in their lack of experience these development workers had not yet learned the subtleties in this culture by which a "yes" may really mean "no." The following day, when the development workers came to the village, ready to begin working with the villagers on the well, they found the place was practically empty. Soon the village headman came and told the development workers that the people refused flatly to let "them" install the pump. After much difficulty, the development workers were able to bring the villagers together at another meeting, at which they did their best to make the villagers talk freely about the project. At this meeting, the villagers told the workers a great deal about their fears of the new pump for their village. After a whole month of eXplanation and discussion, the situation was finally ripe for action; and this time, the villagers did the work to improve the well and installed the pump themselves.29 29Afif Tannous, "Extension Work Among the Arab Fellahin," Applied Anthropology, 3 (194A), l-l2. 18 The Group Approach to Extension Work in Bulgaria.-— The mayor's courier went from house to house in Draglevtsy, Bulgaria, informing all expectant mothers of a compulsory meeting at the school the next day at which the visiting public health nurse would talk to them about prenatal and postnatal care. By nightfall the women of the village had decided that the eXpectant mothers should not attend the meeting. The mayor and those assisting him were well inten— tioned, but they did not know how to communicate with the village people. Informational meetings were also poorly attended, and the people never seemed to apply the sugges- tions made by outside lecturers. The extension workers were trying to change the women's meeting habits when they insisted that the women come to the school to hear lectures that lacked the give-and—take of informal conversation. When it was recognized that the "sedenka," which is the name the villagers have for women's working groups in the home, was the logical place for the introduction of 30 These new home-making ideas, the program vastly improved. groups became powerful agencies for the dissemination of information and the modification of attitudes in this remote Bulgarian village. 3OIrwin T. Saunders, "The Folk Approach in Extension Work: A Bulgarian Experience," Applied Anthropology, 2 (1943), l-A. 19 The Wells That Failed: A Rural Project in Peru.-— Some projects have resulted in complete failure because of a lack of understanding about the national differences in the group process. A project to supply a constant flow of water for the village of Viru, Peru, failed because develop- ment workers did not consult with a cross-section of local people. This project was not successful because people with Special knowledge about the water supply were not con— sulted, the site for the first well was located where many believed they would not benefit, members of the board were not the read leaders of the community, and fears about the project were not discussed with members of the community or a committee of leaders. Had the project been discussed with members of the community or a committee of leaders, which was not an unknown practice, the village of Viru might not be still suffering from a lack of water.31 Because of this failure in communication, local hostility towards the national government was increased and funds were wasted on a project that might have been success- ful. Fiji: The Search for a Chairman.——The people of Moturiki, Fiji Islands, elected a committee to work with a foreign community development team that was attempting to 31Allen R. Homberg, "The Wells that Failed: An Attempt to Establish a Stable Water Supply in the Viru Valley, Peru," Human Problems in Technological Changg, ed. E. H. Spicer (New York: Russell Sage, 1952), pp. 113-123. 2O improve the living conditions of the islanders. At the first meeting, officers were elected, a constitution was approved, and a film strip on the activities of an English parish council was shown. Later, the team found that neither the chairman nor any other of the committee members possessed the experience required for the chair— manship of such an important committee. After the team consulted with the chief, a second meeting was called at which the situation was explained and a new chairman was elected. The position of the second chairman was embarrassing Since he had recently been in considerable difficulty over the misappropriation of island funds. The leader of the development team objected, and the second chairman was asked to resign. Then, it was agreed that the original chairman should act until the next general meeting. The second chairman continued to work for island development and acted as a clerk for the committee. At the next general meeting, the second chairman was again elected; and this time no further protest was made by the development workers.32 This episode of the chairman is typical of the dif- ficulties of introducing a committee system to people who are little accustomed to such organization. It also shows that the values of these people and those of the development 32Howard Hayden, Moturiki: A Pilot Project in Com- munity Development (London: Oxford University Press, 195A), pp. 56—59. 21 workers on the proper qualifications for a chairman were quite different. The islanders finally prevailed, but the pressure brought by the team which resulted in three elections for the chairman can scarcely be considered democratic; however, the team was afraid that a complete failure in the chairmanship would have been disastrous to the whole project. This is another case where a better understanding of the cultural aspects of the group process was needed. Africa: How to Arrive at Misunderstood Understanding.-— A United Nations commission arrived in the capital of a new African state and began to roam the country in an attempt to persuade the farmers to use certain seeds and methods of cultivation that would enable them to double their produc- tion. The members of the commission believed that the best approach was to establish contact directly with the people and their chiefs, for "nothing is more effective than relations based on reciprocal trust." Thus a technician would explain, through interpreters, uduat the farmers should do to increase their crops. At the erni of the explanation, the reaction was always the same. TTue chief would ask if the harvest would be doubled, and true United Nations technician would say "yes," and that the seenfis would be provided free. This would satisfy the chief, axui the would withdraw with the elders of the tribe for a lorm; discussion. At the end of it the chief would turn 22 back to the experts, solemnly accept the gift, and thank them. Then the tribe would begin a thanksgiving dance and a series of ceremoneis while the eXperts would congratulate themselves on their excellent results. But one day a man who was more curious than the rest decided to find out why the outbursts of thanks giving were so exultant.l He was told, "Now we will have to work only every other year; for if your seeds double the harvest there's no sense in working all the time."33 This is cer— tainly not the result that the experts thought that they had achieved by their meetings with these tribes. It is clear that there is no easy substitute for the real dis- cussion of the objectives, values, methods and objectives to these programs. The Challenge to Community Development Workers: The Use of Grouprethods Several different kinds of communities exist in Puerto Rico. In one kind of village the people live without any modern improvements; they do not have pure water, health facilities, schools, or roads. Perhaps more important, they do not have any community social organization by which they can discuss and attempt to solve their problems. Across ‘the nwuntains, another kind of community exists where the vilflage of two hundred families has been given a road, a 33Corrado Pizzinelli, "The Failure of Aid: Tragi- Conmuty of Errors," Atlas——The World Press in Translation, 7 (1964 ), 151. 23 school, and a medical center. These have been obtained by "the leader" from the government. The people use these things, and wait for the solution of their other needs. In another locality the villagers have a road, a school, and a hot lunch program. In addition, these families have found the means of working together to improve their community. By the stimulation of their sense of inquiry and the opportunity to meet and talk together, these people have found that they can find their own solutions to many com- munity problems. It is a major objective of community development workers to create this last kind of community, but this is not an easy task because the villagers must be trained in new patterns of thinking and group action. The Puerto Rican Division of Community Education has claimed that it has been able to train workers who can conduct group dis- cussions, encourage members to participate freely, get them to accept the fact that agreements can be reached without voting, and insure that the people make a careful study which leads to action.3u The need to know more about training peoples from other countries in discussion methods and group leadership Inust be stressed; it is a key to progress. The importance cxf,group discussion has been strongly emphasized by 3“Fred G. Wale, "Community Change: An Action Program in fihuarto Rico," The Journal of Social Issues, 9 (1953), 2- 2?. 2A L. D. Kelsey, who has given the following description of the problems faced by community development workers in the Philippines in promoting group action, There, under the chairmanship of the mayor, the projects initiated in the barrios are discussed and integrated plans for assistance developed. When this worker first enters his barrio he will feel the weight of conservative customs. They have carried the yoke of poverty and all its attendant evils. How can he get them to say what they think? Can the Barrio Council make the people come out and take part in a general discussion? How will they arrive at the things they need? How can superficial interests be replaced with more constructive ideas? How will they select priorities and avoid faction? How can one get these ideas out of the talking stage and down on paper for approval? If he can unlock the lips of the barrio people after centuries of silence —-- he will have found the keys to success.35 In spite of special training in group dynamics and discussion leadership, community development workers in many countries have had serious problems in training village leaders and in promoting group action.36 It is difficult for community development workers to learn these techniques, and it is even more difficult to teach these methods to peOple in the villages. This may be the result of national problems, but it is also possible that group techniques ‘which work well in the United States do not apply in other countries because of cultural differences in attitudes ‘towards committees and the group process. 35L. D. Kelsey, The Community Development Worker in the EPhilippines (Laguna: University of the Philippines, 11.d.) , 5. (Mimeographed.) 36Daniel Russell, "The How of Community Development," Conmuulity Development Review (September, 1956), 67-79. 25 The useful information about the application of group dynamics in other countries is extremely limited. At present, the best sources of information on the special problems of group work in different countries consist of case studies.37 These case studies, however, merely describe the kind of problems which community development workers have encountered in various countries. Also, a brief review of the literature shows a striking absence of definitive published works about interpersonal factors in C r0 8 s-national communication . 38 The training of people in other lands to conduct ef'f‘e ctive discussion groups is in the pioneering stage. T - R. Batten, who has developed methods of introducing C131-Sczussion methods of introducing discussion methods to potential African community development workers, has encountered many difficulties in working with these groups and has eXperimented with many ways of dealing with the SSpecial problems of teaching group discussion methods. He has tried many different methods of introducing small group 131’71eory, obtaining the participation of members, and improv- ing their skills in handling discussion groups. \ (3 37The best works of this kind are the following: Cgl—arence Kind, Working with People in Small Communities: Se Records of Communit Develo ment in Different Countries ‘(N\ L R P ew York: Harpers, 1958); and E. H. Spicer (ed.), Human Wems in Technological Change (New York: Russell Sage OI—11"1ciation, 1952? I 3 Sven Lundstedt, "The Interpersonal Dimensions in Egternational Technical Assistance," Community Develgsment M. 7 (1962). 75—90. .A- a. .‘x 26 The technique that he has found fairly successful is a case study approach using film strips and role playing. However, only a limited number of peOple have received this training. While the need is recognized as being great, the techniques and facilities for such training are still exixremely limited in less-developed nations.39 A unique training center has been extablished by the Morfild Assembly of Youth in Mysore, India, which gives three— rncuat:h courses for youth leaders from Asian and African czcngrltries, and also trains Indian community development Workers in group methods. The primary techniques used with tileasse groups were the case method and non—directive group léSEiciership training.“O Benjamin Schlesinger, who has 31311 as have been answered.“1 More research is needed. \ (3 39T. R. Batten, Training for Community Development: A ‘jrg§g£%§cal Study in Methods (London: Oxford University Press, IE uoRolf P. Lynton, The Tide of Learning: The Aloka “£E£3§EE$§QEQ (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960). ES): ulBenjamin Schlesinger, "Training for Leadership: 2363€;€31?iences at Aloka," Adult Leadership, 10 (1961-62), 265— 27 The Need for Further Research on Cross- National Differences in the Group Process We have come to realize that other peoples do not do things our way. However, we do not have much useful information to guide our actions; and what we do know about Una group process in our country does not necessarily apply to (other countries. W. J. H. Sprott has summarized this neexi to learn more about small groups in other nations and tc> tzest the cross-national application of small group theory, The standards of the primary groups do not develop in a vacuum; they develop within the general system of standards of the secondary groups in which they are incorporated. This means that what can be discovered about small groups in one culture may not be applicable to small groups in another. Cross-cultural comparison alone can settle that. It also means that when considering the influence of a group upon its members, we must be careful not to think of them as blank sheets of paper; they are Americans or Englishmen as the case may be, and as such they arrive already equipped with such standards as they have derived through their parents, teachers, schoolmates, and friends, from the common stock. 2 ' Walter R. Sharp has strongly recommended that we should have a comparative analysis of the differences in group procedures as reflected by the group process in each of the chief cultural areas of the world. He thinks that such a Stl—lciywould reveal vast differences in methods of organizing \ u2W. J. H. Sprott, Human Groups (Baltimore: Penguin , 1958). p- 21. Ek)C>IC£3 28 143 and conducting meetings. An exploratory study by John Gyr, who examined attitudes towards committees and group procedures in four cultures, has confirmed that real difference in attitudes towards committees and the group process exists in different nationality groups.uu Margaret Mead has stressed that the cultural dimension must be taken into account when members of different cultures hold meet- ings. She has cautioned us that we must be aware of the culturally regular eXpectations of each or all of the dif- ferent nationality groups.Ll5 The understanding of these differences in the expecta- tions or attitudes of different nationalities is very necessary for the conduct of international meetings. With the rapid and easy exchange of ideas in face-to—face meetings of people from diverse countries, many conferences have the potential to change the course of history. We should have a better knowledge of the basic factors, including attitudes towards committees and the group process, which are present When cross-national committee meetings are held. \ u3Wa1ter R. Sharp, "A Check List of Subjects for §YStematic Study of International Conferences," International flal Science Bulletin, 5 (1953), 311-339. 1 MlJohn Gyr, "Analysis of Committee Member Behavior n Four Cultures," Human Relations, A (1951), 193-202. C uSMargaret Mead, "The Cultural Perspectives," WUnication or Conflict, ed. M. Capes (New York: SSOCiation Press, 1960), pp. 8-19. 29 The failure of many programs based on community participation and group dynamics in other lands suggests that we must examine national differences in attitudes towards committees and the group process in these countries. There are many unresolved problems about how to adapt the thecuw'and practices of group dynamics to situations involv- irug peoples from other cultures. Bert Hoselitz has empfluasized these problems. The purpose of his emphasis on thee difficulties in promoting effective group action is to Stnsvv that in spite of mutual willingness to arrive at :FE1xrc3rable solutions, in Spite of goodwill exhibited on both Sticiees, there arise rigidities, misunderstandings, and gaps in communication that we do not yet know how to handle.LI6 The Objectives of the Present Exploratory Cross-National Study of Committee Structure and Group Process The general objective of the present study is to exp lore some of the instruments which could be used to analyze differences in attitudes towards, and behavior in, COmmittees on the part of persons in different cultures. Because of the current need to understand more about the underlying cultural aspects of international meetings and ‘tliei :need for improved application of the techniques of group ckYiiéinucs in less-developed countries, there is a vital need _l_____¥ c “6Bert Hoselitz, "Problems of Adapting and Communi- Deating Modern Techniques to Less-developed Areas," Economic \VelOpment and Cultural Change, 2 (1954), 249—269."'—— 30 for research on cultural differences in committee structure and group process; this is clearly evident from the problems that face us. This exploratory cross-national study of committees and the group process should contribute to an understanding of some available instruments which might be used.for the study of basic differences in personal inter- actxion,-committees, and the group process in different cultures. The specific objectives of the present study are the £231.1owing: (1) To provide a comprehensive review of literature related to the cross—national study of committees and the E§1?ciation, The Natupg of Conflict: Studies in the gigneciological Aspects of InternationalTTensions (Belgium: CHVIEESCO, 1957) has a detailed review of related studies. 3The following articles and books give a good de- Scription of this approach: Otto Klineberg, Tensions Affect- 3111 International Understandin : A Surve of Research (:1363VV York: Social Science Research Council, 1950); - IDuijker and N. Frijda, National Character and National itereotypes (Amsterdam: North—Holland Publishing Company, 3:960); and Thorsten Sellen and Richard D. Lambert (eds.), erneerica Through Foreign Eyes," The Annals of the American {iiiééfiiemy of Political and Social Science, 295 (1954), l—lAS. A180, Donald T. Campbell and Robert A. LeVine, "A Proposal 16CYI' Cooperative Cross—Cultural Research on Ethocentrism," Joxurnal of Conflict Resolution, 5 (1961), 82-108 is of Special interest. “The beginning studies on cross-cultural effects of education are reviewed by M. Brewster Smith in "A Per- :pective for Further Research on Cross-Cultural Education," ~42i1333a1 of Social Issues, 12 (1956), 56-68. A series of art321.c31es are found in “Impacts of Studying Abroad," Journal of\SOcia1 Issues, 18 (1962), 1-87. “'— 51 5This approach is explained in Elihu Katz, "Concepts <:;:ng adults whose habits on group decision—making are part .l§___¥ , l6Marcel de Clerck, "The Problem of the Appointment of {IFLantional' Leaders," Fundamental and Adult Education, 6 C 19514), 63—70. AA of their old culture, voting is not a comfortable or cus- tomary procedure. In Japan, voting has been rarely thought Of and is not generally a part of their culture. Because a negative vote might offend someone in a higher status, the Japanese have a strong preference for unanimous decisions. In general, Japanese decision-making does not recognize the principle of majority rule; every unit in the society feels ‘that it must present a solid front to others. Thus, decision- rnaking emphasizes the group and discourages the individual. Tune Japanese is taught to restrain his Opinions, and clear- Cllt decisions about himself or others are considered brash. ITie role Of a chairman of a meeting is to know the wishes C>f‘ the group by a sort Of empathy without directly consulting Most decisions are based on a system Of lack The chair— the members . <3f' Objection to the proposals of the chairman. ITlanship is frequently rotated to divide the responsibility fYDI? conducting meetings and to avoid fixing responsibility t<3 individuals. These are patterns Of decision—making that 1361\re deep cultural tradition; even the impact of the modern WCDI‘Ild on Japan has not changed the group process a great deal.17 Meetings Of Improvement Associations Among the Afikpo SE3251.—-The traditional village organization among the Afikpo JEEDCD in the southeastern region of Nigeria is based on a well- C163fined age-set system. The qualifications for leadership \ 17Fred N. Kerlinger, "Decision-Making in Japan," §§£2£Eggul Forces, 30 (1951), 36—Al. A5 are based on age; the Older the man, the greater his authority. This is related to Speaking ability, to knowl- edge Of local history and affairs, and, to a lesser degree, to wealth and social relationship ties. Also, there are strong feelings against bisexual organizations. However, recently a number of improvement associations have been formed which are outside Of the traditional organization. The Mgbom Family Union, which has grown from fifteen to about seventy—five members, is fairly typical of the Inore advanced organizations of this type which exist in aibout half of the villages. The purpose of these meetings is; to discuss and take action on policies and projects con- ceerning loans to members, road construction, education, :fLLnerals, inheritance, trade, and recreation. The members, ‘WT1c>are mostly between twenty and forty-five years Of age, Elrwe men who are not yet village leaders. Their number iluczludes only a few men who have had formal education; hOwever, many of these people have had contact with outside peOple or are interested in modern ways. The meetings are held every three months on Sunday evening. The language used at the meetings is Ibo. The Or‘ganization has Offices like those in an European associa- t3143n, a brief constitution in English, and records which 51176: kept. These meetings usually take place in the house <3 f‘ the president, although the members could meet in any 1house they choose. In accordance with the traditional 1A*f511xpo pattern, as the Older members enter, they take the A6 most comfortable seats; if none is available, a younger person will give the elder his seat in keeping with traditional respect for age. The fifty or so persons who usually attend the meetings sit on chairs or benches along the wall, while the three major officers sit at a table in the center of the room. NO formal Opening prayer usually occurs, in contrast to traditional Afikpo meetings. After the secretary has recorded the dues, fines, and payments on loans from members, the meeting is open for the discus- sion of any problem the members want to bring up. At the end of the meeting, refreshments are served by age-set :seniority; and the meeting is concluded by the Oldest man pxresent giving a traditional Afikpo blessing. These meetings have a blend Of new and traditional Ipisactices. The traditional method Of decision-making is zirlformal discussion until a consensus is reached; in ‘tiraditional meetings the discussion is led and dominated tDy the older men. In the Union, age does not have so much Vveaight. Under the new practices, the discussion is guided 6357 the Officers, even though a few Older men are present. AXE: the views Of the leaders are frequently contested.by the Inermbers, the authority Of the Officers is less than at tI‘aditional meetings. These forms of new organization and 1317actices which exist side by side with the traditional ‘73.11age structure are growing rapidly among the Ibo.l8 ll___ 18Simon Ottenberg, "Improvement Associations Among the Afikpo Ibo," Africa, 25 (1955), 1-27. A7 The Ewe Have Their Own Parliamentary Procedure.--The Ewe of Ghana and Togo have traditional meetings that appear to be governed by their Own parliamentary procedure. Some Of the rules Of order at meetings are the following: 1. Nobody speaks except at the invitation of the chairman or the speaker who is talking to the group. 2. There is silence when a speaker is talking, and interruptions are prohibited; anyone who breaks this rule is censured or fined immediately. 3. Speaking time is not limited, and speeches of two or three hours are not rare. A. If the chairman suSpects the speaker has departed too much from the truth, he suddenly has the band interrupt the address. 5. At the conclusion of a speech or at a pause, approval or disapproval may be expressed. 6. The address of an important person is acknowledged at the end by a flourish from the band.19 This is another example of cultural aspects Of the naeEéting process that indicates highly developed meeting 1:DZ‘I‘CDOedures that are quite different from those of others. \ 1? 19Leonard W. Doob, Communication in Africa: A Search 3:52%;_Boundaries (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), "139. A8 Elite Communication in Samoa.--In Samoa, decisions tend to involve group responsibility rather than individual responsibility. When elite persons are forced, either by pressure or by external compulsion from higher authority, to render "spot" decisions, such decisions have purely tentative character until group reaction is known. Nego- tiations are likely to be strongly oriented toward a public show of immediate unanimity. For effective communication, ‘the decisions made by an elite group must have marshaled tbehind them the full support Of the adherents, the peers, 811d the superior groups involved. The deliberations tend tc: be segmented, with relatively short interaction periods. Ekeczisions tend to be undertaken only after problems have theean brought into sharpest possible focus, usually in multiple C<>rlsultations at a variety Of levels. In decision-making, tries voice Of each individual tends to carry weight according Opinion tCD rank in the society and the power of the group. fYDzfimation is likely to involve every possible delay to avoid 5* IDublic position which aligns a majority against a minority. EDIIEB highest elite person or persons are likely to speak at ‘tllei points in the meeting where their statements, with their 131?1Jority weighting, will have maximum effect. And finally, deCisions are likely to be limited to the principles or gen- EEI?Eilities Of the problem, leaving the details and 49 implementation to Specialists and other interested parties.20 The Decision-Making Process in a Remote Indian Village Counci1.-—The powers of government in the remote village of Malana, India, reside in a group of eleven men who form the village council. There are three permanent members known as the "leaders" who are hereditary Officials. However, when it comes to the eight other members, the increditary principle gives way to a well-developed form of ciemocratic election based on clan groupings. All meetings (Of the council are public, and all adult males are required Thus, the discussion and decisions take place The public listens t<> attend. .irl pull public hearing Of the community. tco the arguments of the council and hears how the decision 11818 been reached. As soon as the council has reached a cess will be repeated. In the rate cases when the council --~u .1 . ., ....... (2 20Fleix M. Keesing and Marie M. Keesing, Elite Communi— -Eiliion in Samoa: A Study of Leadership_(Stanford: Stanford LJrliversity Press, 1956). SO refuses to alter its decision further and where the public is more or less evenly divided, the council is dissolved and a general election Of councilmen takes place immediately. This remote group has procedures and a social organization which are unique; but it is a highly developed method of reaching group decisions.21 Decision-Making Activity Sequences in a Hacienda Community: Costa Rica.-—Thomas Norris has examined the decision-making on a large hacienda community in Turrialba, (josta Rica.22 In this study three decision-making situa- ‘tions were analyzed: the election of a popularity queen, 21 meeting of the parent-teachers' association, and a cam- 135t1gn to encourage the construction of outhouses. These ssigtuations were selected because they illustrate the Ciyunamics of the decision—making process in relationship to true: structural characteristics Of community organization. 111 order to analyze the activity sequences, the members of 'tllee hacienda have been divided into classes or systems: an a-<3.Ilrlinistrative class, including the owner and the admin- idstzrator; a managerial class, including persons directly Supervising the labor force; a "colono" class, who have con— tr’acts with the owner; a "peon" class, including day-wage \ 21Colin Rosser, "A Hermit Village in Kulu," India's Erfi;l;lages, ed. M. Srinivas (Bombay: A513 Publishing House, 9 O , ppo 77-89' 53 22Thomas L. Norris, "Decision-Making Activity C §E§3uwnces in a Hacienda Community," Human Organization, 12 53), 26—30. 51 earners; and a "tangential" group of the school teacher, doctor, and police agent. The candidates for queen were the daughter Of the foreman of the coffee processing plant, a daughter of a "colono," the mascot Of the soccer team, and the daughter of a "peon." The "colono" involved was the brother Of the overseer. This situation demonstrated the superior skill of persons in the managerial system to manipulate others for their ends. At the parent—teachers' meeting, fifteen persons were Laresent, but only seven of them contributed to the discus- szion. These persons were all from the managerial or taingential systems, except for the brother to the overseer 111 the "colono" system. The administrator was able to cominate the meeting so ‘t1151t all of the goals and solutions were made according to What he considered to be the best interest Of the farm. Melrnbers of the managerial, "colono," and tangential systems (Drllgy supported or confirmed the statements made by someone C’f' higher rank. Nobody of the "peon" status spoke during the meeting. The outhouse campaign sequence is more complex, but LiVC indicated the reversal Of the administrator's decision EDEV the owner, the highest level Of authority. This sequence showed how these decision—making Elc3tivities in this hacienda type of community were 52 ultimately controlled by the highest formal structural 23 While this position in the social and economic system. could be a special case that applies only to these social units, it does show the decision—making process that is likely to be a general pattern in this country because Of the dominance Of the hacienda community. However, as the urban or non-farming section of the society grows we can eXpect considerable change in the decision—making process in this country. Voluntary Association in a Mexican City.—-This study by Floyd Dotson was based on interviews with 415 adult residents of Guadalajara, Mexico's second largest city, the interviews being conducted in 231 households. The focus of the study was the relationship of urbanization and membership in Voluntary associations. Ten categories of voluntary association were distinguished: church- affiliated societies, athletic and sports clubs, labor unions, society clubs, professional and learned societies, international service clubs, mutualist societies, national and local business and professional men's clubs, ethnic and regional societies, and hobby clubs. The majority of men and a larger percentage of women lacked affiliation with any voluntary association. Most Of those who were members were in only one organization. 23Thomas L. Norris, "Decision-Making in Relation to Property on a Costa Rican Coffee Hacienda" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State College, 1952). 53 Membership was positively related to income. Less partici— pation was found at all levels, with the possible exception Of the highest income level, than in the United States. The types of associations were similar to those in the United States, but many other types were absent. The con- clusion of this study was that cities of similar size in radically different cultural areas may be expected to Show a wide variation in the number and type of voluntary associations and the amount of participation in them.2Ll The Structure and Functioning Of Barrio Committees in the Philippines.--This study was based on interviews with 236 community leaders in sixty selected barrios or districts in the Philippines. The purpose of the study was to determine the status of local group organization and action in relationship to the level of competence of citizens to conduct local governments. The respondents were recognized community leaders who were regular residents of these communities. The study examined procedures and attitudes towards several levels Of committee work: the Fiesta Plan- ning Committee, the "Purok" or local coordinating groups of citizens, the P.T.A., and the Barrio Council. Such factors as the method of voting, the basis of the selection Of members and Officers, the frequency Of meetings, the extent Of citizen attendance, the nature of participation, the 24Floyd Dotson, "A Note on Participation in Voluntary Associations in a Mexican City," American Sociological Review, 18 (1953), 380-386. 54 initiator of projects, and the locus Of final decisions were the important topics of this investigation. The findings indicated a fairly high level of activity in these local groups and a developing competence to conduct local government; however, there were important differences in the committee process and attitudes towards committees by the size Of the barrio and the status Of the respondent. In general, the smaller barrio had less committee activity and less competence in local group action. Also, the barrio lieutenants or mayors had somewhat different attitudes towards committees than other community leaders.25 This study indicated the need for more detailed analysis of committee structure and the functioning of groups, especially in relationship to size of the community and leader—follower attitudes towards the group process. Studies of Values and Patterns of Thought in Different Cultures Values and Communication in Non-Industrial Countries Bruce L. Smith has stressed the importance of the cross—cultural analysis of "value-constellations" in non— industrial countries.26 Some of the central values that 25Buenaventura M. Villanueva, A Study of the Compe- tence of Barrio Citizens for the Conduct Of Barrio Govern- ment (Quezon City: Phoenix Press, 1959). 26Bruce L. Smith, "Communications Research on Non- Industrial Countries," The Public Opinion Quarterly, 16 (1952-53), 527-538. 55 he suggested are slow tempo of life, politeness in inter- personal relations, and religion as a way of life. While the direct study of value systems is not an objective of this present study, it is expected that the central values of the different countries will be reflected in many of their attitudes towards committees and the group process. The Varieties of Human Values: A Basic Study in Cross— National Research Charles Morris has done one of the major exploratory studies in the area Of cultural differences in values.27 Cross-national samples of male and female university student were collected from the United States, China, India, Japan, Norway, and Canada. The key document in this study is "Ways to Live," in which thirteen concepts of the good life that vary widely in their content and value were presented. The respondents were asked to rate each of the "ways of life" according to a seven-point verbal scale which ranged from "I like very much" to "I dislike very much." The findings were analyzed according to scale values and by factor analysis. Both methods showed that the- different nationality groups had different patterns of values. The factors found in this study were the following: Social Restraint and Self Control; Enjoyment and Progress 27Charles Morris, Varieties of Human Value (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). 56 in Action; Withdrawal and Self—Sufficiency; Receptivity and Sympathetic Concern; and Self-Indulgence or Sensuous Enjoyment. The findings were analyzed in relationship to the social, psychological, and biological determinants Of values. The analysis of the social determinants of value, such as religion, caste and race, economic status, and city size was the major contribution of this research. Another study using the "Ways to Live" has been con- ducted among Arab students.28 This study showed a slightly different pattern of choices on the ways to live. The factor analysis exposed three of the same factors as in the study by Morris; but, in addition, two other factors were found. These factors were Simplicity and Moderation, and Dynamic Integration. The possibility Of an "Authoritarian Syndrome" was explored, but not proven by this study. The Group-Cultural Use of the Study of Values Application Of the Study of Values to Japanese Students.--The "Study Of Values" by Allport, Vernon, and Lindzey was adapted for Japanese use in both its older form (1931) and in its revised form (1951).29 The studies 28E. Terry Prothro, "Arab Students' Choices of Ways to Live," Journal of Social Psychology, 47 (1958), 3-8. 29G. W. Allport, P. E. Vernon, and G. Lindzey, Study Of Values: A Scale for Measuring the Dominant Inter- ests in Personality (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1951). 57 Of this type examined the value orientation of students by using attitude questionnaires that indicated the relative importance of theoretical, economic, aesthetic, social, political, and religious values. The study by Teiji Kimura using the older form was conducted in 1954 with 410 male and 96 female students at Nihon University. In 1955, Masyaki Nobechi conducted a study using the revised form. He gave the test to male students of Hoshisha University, to female students Of Doshisha Women's College, and to public nurses. The results indicated the following: 1. The value preferences corresponded with the specialized field of the students. This tendency was similar to that found by Allport and others. 2. Women were more religious, but less theoretical and economic than men. 3. The preference for aesthetic values in com— parison to other values was higher in Japan than in the United States. 4. Religious values were lower for both male and female Japanese students, especially when compared to American females. 58 5. In Japan, social values were less preferred than in the United States and the frequency was rather low.30 The Cross—Cultural Use of the Study of Values in Taiwan.—-William G. Rodd has used the "Study of Values" to study two groups Of Taiwanese students: mainland Chinese students and local Taiwanese students. The study Of values was part of an educational testing program of 1,500 eleventh grade students in five representative cities on Taiwan. The major findings which compared the Taiwanese group to American and Japanese groups were the following: 1. The value preferences of the two Taiwanese groups was more alike than those of the Japanese or American students. However, there was more similarity between Taiwan students and the American students than between the Taiwan students and the Japanese students. 2. As in Japan, women on the average were more religious than men, but less theoretical and economic in their values. 3. In Taiwan, theoretical values were preferred to aesthetic values; this was different from the values held by Japanese students. 3OMasayuki Nobechi and Teiji Kimura, "The Study of Values Applied to Japanese Students," Psychologia, 1 (1957), 120—122. 59 4. While social values were not strongly preferred by the Taiwanese, they were more similar to the Americans than to the Japanese.31 The Indian Modification of the Study of Values.-- The "Study of Values," a modification Of the 1951 form, has been used by K. Ray-Chowdhury to determine the theoretical, economic, aesthetic, social, political, and 32 religious values Of Indians. 33 Also, the aspects Of sex differences, of occupational group differences and 34 norms in values, Of variations with age, birth order, 35 locality, sociO—economic status, and religion, have been explored. Because of the extensive number of findings this research has not been summarized in the present study; 31William G. Rodd, "Cross-Cultural Use Of the Study of Values," Ppychologia, 2 (1959), 157-164. 32K. Ray-Chowdhury, "The 1958 Modification of the Allport—Vernon—Lindzey Study of Values in the Indian Situation; I. Study of General Norms, Reliability and Validity," Indian Psychological Bulletin, 4 (1959), 67—74. 33K. Ray-Chowdhury, "Allport-Vernon—Lindzey Study of Values (Old and New Forms) and Sex-Difference in the Indian Situation,"ibid., 52-58. 3”K. Ray-Chowdhury, "The 1958 Indian Modifications of the Allport-Vernon-Lindzey Study Of Values: II. Occupational Group Differences and Norms, in Values at the College Level," ibid., 5 (1960), 51-60. 35K. Ray-Chowdhury, "The Allport—Vernon-Lindzey Study Of Values: III. Variations Of Values with Age, Birth-Order, Locality and Region, Socio-Economic Status, and Religion," ibid., 61-70. 60 it is suggested that those who are interested should consult the original sources. Studies Based on the Cross-Cultural Use of the Semantic Differential In recent years, several studies have indicated that peoples from different cultures may evaluate concepts in about the same way. The method which is basic to these studies is the semantic differential, a technique for measuring the meainng Of linguistic forms. Concepts are rated on a series of descriptive scales which are defined by a pair Of Opposite adjectives. Hideya Kumata has studied Japanese, Koreans, and Americans, using the 36 semantic differential. Harry C. Triandis has conducted a similar study with monolingual Greek and American college 37 students. George Suci has studied the semantic structures Of American Southwest culture groups: the Hopi, Navaho, 38 and Zuni. J. A. Michon has conducted a study using 36Hideya Kumata and Wilbur Schramm, "A Pilot Study of Cross—Cultural Meaning," The Public Opinion Quarterly, 20 (1956), 229-238. 37Harry C. Triandis and Charles E. Osgood, "A Com- parative Factor Analysis of Semantic Structures in Monolingual Greek and American College Students," Journal Of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 57 (1958), 187— 96. 38George Suci, "A Comparison Of Semantic Structures in American Southwest Culture Groups," ibid., 61 (1961), 25-30. 61 39 similar techniques in Holland, and there have been several studies in Japan.LIO The factor analysis used in these studies showed that similar factors are used by different language groups.“l While there is some conflicting evidence in this field, Osgood believes that the apparent conflict between findings would disappear if the distinction between denotative and connotative meaning is made.L12 E. Terry Prothro has recognized the contribution of Osgood and others using the semantic differential to the study of the evaluation of words in different cultures. However, Prothro believed that the first step in applying this approach cross-culturally should be to use brief sentences or statements rather than single words, because of the difficulty of finding cross-linguistic "equivalents" for words. Also, the methodology was simplified by using a "favorable-unfavorable" bipolar continuum or Osgood's 39J. A. Michon, "An Application of Osgood's Semantic Differential Technique," Acta Psychologica, 17 (1960), 377-391. OYasumasa Tanaka, "A Cross-Cultural Study of National Stereotypes Held by American and Japanese College Graduate Subjects," Japanese Psychological Research, 4 (1962), 65-78. ulHoward Maclay and Edward E. Ware, "Cross-Cultural Use of the Semantic Differential," Behavioral Science, 6 (1961), 185-190. ”ZCharles E. Osgood, "The Cross-Cultural Generality Of Visual-Verbal Synesthetic Tendencies," ibid., 5 (1960), 146-169. 62 "evaluative" factor. This technique is similar to that developed by Thurstone for sorting of items in an attitude.“3 By using subjects from different cultures, and by asking them to judge a substantial number of messages with respect to their position on a single evaluative continuum, Prothro expected to discover consistent differences which would indicate cognitive differences of people from different cultures. This research was conducted by using two groups Of Arab students who responded on an 11—point scale of favorableness—unfavorableness to general statements which might be descriptive Of any group of peOple, such as "Show a high rate of efficiency in anything they attempt," "Can be depended upon as being honest," and "Are inferior in every way to the rest of the world." The items used were from the Grice-Remmers generalized attitude scale.uu One Of the groups consisted of 60 students from the American University Of Beirut. All of these students were bilingual Arabs. This group sorted cards which had 40 statements in English. The sorting was done individually, and followed the usual Thurstone procedure. Respondents placed the cards ”3Louis L. Thurstone and E. J. Chave, The Measurement Of Attitudes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929). 44H. H. Grice, "The Construction and Validation of a Generalized Scale Designed to Measure Attitude Toward Defined Groups," Bulletin Of Purdue University Study of Higher Education, 26 (1934), 37-46. 63 into eleven piles according to their estimate of the degree Of favor or disfavor expressed to the statements. The other group Of 79 students was from an Islamic college located in the Moslem quarter of Beirut. These students were given mimeographed sheets which contained Arabic translations of the statements. These students marked the items on an 11—point scale. None of these students was bilingual and special care was taken in translating the statements. The finding for these Arab groups was compared to a previous study of American students. The differences between scale values assigned by American students fell into a consistent pattern. The strongly favorable and strongly unfavorable statements were judged by Arabs to be somewhat more neutral than they were by the American students, while the neutral position showed no such dif— ference. It was judged that the Arab students were more prone to overassertion than the American students, and that American students were more given to understatement than the Arab students. There were possible cognitive differences between these two nationality groups that would be of con- siderable interest to those studying communication between 45 these countries. ”5E. Terry Prothro, "Arab-American Differences in the Judgment of Written Messages," Journal Of Social Psycholosx. A2 (1955). 3—11. 64 Conflicting Patterns Of Thought in the Modern World It has been suggested by several writers that dif- ferent cultures have different patterns Of thinking!46 Karl Pribram has recognized what is implied in the fre— quently expressed view that nations think differently.”7 He has distinguished four main patterns of thought which vie with each other in the Western World: universalistic reasoning, the nominalistic pattern, intuitional reasoning, and dialectic thinking. The universalistic pattern is based upon a system of rigid concepts. Nominalistic reason— ing relies on the ability Of the mind to form concepts and judgments which provide insight into the order of the universe. Intuitional reasoning denies the existence Of innate ideas, but relies upon the ability Of the mind, with the aid of a sort of inner light, to form concepts and judgments. The dialectical pattern ascribes to the mind the ability to interpret events in terms of an evolutionary process of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis. Pribram has discussed the political and social implications of these patterns Of thought, but there was no specific proof that these patterns exist. 46The following are some of the articles in which this position is discussed: Douglas G. Haring, "Cultural Contexts and Communication," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 37 (1951), 161-172; Frank Walser, The Art Of Conference (New York: Harpers, 1934), 145-146; and, Robert T. Oliver, Culture and Communication: The Problem Of Penetrating National and Cul- tural Boundaries (Springfield, 111.: Charles C. Thomas, 1962). u7Kar1 Pribram, Conflicting Patterns of Thought (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1949). 65 Robert T. Oliver has said that mankind is separated less by language barriers than it is by cultural differences; every culture has its own patterns Of thought. There is no such thing as a pattern of thought which is common to all; instead there are many patterns. Peoples in separate cultures and nations are concerned about different problems and have different systems of thinking about them. Oliver has analyzed the patterns of Confucian thought, the rhetori- cal implications Of Taoism, and the rhetoric of the Hindu- Buddhist. These are just a few rhetorics or ways Of think- ing about the world. Oliver has said that to communicate across cultural barriers, we must learn what to say and how to say it in terms of the cultural expectations and pre- dispositions Of those we want to listen; our traditional rhetorical theory will not suffice for dealing with other peoples from diverse cultures. The Cross-Cultural Application Of the Watson—Glaser Critical ThinkingyAppraisal The Watson-Glaser Critical Thinking Appraisal, Form Bm, has been translated into Chinese and administered to about 1,500 eleventh grade students from fourteen schools in five cities of northern and central Taiwan. The only modification in the test was to change the proper and geographical names so that the students would feel at home u8RObert T. Oliver, Culture and Communication: The Problem Of Penetrating National and Cultural Boundaries (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, 1962). 66 with the test. There was considerable discussion that this test could not be applicable to Chinese students because the test called for logic normally attributed to Americans. However, the results showed quite similar scores to those Of the standardized American group. There was a signifi- cant difference at the .01 level between the scores of the mainland Chinese and the local Taiwanese student groups. The scores of the mainland Chinese groups were more similar to the American group than to the local Taiwanese groups.”9 The Chinese: A Different Pattern of Thought and National Character Douglas Haring has contended that the Chinese habit of thinking Offers special material for study. He has said that in spite of fundamental similarities in Chinese and English linguistic structures, it appears that the Chinese are unable to discover the validity in our thought patterns; thus our best arguments are said to fall on deaf ears because our ideas are not in the logic and thought forms Of the Chinese.50 Also, John Hopkins University has prepared a detailed study stressing patterns of thought and fundamental atti- tudes in the Chinese culture in relationship to critical thinking. Chinese logic was said to have the following 49Rodd, op. cit., 160-161. 50Douglas G. Haring, "Cultural Contexts and Communi— cation," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 37 (1951), 161—172. 67 characteristics: emphasis on the particular, replacing analysis with analogy, stress on knowledge Of essences or total understanding, avoidance of inductive reasoning, and a lack Of need for immediate and comprehensive relations between cause and effect. The personality characteristics Of a group of one hundred chinese professional men and women who came to the United States in the past ten years have been studied in an interdisciplinary research program at the New York Hospital-Cornell Medical Center. A series of psychological tests were administered, these tests included the Rorschach, Wechsler-Belleview, Thurstone Temperament, sentence comple— tion, projective questionnaire, mosaid figure drawing, and thematic apperception. The analysis of these tests indicated that the Chinese have a distinctive pattern Of thought and attitude structure. The general findings were the following: 1. The intellectual level for this group was similar with that of an American pOpulation with the same educational background. 2. Problems were viewed holistically rather than in terms Of separate components. 3. In problem-solving and abstracting, the Chinese showed a greater emphasis on concrete, functional modes of thought, and a relative de-emphasis on creative imagination and 68 originality, as contrasted tO Americans of a similar intellectual and educational level. 4. Although behaviorally the Chinese appeared formal, well controlled, and somewhat emotionally bland, the data revealed that they experience very intense feelings over which they exercise considerable control. 5. Cultural data suggested that those situations in which the eXpression Of feeling is per- missible and the ways in which they may be displayed were specifically delineated. 6. The psychological data revealed the presence of a strong passive attitude. Dependency needs were accepted and indulged with little conflict. 7. A variety of constellations of defense were discerned. Three major types Of character structure were found to account for most Of the subjects: "the affectively-insulated," "the constricted," and "the overly-sensitive." 8. The personality types were different from their American counterpart in internal patterning and emphasis.51 51w. N. Thetford, L. Goldberger, L. E. Hinkle, Jr., and H. G. Wolff, "Personality Features and Their Cultural Interrelationships in a Group of Chinese," Acta Psychologica, 15 (1957), 541-542- 69 Factorial Studies of National Attitudes and Cultural Patterns ‘ The Dimensions Of Cultural Patterns by Factorization of National Character Raymond Cattell has conducted a factorial study based on 72 variables Of basic national statistics for sixty- nine nations in an attempt to discover the dimensions Of national behavior that would provide the means of measuring "national syntality" upon which hypotheses about group dynamics and predictions Of rational behavior could be based. The twelve factor patterns which were found are the following: Size, Cultural Pressure vs. Direct Ergic Expression, Enlightened Affluence vs. Narrow Poverty, Conservative Patriarchal Solidarity vs. Ferment of Release, Emancipated Urban Rationalism vs. Unsophisticated Stability, Thoughtful Industriousness vs. Emotionality, Vigorous Self— Willed Order vs. Unadapted Preservation, Bourgeois Philistinism vs. Reckless Bohemianism, Residual of Peaceful Progressiveness, Fastidiousness vs. Forcefulness, Buddhism— Mongolism, and Poor Cultural Integration and Morale vs. Good Internal Morality.52 These same 72 variables have been studied for forty countries, using more refined sources of statistics. The 52Raymond B. Cattell, "The Dimensions Of Culture Patterns by Factorization of National Character," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 44 (1940), 433-569. 70 same total number of factors were found; five of these were unquestionably the same, five were substantially the same, and two were different. The different factors were con- cerned with Cultural Pressure and Enlightened Affluence. All Of these factors have been given sharper delineation. Some of the more settled dimensions suggested well-known personality traits, such as mental capacity, rigidity, and personality integration, while the other factors were embedded in the structural and syntality aspects of groups.53 Several other studies based on this research technique were listed as in press, but they could not be found.514 The Factorial Study of Psyphological Values in Japan This study attempted to analyze some of the existing scales that have been used in Japan for the measurement of values and to clarify the structure Of values by the application Of factor analysis. Three kinds of tests were administered: the Allport-Vernon—Lindzey "Study of Values," which examines theoretical, economic, aesthetic, social, political, and religious values; Nanjo's "Diagnostic Test 53R. B. Cattell, H. Breul, and H. P. Hartman, "An Attempt at More Refined Definitions of the Cultural Dimensions of Syntality in Modern Nations," American Sociological Review, 17 (1952), 408—420. 5“The following articles are listed in the above reference as in press: R. B. Cattell and G. Stice, "The Behavior Of Groups: An Experimental Study of Leadership, Syntality, and Morale in 100 Groups"; and, R. B. Cattell, "Toward a Set Of Standard Variables for the Quantitive Analysis of Culture Patterns." 71 Of Value Systems," which has Power, Truth, Goodness, Affection, and Beauty as categories; and Charles Morris's "Ways to Live." The subjects were one hundred students from two suburban Hiroshima City high schools. Some eight factors were identified by factor analysis: Pursuit Of Beauty, Outward Power, Pursuit Of Truth, Pursuit Of Goodness, a factor tentatively related to Outward Energetic Action, a factor identified as Inner Formation of Self, and Social and Altruistic Deeds. However, the general conclusion of this study was that a new scale instrument for the measurement of values should be con- 55 structed for Japan. Primary Social Attitudes: A Comparison of Attitude Patterns in England, Germany, Sweden, and the United States Other researchers have studied the responses to a forty item attitude inventory by factorial analysis; this study has disclosed two major independent factors: Radical- Conservatism and Tough-mindedness-Tender-mindedness. The technique has been used in a number Of different countries. One study was based on the responses of 750 middle-class English subjects drawn equally from the three major politi- cal parties and equated for age, sex, and education. A version Of the original questionnaire was adapted to 55A. Inoue, I. Agari, F. Murashima, I. Yamashita, and K. Usui, "A Factorial Study of Psychological Values," Psychologica, 5 (1962), 112—114. 72 American conditions. Also, one hundred unselected cadets from the military college of the Royal Swedish Navy were studied. A somewhat more detailed study was conducted with 263 middle and working class Germans, living in or near Hamburg. These studies demonstrated that remarkably similar basic attitude patterns can be observed in England, the United States, Sweden, and postwar Germany; this is of interest in view of the very limited knowledge we have about the cross-national comparison of attitude structure. However, it should be recognized that these countries do not have the widely different cultural backgrounds that 56 exist in the world. A study which employed a modified Eysenck "Social Attitude Inventory" in a Near-Eastern country has indicated that the two basic factors may not be substantiated in their present form.57 56H. J. Eysenck, "Primary Social Attitudes: A Com— parison of Attitude Patterns in England, Germany, and Sweden," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, “8 (1953), 563-568. 57J. D. Keehn, "An Examination of the Two—Factor Theory of Social Attitudes in a Near Eastern Culture," Journal of Social Psychology, A2 (1955), 13-20. 73 Images and Stereotypes in Cross- National Communication Beginning Research on National Stereotypes and Cross-National Communication The early research on national stereotypes and images has been reviewed by Otto Klineberg.58 As part of the UNESCO International Tensions Projects in 19A8, the respondents from nine countries were asked to react to a list of adjectives as applied to different peoples. The findings of this project, related to national images and stereotypes, have been reported by William Buchanan and Hadley Cantril.59 While these studies are related to cross-national communication, they are only indirectly of interest for the study of committees and group process. However, this research has promoted the cross—national study of basic attitudes of children which is more closely related to the study of the group process. This early study has started a widé'variety of research and writing on national images and stereotypes such as that by J. D. Keehn and E. T. Prothro,6O 58Otto Klineberg, Tensions Affectingglnternational Understanding: A Survey of Research (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1950). 59William Buchanan and Hadley Cantril, How Nations See Each Other: A Study in Public Opinion (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 19537} 60J. D. Keehn and E. Terry Prothro, "National Pref- erences of University Students from Twenty—Three Nations," Journal of Psychology, AZ (1956), 283-294. 7A R. D. Lambert and M. Bressler,61 N. D. Humphrey,62 and 63 These studies have been selected to illustrate G. Jahoda. the kind of research that has been done on adults; some of these studies have been cross-national, while others have examined only the images of other peoples in a single country. Cross-National Research on the Stereotypes Held by Children Images of Self and Others Held by Children in Eleven Countries.-—The attitudes of children in three age groups toward people they consider "like us" and "not like us" have been examined for eleven countries. This cross— national study examined the self images of each country and the images that the children in each country have of every other country. The general findings were that different peoples recalled as being "not like us" consistently exceeded the number "like us," that no developmental trend by age was found, and that the responses for the Japanese 6A were completely different from those of other countries. 61Richard D. Lambert and M. Bressler, "Indian Students and the United States: Cross-Cultural Images," The Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, 295 (195“), 62-72. 2Norman D. Humphrey, "The Mexican Image of Americans," ibid., 116-125. 63Gustav Jahoda, "Nationality Preferences and National Stereotypes in Ghana before Independence," Journal of Social Psychology, 50 (1959), l65-l7fl. 6“Otto Klineberg, "A Cross—National Comparison of Peoples Considered Like Us and Not Like Us by Children," Acta Psychologica, 19 (1961), 592—600. 75 In addition, specific national patterns were examined. The 65 67 researchers from the United States, France,66 Germany, Canada,68 and Japan69 have independently analyzed the results from their own country. Images of the Teacher and Parent-Child Conflict in Four Countries.--The incomplete story technique has been used to study cross-national similarities and differences in attitudes toward teachers. Over three thousand children in Germany, England, Mexico, and the United States com— pleted a story involving a child with a reputation of handing in homework late to the teacher. In the story, the student claims to have completed the composition on time, but lost it. The responses were analyzed by using the following content categories: 1. Who initiated the contact, the child or the teacher? 2. Did they say that the child told the truth or a lie? 651b1d. 66R. Avigdor-Coryell, "The Comparative Importance of National References in Children's Descriptions of Them— selves," ibid., 586-592. 67K. s. Sodhi, "Children s Popular Descriptions of Other Peoples," ibid., 601- 609. , 68Norman E. Lambert, "A Cross—National Comparison of Ethnocentrism," ibid., 612—619. 69Koji Sato, "A Cross—National Comparison of Peoples Considered Attractive and Repulsive by Children," ibid. 610- 612. 76 3. Did the teacher believe or disbelieve the child? 4. Did the teacher punish the child in any way? The major hypothesis was that the responses from children in more dominating or authoritarian cultures such as Germany and Mexico would be different from those of children in more integrative or democratic cultures such as England or the United States. The findings showed that in all countries there were more child—initiated contacts than teacher-initiated contacts, that more truths than lies were told, and that the hypothesis regarding the cul- tural differences was supported with only minor exceptions. In the more dominative or authoritarian countries the children wrote stories more frequently in which the teacher did not believe the child than in the democratic countries. The hypothesis regarding punishment was supported except in Birmingham, England, which was higher than expected, and Karlsruhe, Germany, which was lower than expected.70 Children's Judgment of Parent—Child Conflict in Five Countries.--Another incomplete story has been administered to seventh-year students at public schools in Germany, Finland, England, Mexico, and the United States. In this story, a child sent to the butcher shop by his mother, 7OH. H. Anderson, G. L. Anderson, I. H. Cohen, and F. D. Nutt, "Image of the Teacher by Adolescent Children in Four Countries: Germany, England, Mexico, United States," Journal of Social Psychology, 50 (1959), 47-55. 77 stops to play on the way home, leaving the meat on the edge of the sidewalk. A dog comes along and runs off with half of the meat. The child was asked to complete the story in a few sentences. The following psychological themes were used in the study: tells truth, tells lie, resistance, submission, domination, anxiety, punishment, and constructive thinking and action by the child and by the mother. The results were analyzed by sex, socio-economic status, and nationality. Many differences were found by this study, the most interesting finding being that American and English children had the highest levels of communication and spontaneous action related to tells the truth, con- structive thinking, and integrative outcomes compared to those of the German and Mexican children. The children in the more authoritarian cultures generally showed fewer responses of honesty, sense of fair play, social problem- solving, communication, action, spontaneity, cooperation, and integrative behavior or working together.71 71Richard F. Heber, "A CPOSSrCUltural Comparison of Children's Judgment of Parent-Child Conflict in Germany, England, Finland, United States, and Mexico" (unpublished M.A. thesis, Michigan State College, 1955). 78 The Study of Social Distance in Various Countries Beginning Research on Social Distance and Attitudes Towards Groups In 1925, Emory S. Bogardus published a first account of a social distance scale which measures attitudes towards ‘national and racial groups. This test was administered to a large number of American subjects in 1926, l9u6, and 1956, revealing a basic consistency in dispositions toward different races and nationality groups. The revised scale published in 1933 is based on assent to the following statements: 1. Would marry 2. Would have as regular friends 3 Would work beside in an office 4. Would have several families in neighbourhood 5. Would have merely as speaking acquaintances 6 Would have live outside my neighbourhood 7 Would have live outside my country. The Bogardus test has been criticized on a number of issues, but considerable research has been done on the basis of this concept and it is expected that further research will be done on social distance. In a recent article, Michael Banton has contributed to defining the complex 79 72 On the basis of ths contri— aspects of social distance. bution, it is possible that new development in the measure- ment of social distance will improve the value of this tool. The idea of social distance in relationship to group and personality structure has been advanced by Stuart C. Dodd.73 However, the direct measurement of social distance is difficult because of current problems related to cross- national comparisons. Some Studies of Social Distance in Various Countries Social Distance in the Near East.-—Stuart C. Dodd has used a modification of the Bogardus social distance scale to study attitudes in the Near East. This test was concerned with the different education, economic, national, and religious groupings in this culture. The subjects were 170 freshman students at the University of Beirut. This study examined various aspects of tolerance, in-group and out— group distances, attitudes toward nationalities and groups, the effect of educational levels, and economic class dif- 7A ferences. 72Michael Banton, "Social Distance: A New Apprecia- tion," Sociological Review, 8 (1960), 168—183. 73Stuart C. Dodd, "Physical Dimensions of Social Distance," Sociology and Social Research, 38 (195A), 287—292. 7“Stuart C. Dodd, "A Social Distance Test in the Near East," American Journal of Sociology, 41 (1935), 194—204. 80 A more current study has tested 130 students at the University of Beirut, the subjects including seventy Christians and sixty Moslems. The results showed that there were some effects of Arab nationalism with Moslems, but not with Christians. Social distances in the Near East were said to be greater than in the United States; and although many of the subjects showed no hostility toward others, they preferred to remain socially at a distance from other groups.75 Social Distance in the Philippines and Japan.--Chester L. Hunt has used 200 students at the University of the Philippines to study social distance. The scales were based on participation in specified relationships as desire- 76 able rather than on acceptance or rejection. Also, Benicio Catapusan has previously attempted social distance 77 The results of these measurements in the Philippines. studies were mainly concerned with the average social distance between various races and religious groups. Hugh Smythe and Shigemi Kono have researched social distance in relationship to the Eta caste in Japan by using a modified social distance scale. The subjects were fifty- four students in sociology classes at two colleges in 75E. Terry Prothro and Levon Melikian, "Social Dis- tance and Social Change in the Near East," Sociology and Social Research, 37 (1952), 3—11. 76Chester L. Hunt, "Social Distance in the Philip- pines," ibid., 40 (1956), 253-260. 77Benicio Catapusan, "Social Distance in the Philippines," ibid., 38 (195A), 309—312. 81 Yamaguchi perfecture, which is generally considered to be very conservative. The scale was based on accepting or 78 While the results rejecting of eight social situations. are doubtful because of the nature of the sample, this study does show that social distance scales can be applied in widely different cultures. Social Distance in Greece.--A Greek translation of the Bogardus social distance scale was given to a sample of students in the Peloponnesus. The mean social distance of the subjects was found to be much higher than that obtained by similar studies in the United States. However, no significant correlation was found between social distance and the variables of age, sex, and education.79 Also, social distance has been studied in a Greek metropolitan city. In this study, both a translated social distance scale and an extensive questionnaire dealing with possible independent variables, such as sex, age, occupa— tion, amount of education, marital status, and foreign con- tact were used. The sample consisted of 180 randomly selected members of various formal and informal groups in Salonika, a metropolitan city in northern Greece. The study verified the hypothesis that limited interracial and international contacts typical of fairly homogeneous 78Hugh H. Smythe and Shigemi Kono, "A Social Distance Test of the Eta Caste of Japan," ibid., 26-31. 79Panos D. Bardis, "Social Distance Among Gymnasium Students in Southern Greece," ibid., 45 (1961), A30-A3u. 82 societies are conducive to high social distance scores. The sample mean was “.03 compared to 2.08 found in the United States by the Borgardus studies. The other variables, based on the analysis of the questionnaire, were studied in relationship to social distance.8 The Cross-National Approach to the Study of Social Distance Few serious attempts have been made to determine social distance in various countries by cross—national research. A study conducted at Purdue University with 198 foreign students from Hawaii, Latin America, China, the East Indies, Philippines, Greece, and Scandinavia attempted to explore the mean social distance of different cultural groups. Because of the special character of the subjects, the social distance scores were lower than in the United States, but the difference between the four pairs of nationality groups was significant at the five per cent level on a T test.81 In a pilot study, Harry C. Triandis has attempted a factorial design with variations for race, social class, religion, and nationality based on the Bogardus type of scale. This study of students at the University of Illinois was able to isolate the different factors of 80Panos D. Bardis, "Social Distance in a Greek Matropolitan City," Social Science, 37 (1962), 108—111. 81Panos D. Bardis, "Social Distance Among Foreign Students," Sociology and Social Research, “1 (1956), 112- 114. 83 social distance. In future studies, this methodology could be used with other factors that influence social distance. This researcher has proposed a program in which a similar questionnaire would be administered to subjects in various countries. The comparison of these countries could lead to generalizations concerning the factors affecting social distance and the way in which cultural factors affect them.82 This research could be very important to the study of com— mittees and the group process. Studies on the Conduct of International Conferences: The Use of Committees and Discussion Committee Meetings in the United Nations Otto Klineberg has observed that there are a number of specific problems which arise in conferences and committee meetings of the United Nations. He has commented on the crucial role of the chairman, problems arising from mis— understanding of the habits, standards, and vieWpoints associated with differences in national culture, the excessive preoccupation with status or prestige, the inability to listen to criticism, the misuse of humor, and the difficulties created by marked differences in age and 82Harry C. Triandis, "Race, Social Class, Religion, and Nationality as Determinants of Social Distance," Acta‘Psychologica, 19 (1961), 629. 8A status of participants.83 These problems have received the attention of Behl,84 Eichelberger,85 and Walser.86 Behl has been concerned about the special aspects of the meetings of the Security Council. Eichelberger has discussed the obstacles to cooperative thinking in United Nations meetings. Walser has sutdied the role and the special demands of chairmen at United Nations committee meetings. Ina Telberg87 and Arthur L. Campa88 have examined some of the problems faced by members at a meeting of the United Nations in Paris in 19A9. While these studies have discussed the problems of cross—national committee work and meetings, they do not present research findings or many recommendations on methods to improve meetings. 83Otto Klineberg, "Some Experiences with International Organization and International Conferences," Foundations of World Organization: A Political and Cultural Appraisal, ed. L. Bryson (New York: Harpers, 1952), pp. 281—287. 8“William A. Behl, "The United Nations Security Council," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 34 (19u8), “0—45. 85Clark M. Eichelberger, "Discussion in the United Nations," Adult Education Bulletin, 13 (1949), 88-90. 86Frank E. Walser, "Diplomacy, Discussion, and the Chairman," Quarterly Journal of Speech, H0 (1954), 43—48. 87Ina Telberg, "They Don't Do It Our Way: How World COOperation May be Balked by Cross-Cultural Misunderstand- ing," United Nations World, 3 (l9u9), 28-30. 88Arthur L. Campa, "Language Barriers in Intercultural Relations," Journal of Communication, 1 (1951), M1-46. 85 The formal studies have to do with procedures and practices for running the meetings of the United Nations, methods of organizing delegations, presentation of resolu- tions and voting procedures, and the analysis of blocs and groups based on voting records. Sydney Bailey has studied the methods of fixing an agenda, the special rules of debate in the assembly, methods of making decisions based on the kind of vote, and the procedures for the election of members to principal organs.89 A Glenn Mower has studied the role and selection of the main committees in the United Nations General Assembly.90 John G. Hadwen and Johan Kaufmann have examined the organi— zation of delegations, the presentation of resolutions, some special tactics used in the assembly, and the meaning of different kinds of votes.91 Thomas Hovel has analyzed the blocs in the United Nations on the basis of voting records, finding that there were different caucusing groups, regional groupings, common interest groups, and temporary groups.92 In addition, the influence of working together 89Sydney D. Bailey, The General Assembly of the United Nations: A Study of Procedure and Practice (New York: F. A. Praeger, 1961). 90A. Glenn Mower, Jr., "The Role and Selection of the Main Committees of the United Nations," Social Science, 36 91John G. Hadwen and Johan Kaufmann, How United Nations Decisions Are Made (Netherlands: Sythoff-Leyden, 1960). 92Thomas Hovel, Bloc Politics in the United Nations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960). 86 in committees and assemblies has been studied by C. F. Alger.93 More questions are posed in these articles than are answered, but they do indicate some of the problems of individual and group interaction in cross-cultural situa- tions. These studies have provided a bare background of the setting in which meetings are conducted in the United Nations. Some specific studies will be reviewed, but they provide little guidance for these complex problems. Some Specific Attempts to Study the International Conference: Discussion and Observation An International Conference on Problems of Inter- pretation in the Exchange of Persons Program.--This meeting grew from a need recognized by interpreters connected with the Exchange of Persons Program. They had found that con- sidering interpretation from one language into another as purely a linguistic problem was not a sufficient concept. Experience proved that the interpreter has to become involved in the conversation in order to supply the correct frame of reference in the culture of the participants. In this way, interpretation has changed from something that is both 94 linguistic and cultural. This problem has also been 93Chadwick F. Alger, "Non—resolution Consequences of the United Nations and Their Effect on International Con- flict," Journal of Conflict Resolution, 5 (1961), 127-1A5. 9”Edmund S. Glenn, "Washington Conference on Inter- pretation," Communication or Conflict, ed. M. Capes (New York: Association Press, 1960):'206-2l2. 87 95 It is the cultural recognized by Theodore M. Gutmans. aspects of translation that are the most difficult; however, in this kind of interpretation the differences in cultures and the cross-cultural blocks upon understanding do not remain hidden from the interpreter who has had experience in both cultures. The peOple at this conference discussed the problems in communication which are faced by members at international meetings, and they attempted to examine the various aspects 96 of these conferences and the Exchange of Persons program. The Study of Selected Sessions of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.-—The fifth session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, held at Lake Success, during May and June, 19u9 was observed by a politi— 97 The method was cal scientist and two graduate students. purely exploratory, no specific plan of observation being attempted and no formal report being written. Independent diaries of the observers indicated some of the significant problems. The observations were used later for a document on the requirements for the study of international con— ferences. This was another attempt to observe the 95Theodore M. Gutmans, "Language Difficulties in the International Forum," Quarterlprournal of Speech, 35 (1949), A35-AAO. 96Edmund S. Glenn, op. cit. 97International Social Science Bulletin, "Unesco's Studies on International Conferences," International Social Science Bulletin, 5 (1953), 381-382. 88 international meeting and to clarify the problems that are 98 related to the cross-cultural aspects of these meetings. Observations at the World Health Conference: An Attempt to Analyze International Meetings.—-The group process was observed at the Second World Health Assembly at Rome during June, 1949, by a social psychologist and a political scientist. This study, which examined the values and methodology of studying international conferences, was also exploratory. Attention was focused upon the aspects of success and failure of the conference. The methods used were observation and interview. They found that the "personal" and "delegate" roles of individuals, the organization of various committees, and the group 99 This process needed to be studied in much greater detail. study also did not result in an official report, the methods of observation being considered too crude to provide definite findings. Study of the Committees of the Economic Commission for Europe.--Some of the meetings of the Economic Commission for EurOpe were observed during November, 1949, at Geneva. These were committee meetings of experts. The groups which were observed were the Coal Committee, the Committee on 98Wa1ter R. Sharp, The Technique of International Conferences: A Progress Report on Research Problems and Methods (Paris: UNESCO, 1951). 99 380—381. International Social Science Bulletin, op. cit., 89 Agricultural Problems, and the Inland Transport Committee. The observers were an international lawyer and a sociologist. The report is mainly descriptive. The social situation at Geneva, the morale and leadership of committees, and some specific aSpects of procedures were evaluated. The methods included general observation, interviews, submission of written reports, and informal conversation with the delegates.100 Barriers to Communication at a United Nations Meeting in Paris.--This study consisted of observations of a special United Nations committee on "factors making for national aggressiveness and international understanding" in Paris during June and July, 1948, and a meeting of the Interprofessional Preparatory Commission for the Congress on Mental Health at Roffey Park, Sussex, England. These meetings were studied by Jacqueline Sutton, under the direction of Dr. Gordon Allport of the Harvard Human Relations Laboratory. The analysis included the following areas: temporal sequence of the conference; national, professional, ideological, and personal issues appearing in the discussion; logical consistency; categories of interaction; crises; behavior of participants; and roles and their purpose. Also, the barriers to communication lOOL. Kopelmanns, "The Technique of International Conferences and the Experience of the Economic Commission for EurOpe," International Social Science Bulletin, 5 (1953): 343-360- 90 were classified according to those inherent in the task and those arising from the nature of the conference.101 This study was a serious attempt to examine proce- dures, group interaction, and cultural differences at international conferences. Sutton attributed the success of the conference to the selection of participants and the freedom from national instructions, and she strongly recommended the systematic comparison of international conferences.102 The World Federation for Mental Health: The Study of Small Groups.——The Third Annual Meeting of the World Federation for Mental Health, which was held during August and September, 1950, was studied extensively by a team of experts. This study is especially interesting because the group is a non—governmental organization which acts as an advisory body to the United Nations. The observation team, consisting of two psychiatrists, a sociologist, and a psychologist, attempted to adapt methods of grOUp dynamics that are usually applied to small groups in a single culture to this international meeting. The observation procedures were planned in advance; and questionnaires and rating scales were used to record 101International Social Science Bulletin, op. cit., 383. 102The article indicated that Jacqueline Sutton would write a Ph.D. dissertation on the basis of this research, but no reference could be found. 91 post—session reactions of members and group leaders. This information was supplemented by interviews and "non-self— conscious" observations of a sample of the delegates. The report was mainly concerned with the satisfaction of the delegates with the meetings. Many factors contributing to tensions, including personal, professional, and national expectations and characteristics which determine the process within the group were examined.103 While this study was better planned than most of the research in this field, the conclusions reached by the observers were of limtied usefulness because difficulties were mainly dismissed as those related to any international conference and the area of cultural differences in committee behavior did not receive very much attention. Studies on Diplomacy, Negotiation, and Mediation in International Meetings The Rhetoric of Power in Diplomatic Conferences.—- Robert T. Oliver has eXpressed the view that there must be a special set of rules for the study of speaking at diplomatic conferences because delegates occupy signifi— cantly different roles from those of the same individuals in ordinary discussion. The style of speech is said to be characterized by impersonality, a tendency to distort and misrepresent facts, a stilted and technical vocabulary, 103K. Soddy, "International Conferences and Inter- national Non—Government Organizations," International Social Science Bulletin, 5 (1953), 391—396. 92 both intentional and unintentional ambiguity, cautious phrasing of ideas, special procedures, and an emphasis on winning the contested issue.lou Also, Michael H. Prosser has indicated that diplomats in the United Nations have a special set of problems.105 In another article, Oliver has listed attempts at wide acceptance, lack of trans-national understanding related to oversimplification and stereo- typing of ideas, and special audience adaptation as special characteristics of diplomatic speaking.106 Since the diplomatic conference has so many dis- tinguishing factors, he has contended that the rhetoric of international meetings is a special field. Oliver is undoubtedly correct in saying that international meetings have additional implications for the study of speaking and the group process. However, it is important to find which of these factors are related to nationality and which are connected with the situation, such as the factor of official representation at international meetings.107 10”Robert T. Oliver, Culture and Communication: The Problem of Penetrating National and Cultural Boundaries (Springfield, 111.: Charles C. Thomas, 1962), 56-75} 105Michael H. Prosser, "Communication Problems in the United Nations," The Southern Speech Journal, 29 (1963), 125-132. . 106Robert T. Oliver, "The Rhetoric of Power in Diplomatic Conferences," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 40 (1954), 288-292. 107Robert T. Oliver, "Role of Speech in Diplomacy," The Southern Speech Journal, 16 (1950), 207-213. 93 Negotiating with the Russians: ApSpecial Field.-- Raymond Dennett and J. E. Johnson have collected the experiences of many individuals who have been in charge of American negotiations with the Russians.108 In this book, Philip Mosely has summarized the Soviet techniques of negotiation, finding that in addition to terminological and semantic difficulties, there were real differences in the interpretation of strategy and tactics. The Russians receive their instructions directly from Moscow, and they may not introduce any variation unless further instructions have been sent. They cannot even give some fairly clear intimation of the "hard" and "soft" Spots in their instruc- tions. They must try to force the acceptance of their entire proposal and must regard each provision and phrase as equally important. Western diplomats have a moderate amount of latitude, which makes the Soviets suspicious because the Russians do not have this ability to facilitate the meetings; they must have an immediate exchange for each minor concession. Each of these concessions must be cleared. The informal channels of communication are not available to them and "agreement in principle" cannot be reached with the Russians because each item in the agreement 108Raymond Dennett and Joseph E. Johnson, Negotiating with the Russians (New York: World Peace Foundation, 1951). 94 must be spelled out in detail so that the Soviet delegates can show that this agrees with their instructions.109 Negotiating with the Russians is probably a special case where the knowledge of general cultural differences would be of limited usefulness. However, the Russians are usually disliked at international meetings because of the length of their speeches and for their irony and sarcasm, which is said to be a traditional custom of the Russians in their political speaking; these characteristics are said to have nothing to do with the form of their present govern- ment.110 Thus, a study of national attitudes towards the communication process could be quite valuable. Patterns of Mediation and Methods of International Conciliation.--Elmore Jackson has attempted to find out what could be learned from mediation of industrial conflicts that could be applied to the mediation of international conflicts. The purpose of the study was to find if experiences in the mediation of industrial conflicts were sufficiently similar to the resolution of international disagreements for the United Nations to profit from what has been learned about this field. Jackson has summarized the methods of handling labor diSputes in the United States, in Sweden, in Great 109Philip E. Mosely, "Some Special Techniques of Negotiation," Negotiating with the Russians, eds. Raymond Dennett and Joseph E. Johnson (New York: World Peace ‘Foundation, 1951). 110Arthur Campa, 0p. cit., 41-46. 95 Britain, and in Russia, finding that there are definite similarities in techniques of getting agreement. These techniques included meetings on non-controversial pro- cedural problems, building up confidence, factual defla- tion, raising doubts about positions, recommending alternative solutions, and eXpanding areas of agreement. He believed that, recognizing the difficulties, the experiences gained from labor mediation can be of help in working out techniques for the settlement of international conflicts. However, much more knowledge is needed to understand the application of these techniques to inter- national meetings. Jackson has suggested that further research on the personality of discussion leaders, pro- cedures in small international meetings, and the dynamics of groups should be done as soon as possible, and that research in this area could lead to the more effective resolution of international disputes.lll The Theory of National Differences in Groups and Committees Some Differences Between Group Action in Germany and the United States Kurt Lewin, a leading German social scientist who came to teach in the United States before World War II, noted that there were wide differences in group action lllElmore Jackson, Meeting of Minds: A Way to Peace Through Mediation (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1952). 96 between the United States and Germany.112 On the basis of observations of Americans and Germans, Lewin developed a theory of differences in groups based on basic differences in modal personality structure and the concept of different social distance in each society. Lewin's theory was that the "average" social distance between Americans is less than between Germans, this dif- ference in the basic personality structure being reflected methods of group action. From this basic concept, a series of differences between Americans and Germans was observed on such factors as communication between members, the emotionality of members, the homogeneity of individuals and groups, the size of groups that can effectively function together, attitude change, and leadership patterns. Lewin has illustrated these differences between American and German group action with experiences from both countries. However, the important contribution to research on the national differences in group process was his theoretical framework for the study of national characteristics in the structure and dynamics of groups. This contribution by Lewin could provide the basis for the theoretical framework to study national differences in committee structure and group process. 112Kurt Lewin, "Some Social-Psychological Differences Between the United States and Germany (1936)," Resolving Conflicts--Selected Papers on Group Dynamics (New York: Harpers, 1948), pp. 3—33. 97 A Theory of Differences in Attitudes Towards Committees Between Latins and Anglo-Saxons Margaret Mead has emphasized that it is essential to recognize the factors in the group process which vary from culture to culture; this includes some apparently trivial things, which may be extremely important to the study of committee procedures in different countries. It is possible that a different theory is needed for each major cultural grouping. In this article, Mead cited some unpublished work by E. E. Krapf which suggested that there was a different psychological theory behind the committee behavior of Latins as compared to Anglo-Saxons. Krapf was said to argue that one of the difficulties in getting cooperative behavior from Latins and Anglo-Saxons when the committee form is used was that the Anglo-Saxons, afraid of a strong "father" (chairman), trust their "brothers" (delegates) to unite to protect them against the chairman. The Latins, on the other hand, are most accustomed to the direction of the "father" (chairman) and look to him for decisions. The Latins do not look to their "brothers" (delegates) for the solution to problems. However, Mead has doubted that the differences between Latins and Anglo-Saxons are this fundamental. She has shown that the committee form is based on Anglo-Saxon traditions which have been modified throughout the years to accommodate and control the various 98 responses of men who sit on committees. The committee procedures have allowances for both those who seek a strong "father" as well as for those members who distrust him. Mead suggested that Latins who have never worked in comparable situations may react with a strong unconscious distrust or hostility because they are not familiar with the rules of committee work. This response is different from that of the Anglo-Saxon, who is dealing with a familiar, highly developed form of group action from his own tradition. Where the Latin may react in an all-or-none fashion to committee work, the Anglo-Saxon will react to specific details. The Anglo-Saxons know what to do when either a member or the chairman over-steps his role. The danger to effective committee functioning is that the Latins, who are not so familiar with the procudures, come to feel that they are enmeshed among plotters who are manipulating the process for their own advantage. Also, Latins may be con- fused by the smooth operation of a committee, thinking that everything is all right when hidden conflict really exists.113 This article has presented one of the few Speculations about the basis of cultural differences in committee work; it is not complete enough to suggest a full theoretical framework, but it does suggest some theory about the kind of differences in the group process that have been neglected. 113Margaret Mead, "The Cultural Perspectives," in Mary Capes, ed., op. cit., 9-18. 99 The Germans and Experiences with IGroupyDynamics The German War Prisoners ReorientationgProgram During World War 11 an experiment was conducted at Fort Eustis, Virginia, to test various methods of re- educating German prisoners of war. The program consisted of a series of twelve lectures followed by one or two hours of group discussion. Questionnaires completed by nearly all of the 20,000 soldiers who took part revealed that they were very dissatisfied with their own inability to think together, to express themselves, to argue rationally, and to conduct orderly meetings. This program indicated the need to educate Germans in group discussion techniques for the democratic process.1lu Group Experience at Work Camps in the Federal Republic of Germany The idea of this program was that the young-members at camp should learn to join together spontaneously, without a leader, to work as a team. The interaction in the camp and the effects of the program were studies by using attitude scales, social distance scales, projective tests, and observations to form sociograms. This program was a serious attempt to study the group dynamics of German youth in a democratic atmosphere. It would have been ll”Dean C. Barnlund and Franklyn S. Haiman, The Dynamics of Discussion (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1960), p. 215. lOO interesting to compare this study with similar studies of American youth camps, but details on the findings were not reported.115 Learning Across Cultures and German Students: Some Aspects of Group Dynamics A group of German students at the University of Michigan, under a Special exchange program, were studied by members of the faculty connected with research on human relations and group dynamics. One of the many objectives of this training program was to attempt to transfer to another culture the type of leadership training which had been developed for Americans at the National Training Laboratory in Group Development; the researchers expected that this experience would be valuable to these German students. Another objective was to study patterns of cooperative activity and interdependence which seemed to distinguish Americans from Germans by exposing these students to experiences with positive group cooperation; it was expected that this eXperience would increase their under- standing of many aspects of the American way of life. Another objective was to support these visitors in their efforts to adjust to the American culture; it was expected that working in cooperation with others would be easier than adjusting alone. 115Dieter Danckwortt, "A Sociological Inquiry on Inter- national Work Camps in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1955," Fundamental and Adult Education, 8 (1956), 167-172. 101 A wide variety of methods for introducing these German students to group experience were attempted, but the only method of studying their reactions was general observation by trained leaders. In general, the group method failed. However, this eXperience does not provide any definitive answers about the application of group dynamics training for members of other cultures. The trainers were convinced that this training could have been extremely valuable if more had been known about working with groups from other nations.116 There were many dif- ficulties in this program, but one of the central issues grew out of contradictory interpretations of what was meant when the trainers asked the visitors to make decisions as a group.117 This project showed that many of the objectives and methods which would be appropriate for Americans may be inappropriate for Germans. Other variations of group dynamics may be required for working with people from other countries. Whatever the difficulties, moving in the direction of further studies of the group process of people from other cultures is necessary. v 116Jeanne D. Watson and Ronald Lippitt, Learning Across Cultures (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1955). 117Jeanne D. Watson and Ronald Lippitt, "Cross- Cultural Experiences as a Source of Attitude Change," Journal of Conflict Resolution, 2 (1958), 61-66. 102 Cross-Cultural Study of Group Principles and German Students Eleven visiting German students were studied by Jean N. MacKenzie at the University of Chicago. This study was connected with group training principles and experiences as related to re-educating adults from an authoritarian culture. The program was based on the belief that the experimental approach to group problem-solving would be effective in changing attitudes and behavior. The purpose of this study was to test the cross cultural application of certain principles of group development that had been discovered in previous research on American groups. The seven meetings of this training group were studied to determine what factors implemented or hindered the operation of these principles. Also, a goal of the training staff was to assist the Germans as a group to arrive at an under- standing of group operations and decision-making as a function of the requirements of the situation, the leader- ship provided, and the individual characteristics of members.118 Twelve specific principles of group Operations were studied: 118Jean N. MacKenzie, "A Study to Test the Cross- Cultural Application of Certain Principles of Group Manage- ment in a Human Relations Training Group" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1953). 103 A problem-solving experience in a group enables the group member to relate to other groups with increasing sensitivity and skill. This experience includes the problems of individuals relating to each other within the group, as well as those which relate group to group. The history of the group is a continuing process of assimilation of experience, undergoing change through the interaction of its members with each other and with their physical and social environment. The potency (power or influence or attractive- ness or force towards remaining in the group) of the group for the group member depends upon the extent to which it enables him to meet his needs. Cue stimuli present in a particular problem- solving situation will reinforce the potency of come group in the individual's past experience, and influence his behavior in the present group. Learning the experimental method through application to real, personally-involved situations make possible the effective meeting of needs. Structuring (the defining of internal and objective goals and the organizing of internal and objective elements to achieve these goals) provides goals and limits, and specific cultural agreements in the group. Within these accepted cultural limits, learning will be maximum when there is complete opportunity in the atmosphere and in the structure for eXperimentation and theorizing. Anxiety over internalized interpersonal or intergroup conflict take priority over and interferes with objective problem-solving. Assessment by the trainer of the group affect, and analysis of the problem of which it is symptomatic, provides the major mechanism for steering the group. Both the trainer and the group members have feelings which must be recognized as part of the reality of the situation. Maximum progress occurs when 104 conditions are set up and maintained which enable members communication of feeling both inside and outside the group. 9. The experiences and demands of a particular group represent but a fraction of the members' involvements and interests. People come into a new situation with a considerable body of expectations as to the role they and others will play in the situation. The broad daily experiencing of members influences the quality of the group experience and is in turn influenced by it. 10. Participation will result in the reward of needs being met when the group feels that it is developing a satisfactory, realistic self-image and when the individual feels that his participa- tion constitutes a contribution to that progress. Therefore, it is necessary that the group has within it adequate resources for solving the problem, or it has an adequate methodology for finding needed resources, or it has sufficient skill and understanding to relieve frustration through further assessment and planning. 11. Continuity of action by the group beyond the solution of a specific problem is assured by the group setting its problem in a sufficiently broad frame of reference. This permits it to move from one problem to the next without reformulating the conceptual framework each time. 12. The source of security for a group may come from an intrinsic or extrinsic self-image or from a combination of these.ll9 The methods used to collect data were observation and rating of seven training sessions, a social history of the individuals based on selection committee reports, and individual interviews which supplied reactions and auto- biographical information on the participants. The method used for the observation and rating of the group process is ll91cm. l05 of primary interest. Each meeting was observed by four experts, who rated the presence or absence of the group principles. The observers noted and rated the things that implemented or hindered the operation of these group principles. After each training session the observers held a meeting at which the consolidated their observations and made a total group rating of that session. The sum of the assigned weights was obtained for each principle at each meeting. Rank order correlations were used to show the similarity of the implementation of each pair of principles. The rank order correlations of the principles were the following: Rank Order Correlation of Principle with Principle 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 1 .64 .41 .61 .65 .61 —.22 1.00 .71 .64 .79 .63 2 .75 .29 .82 .79 —.04 .64 .59 1.00 .96 .32 3 .09 .54 .50 -.38 .39 .57 .75 .61 .46 4 .50 .39 .04 .61 .62 .09 .29 .53 5 .96 .21 .64 .75 .82 .86 .50 6 .38 .61 .72 .79 .82 .54 7 -.22 -.04 -.10 -.04 —.04 8 .72 .64 .79 ,63 9 .66 .61 .74 10 .96 .28 ll .33 I—' [\J 106 The study indicated that the twelve principles of group management could be implemented in this group. However, the principles were not fully implemented at all times. This was especially true when the Germans were unable to interact individually, in a dependent and rational fashion, with the authority figure. The rank correlation analysis showed that there was considerable overlapping of the statements of training principles. For the German group, it was found that principles 1 and 8, 10 and 11, 5 and 6, 2 and 11, 5 and 9, and 3 and 2 should be combined and restated. Principles 4, 7, and 10 remained as they were stated originally; these principles were implemented, but did not share conditions of implementation. The principles of group training were examined in relationship to group factors, leadership factors, and cultural factors influencing group behavior. These were interpreted to show how the behavior of this group was different from that of similar American groups. Some of the factors from the German background which influenced the training group were the following: 1. The Germans appeared to be threat-oriented, rather than goal-oriented, and tended to movement, but not growth. 2. In the training group, shared feeling, with the knowledge it was shared, was very limited. 107 3. The experiences and skills of the Germans were in behaving independently in situations where authority was specifically vested in a designated leader. 4. The Germans eXpected the leader completely to structure the meetings. 5. Their frame of reference was never very explicit; therefore, it could be changed only with great difficulty. This study has made a positive contribution toward the cescription of the conditions which implement or hinder the group process in another culture. The study suggested that different cultures require different conditions to overcome barriers to effective group action and that more studies of this kind are needed before applying the exist- ing principles of group process to peoples from other nations. Obligations to Self and Sociepy: Germany and the Unitengtates This study, which was based on further research of concepts and methods developed by J. F. Sturr, could have been included in the sections of the study of values or factorial studies of national attitudes; however, since it has a rather highly developed theoretical framework comparing Germans and Americans, it has been included in this section. Also, this approach could have been used as a basic contribution to the discussion of projective 108 techniques in cross—national attitude research related to national character and the group process.122 A questionnaire on various value sentiments and a picture-story test were administered to 87 German and 74 American male students preparing for college who had been carefully matched for age and socio-economic background. A factor analysis of the questionnaire yielded two factors that could be matched in the two countries, and a third set of factors which shifted from one major factor to the other across countries. Factor A was "rational striving" and Factor B was "resigned cynicism." The theoretical framework, which provided expectations about probable results, was mainly confirmed. In the United States there were high achievement needs, with egocentric concern for self-development as an obligation to self. High participation in group activity and great sensitivity to the opinions of others was an American obligation to society. This study showed that the Germans had high achievement needs, with great emphasis on individualistic activity and self-restraint. As an obligation to society, the Germans had an idealistic code of decency governing interpersonal behavior. The American students were higher than the Germans on achievement, on participation in group activities, 122J. F. Sturr, "A Comparison of the Values of German and American Secondary School Leaders and Non-Leaders" (unpublished A.B. thesis, Honors College, Wesleyan University, 1955). 109 and in the extent they said that they were guided by the opinions of others. The Germans reported a greater number of individualistic activities and subscribed more to senti- ments picturing the ego as independent of others.121 This study is especially interesting because it provides a degree of confirmation of the theory held by Kurt Lewin. Attitudes Towards Committee Behavior in Four Cultures: An Important Exploratory Study The nearest approach to the direct study of national differences in attitudes towards committees is an exploratory study on corss-cultural differences in customary committee procedures by John Gyr. This pilot study attempted to obtain descriptions of cultural differences in committee procedures by intensive interviewing of five students from each of the four cultural groups: Chinese, Americans, Near Easterns, and South Americans. Each student was interviewed, using an open-ended, free-response interview guide. The interviewer did extensive probing on the reasons for the answers given by the respondents. On the basis of these interviews, generalizations were made about committee pro— cedures. Gyr found that there were major differences in attitudes towards committees on the basis of four general 1210. c. McClelland, J. F. Sturr, R. H. Knapp, and H. W. Webdt, "Obligations to Self and Society in the United States and Germany," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 56 (1958), 245-255. 110 attitudes which were extracted from the interviews. The attitude ratings were based on the following dimensions: "uncertainty about the motives of others," "desire to pool ideas and cooperate," "awareness of leader superiority," and "trustfulness in delegating responsibility." The general findings based on the analysis of the interviews were the following: (1) In China, committee procedures used during modern times were largely adaptations of European techniques as promulgated by Dr. Sun~Yat Sen's revolutionary groups; this study does not include the changes in committee procedures that may have taken place since the communist revolution. The president of an organization is given great responsibility for the appointment of committee chairmen, who in turn appoint their own committee members. Only on special occasions is the chairman elected by the total membership. When members of a committee are formal representatives, they are relatively independent of the interests they represent; they are free to change their minds. The chairman may express his opinions and the members debate the issues in a semi-formal fashion. The speeches are usually prepared in writing. Short speeches are preferred, but the group may allow extra time to speakers. In reaching decisions, the parties usually try extremely hard to compromise. Only in the case where compromise is impossible does one side clearly win over the other. 111 (2) In the United States, the executives of the organization assume much responsibility for the appointment of committees. Only in very important committees are mem- bers usually elected by the membership. Although the leader may have his own opinions on the matters under discussion, he is expected to refrain from expressing his ideas when functioning as chairman. Participation of members tends to be informal, especially in small committees. Representatives are usually free to change their minds on matters pertaining to committee functioning. Speeches are usually not prepared in written form and short speeches are preferred. Compro- mises are often made, but in the case of severe conflict the domination of one group over the other results. (3) In the Near East, the idea of functioning as a member of the group is very strong. The total membership usually nominates the chairman and the members of committees. The chairman may eXpress his own views. Members usually prepare their speeches in written form. Speeches and meetings are usually not long. Representatives are free to change their minds during the course of the meeting. Opposing parties generally try to reconciliate their differ- ences by compromise; but when this is impossible, the will of the dominant group prevails. (4) In South America, committee customs follow the procedure established in their senate by-laws. The respon- sibility for the selection of the chairman and committee 112 members is from the total group. The chairman must be neutral at committee meetings. The participation in meet- ings is usually formal. When the committee members are delegates, they are seldom free to change their opinions without securing permission. The meetings tend to be long, and the speeches are usually not written. Seldom are time restrictions imposed. In the case of conflict, it is customary to have one party win over the other.122 John Gyr has rated the strength of the underlying attitudes in the four cultures. Strength of Underlying Attitudes Toward Procedural Customs in Committee Meetings Near South China USA East America Formal Group Procedures Strength of Attitude: Strong c d b c c a Medium b d - b*- b d* Weak a a d a 0 Special Group Procedures Strength of Attitude: Strong a a d a a 0 Medium - b d - Weak c b d c b c b d Informal Group Procedures Strength of Attitude: Strong b d c b d c b d a Medium a a" c b d Weak - - a c 122John Gyr, "Analysis of Committee Member Behavior in Four Cultures," Human Relations, 4 (1951), 193-202. 113 In this chart, a = uncertainty about motives of others, b = desire to pool ideas and cooperate, c = awareness of leader superiority, and d = trustfulness in delegating responsibility. All of the differences between strong and weak attitudes are statistically significant using a T test. Those differences between strong and medium attitudes which proved to be statistically reliable are starred.123 On the basis of these findings, Gyr has made the fol- lowing interpretations: All three aspects of the procedural customs of the South Americans are extensively permeated by an attitude of uncertainty about the motives of others. In both formal and informal procedures the South Americans tended to be much more uncertain than did the members of the other three cultures. In the area of special procedures all four cultural groups tended to be similarly characterized by this uncer- tainty. Construction of a procedure acceptable to delegates from the four different culture groups would have to provide an initial outlet for uncertainty about the motives of others. In the case of China and the Near East the formal procedures reflected a strong awareness of leader superiority and were accompanied by special pro— cedures reflecting strong attitudes of uncertainty about the motives of others.‘ The case of South America was almost the reverse. In the United States the formal procedures, reflecting both strong attitudes of uncertainty, and trustfulness in delegating ' responsibilities.l24 To supplement these findings, Gyr interviewed twenty- five more respondents from the United States and from South America. There were only minor changes in emphasis, as compared to the original data. The findings in this Study 123Ibid., p. 196. 1214Ibid., p. 197. 114 were extremely tentative, but they indicated that the attitude study techniques were feasible and could yield important insights into the similarities and differences in committee orientations from culture to culture. The findings did clearly indicate that important national dif- ferences are likely to exist in attitudes towards committees and the group process; this study should be examined by any serious researcher. Studies of Group Discussion and Forums for Adult Education in Various Countries An Indian Experiment with Farm Radio Forums In 1956, a pilot project on the use of farm radio forums was conducted in about 150 villages in the Bombay State, India. The main purpose of this eXperiment was to determine the usefulness of radio farm forums and to study group discussion as a means of transmitting knowledge to people. The study of these discussion groups was based on ratings of each member for his degree of participation, by observations on the behavior of leaders, convenors, and members, on the material arrangements, and by diaries giving a general impression of the meetings. However, this report does not contain some of the findings that would be of interest to those studying cultural differences in attitudes toward group work. The responses to questions about the helpfulness of discussion in solving problems and 115 feelings about expressing ideas in groups were not included. The rating on participation for all forums throughout all four observations was 2.6. However, individual discussions varied from a low of 1.7 to a high of 3.5. The rating was based on a five-point scale, ranging from complete lack of participation to excellent participation. In the tabula— tion, the scale ratings were treated as numerical values from one to five. From these scores averages were produced for individuals and groups. There was a tentative analysis of participation by position, occupation, sex, caste, literacy, and age. The study of the original data would probably be useful in the study of national differences in 125 the group process. Television,_Discussion,,and Rural Education in Japan Television and group discussion have been used to destroy the barriers against group adult education in rural Japan. The participation in group discussion of teleclub programs has proved to be of considerable significance in changing the patterns of thinking in tradition-bound rural Japanese villages, which are still generally dominated by the paternalistic authority of elders. In these discussions, where the young and old, rich and poor, men and women, gather around a television set to exchange views on an 125J. C. Mathur and Paul Neurath, An Indian Experiment in Farm Radio Forums (Paris: UNESCO, 1959). 116 -equal basis, the principles of democratic procedures were (introduced into village life.126 In another teleclub group, the programs provided the opening for post-viewing group discussions. These meetings showed that there were special problems of conducting discussion in Japanese groups. For example, the leader of a program, in connection with the Olympic Games, tried to encourage women and young people in the group to speak first, trying as far as possible to leave the senior or educated people of the village to speak later. These participants were very hesitant to express their Opinions, and some of them tried but stOpped abruptly in the midst of their speeches. Only gradually did the peOple become active in expressing their opinions. However, once they became accustomed to the meetings, the discussion was sometimes excellent. This is not the traditional pattern of group discus— sion in Japan. The people are not generally happy to eXpress their opinions, especially women and young peOple. Often when asked for comments, the participants would mumble, but they would not speak before the gathering. If they were asked by name to speak, they would be unlikely to come to the next meeting. But, if the leader can cultivate a relaxed atmosphere, discussion can be increased in both quantity and form. The villagers found considerable 126UNESCO, Television, Teleclubp, and Rural Education in Japan (Paris: UNESCO, 1959). 117 satisfaction in participation in these teleclubs. In response to a survey question about the reasons for attend— ing the teleclubs, 43 per cent of the respondents said that they liked the discussion at the meetings. On the last survey, when the program was completed, about 68 per cent of the respondents said that they liked to come to the meetings for the discussions. Also, the respondents indicated that they would come to meetings, even if there was a television set in their own home, because they were interested in the group discussion. These villagers became very interested in the group process. The introduction of these methods, which dynamically challenge the traditional procedures, is eXpected to have far reaching results in village affairs.127 Television and Rural Adult Education in France The success of discussion meetings in rural France has shown that, given favorable circumstances, discussion stimulates the audience so that a substantial proportion of the members will participate in meetings. Differences in social status and education did not reduce these meetings to the usual monologues by village leaders. The analysis of participation by occupation showed that substantial numbers of the people who were not village "notables" or 127UNESCO, Rural Television in Japan: A Report on an Experiment in Adult Education (Paris: UNESCO, 1960). 118 "educated" persons can be led into the discussion. The analysis of the number of participants making important con- tributions showed wide participation by all occupational groups. The ratio of contributions for each occupational group was about the same for small farmers, agricultural laborers, and non-manual workers; about 20 per cent. The big farmers were the highest contributors at about 35 per cent, but they did not dominate the meetings. The industrial workers were the lowest group; about 10 per cent made sub- stantial contributions to the meetings.128 This study has demonstrated that with good leadership the traditional patterns of meetings can be changed so that wide group participation is obtained. Experiences in Group Dynamics and Discussion Training for Community Development Workers Community Development Worker Training in Puerto Rico The major objective of the training of selected future community development workers in Puerto Rico was to provide first-hand experience in the techniques of group discussion. This was never a simple task because the leaders of the training groups were constantly pressed to act in the old patterns of the teacher-pupil relationship. However, the discussion leaders refused to accept this 128Joffre Dumazedier, Television and Rural Adult Education: The Teleclubs in France (Paris: UNESCO, 1956). 119 role and threw the problems back at them. Two techniques were used to improve the students' understanding of the group process; these were recording and playing back of each session and role playing. The group gradually reached the point at which the members understood such things as that listening was as much of a contribution as speaking. Also, they found that respect for the man's opinion rather than rules of order was the beginning of good discussion. The analysis of the group process was left for the end of the training program when the group had achieved cohesion and when they were convinced of a value of group discussion from their eXperience rather than from textbooks. At this time, the trainees were able to analyze the behavior patterns. This method attempted to give these community development workers techniques and sensitivity toward the group process rather than a series of fixed rules. At the later meetings, the workers would propose and answer a series of questions about the group process such as "How do you handle the man who interrupts by talking to other things?" "What do you do when the attendance is too small to be representative?" or "How do you handle the situation where members address nobody but the group organizer?" The discussion that followed each of these questions was usually quite complete. None of these was an earthshaking problem, but almost any one of them could build or destroy the technique, the meeting, or perhaps the whole venture of working together. This training made the community 120 development workers conscious of everything that is going on in groups and that there was no ready-made formula to the group process.129 India: Education in the Problem- Solvinngrocess Community development workers in India are expected to choose problems that are of immediate concern to the villagers as the basis of teaching them about the problem-solving process. In this way, the workers are likely to learn a great deal about the organization of the village, the leader- ship pattern in the village, the attitudes of the villagers, the tensions existing among groups and factions, and the problems that the villagers are concerned about. At the same time, this process can be used to educate the villagers in how to solve their problems. The development workers have been instructed to attempt to follow this problem-solving process: 1. Problem definition: The group must be able to determine exactly what is the nature of the problem and they must be able to state this problem clearly. 2. Problem diagnosis: Next, the group must look at the problem from all angles and decide what further information is needed. The job here 129Carmen Isales and Fred G. Wale, "The Field Program," Journal of Social Issues, 9 (1953), 23-42. 121 is to keep the villagers from premature and inaccurate answers. 3. Information-getting: Here the leader must be skillful in helping the group to organize themselves in small groups to get the necessary information. 4. Decision-making: The workers must be able to get as close to a unanimous decision as possible, without imposing his own views. 5. Strategy and action planning: This step involves helping the villagers to put into action the decisions they have adopted verbally, checking on assignments that individuals have said they would do is important. 6. Solution-testing: This means a review of the decisions that have been made and action taken in relationship to the actual results. 7. Commitment and re-enforcement: This means that everyone will reaffirm his commitment to the decision of the group. 8. Follow—througp: This is the final stage when the villagers have come to a realization of what they have done and how they have done it. This problem-solving process gives both the villagers and the workers insight into the way they think and react to 122 many different situations.130 However, as we have seen, the results obtained by this method are Spotty because of the lack of training in group dynamics and discussion techniques. Training for Community Development: A Critical Study of Methods in Africa T. R. Batten has written on experiences in group training in Nigeria. The training course provided a full academic year of instruction for a maximum of twenty men and women, most of whom came from tropical or sub-tropical countries. The aim was to have at least fourteen countries represented in each training course. The members were largely in control of the course themselves. Any instruction was followed by discussion, and instruction was always sub- ordinate and supplementary to the discussion process. The introducing of discussion methods was difficult, but the training group tried to deal with this by explaining the values and problems involved in the exchange of experi- ences. Background information on the people in the course was provided and seminar papers which discussed the members work provided some understanding of the point of view of each member. The faculty furnished the case problems for the first three meetings. This demonstrated the kind of discussion material wanted, provided for preliminary eXperience on the 130United Nations, Study Kit on Training for Community Development (New York: United Nations, 1957), pp. 62:64. 123 value of discussions, and it gave the members time to adjust to the method and each other. Later, the members were required to submit case studies from their own eXperiences for the discussions. From these cases, a wide variety of examples was selected to show the different vieWpoints to community development work. In attempting to get participation in the meetings, the faculty concentrated on two basic essentials: the first, of helping members to find meaningful discussion material; and second, of establishing a friendly, free climate in which everyone becomes more confident and willing to speak whenever they feel that they have something to say. Only pressure of the group was used to force members to speak; however, sometimes the group was broken into sub-groups to encourage participation. The group developed skill by discussing cases of the failure of community development workers to solve some Sifficult situations. The meetings would begin with the staff member summarizing the main points of the story and asking whether everyone agreed that this presented a real problem. When members were clear about just what the worker was trying to do, they were Split into three or four sub- groups to diagnose why the problem occurred and to determine what the worker should have done or not done to avoid or solve the problem. The groups were reassembled and reports were made, the findings and related points being listed on 124 the blackboard. This listing did not imply that most members thought the point was valid, but only that at least one member wanted it discussed. On the basis of these points, the final diagnosis and recommendation for action were made. This program was supplemented by opportunity for group observation, role-playing, and lectures on communication theory.131 The Tide of Learning: Experiences in Cross-National Training Rolf P. Lynton has written about training courses in leadership and group methods for about 250 young leaders from twenty-five countries and five continents. These three-month courses were non-directive eXperiences in the group process similar to those developed by the National Training Laboratory at Bethel, Maine. In the first week, the members gave explanations of behavior that were logically possible, but usually these were statements of individual views of how the world appeared to each member. At the next stage, members started to look specifically at what went on between individuals and attempted to understand the Significance of this interaction. Finally, some of them began to anticipate what their own behavior might mean to someone else and to take the other person's reaction into account. 131T. R. Batten, Training for Community Development: A Critical Study of Method (London: Oxford University Press, 1962). 125 The staff avoided taking initiative in both the training program and in the process of joint living; the faculty refused to accept the traditional tasks of leader- ship. The members were always thrown back on their own resources. This created frustration and anger in the group. However, this also provoked the tension and hostility which provided the basis for the greatest learning. Members gradually pressed less and less for the kind of authority they had always expected. They slowly brought their expectations more closely into line with that they were experiencing at the training center, and they evolved new ways of working with each other. At first, there were volunteer task leaders, those persons who had experience with traditional leadership. To them, "getting things going" was more important than the method they used. These few members became the "talkers" who supplied the leadership and proceeded on the assumption that "silence means consent." Later, pairs and sub- groupings began to form. While these sub-groups were vehemently denied in the meetings, passive resistance to the voluntary leaders developed, and the request for "some pro- cedure by which a member wished to make sure that all had a chance to speak" became common. Some of these volunteer leaders found the burden was too much in the face of increas- ing resistance and explicitly resigned from any attempt at leadership. The remaining leaders usually try "majority rule" by voting, but experiments with voting are Short-lived. 126 Finally, the voluntary leaders stopped talking on behalf of the whole group. On that day, every other member usually participated in the discussion. From this day on, the discussion pattern was radically and permanently changed. Members gradually assumed joint responsibility, under- stood and handled their own feelings, and became competent to recognize, accept, and respond to the feelings of others. This has been the usual experience with these cross-national training sessions in group dynamics.132 The Stages of Interaction in Cross- National Training Groups: Beginning Observations Benjamin Schlesinger, who has worked with cross- national training groups in the "Aloka" project in India, has attempted to explain the steps which these groups have gone through during their six-week training sessions. He has tentatively divided the movement of these groups into twelve steps or stages of development: 1. Confusion: In the first week, the group was very confused about what it was supposed to do. Some members were quite frustrated, and others became angry about the lack of direction. 2. Talking: Slowly the group began to feel that talking was part of the group process. The- members talked from the minute they sat down to 132Rolf P. Lynton, The Tide of Learning: The Aloka Experience (London: Routeledge and Kegan Paul, 196077 127 the end of the meetings. There was the feeling that no "silence" was to be allowed. Topics: Later, a more refined talking was developed where a tOpic for discussion was used so that "law and order" prevailed in the group. There was considerable group pressure on individuals to prepare for meetings. Resistance: Then a few silences began to enter into the discussion. There was some hostility toward the faculty leader because he did not supply the answers to questions. Feelings: Strong feelings about the faculty members and each other were indirectly expressed. Involvement: After these feelings had been aired, the members began to involve themselves more deeply in the discussion. There was a tendency to listen to others and to share opinions. Personal: The members bagan to become quite personal. They started to share personal experiences and life histories with the others. Some members found this procedure difficult because they had never talked about these problems. Recognition: The discussion began to change from "I" to "you." Members who had remained silent joined in when they found that they were listened to and that the others cared for them. 128 9. Give-and-Take: In this stage, the members started to eXpress ideas and feelings they have about the group. This exchange enabled them to free themselves from any false impressions. 10. Questioning: During the last week, the group started to question their methods of handling human relations. 11. Impatience: The members became impatient to change their personalities and to show immediate results. 12. The Future: The members were concerned about how to apply the things they had learned. They were doubtful about the reactions of others to these new techniques. While this was not a complete description of the group process, it did indicate that these cross-national training groups moved through similar stages, with some variations, to those that have been found in training groups in~the United States.133 Therneed is to know what kind of differences to expect as these cross-national training groups go through the stages of group development. 133Benjamin Schlesinger, "Training for Leadership: Egperiences at Aloka," Adult Leadership, 10 (1961-62), 2 5—277. 129 Tpe Q-Sort Methodolpgygand Cross- Cultural Study of7Leadership Kenneth J. Cooper has used a modified Q-sort technique in Mexico for the study of leadership in rural-urban field research. The objectives of this study were to determine who the leaders were in both rural and urban environments, to discover what were the qualities of a "good leader" in the eyes of both leaders and followers, and to explore actual behavior in leadership situations. Both "formal" and "informal" leaders were studied. On the basis of open-end descriptions of good leadership, a twenty-item Leadership Role Expectation Scale was developed. The scale was not intended as an attempt at an all-inclusive definition of leadership, but rather as a tool for electing comparable responses. Only items which seemed to have essentially the same meaning for both rural and urban subjects were included.1314 The items used in the Leadership Role Expectation Scale were the following: 1. He must be dynamic, active, and enthusiastic. 2. He must be an elder who has seen much of the past. 3. He must be patriotic. 4. He must be kind, friendly, and go out of his way to help others. 13”Kenneth J. Cooper,~”The Modified Q Technique in Rural-Urban Field Research," Human Organization Research: Field Relations and Techniques,euk3.Richard N. Adams and Jack J. Preiss (Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey PreSS, 1960), pp. 338-351. 130 5. He must know how to command and direct people. 6. He must be able to leave his workers on their own without constant supervision. 7. He must have influential friends and contacts. 8. He must be able to give advice on personal, moral problems. 9. He must be a good pal that gets along well with other peOple. 10. He must be firm and strict. 11. He must be a hard worker. 12. He must be able to listen to people when they wish to offer suggestions or criticism. 13. He must be a person who thinks and acts quickly. 14. He must be a person with ability and special talents. 15. He must be reliable. 16. He must refrain from begoming too familiar with peOple. 17. He must have a good religious understanding and faith. 18. He must have imagination and be able to think of new ways of doing things. 19. He must have a lot of experience and wisdom. 20. He must be able to help his subordinates with their work. In the urban sample, the subjects were asked to mark the five items they believed to be "most essential" and the five items they believed to be "least essential" on a questionnaire. They were also asked to rank these ten items from "most like" to "least like" the ideal 131 leader. However, for the rural samples the Q-sorting technique was used. The findings confirmed the expected relationship between attitudes toward leadership and the degree of orientation to industrial-urban.life. The relative place- ment of the three primary samples along the Leadership Role Expectation Scale and the Rural-Urban Orientation Continuum was supported. The attitudes toward leadership were different at the polar end of the continuum; urban subjects did not have the same expectations about leader- ship-as did rural subjects. The modified Q-sort technique was found to be an effective tool for eliciting comparable responses. This technique was found to have many advantages for the cross-cultural study of leadership. The Cross-Cultural Study of Small Groups and the Sociometric Method The Development of Sociometry in Sweden Ake Bjerstedt has done a great deal to set the methods of sociometry on an internationally common basis by pro- viding model patterns and definitions for cross-national usage. From this development of theory and standardization of questions has come the major current refinement of 135 sociometry. In addition, he has conducted an extensive 135Ake Bjerstedt, Interpretation of Sociometric Choice Status (Lund: Hakan Ohlsson Boktryckeri, 1956). 132 series of sociometric experimental studies with Swedish primary school children. These studies of 867 children examined the standard sociometric structure and the relationship of extreme socio-preferential status scores to choice status and general adaptability. This work has led to more detailed studies of sociometry and communica- tion patterns.136 Small Grouprheory and Sociometric Techniques in France The interrelationship of the perceptions, feelings, and values of members in groups has been studied in France by various sociometric techniques. To determine the effect on the perceptions of group norms according to the popularity, status, and traits of members, two techniques were used: a sociometric questionnaire and a scale of character judgment. The scales on character judgment were administered to the groups in the first week, whereas the sociometric questions were asked at various times in the development of the group. Five groups of twelve subjects were used. The findings indicated that popularity was independent of how well the subjects were known, that leaders and neglected members had different characteristics, and that ten of the thirty traits seemed to account for the differences in characterization ..for all groups.l37 l36Ake Bjerstedt, Glimpses from the World of the School Child (New York: Beacon House, 1960). 137Jean Maisoneuve, "Gravitation Affective et Character- isation D'Autrui Dans Less Peties Groupes," L'Anne Psycho- logique, 56 (1956), 397-410. 133 The Sociometric Study of Primary School Children in Greece This study was conducted with forty-five boys and thirty girls attending a primary school in Athens. The same sociometric test was administered at four times during the school year. The stability of choices, structure, status, and friendship of the students was studied.. Also, differences among ability, attainment, parental occupation, 138 and sociometric status were explored. Group Cohesion and Sociometric Testing in Japan The area of sociometry has gained tremendous popularity in Japan with almost all researchers who are studying social groups or the classroom situation using this approach. M. Ohashi has studied interpersonal perception and sociometric 139 choice. A. Tsuzuki and M. Ota have used sociometry to study the small group process.1140 The classroom Situation has been explored by H. Toki,“l and sociometry in the industrial setting has been used by M. Kitawaki.lu2 138Colliopse Moustaka, "A Follow-up Sociometric Study of Primary School Children," The Indiana Psychological Bulletin, 5 (1960), 1—29. 139M. Ohashi, "Studies on Choice Behavior and Inter— personal Perception," Japanese Journal of Psychology, 27 (1956), 36-45. 140A. Tsuzuki and M. Ota, "A Study of Self-Control Mechanisms of Groups," ibid., 29 (1958), 253-263. 171H. Toki, "The Leader-Follower Structure in the School-Class," ibid., 10 (1935), 27-56. lLIZM. Kitawaki, "On the Quantification of Group Cohe- siveness in Industrial Society by Sociometric Test," ibid., 27 (1955), 386-392- 134 Selected Social-Psychological Experiments with Small Groups Cross—National Experiments in Threat and Rejection These experiments were part of the research conducted by the Organization for Comparative Social Research. This study was simultaneously conducted in Holland, Sweden, France, Norway, Belgium, Germany, and England. The experimenters formed aviation clubs for boys in each of these seven countries, each club being composed of six or seven boys previously unknown to each other. After a period designed to interest the boys and to put them at ease, the investigators created one of the following experimental conditions: high valance with low probability of reaching goal (HiLo); high valance with high probability of reaching goal (HiHi); low valance with low probability of reaching goal (LoLo); and low valance with high probability of reaching goal (LoHi). The boys were asked to name the club and to choose one of five model planes that they would like to build together. Four of the models were very attractive, while the fifth was a rather dull glider. One of the boys in each group was a stooge who had been instructed to chose the glider and to defend 1118 choice in the discussion. The experimenters saw that «each discussion lasted just twenty minutes. Post-discussion rmeasurements of rejection, the manipulated variables, and of (adhesiveness were made. Also, two observers recorded the 135 names of those who Spoke to whom and coded the remarks. Another schedule gave indications of the "atmosphere" of the meeting. The experimenters also recorded changes of opinion during the discussion. The several experiments differed in the extent to which the conditions necessary to test the hypotheses were created. The subjects did not always perceive that uniformity was desirable in order to reach the goal. This failure to produce the necessary experimental conditions appeared, in part, to be culturally determined. Although the experiments in all countries had face Similarity, specific national factors appeared to have influenced the extent to which the experimental conditions were met. Rejection appeared to be almost a universal reaction to the deviate. While in all countries and in all conditions the deviate is considered relatively undesirable on both sociometric and role preference measures, there are a number of differences that could be attributed to cultural factors.lu3 Other researchers have used this information. For example, DeMonchaux and Shimmin have discussed some of the methodological problems arising from this study, noting that the English findings were at variance with those of 1143Stanley Schachter, "Cross-Cultural Experiments in Threat and Rejection," Human Relations, 7 (1954), 403-439. 136 other countries.luu Joachim Israel, on the basis of the Swedish experiments, has refined the theoretical concepts of threat and rejection in groups.““5 Nationality and Conformity in Relation- ship to Group Pressure Conformity to Grouijressure: Norway and France.-- This experiment was conducted to determine the extent to which the peOple of one culture conform to majority opinion more than do the people of another culture. In this study, Norwegians and Frenchmen were separately sub- jected to synthetic group pressure. This was accomplished by having the subject think that others were in five other booths used in the experiment. The subjects were asked to listen to two tones and decide which was the longer. The five confederates on tape answered first; and their decisions were heard by the subject, who answered last. Sixteen of the thirty trials were critical; that is, the taped confederates deliberately gave the wrong answer. Much care was taken to match the language, voices, and subjects. Twenty Norwegian students and the same number of French students were studied in these experiments. The Norwegian subjects conformed to the group on 62 per cent of luuCecile de Monchaux and Sylvia Shimmin, "Some Problems of Method in Experimental Group Psychology," ibid., 8 (1955), 53-60. lL‘SJoachim Israel, Self-Evaluation and Rejection in Groups (Stockholm:.Almquist and Wiksell, 1956). 137 the critical trials, while the French conformed to the group on 50 per cent of these trials. Under a different set of conditions, where the subjects were told that the results would be applied to the design of aircraft safety signals, the subjects Showed somewhat greater independence; but the level of conformity was higher in Norway at 56 per cent than it was in France at 48 per cent. When individuals were allowed to record their answers on paper rather than to announce them to the group, the Norwegians conformed to 50 per cent of the critical trials and the French to 34 per cent. Under the opposite set of conditions, where subjects were censured by taped confederates for not con- forming, 75 per cent of the Norwegians and 59 per cent of the French subjects conformed to the group decision. In the last situation, where the subjects could ask that the tone be repeated without censure, but were censured for non- conformity, the Norwegians conformed on 69 per cent of the critical trials and the French on 58 per cent. Although individual subjects showed an enormous variation in behavior from complete independence to com- plete conformity, the consistency of the results under a variety of conditions indicated that the Norwegians had a higher level Of conformity than the French.lu6 146Stanley Milgram, "Nationality and Conformity," Scientific American, 205 (1961), 45-51. 138 This group of eXperimenters is planning further research on national characteristics, probably a compari- son of German and American reaction to authority. These eXperiments, although exploratory, are extremely valuable. While they do not have all of the answers to what we would like to know, they provide us with more information than previously available. The Effect of Opinions of Others on Judgment in Japan.-- A study by Kaoru Noguchi and Akiko Ohishi used eighteen sentences on attitudes towards war to measure the effect of the attitudes of others on the opinions of the subjects. The first part of this study was mainly on the order of presentation, thirty students at Chiba College being asked to rate their degree of favorableness for each sentence on a nine-point scale. Three different orders of presentation were used: most favorable to most unfavorable, most unfavorable to most favorable, and random. The results showed that the most favorable to most unfavorable order gave the highest mean. Simulated group conditions were used to determine the effect of the opinions of others on the attitudes of the subjects. Each subject listened before judgment to a tape of four opinions of experts. Even when the subjects could see the tape recorder manipulation, they were still influenced by the opinions of experts. The change in judgment depended on the stimulus situation, the group force, 139 and the individual, with most of the shift being from 147 neutral sentences. The Cross-Cultural Study of Communication Networks in Small Groups Studies on Communication Networks in Holland.-- Research on communication networks in the United States has shown that "wheel" groups work faster than "circle" groups. Also, "wheel" groups were found to need a smaller number of messages to solve the problem and to make fewer errors than the "circle" groups. The most central position in the wheel was the most likely to get the answer first. In the Netherlands, with students at the University of Amsterdam as subjects, these experiments were replicated with five- position groups using "wheel" and "circle" communication networks. Ten "circle" groups and nine "wheel" groups were studied. The results were very similar to the American experiments, although there were some differences in interpretation. According to these researchers, the struc- ture does not determine what really happened, but only what was possible. What was important is who actually sends the messages to whom, and what content did these messages contain. Another study was designed to test the following theories: to the extent that the decision structure in the lLWKaoru Noguchi and Akiko Ohishi, "An Experimental Study in the System of Reference in Social Judgment," Japanese Psychological Research, 3 (1961), 71-89. 140 group is more central, the group task will be performed faster; to the extent that the decision structure is more central, the quality of the task performance will be better; and to the extent that the decision structure is more central, the group's task will be performed more efficiently. The standard apparatus and written messages were used. The subjects, students at Leiden University, were divided into twenty—six groups; thirteen groups for each structure. It was found that the "wheel" started more slowly than the "circle," but it was faster on the later problems. The total number of errors was not very different for the networks, but the corrective power of the "circle" was greater than that of the "wheel." However, 60 per cent of "wheel" errors were made on the first two problems; the analysis of the number of messages per 148 problem showed the superiority of the "wheel" network. A French Study of Communication Networks in Small Groups.--Claude Flament has studied the effects of communica- tion patterns on group performance and morale. The objec- tive of this study was to examine the changing of roles and adaptations to the task with different types of communication networks. The experimental conditions were such that three communications networks and changes in the central leader could be isolated. The general findings were that 1148Mauk Mulder, "Group Structure and Group Performance," ' Acta Psychologica, 16 (1959), 356-402. 141 the performance of the group can be changed by the leader or the network, that performance is increased by knowledge of the taskand structure oftfluanetwork, that morale is an inverse function of centrality in the network, and that members identify the leader with centrality. However, the communication networkznuicentrality were not sufficient eXplanations for all of the various aspects of these 149 working groups. The Study of Communication Networks and Small Groups in Japan.--The study of communication networks in small task groups has also been done in Japan. The objectives of this study were the following: to determine the differ- ences in communication required, to determine the effect of networks on participation, and to determine the change in each member by each change in the network. Twenty male junior high school students were used as subjects. These students were divided into four groups; and each group was successively put through all four patterns, "circle," "chain," "wheel," and "Y." One test was run per week for four weeks. No significant statistical difference was found in the time required for either patterns or groups. The total sum of time required decreased with increased trials. The number of messages sent did not show any lL‘9Claude Flament, "Changements de Roles et Adaptation a la Tache Dan Des Groupes de Travail Utilisant Divers Reseaux de Communications," L'Annee Psychologique, 56 (1956), 411-431. 142 difference with the different communication networks. The leader tended to emerge in the msot central position in all four networks.150 The Cross-Cultural Study of Group Creativipy in Laboratory Tasks for Small Groups Fred Fiedler and others have experimented in Holland on the effect of three major variables on group creativity. These variables were the group's composition as indicated by religious and socio-economic background, the method of selection of leader, and the leader's interpersonal per- ception of co-workers. This investigation used 32 groups, each composed of four men. In the course of the experiment, each of the 64 subjects was assigned to one heterogeneous and to one homogeneous group. The homogeneous groups consisted of four Northern Calvinists or four Southern Catholics, while the heterogeneous groups contained two Catholics and two Calvinists. A formal leader was appointed in sixteen of these groups with instructions to conduct the meeting. No suggestions regarding organization, however, were made to members of the informal groups. Thus, there were four kinds of groups: formal homogeneous, formal heterogeneous, informal homogeneous, and informal hetero— geneous groups. 150Kimiyoshi Hirota, "Group Problem-Solving and Communi- cation," Japanese Journal of Psychology, 24 (1953), 105-113. 143 Leader attitude scores were obtained from the inter- personal perception tests. In particular, the "Assumed Similarity between Opposites" and the "Esteem for Leader's Least Preferred Co-worker" techniques were used. Group creativity was measured by the means of laboratory tasks. The findings indicated that homogeneous groups did not differ from heterogeneous groups on the TAT task, that homogeneous Calvinist groups tended to perform the TAT task better than homogeneous Catholic groups, that formal groups did not differ from informal groups, and that psychologically distant leaders obtained better group per- formance in stressful groups than the more permissive ' leaders, who appeared to be more effective in groups which were relatively free from stress.151 The Cross-Cultural Study of Social Climate and Leadership Styles The Study of the Effects of Democratic, Authoritarian, and Laissez—faire Atmospheres in Japan.--In 1946, Saeko Kobayashi conducted a study similar to those that had been done in the United States, by using two groups of boys from an elementary school in Tokyo. They were placed into groups of five and were closely matched as to intelligence, scholarly attainment, hobbies, socio-economic status, eociometric relationship, and personality characteristics. 151F. E. Fiedler, W. Meuwese, and S. Oonk, "An Exploratory Study of Group Creativity in Laboratory Tasks," Acta Psychologica, 18 (1961), 100-119. 144 One of the groups was led by an adult male leader in a democratic manner, while the other was led by the same leader in an autocratic way. The task was to construct a toy train station. Each group met four days for thirty minutes on each day. The autocratic group always met on the day following the democratic group so that the leader could require the authoritarian group to do the same things as were done by the democratic group. The democratic group Showed more dependence on group members, while the autocratic group had a strong dependence on the leader. The democratic group had a comparatively more friendly atmosphere than the autocratic group. The democratic group showed strong interest and enthusiasm for the project. While some stratification occurred, members were quite satisfied with their roles. On the other hand, the autocratic group was less involved, less active, and had less stability. Kobayashi concluded that although the experimental conditions had been slightly different from those of other studies, there were similar dynamic tendencies.152 A second study has used twelve groups of school children, a total of thirty-six boys and the same number of girls. The types of leadership were democratic, auto- ' cratic, and laissez-faire. Two problems or task situations 152Saeko Kobayashi, "Problems in Group Guidance: Democratic Leadership and Autocratic Leadership," Child Study, 2 (1947), 117-126. _ 145 were presented. In spite of cultural differences, such as emotional expression, the results were similar to those of previous studies of group behavior in different leadership atmospheres in the United States.153 Threat, Attraction to Group, and Need for Strong Leadership in Dutch Group_,--Mauk Mulder and Ad Stemerding have conducted an extensive field experiment on threat, attraction to group, and need for strong leadership. In a number of Netherlands towns, meetings were arranged for groups consisting of from three to five independent shop- keepers in the food trade. The meetings were organized by a fictitious organization, the "Scientific Agency for Middle- class Shopkeepers." At the meeting, the subjects were first asked to indicate on a five-point verbal scale how worthwhile they felt it was to remain at these sessions. Second, the people exchanged opinions and learned about each other in a twenty-minute discussion period. Third, a period in which the members opinions about economic con- ditions was announced. At this time, the manipulation of low or high threat was made by a story about competition from supermarkets. In the discussion, a stooge built-up his availability as a strong leader. Also, a second stooge defended each of eight items of discussion. After this 153J. Misumi, S. Nakano, and N. A. Okamura, "Cross- Cultural Study of the Effect of Democratic, Authoritarian, and Laissez-faire AtmOSphere on Japanese Children," Research Bulletin of the Faculty of Education, Kyushu University, 5 (1958), 41-59. 146 period, a seven-point scale on the threat from supermarkets was administered. The observers scored who spoke to whom; and the content of each communication was rated as positive, negative, or neutral. In addition to the measurements used during the meeting, there was a series of post-session scales. The reaction to high and low threat, the attraction of the group, and leadership were studied. The hypothesis that in highly threatening situations the subjects would Show a need for strong leadership has found weak but consistent support in this study.154 The Cross-Cultural Study of Group Decision Group Decision in England and the United States: Human Relations Case Method.--This study used role-playing to create different leadership atmospheres in the group discussion of British and American subjeCts who were attempting to solve a human relations case study. The pur- pose of the study was to explore differences in the reaction of Englishmen and Americans to group decision under dif- ferent kinds of leadership. Student groups in England (43 groups) and in the United States (71 groups) and English supervisors (57 groups) were compared on the "New Truck Dilemma," a role-playing case in human relations. Each 15l‘lMauk Mulder and Ad Stemerding: "Threat, Attraction to Group, and Need for Strong Leadership: A Laboratory Experiment in a Natural Setting," Human Relations, 16 (1963), 317-334. 147 group of six men, including the supervisor, had to decide who would receive the new truck, which truck would be discarded, any other exchange of trucks, and other relevant details of the case. In addition, they were asked to determine the completeness of the report, satisfaction with the solution, and the extent to which the group decision was dominated by the leader. The decisions reached by the student groups suggested that English students, as supervisors, tended to dominate the meetings more, and considered seniority less important in the solution of the problem than did the American students. English students developed less complex solutions to the problem than did the American students. The Americans had a higher level of satisfaction with the solution than did the Englishmen. However, within the British groups, the level of satisfaction was higher where group decision rather than foreman domination prevailed.155 Participation in a Norwegian Factory: Interpersonal Dimensions of Decision-Making.--The main purpose of this field experiment in Norway was to repeat the American experiments on employee participation in planning technologi- cal changes, using a more precise theory of participation and more careful methods. The secondary purpose was to discover if the general findings of the American 155Norman R. F. Maier and L. R. Hoffman, "Group Decision in England and the United States," Personnel Psychology, 15 (1962), 75-87. 148 experiments on attitude change and satisfaction would hold for a different country. The experiment was conducted in the assembly section of a footwear factory where about 400 male and female workers were employed. Nine of the four-man groups who did almost identical work participated in the experiment, four of these being control groups and five being experi- mental groups. The control groups were changed by the usual method, while the experimental groups were given more participation in the planning of the change. The theory predicted that the amount of participation would be positively related to the workers' belief that this par- ticipation was legitimate or illegitimate. The findings were similar to those of the American experiments, if the differences in the experimental mani- pulations are considered. However, the cultural factor of stronger group standards was believed to exist. This study was useful to explain the different effects of participation in a different country, in different factories in the same country, and among individuals in the same factory.156 Studies of Power and Social Influence on Decision- makinngasks in Finland.--Antti Eskola has conducted a series of experiments in Finland on the relationship of 156John R. French and Joachim Israel, "An Experiment on Participation in a Norwegian FaCtory: Interpersonal Dimension of Decision-Making," Human Relations, 13 (1960), 3-19. 149 social power and influence on decision-making. There were actually two different studies conducted. In what was called the A-Study, the objectives were to develop a three stage technique of power measurement and to gain some general knowledge about the factors relating to social power and influence. The subjects were industrial foremen in Finland who were enrolled at the Institute of Industrial Management in 1957. The eXperimental unit was the pair. There were 44 pairs in this study. Each pair was measured on nine different tasks. In addition to the findings in relationship to power and differences in task performance, factor analysis was used to determine the important dimensions of these relationships. Six different basic factors were discovered, such as "likeability" factor, "leadership" factor, and "age difference" factor. The B-Study has attempted to systematize the relevant variables and to make them more suitable for follow-up studies. The experiments in this study were base d on three stage tasks which were Similar to those used in the A-Study. The subjects were 204 students at the University of Helsinki. This made a total of 102 pairs of subjects. The experi- mental task sessions were tape recorded for later analysis employing Bales' interaction method. Many of the previous observations about power and influence on others were con- firmed, but there were a number of possible questions about exceptions in this study. The next step would be to 150 determine the extent to which these variables would apply in natural discussion situations, rather than on two-person tasks. Because of the details in this experimental study, the complete report should be examined.157 The Study of Rish-Taking and Group Decision in Israel.--Some 73 subjects, from 18 to 58 years of age, were divided into 13 groups of five members and two groups with four members. The subjects had various occupations. They first ranked the eight items that served as a measure of need for achievement, and they recorded their individual decision on six problems which involved risk- taking. The groups were asked to discuss each problem, to arrive at a unanimous decision, and to record it on a copy of the set of problems. This was the basis of the group decision score. The group did not have a leader or chair- man, and the eXperimenters did not interfere in the lively discussion. After the recording of the unanimous decision, each subject again recorded, on a third copy of the problems, his private decision. The finding that group decisions are more risky than individual decisions was confirmed. Significant relation- ships were found between risk-taking behavior, both individually and in the group, with need for achievement. The analysis indicated that the subjects scoring high on 157Antti Eskola, Social Influence and Power in Two- Person Groups (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1961). 151 need achievement were doing the influencing and that sub- jects who were low on need achievement were being influenced by group members. This study also confirmed that personality traits may be useful in predicting individual risk-taking 158 behavior as well as the interaction of group members. Summary of the Current Status of Research on Cross-National Studies Related to Attitudes Towards Committee Structure and Group Processes This review of literature related to the current status of the cross-national study of committee structure and the group process has included pertinent studies from such fields as anthropology and field observations of groups; the studies of values, language, and thought, the study of the group process at international meetings; the eXperiences with training groups in other countries; and experimental studies on group dynamics and decision-making. Information on this topic was found in almost every field of social science, speech, communication research, political science, education, psychology, group dynamics, and anthrOpology. The related studies were many, but the direct discussion of cultural or national differences in the group process was rare. 158Y. Rim, "Risk-Taking and Need for Achievement," Apta Psychologica, 21 (1963), 108-115. CHAPTER III THE DEVELOPMENT AND TESTING OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE FOR THE CROSS-NATIONAL STUDY OF COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS The review of related research has shown that a compre- hensive system of dimensions for the description of committee structure and group process for different countries is not available. Therefore, the basic approach which would define the dimensions of committee structure, group process, and individual tendency in groups in various countries by using several previously developed instruments that could be self- administered and translated into various languages was adopted. The next several sections of this chapter will explain the-basis and develOpment of the questionnaire used in the present study. The Development of Descriptive Scales for the Study of National Differences in Committees and the Grouijrocess The Basis of the Scales Used in the Present Study After the rejection of the focus interview and group observation techniques, the various instruments for the description of small groups were examined. The scales developed by JohnIL Hemphill to measure the dimensions of groups were considered as the best for the purpose of the 152 153 extensive description of groups. The questionnaire used by Hemphill has 150 statements which were used to describe various groups. These statements yielded scores on 13 dimensions or characteristics of groups. The definitions of the dimensions and the number of items in each were the following: 1. Autonomy is the degree to which a group functions independently ofother groups and occupies an independent position in society--l3 items. Control is the degree to which a group regulates the behavior of individuals while they are functioning as group members--12 items. Flexibility is the degree to which a group's activities are marked by informal procedures rather than by adherence to established procedures--l3 items. Hedonic Tone is the degree to which group member- ship is accompanied by a general feeling of pleasantness or agreeableness--5 items. Homogeneity is the degree to which members of a group are similar in socially relevant charac- teristics--15 items. Intimacy is the degree to which members of the group are mutually acquainted with one another and are familiar with the personal details of one another's lives--l3 items. 10. 11. 12. 13. 154 Participation is the degree to which members of a group apply equal effort to group activ- ities--10 items. Permeability is the degree to which a group permits ready access to membership--l3 items. Polarization is the degree to which a group is oriented and works toward a single goal which is clear and specific to all memberS--l2 items. Potency is the degree to which a group has primary significance for its members--15 items. Stability is the degree to which the group resists changes in its size, and in turnover of its members--5 items. Stratification is the degree to which a group orders its members into status hierarchies-- 12 items. Viscidity is the degree to which members of the group function as a unit--15 items. In addition, size, which is the number of members regarded as being in the group, has been used by Hemphill as a group dimension. The items in this questionnaire were developed from a free-response to about fifty open-end questions by more than 500 individuals who described a group of which they were a member. About 1100 items were found. These items 155 were screened by five expert judges for those items which would discriminate between high and low degrees of a given dimension, for the items which were relevant to the dimension, and for the items which were independent of other items. Three hundred and fifty-five items were selected and placed in a preliminary instrument. About 200 descriptions were obtained involving 35 different groups. These descriptions were used to obtain a quanti- tative evaluation of these scales on group dimensions. This analysis provided an estimation of the reliability for dimension scores, an internal item consistency analysis, an examination of intercorrelations among the dimensions, and a study of the agreement between respondents who described the same group. This analysis was used to determine the final items in the questionnaire which has 150 items for the description of group dimensions. The revised questionnaire was-used to study five different samples of groups in the United States. The distribution of raw scores for these 950 groups was used as a tentative standard population. However, the question- naire has not been used to describe groups in any other country. These descriptive scales which Were developed by Hemphill are the result of extensive research that- has attempted to isolate the basic dimensions of groups.1 _ 1John K. Hemphill, Group Dimensions: A Manual for Egeir Measurement (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, 1956). 156 Since the dimensions are defined as the general characteristics of groups, the dimensions might also apply in various countries; at least, the dimensions could provide the basis for testing the application of this instrument in other countries. The individual items in each dimension will have to be closely analyzed to deter- mine if those items could be used in the cross-national study of committees. The dimensions and items in previous instruments are the basis for most aspects of the present study on committee structure and group process in different nations. However, the questionnaire has required consid- erable revision for the purpose of this cross-national study. The present study is mainly based on the Hemphill> dimensions for group description, but the actual items in the present questionnaire are not necessarily identical to those used by Hemphill. Some of the dynamic aspects of committees which have to do with the relationship between communication and emotionality were not included by Hemphill. Therefore, the questionnaire has a section on individual tendency in groups. The categories of work and emotionality were based on extensive study at the Human Dynamics Laboratory of the University of Chicago. The major categories were emotion- ality and work. Emotionality was divided into pairing, counterpairing, dependency, counterdependency, flight, and fight. Work was divided into four levels, according to 157 the kind of contribution made to the progress of the group. The items used in a Q-sort on emotionality have been used in the present study, but the items on work were developed from the definitions which were given in that study.2 This study has provided the theory and dimensions for the second basic approach to the description of committees. The items used in the description of leadership patterns are based on a study conducted in Mexico by Kenneth J. Cooper.3 This study does not attempt to define the total aspects of leadership, but it does contribute the "Leadership Role Expectations" instrument which was used to obtain comparative data on general leadership patterns in three kinds of Mexican communities. This approach of the study of leadership was selected because the technique has been developed and tested in Mexico. The dimensions of leadership behavior developed by Stogdill and Coons in the United States could have been modified by the same methods as the Hemphill scales, but it was decided that the present exploratory study 2Dorothy Stock and Herbert A. Thelen, Emotional Dynamics and Group Climate (New York: New York Univer- sity Press, 1958). 3Kenneth J. Cooper, "The Modified Q Technique in Rural-Urban Field Research," Human Organization Research: Field Relations and Techniques, eds.Richard N. Adams and Jack J. Presis (Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey Press, 1960): pp° 338—351. 158 should consider several different kinds of instruments. The instrument used by Cooper was a modified Q-sort technique which had 20 statements about the qualities of the ideal leader. The respondents would select the five "most essential" statements and the five "least essential" statements about good leadership. The subjects were then asked to rank these 10 items from "most like" to "least like" the ideal leader. In the rural areas, the regular Q-sorting was used. In the urban areas, a questionnaire was used. This technique was found to be effective in isolating the various aspects of leadership in a variety of Mexican communities. The modified Q-sort technique has been used in the present study, but the items have been changed from personality characteristics to specific statements about leadership functions. This technique will provide only a very Simple description of the leadership pattern in different countries, but this should be valuable for an exploratory study. The Development and Testing of the Descriptive Scales by Stage The descriptive scales used in the present study went through four phases or stages of development and testing ”Ralph M. Stogdill and Alvin E. Coons, Leader Behavior: Its Description and Measurement (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, 1957). 159 to obtain the final questionnaire that has been used to study the application of the selected instruments in matched groups from different countries. The First Stage in Development and Testing of the Scales.--The dimensions and items as developed by Hemphill were used as they were given for the 150 items in the "Group Dimension Description" questionnaire. Also, some specific items were written for the two dimensions which were previously indirectly assessed. These dimensions were "size" and "leadership." The items were used in the preliminary form for Part I—-The Dimensions of Groups. This section had 165 items on the 15 dimensions. The number of items for each dimension varied from 5 for "stability" to 15 for "homogeneity." The items as used in the Hemphill questionnaire were mainly concerned with the description of group structure, while the aspects of group process were mostly omitted from the description of groups. Since it is possible for groups to have an organizational structure that is different from the group process in their meetings,the items for Part II-- Description of Group Process were develOped. This section had 125 items which were based on the same dimensions as those for the structure of groups. The number of items for each of the 15 dimensions ranged from 5 to 10 items. Most of the dimensions had 9 items. 160 The last section of these preliminary scales was Part III--Individua1 Tendency in Groups, which was based on the dimensions of work and emotionality as developed by the Human Dynamics Laboratory at the University of Chicago. The items on emotionality were directly taken from the Q-sort statements. However, the statements on levels of work were not available, so these items were constructed on the basis of the definitions which were given in the previous research. There were six dimen- sions for emotionality and four dimensions for work. Each dimension had 10 items which made a total of 100 items for this section of the questionnaire. This 390-item preliminary questionnaire was tested by the following techniques: (1) The questionnaire was reviewed by three expert judges who had training in small group theory and were also instructing in a cross-national training program in communication theory. In addition, foreign students for each of the major cultural areas reviewed this prelim- inary questionnaire. This version of the questionnaire had extra columns to indicate statements which they considered as "hard to understand" or "would not apply in other culture." The specific responses to this version of the questionnaire were used to eliminate those items which might not apply to committee structure and group process in other countries. 161 (2) The questionnaire was administered to a male fraternity group. The members were asked to describe their regular business meetings by their responses totflmedescrip- tive statements in the questionnaire. At this stage, the middle position on the scales included "undecided," "don't know," and "doesn't apply" as possible responses which would indicate weak items. The questionnaires were scored to determine if the results would conform to the general observations made about this group during the past year. Also, these questionnaires were analyzed to determine if there were differences on the various dimensions between committee structure and group process. The findings did reflect the characteristics of this group. Also, 7 of the 15 dimensions indicated possible differences between the dimensions for committee structure and group process. Since these respondents were describing the same organi- zation, the range between the low and high scores was small. (3) A graduate student group was asked to complete the preliminary questionnaire by describing groups in general as their frame—of—reference. The results obtained from this group indicated many possible differences from those obtained from the previous fraternity group. However, comments about the questionnaire indicated that there was confusion about trying to describe groups in general as their frame-of-reference. On the basis of this expressed 162 difficulty, it was decided to have future respondents choose a decision-making group or committee of which they were or had been a member as the frame-of-reference that they would use throughout the questionnaire. The Second Stage in the Development and Testing of the Scales.-—The second stage in the development of these scales was to review the 390-item questionnaire and to reduce the total number of items to 250 statements on committee structure, group process, and individual tendency in groups. This reduction in the number of items was based on the rejection of an item when the judges or foreign students had indicated that this item would not apply for the cross- national description of groups. The items which were placed in the middle column by respondents were either eliminated or revised. These 250-item scales had 90 items for Part I, on committee structure, 90 items for Part II, on group process, and 70 items for individual tendency in groups. Thus, 140 items were eliminated from the preliminary ques- tionnaire before research was conducted on other groups. These revised scales were administered to the same fraternity group which now had many different members and new leadership. Also, another group of graduate students was tested. The findings for the fraternity group indicated that the scales were sensitive to changes in the committee structure and group process in this organization. The 163 graduate student group findings were quite stable. The major contribution of this group was that the new instruc- tions were found to be effective. The Third Stage in the Development and Testing of the Scales.--The third stage was the reduction of the questionnaire to a total of 200 items. Each dimensions was reduced to five items, where before each dimension had a different number of items. The previous testing was analyzed with special attention to the selection of items which would increase the range of responses to each dimen- sion. The statements received a final editing for reada- bility, and the basic form which was used for testing the scales on other respondents was finalized. The scores which have been obtained from testing from this stage in the development of the questionnaire could be compared to the more recent findings because the statements have not been revised, with the exception of the dimension on "homogeneity." This revised questionnaire was used to test a mixed group of undergraduate students who described 14 different organizations and with a group of graduate students who gave descriptions of 20 different groups. The results from these groups are reported in the tables of the present study. Since the previous groups of respondents were all students, it was decided that the final pretest group for the United States should be from an adult population which 164 was not directly connected with the university. Twenty businessmen and community leaders were asked to respond to the questionnaire by describing some local group or com- mittee of which they were a member. These respondents had considerable variety in their age, the size of group they described, andtfiuakind of group that they chose for their frame-of-reference. The findings for this group of respondents are presented in the tables. AS expected, these findings showed possible differences from the descriptions by the student groups. In addition to the dimension scores, these data were used on a preliminary split-run test and an analysis of the percentage of responses in middle position on the scales. The split-run test was done on the odd and even basis for this group. The group had only 20 respondents but the test showed that there was considerable stability between the results. The average agreement between the groups on all dimensions for the three sections of the questionnaire was about 90 per cent. This analysis indicated that relatively small groups of respondents could be used as long as the groups were carefully matched on basic characteristics. The critical test was the analysis of the percentage of responses in the middle or undecided position on the scales. The percentage of responses for the middle position was four per cent for both the section on committee structure and on group process. The section on individual tendency 165 in groups used a different scale identification of from "Least Like Myself" to "Most Like Myself," therefore the percentage in the middle position does not indicate the rejection of the dimension. Since this section has to do with personal, individual attitudes towards the group process, it was necessary to make these scales as forced- choice items. On the basis of this final pretest, the dimensions and items in the questionnaire had every indication that they could be used for the study of committee structure and group process in the United States. There are only minor revisions in the final form of the questionnaire. The Fourth Stage in the Development and Testing of the Scales.--The fourth stage in the process of the development of these scales was the revision of the dimension of homogeneity into "Homogeneity A" which describes the homogeneity of individuals and into "Homogeneity B" which describes the homogeneity of groups. At this stage, the section on leadership was added to the questionnaire. This section was based on previous research by Cooper, but the 20 statements about leadership were revised from personal characteristics of the leader to characteristics of leadership in the groups. This version of the questionnaire was tested on 22 student respondents at a different university from that previously used. The items on "Homogeneity A" and 166 "Homogeneity B" were acceptable, but the section on leader- ship required revised instructions on this section of the final questionnaire. Testing of respondents in the United States had been used to refine the descriptive scales, but the major test in the development of these scales was of selected matched groups of respondents in the United States and Nigeria. This test was conducted with adults who were involved in committee work, but who did not have extensive formal training in group discussion and committee leadership techniques. Nigeria was selected as the other country because the translation of the questionnaire would not be necessary, since the language of instruction is English. In the United States, the respondents were farm extension and urban community development workers who were attending a brief training program at Michigan State University. In Nigeria, the respondents were community development workers and family union leaders who were attending a training program at the University of Nigeria. These groups of respondents, which included both male and female members, were closely matched, selected groups. The findings showed that the major differences were probably in the structure of the groups rather than in the group process at their meetings or in individual tendency towards work and emotionality in groups. However, these 167 respondents have had more experience with working with groups than most people in their communities. The section of the questionnaire on the dimensions of committee structure had 8 of the 16 dimensions which had possible differences between the Nigeria and United States groups. Only muedimension in each section on the description of group process and individual tendency in groups showed differences. With this small group, it is difficult to determine if these differences are significant. The dimensions with a difference of 1.0, which is the equiva- lent of a unit on the scales, were considered as tenta- tively different; and the dimensions with 0.5 difference are probably different for each country. This test pro- vided some evidence that the questionnaire on committee structure, group process, individual tendency in groups, and leadership pattern could be used in a country other than the United States. The dimensions and items used in the questionnaire were not rejected by the respondents from Nigeria; the number of responses for "undecided" was very small. On the basis of this testing of the basic question— naire, this instrument was considered as ready for trans- lation and further testing with other groups in different countries. 168 The Description of the Dimensions Used in the Final Revised Questionnaire This section of the present study will consist of two parts. The first part is the reproduction of the "Description of Basic Group Dimension for Attitudes Towards Committees and the Group Process: An Exploratory Cross-National Study." The second part reports on the consistency of item placement in the proposed dimension by five expert judges. The Definitions of the Dimensions Used for the Study of Committees and the Group Process Part I.--The Dimensions of Groups I. CONTROL (Cont) Control is the degree to which a group regulates the behavior of individuals while they are functioning as group members. It is reflected by the modifications which group membership imposes on complete freedom of individual behavior and by the amount or intensity of group-derived government. 11. STABILITY (Stab) Stability is the degree to which a group persists over a period of time with essentially the same characteristics. It is reflected by the rate of membership turnover and by constancy of group size. III. FLEXIBILITY (Flex) Flexibility is the degree to which group activities are marked by informal procedures rather than by adherence to established procedures. It is reflected by the extent to which procedures are free from specification through custom, tradition, written rules, regulations, modes of procedure, or even unwritten but clearly prescribed ways of behaving. IV. VI. VII. VIII. 169 PERMEABILITY (Perm) Permeability is the degree to which a group permits ready access to membership. It is reflected by the absence of entrance requirements of any kind and by the degree to which membership is solicited. INTIMACY (Int) Intimacy is the degree to which members are mutually acquainted with one another and are familiar with details about each other. It is reflected by the nature of topics discussed by members, by modes of address, and by interactions which presuppose a knowledge of the probable reactions of other members, and the extent and type of knowledge each member has about other members. HOMOGENEITY A (Homo A) Homogeneity A is the degree to which the individuals in the group are similar with respect to socially relevant characteristics. It is reflected by rela- tive uniformity of members in respect to age, sex, socio-economic status, interests, attitudes, and habits. HOMOGENEITY B (Homo B) Homogeneity B is the degree to which the groups are similar with respect to socially relevant character- istics. It is reflected by the degree to which this group is similar to other groups in structure and other general characteristics. VISCIDITY (Visc) Viscidity is the degree to which a group functions as a unit. It is reflected by absence of dissension and personal conflict among members, by absence of activities which advance only the interest of individuals, by the ability of the group to resist disrupting forces, and by the belief that the group functions as a unit. IX. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. 170 AUTONOMY (Auto) Autonomy is the degree to which a group functions independently of other groups and occupies an inde- pendent position in society. It is reflected by the degree to which a group determines its own activities, by the absence of allegiance, deference and/or dependence to other groups. STRATIFICATION (Strat) Stratification is the degree to which a group orders its members into status hierarchies. It is reflected by differential distribution of power, privileges, obligations, and duties. POTENCY (Potcy) Potency is the degree to which a group has primary significance for members. It is reflected by the kind of needs which a group is satisfying, by the extent of readjustment which would be required of members should the group fail, and by the impor- tance of membership in the group. PARTICIPATION (Part) Participation is the degree to which members take part in the activities of the group. It is reflected by attendance at meetings, amount of work done, and level of activity of each member. POLARIZATION (Polar) Polarization is the degree to which a group is oriented and works toward a single goal. It is reflected by the extent to which the goals are clear and specific to all members, by the.1ack of conflict in purpose, and by the degree to which the group does things which are directly related to goals. HEDONIC TONE (Hed T) Hedonic Tone is the degree to which group member- ship is accompanied by a general feeling of pleasantness or agreeableness. It is reflected by the pleasant anticipation of group meetings, by enjoyment of working in the group, and by the absence of complaining about the group. XV. XVI. 171 SIZE (Size) Size is the relative number of people who are members of the group. It is reflected by the number of members, belief that the group is small or large, and the extent to which peOple in the community are members. LEADERSHIP (Lead) Leadership is the degree to which the group is leader-of—group centered in its organization and functioning. It is reflected by the presence of a single, dominant leader, the power of the leader to make decisions without consulting the group, and the extent to which a leader is needed by the group. Part II.--The Description of the Group Process I. II. III. IV. CONTROL (Cont) Control is the extent to which the group controls the actions of members during the meetings. It is reflected by the extent to which the group regulates the conduct of members and to the extent that these members can freely express their opinions. STABILITY (Stab) Stability is the extent to which the group has an orderly pattern of discussion. It is reflected by the extent that the unexpected does not upset the group, that the meetings usually run smoothly, and that meetings do not break up when a few members disagree. FLEXIBILITY (Flex) Flexibility is the extent to which meetings are conducted according to fixed procedures. It is reflected by the extent that the group can modify its procedures and change its approach to the problem. PERMEABILITY (Perm) Permeability is the extent to which members can easily enter into the discussions. It is reflected by the lack of Special qualifications in order to speak, by freedom to enter into the discussions, and by the equality of attention to what members say. VI. VII. VIII. IX. 172 INTIMACY (Int) Intimacy is the extent to which members know what to expect of others at the meetings. It is reflected by the extent to which people are free to express their ideas because they know each other and the extent of the members' knowledge about others at the meeting. HOMOGENEITY A (Homo A) Homogeneity A is the extent to which the members are generally Similar in their participation at the meetings. It is reflected by members being equally informed, thinking in about the same patterns, and acting about the same in meetings. HOMOGENEITY B (Homo B) Homogeneity B is the extent to which this group acts like other groups in their meetings. It is reflected by the behavior of the group as a whole being considered as similar to that of most other groups in their meetings. VISCIDITY (Visc) Viscidity is the extent to which members are cooper- ative with each other. It is reflected by a lack of hostility towards others during meetings and the ability to work together to reach the objectives of the meetings. AUTONOMY (Auto) Autonomy is the extent to which people at the meetings are free from outside pressure on what they do. It is reflected by the extent to which the meetings are free from outside pressure on the con- duct or the decisions at meetings and to the extent to which the members express their own views, rather than acting as delegates from others. STRATIFICATION (Strat) Stratification is the extent to which every member has the same rights and privileges to influence the outcome of the meetings. It is reflected by equality of treatment regardless of age, status, or position in the group. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. 173 POTENCY (Potcy) Potency is the extent to which the members think the meetings are important. It is reflected by the time and effort members will devote to making decisions and by the importance that members attach to the meetings. PARTICIPATION (Part) Participation is the extent to which there is wide participation in the meetings. It is reflected by the extent to which every member takes part in the meetings, by the lack of difficulty in getting members to talk, and by relatively few long periods of Silence in the meetings. POLARIZATION (Polar) Polarization is the extent to which the group has specific things to discuss at meetings. It is reflected by the members having a good idea of what they are trying to do and working towards reaching these goals at the meetings. HEDONIC TONE (Hed T) Hedonic Tone is the extent to which the members enjoy participating in the meetings. It is reflected by the extent to which there is generally a good feeling between the members during the meetings. SIZE (Size) Size is the extent to which the members think that small or large groups are able to conduct better meetings. It is reflected by attitudes towards the number of people in the meetings and by the effective- ness of meetings according to the number of members present. LEADERSHIP (Lead) Leadership is the extent to which the responsibility for conducting the meetings is held by a leader or shared by the members. It is reflected by who has the responsibility for conducting the meetings and by who supplies the leadership during the meeting of this group. 174 Part III.--Individua1 Tendency in Groups I. II. III. IV. VI. PAIRING (P) Pairing is the expression of warmth, intimacy, and supportiveness towards others. It is reflected by feelings that meetings should be conducted on a close, personal basis with friendly relations with all other members. COUNTERPAIRING (CP) Counterpairing is the exrpession of preference for impersonal total group relationships. It is reflected by a preference to conduct meetings on a formal basis, without having close personal relationships between members. DEPENDENCY (D) Dependency is the expression of reliance on some person or thing external to the membership. It is reflected by a preference to conduct meetings according to established procedures and by a reliance on the leader of the meetings. COUNTERDEPENDENCY (CD) Counterdependency is the expression of excessive denial of a need for help or direction. It is reflected by members having personal, rather than group, interests and by a general opposition to the leaderscxfthe meetings. FIGHT (F) Fight is the expression of hostility and aggression against other members. It is reflected by a strong willingness to argue with others at the meetings. FLIGHT (F1) Flight is the expression of avoidance of the problem or withdrawal from participation. It is reflected by uneasy feelings and a reluctance to express opinions or deal with problems. 175 VII. LEVEL-1 WORK (W1) l-level work is personally need-oriented and unre- lated to group work. It is reflected by personal concerns and does not contribute to solving the problem. VIII. LEVEL-2 WORK (W2) 2—level work is maintaining or routine in character. It may involve attempting to definezltask, searching for methodology, or clarifying already established plans. It is especially reflected by the lack of any new contribution to the meeting. IX. LEVEL-3 WORK (W3) 3-1eve1 work is group-focused work that introduces some new ingredient; active problem-solving. It is reflected by the contribution of new information or thinking about the problem. X. LEVEL-4 WORK (W4) 4-level work is highly creative, insighful, and integrative. It is reflected by interpreting what has been going on in the group and brings together in a meaningful way a series of experiences, and it helps to bring the group to final agreement. The last section of the questionnaire, which is on leadership pattern, does not have specific dimensions. The most important aspects of leadership will be shown by the modified Q-sort technique which indicates the "Most Essential" and "Least Essential" aspects of leadership as viewed by different groups. Those statements which are selected from the 20 descriptive sentences on leadership will provide some tentative dimensions on the pattern of leadership in different countries. 176 The Consistency of Items in Relationship to the Basic Dimensions For each of the dimensions, items or statements were develOped to measure those aspects of committee structure, group process, and individual tendency in groups. It is essential that each of these items be placed in the proper dimension for which the statement was intended. To deter- mine the consistency of item placement, five expert judges who had taught group discussion or small group theory and research were independently asked to indicate the dimension for each item in the questionnaire. The items were randomly arranged on sheets so that they would not be in any specificl order on each of the five answer sheets. The judges were asked to write the dimension after each statement as listed on the answer sheet. The judges were not told the total number of items for each dimension and they were not allowed to indicate more than one dimension for each statement. Each of the judges had the descriptions of the basic dimen- sions as reproduced and the randomly arranged answer Sheets. The three sections of the questionnaire were indicated on the answer sheets. The perfect agreement of dimension and items required that all five judges correctly identify all five items from the total number of items in that section of the questionnaire. This kind of consistency would be indicated by a 1.00 agreement in the ratings. 177 The consistency of "Stability" in Part II on group process and that for "3-Level Work" and "4-Level Work" in Part III of the questionnaire was somewhat less than expected, but the average level of consistency of placement was the following: Consistency of Item Placement by Section Part I .92 Part II .88 Part III .92 Total .914 Since the average level of consistency of item place- ment in the dimension was above 80 per cent, which would show that four of the five expert judges had correctly placed the items, the questionnaire was accepted in the 5 present form. The Description of the Items Used in the Final Revised Questionnaire This section of the present study will list by dimension the items or statements which have been used in the final revised version of the questionnaire. In the actual questionnaire the items were alternated so that the respondents would not be aware of the dimensions, but for 5Appendix II, Consistency of Item Placement by Dimension, shows the level of agreement for each dimension in the questionnaire. 178 the purpose of this presentation the items have been listed by dimension. The number which appears at the beginning of each statement is the number of that item in the question- naire. Part I.--The Dimensions of Groups I. CONTROL 1. The group is closely supervised by its members. 17. The members must do what is decided by the group. 33. A person may give up his membership at any time without consulting the group. 49. Members frequently fear'UJexpress their real opinions to other members. 65. Members do not have to explain their absence from meetings. II. STABILITY 2. 18. 34. 50. 66. There is a large turnover in membership. Many members have left the group in the last year. The membership is growing rapidly. Members are constantly dropping out of the group. . The membership has not changed much in the last year. III. FLEXIBILITY 3. 19. 35. 51. 67. The group has meetings at regularly scheduled times. The group meets at any place that happens to be handy. The meetings are conducted according to fixed procedures. The group has very few fixed, formal rules and regulations. The group is formed according to a Specific written plan. 179 IV. PERMEABILITY VI. VII. 4. People who want to join must be Sponsored by a member. 20. The group attempts to get as many new members as possible. 36. Anyone who attends meetings is considered a member. 52. Members are not carefully considered before they enter the group. 68. Membership is difficult to obtain. INTIMACY 5. Members address each other in a familiar fashion. 21. The members are very informal with each other. 37. Each member knows all of the other members. 53. Members discuss personal affairs among themselves. 69. Each member knows what to expect from other members. HOMOGENEITY A 6. 22. 38. 54. 70. All members are of the same sex. Members are all about the same age. Members have quite different family back- grounds. Members have been in this group for about the same number of years. The members have widely varying interests. HOMOGENEITY B 7. 23. 39. 55. 71. This group is about like any other group. This group is very different from other groups. Most groupseue very similar to this group. There are only slight differences between this group and other groups. Most other groups have different character- istics from this group. 180 VIII. VISCIDITY IX. X. XI. 8. Members usually work together as if they were one person. 24. There is an undercurrent among members that tends to pull the group apart. 40. Many members are incapable of working as part of the group. 56. Many of the members are uncooperative. 72. There are tensions between members that inter- fere with the functioning of the group. AUTONOMY 9. Some members fear to express opinions because of what outsiders might do. 25. The group is told by others how to conduct its meetings. 41. There is strong pressure on members to decide to do what outsiders say. 57. Each member presents his own opinion rather than talking for outsiders. 73. Many members are told by outsiders what they should say at meetings. STRATIFICATION 10. The original members have special privileges. 26. The older members are granted Special privileges. 42. Each member has as much social standing as any other member. 58. The opinions of all members are considered as equal. 74. The group has members who are above others in social standing. POTENCY 11. Membership serves as an aid to personal advancement. 27. Membership is a way of acquiring status. 43. The group is not really important to its members. 59. The disgrace of one member would reflect on all members. 75. Members would lose self-respect should the group fail to accomplish its objectives. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. 181 PARTICIPATION 12. Every member is active. 28. Every member has something to do. 44. All members usually attend the meetings. 60. There is excellent participation in group activities. 76. Many members do not do anything for the group. POLARIZATION 13. The specific purpose of the group is not clearly recognized. 29. The group does many things not directly related to its purpose. 45. Efforts are usually directed towards Specific goals. 61. The members know exactly what they want to get done. 77. The members have conflicting ideas about the the purpose of the group. HEDONIC TONE 14. The members enjoy coming to the meetings. 30. Members are generally unhappy about what they do. 46. Many members think the meetings are boring. 62. Members frequently complain about the group. 78. Members are happy they are in this group. SIZE 15. The group has twenty-five or more members. 31. The group is very large. 47. Only a few people are members. 63. Many peOple are members. 79. The group is very small. LEADERSHIP 16. The group has only one recognized leader. 32. This group looks to many members for leadership. 48. The leaders make important decisions without consulting the members. 64. The group needs a formal leader to function. 80. The membership makes all of the important decisions. 182 Part II.--Description of Group Process 1. II. III. IV. CONTROL 1. Members always freely express their opinions to others at meetings. 17. The group strictly regulates the conduct of members during meetings. 33. Members are censured when they do not act properly. 49. Sometimes members are forced to be silent by others. 65. Sometimes members are forced to express their opinions. STABILITY 2. The meetings usually go along as most of the members expect. 18. Meetings are likely to break up when members have any kind of disagreement. 34. There are many interruptions in the progress of the meetings. 50. The meetings usually develOp in an orderly pattern. 66. Something unexpected does not upset the meetings. FLEXIBILITY 3. The meetings are conducted according to fixed rules and regulations. 19. The group rarely decides to discuss anything which was not planned for the meetings. 35. The meetings are conducted in any way the members want. 51. The group cannot adapt its procedures from meeting to meeting. 67. The group sometimes changes its whole approach to problems. PERMEABILITY 4. The ideas of all members are readily listened to by others. 20. All members receive the attention of the group when they speak. 36. It is difficult for many members to get the opportunity to Speak at meetings. 52. Members must have special qualifications to speak. 68. Every member has the opportunity to speak at meetings. 183 V. INTIMACY 5. The members know each other so well that almost any topic is discussed without fear of offending somebody. 21. Each member is likely to learn what the others are really thinking. 37. Members havetflmaopportunity to talk to every other member at the meetings. 53. Some members feel out of place becasue they do not know many of the other members. 69. Some members do not talk because they do not VI. VII. VIII. know the others very well. HOMOGENEITY A 6. 22. 38. 54. 70. Most of the members have about the same amount of information. Most members act about the same during meetings. There are great differences in the views of members. Most of the members think in different patterns. Members vary so greatly that they participate in different ways in meetings. HOMOGENEITY B 7. Most meetings are very similar to those of other groups. 23. The meetings are about like those of any other group. 39. Meetings are conducted very differently from those of other groups. 55. The meetings of this group are very different from those of other groups. 71. The meetings of this group are like those of any other group. VISCIDITY 8. Members try to work together at meetings. 24. There is almost constant disagreement among members. 40. Some members Show strong hostility towards members. 56. Certain members usually speak against other members. 72. There are many members who cannot work together with other members. 184 IX. AUTONOMY X. XI. XII. 9. Some members fear to express opinions because of what outsiders might do. 25. The group is told by others how to conduct its meetings. 41. There is storng pressure on members to decide to do what outsiders say. 57. Each member presents his own opinion rather than talking for outsiders. 73. Many members are told by outsiders what they should say at meetings. STRATIFICATION 10. The ideas of the leaders are usually discussed before those of ordinary members. 26. Every member has the same opportunity to influence the decisions of the group. 42. Some members have a special right-to influence the outcome of meetings. 58. Some things are discussed only by leaders of the group. 74. The older members do not receive special attention when they speak. POTENCY 11. The meetings are not very important. 27. Members feel that what they decide is important. 43. The members believe what they say is important. 59. Members are willing to devote almost unlimited time to meetings. 75. The decisions are rarely important to members. PARTICIPATION 12. Everybody usually has their say on the subject. 28. There is poor participation at meetings. 44. It is hard to get many of the members to talk at meetings. 60. Almost everybody takes part in the meetings. 76. Most of the members say something during meetings. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. 185 POLARIZATION 13. The group has specific things to discuss at meetings. 29. The meetings are confused by members who do not talk on the subject. 45. Each member has a good idea of what the meetings are to accomplish. 61. The members try to find the best solution to problems. 77. The members usually find a solution that meets the purpose for which the meeting was called. HEDONIC TONE 14. Many members do not enjoy meetings because members become angry at each other. 30. There are frequently bitter arguments during meetings that make many members unhappy. 46. Most of the members seem happy during meetings. 62. Members are generally unhappy about how others conduct themselves. 78. Most of the members enjoy the meetings. SIZE 15. The group accomplishes more with many members present than with just a few. 31. The group usually accomplishes more with just a few members at the meetings. 47. The meetings are best when only a few members are present. 63. Meetings are best when all members are present. 79. Members prefer meetings in which everybody is present. LEADERSHIP 16. Any member is likely to assume leadership of the meetings. 32. The members share the responsibility for conducting the meetings. 48. The leader makes most of the decisions about how to run the meetings. 64. Many different members contribute to running the meetings. 80. The group has only one person as the leader of meetings. 186 Ekirrt III.--Individual Tendency in Groups I. II. III. IV. PAIRING 1. I would have preferred a smaller, more friendly meeting. 11. I felt that social relationships were main- tained on too formal a level. . 21. I liked to keep the discussion on a personal level. 31. I wanted to have the group break up into smaller sub-groups. 41. I wanted to know some of the other members better. COUNTERPAIRING 2. I was oriented towards the group as a whole rather than particular members. 12. I was resistive against breaking up into smaller groups. 22. I felt that social relationships were too close. 32. I was not inclined to form special friendships. 42. I discouraged personal discussion between members. DEPENDENCY 3. I preferred to proceed along established lines. 13. I was comfortable when the leaders were active and directive. 23. I was inclined to follow the suggestions of the leader. 33. I usually directed my comment to the leader rather than the group. 43. I defended the leaders when they were attacked by others. COUNTERDEPENDENCY 4. I enjoyed opposing the leader of the group. 14. I suggested alternative action to what was proposed by the leader. 24. I expressed negative feelings about the leader. 34. I opposed those who attempted to dominate the group. 44. I attempted to dominate the meetings. V. FIGHT VI. VII. VIII. 5. 187 I became involved in prolonged or intensified arguments. start arguments. become sarcastic when annoyed at I was eager to respond to attack by counter- to take sides in arguments. I was reluctant to come to many of the I tried to avoid being drawn into arguments. to show my true feelings. I was uneasy during periods of disharmony. 15. I tended to 25. I tended to meetings. 35. attack. 45. I was ready FLIGHT 6. meetings. 16. 26. I tried not 36. 46. I did not like to express negative or critical opinions. l-LEVEL WORK 7. 17. 27. 37. 47. I was concerned about what others would say about my ideas. I was happy when somebody recognized the value of what I had said. I needed to understand what the group was thinking about me. I wished somebody would have stopped me from going on with what I was saying. I wanted somebody to explain what I should do. 2-LEVEL WORK 8. 18. 28. 38. 48. I attempted subject. I helped to subject. I attempted I helped by I helped to to get everyone to stay on the keep the discussion going on the to define the problem. explaining what the group was to do. establish the order in which topics were discussed. 188 IX. 3—LEVEL WORK 9. 190 29. 39. 49. I tried to give the discussion a new direction. I added to the meetings by contributing vital new information. I made contributions which advanced the progress of the meetings. I suggested a new approach to the problem. I contributed information to give added depth to the meetings. X. 4—LEVEL WORK 10. 20. 30. 40. 50. I showed how the meeting had advanced to where final agreement could be reached. I Showed how the feelings of a member prevented the group from reaching decisions. I helped to change the climate of meetings so that agreements could be reached. I showed the relationship of what had been said and gave this a new interpretation. 1 showed how the contributions of several members were related to solving the problem. Part IV.--Leadership Pattern 1. 2. J: \OCIJNOU'I 10. 11: 12. 13. He-gave (they gave) dynamic, active, and enthusiastic direction to the group. He was an elder (they were elders) who knew a lot about the group. He made (they made) most of the important decisions for the group. He was (they were) friendly and went out of the way to help other members. He knew (they knew) how to direct the members of the group. He did not (they did not) constantly supervise the members. He was (they were) able to influence members. He was a close, personal friend (they were close, personal friends) of all members. He was (they were) able to get along well with members. He was (they were) very firm and strict in the meetings. He tried (they tried) very hard to make the group successful. He listened (they listened) when suggestions or criticism was offered. He was (they were) the kind of person who thinks- and acts quickly in meetings. 189 14. He had (they had) special talent or training in leading meetings. 15. He had (they had) the respect of all members. 16. He refrained (they refrained) from being too familiar with members. 17. He gave (they gave) important responsibilities to other members. 18. He had (they had) imagination and was (were) able to think of new ways of doing things. 19. He had (they had) a lot of experience in how to organize and run groups. 20. He was (they were) able to help the members to work together. The Use of the Questionnaire for the Study of Committee Structure and Group Process in Other Countries The Selection of the Primary Study Groups The primary study groups in the present study are 80 male university students in the United States and 80 male university students in Korea. The groups have been closely matched so that both groups have many fieldscfi‘study repre- sented and so that the number of respondents by class level is fairly equal. The selection of male university students was done to decrease the number of outside variables, such as sex and age, which might be related to differences in groups. The field work in Korea was done by a professor of sociology and a member of the Population Research Center at the University of Seoul. An attempt was made to extend the present study to several other countries, including Nigeria, Mexico, Iraq, and Japan. However, the difficulties in obtaining high quality assistance, such as 190 obtained in Korea, made that impossible. Therefore, the findings in the present study on committee structure and the group process must represent the eXploratory test of the application of the instruments in the final question- naire. The findings on adult community development workers in Nigeria have indicated that the questionnaire appeared to work in that country, but the number of respondents was not sufficient for extensive statistical treatment. The Translation of the Questionnaire The double translation method which has been used in some cross-national studies of attitudes has not been used in the translation of the questionnaire into the Korean form. The process of double translation was not done because of time and expense. The double translation technique, which is an attempt to improve the cross- cultural equivalence of the statements, is considered desirable. However, the translation used in the present study was done by a Korean graduate student at the Uni- versity of Indiana and reviewed by a professor of Far Eastern Languages with field experience in Korea. Both the English and the translated Korean version of the question- naire were sent, reviewed, and returned from Korea by the professor who conducted the field work at the University of Seoul before the final qeustionnaires were reproduced. The 191 double translation method might have found a few differences in the meaning of some statements, but the present version of the Korean questionnaire is a high quality product. The Korean and American versions of the questionnaire are assumed to be equivalent in this study. The Acceptance of Items in the Questionnaire Each page of the questionnaire had the key for the positions on the five-point scales. The following format was used: ANSWERS: Definitely True Mostly True Undecided Mostly False Definitely False CIRCLE l 2 3 4 5 mtwml-J In the section of the questionnaire on individual tendency in groups, a different key was used. The numbers ontfle scale were reversed from the previous section so that the respondents would be aware that the scale was different. The respondents were instructed in the questionnaire to circle "Undecided," if they could not circle any other response to the statement. This "Undecided" position was used as the middle value on the scale, but the presence of an extremely high percentage of responses in that position would indicate that this item or dimension was not understood 192 by or meaningful to that group of subjects. This freedom to reject the items and dimensions was an important prelim- inary test for the rejection of dimensions which were not meaningful in the other country. The standard for the rejection of any dimension was determined before the actual collection of data. As in the Hemphill study, any dimen- sion which had 50 per cent of the total possible responses in the "Undecided" position would be rejected as not acceptable for that country. Also, any dimension which was above 20 per cent should be closely analyzed. The following results were found in the present study of Korean and American students: Percentage of Responses in the Undecided Position United Korea States Part I.-—The Dimensions of Committee Structure .09 .06 Part II.--The Description of Group Process .07 .06 This analysis showed that the per cent of responses in the "Undecided" position was not sufficient to reject the tentative dimensions for committee structure or group process. However, the possiblity of the rejection of individual dimensions must be analyzed. The analysis by each dimension showed that only Homogeneity B had more than 20 per cent of the total responses in the "Undecided" 193 position. However, this did not indicate the rejection of that dimension. Percentage of Undecided Responses on Homogeneity B by Country United Korea States Part I.-- The Dimensions of Committee Structure .17 .14 Part II.--The Description of Group Process .12 .22 Since Homogeneity B is not near the rejection standard and because this difference has occurred in both countries, Homogeneity B has not been rejected as a possible dimension. However, the wording of these items should be reviewed. This method of analysis has been an apparent accep- tance of the dimensions on committee structure and group process by these Korean and American groups. However, the findings of the factor analysis have shown that the tenta- tive dimensions do not hold for both countries. Therefore, this preliminary analysis which did not reject the dimen- sions is doubtful. The modified Q-sort methodology was used to study leadership patterns in different countries because this technique also has considerable freedom by the respondents to select the ten statements from the total of 20 state- ments which would indicate the most essential aspects of 194 leadership. Forced choice was used only in the section of individual tendency in groups because of the need to have respondents make judgments about their own reactions in committees and groups. Because the items and dimensions in this study were mainly based on small group theory and research in the United States, the freedom to reject the items by respon- dents in other countries was an important aspect of the construction of this questionnaire. The Korean study group did not Show a rejection of items which would question the dimensions in the present study. Tentative Data on the Primany Study Groups The purpose of this section on the basic data for this cross-national study is to show that the apparent findings seemed to be reasonable. However, since the factor analysis has indicated that the basic dimensions for American.and Korean groups are probably different, these findings which appear reasonable are highly questionable. The Mean Scores on the Dimensions of Committee. Structure, Group Process, and Individual Tendency in GroupS.-- The mean score for each dimension was obtained by the arith- metical averaging of the five items in the questionnaire for each of the dimensions. Since these scores were based on five-point scales, a dimension score of 1.0 would be very low and a dimension score of 5.0 would be very high. 195 The mean dimension scores on committee structure were quite similar, as is shown by these figures: Male Male . American Korean Dimension Students Students (N = 80) (N = 80) Control 3.2 3.1 Stability 3.6 3.8 Flexibility 2.0 3.0 Permeability 2.9 3.0 Intimacy 4.1 3.6 Homogeneity A 2.9 3.1 Homogeneity B 3.1 2.8 Viscidity 3.9 3.8 Autonomy 3.5 3.9 Stratification 2.3 2.3 Potency 3.4 3.3 Participation 3.7 3.7 Polarization 3.8 3.9 Hedonic Tone 3.6 3.1 Size 3.1 3.4 Leadership 2.8 2.8 These are the mean dimension scores based on the items on group process. The items which were used are similar to those for that dimension on committee structure, but the items stressed what actually has occurred in the meetings. There about five of the dimensions which have some apparent differences between these groups. The dimensions of Control, Viscidity, Hedonic Tone, Size, and Leadership seemed to Show considerable differences between American and Korean groups. The mean dimensions scores for group process were the following: 196 Male Male Dimension American Korean Students Students (N = 80) (N = 80) Control 2.7 2.3 Stability 3.9 3.8 Flexibility 3.1 3.0 Permeability 4.3 3.9 Intimacy 4.0 3.7 Homogeneity A 3.4 3.6 Homogeneity B 3.3 3.1 Viscidity 4.1 3.5 Autonomy 4.0 4.1 Stratification 2.7 2.8 Potency 3.9 3.7 Participation 3.9 3.7 Polarization 4.1 3.9 Hedonic Tone 4.2 3.6 Size 4.0 3.5 Leadership 3.3 2.6 For the dimensions on individual tendency in groups, only the mean dimensions scores for 2-1evel Work, 3-level Work, and 4-1eve1 Work have some apparent differences between these groups. For the section on individual tendency in groups, the dimensions had the following scores: 197 Male Male . . American Korean DlmenSlon Students Students (N = 80) (N = 80) Emotionality Pairing 2.7 3.1 Counterpairing 2.6 2.9 Dependency 3.1 3.4 Counterdependency 2.7 3.0 Fight 2.7 2.9 Flight 2.8 2.9 Work l-Level Work 3.0 3.2 2-Level Work 3.3 4.0 3-Level Work 3.2 4.0 4-Level Work 3.1 3.7 The Analysis of Variance Among Countries, Dimensions, and Interaction.—-Since the previous figures on the mean dimension scores do not indicate the statistical significance of the differences between dimensions for each country and the differences for dimensions within each country, the technique of variance analysis has been used. This section contains the summary on the analysis of variance for committee structure, group process, and individual tendency in groups. The analysis of variance for committee structure showed the following: 198 Source of Degrees of Mean F Approx. Variance Freedom Square Statistic Signif. Between Countries 1 0.98 1.85 0.17 Between Dimensions 15 39.06 74.11 0.01 Interaction 15 4.81 9.12 0.01 Error 2528 0.53 The analysis of variance on group process showed that the differences among countries, dimensions, and interaction were apparently significant. The following results were obtained: Source.of Degrees of Mean F Approx. Variance Freedom Square Statistic Signif. Between Countries 1 41.79 100.94 0.01' Between Dimensions 15 39.12 94.48 0.01' Interaction 15 2.49 6.02 0.01: Error 2528 0.41 The analysis of variance on individual tendency in groups also showed that the differences among countries, dimensions, and interaction were significant, as is shown by the following: 199 Source of Degrees of Mean F Approx. Variance Freedom Square Statistic Signif. Between Countries 1 54.91 105.62 0.01 Between Dimensions 9 17.52 33.70 0.01- Interaction 9 2.44 4.70 0.01 Error 1580 0.52 In summary, the analysis of variance showed that the differences were significant, with the exception of the difference between countries on the aspects of committee structure. However, since the factor analysis has shown that the basic dimensions are not similar in these countries, these findings should not be interpreted to Show that American and Korean groups have significant differences in committee structure and group process. The factor analysis showed that individual tendency in groups had some Simi- larity in the factor structure. Therefore, the comparison between Americans and Koreans may hold for this aspect of the present study. CHAPTER IV THE FACTOR ANALYSIS OF THE DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE, GROUP PROCESS, AND INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS The Methodology of the Factor Analysis Factor analysis has been done for each of the Korean and American male university student groups. .The sections of the questionnaire on committee structure, group process, and individual tendency in groups have been analyzed separately. The factor analysis was done on the basis of both the dimensions, as had been done in previous studies, and by the individual items in the questionnaire. The factor analysis program was Factor A, which included the principal components and orthogonal rotations as developed by the Computer Institute for Social Research.1 These data were processed by the Computer Center at Michigan State University in East Lansing, Michigan. The following options were selected: Communality Option = Unities Inserted Principal Axis or Rotation = Varimax Kiel-Wrigley Option for Analysis by Dimensions = l lComputer Institute for Social Science Research, "Factor Analysis," Technical Report No. 31, Michigan State University, October 15, 1965 (mimeographed). 200 201 Kiel-Wrigley Option for Analysis by Items = 3 Number of Factors to Rotate if not Kiel-Wrigley = 0 Eigenvalue Threshhold = 1.000 The factor analysis program has produced the following data: means, standard deviations, intercorrelation matrix, eigenvalues, factor loading matrix, the pr0portions of variance, the highest loading, communalities, and rotated factor loadings. This factor analysis has been done in the attempt to determine basic dimensions in this study on committees and group process. The cross—national analysis of factors has been used to determine the acceptability of the questionnaire for the comparative study of committees and the group process in different countries. Previous Factor Analysis of tnu_Hemphill Scales on the Dimensions of Groups The hundred descriptions obtained by Hemphill in the "Study of Groups" conducted in the United States was the basis for the beginning factor analysis of group dimensions.2 The rotated factor loadings as developed by Hemphill had three major factors. Factor I was defined by high loadings on the following dimensions: 2John K. Hemphill, Group Dimensions: A Manual For Their Measurement (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, 1956), pp. 26-23. 202 Autonomy .78 Control (low) .69 Stratification (low) .64 Permeability .62 Potency (low) .60 Flexibility .44 Participation (low) .29 This factor was considered as a "problem-induced" mobilization of the behavior of individual members of the group. Factor I was tentatively designated as "Behavior Regulation Appearing as Social Structure." The items used in the present study are based on the Hemphill study, but the individual items are not identical. Factor 11 had high loadings on the following dimensions: Polarization .76 Viscidity .72 Participation .69 Stability .40 This factor was designated as "Effective Synergy" which is the unifying attitude which emerges as the dynamic intention of the group. It is the energy expressed in gaining the goals for which the group has come together. Polarization indicates effective group behavior. High Viscidity represents a condition in which there is minimum friction or internal dissension among members of the group. Participation is related to the total energy of individuals in the group activity. This combination of dimensions was believed to fit the concept of effective synergy. Factor III was defined by high loadings on the following dimensions: 203 Intimacy .84 Size (small) .74 Homogeneity .57 Stability .41 Flexibility .37 Hedonic Tone .37 Control (low) .35 Since this factor was primarily characterized by high loadings on Intimacy and Size, it was designated as "Primary Personal Interaction." The following is an analysis of the total variance for each group dimension as found by Hemphill in Sample A, which consisted of one hundred respondents' descriptions of one hundred miscellaneous groups. Each person had described a different group. Each of the one hundred res- pondents had selected from his experience one of all the groups of which he was a member and described that specific group. This method was the same as was used in the present study. Since the sample sizes are about the same, these findings by factor could be compared with the findings in the present study. The group dimensions which are used in this informal table are those which were used by Hemphill. These dimensions are not exactly the same as the dimensions which have been used in the present study, but the definitions are very similar. These three factors were reported to have accounted for 49 per cent of the total variance. An analysis of the total variance by group dimensions showed that Homogeneity, Autonomy, Potency, Permeability, Flexibility, Size, 204 Analysis of Total Variance of Hemphill's 13 Group Dimensions Proportion of Total Variance gigggsion Factor Factor Factor Specific Unreli- I II III Variance ability Autonomy .61 .02 .01 .21 .15 Control .47 .02 .12 - .56 Flexibility .20 .01 .13 .18 .48 Hedonic Tone .02 .03 .13 - .92 Homogeneity .00 .00 .35 .29 .36 Intimacy .16 .00 .71 - .36 Participation .09 .48 .00 - .62 Permeability .38 .01 .03 .19 .39 Polarization .01 .58 .00 .05 .36 Potency .36 .05 .03 .20 .36 Stability .00 .16 .16 - .75 Stratification .41 .05 .02 .14 .38 Viscidity .03 .52 .05 .14 .26 Stratification, and Viscidity had some specific variance which was not accounted for by the three factors. An additional study of the intercorrelations among group dimensions for three different samples of respondents showed that the intercorrelation for pairs of dimensions depended upon the specific sample. The Hemphill scales on group dimensions have been independently analyzed by Borgatta, Cottrell, and Meyers.3 A factor analysis was done on the original version of the Hemphill scales, rather than the revised items which were used in the previous study. However, the difference in the items was very slight. 3E. F. Borgatta, L. S. Cottrell, and H. J. Meyers, "On the Dimensions of Group Behavior," Sociometry, 19 (1956), 223—240. 205 The factor analysis which was done for this group indicated a different factor structure than was reported by Hemphill. This difference may have been accounted for on the basis of changes in the questionnaire, but the possibility of sensitivity of the measures to sampling variation was strongly suggested. This factor analysis indicated that there were four major factors in the dimensions of groups. Factor I had the following loadings: Hedonic Tone .91 Viscidity .90 Control (low) .55 Stratification (low) .44 Polarization .40 The tentative description attached to this factor was "Task-Focused Cooperativeness vs. Disagreeable Control." Factor II was composed of the fillowing high loadings: Participation .81 Potency .80 Permeability (low) .72 Stratification .54 Autonomy (low) .51 This factor was called, "Responsible Membership Commitment vs. Self-Structured Commitment." Factor III had the following loadings: Homogeneity .58 Control .49 Intimacy .46 This factor was tentatively named as "Primary Group- ness vs. Secondary." Factor IV had the following remaining high loadings: 206 Size (small) .81 Stability .63 Flexibility .56 This factor was labeled as "Size: Small Informal vs. Large Formal." The four factors accounted for about 57 per cent of the total proportion of the variance. The general finding of the study was that the hypothesis that the dimensions were orthogonal was not supported, but that the four extracted factors leave considerable room for several unique factors. There were probably more than four dimen- sions, but the existence of fourteen basic dimensions was not demonstrated by this study. The Factor Analysis of Group Descriptions py American University Students The questionnaire used in the present study was divided into three major sections. The first section con- tained descriptions of committee structure. The second section was related to group process. The third section had to do with individual tendency in groups. Each section was calculated individually for both the Korean and American groups. However, for the purpose of the compari- son of this factor analysis with the previous factor studies, the first section on committee structure has been used. This section had items which were closely related to those developed by Hemphill. On the basis of the present factor analysis of dimensions, the following factors were shown: 207 United States (N = 80) Factor I Autonomy .73 Hedonic Tone .67 Polarization .62 Factor 11 Permeability .80 Control --73 Factor III Size .76 Stability -.64 Flexibility -.53 Factor IV Stratification -.75 Viscidity .71 Leadership -.66 Participation .64 Factor V Homogeneity B .87 Factor VI Intimacy .71 Homogeneity A .70 Potency .56 These six factors have about 68 per cent of the proportion of total variance. These factors are quite different from those of the previous studies on American groups. Because three inde- pendent studies which used similar items have shown different factors, the tentative dimensions must be highly unstable. Therefore, this questionnaire should not be used to compare highly different groups. In addition, the dimensions of groups which were developed by Hemphill and used in the present study were not substantiated by the factor analysis. The range in the reliability of items in relationship to each dimension in the present study was fairly large. The correlations were generally low, but statistically 208 significant. However, this difference in the reliability of items could have influenced the factor analysis. While the questionnaire could be valuable as a descriptive instrument for the study of changes within com- mittees, the comparison of widely different groups on the basis of these dimensions is highly doubtful as long as factor analysis does not Show basic similarity in factors. The Comparison of the Factor Analysis for American and Korean Groups The factors which were obtained by this analysis have not been labeled in the present study because this method might be misleading. The factor loadings by dimension and a brief tentative explanation of the possible relation- ship have been included for each factor which was extracted by factor analysis. The findings for each of the major sections of the questionnaire will be compared. The reduc- tion of the factors to less than was extracted was attempted, but a better solution was not found. Therefore, the findings are based on the maximum extracted factors for each section of the questionnaire. The factor analysis which was based on the individual items did not Show more meaningful solutions than those based on the dimensions for the aspects of com- mittee structure and group process. Therefore, the factor analysis by dimension has been reported. 209 Committee Structure and Factor Analysis The factor analysis for committee structure showed that there were Six factors for both the Korean and American groups. However, these factors were not Similar in high loading on the various dimensions. The factor analysis Showed that each of these primary study groups has a dif— ferent combination of loadings for each of the six extracted factors. The following is a summary table of these factors by country: United States Korea (N = 80) (N = 80) Factor I Autonomy .73 Control -.89 Hedonic Tone .67 Intimacy -.52 Polarization .62 Factor II Permeability .80 Size .77 Control -.73 Flexibility -.62 Homogeneity A .55 Factor 111 Size .76 Hedonic Tone .85 Stability —.64 Viscidity .72 Flexibility -.53 Autonomy .67 Factor IV Stratification -.75 Homogeneity B .83 Viscidity .71 Leadership -.66 Participation .64 Factor V Homogeneity B .87 Leadership .80 Potency .56 Participation .56 Stability -.54 Permeability .52 Factor VI Intimacy .71 Stratification .82 Homogeneity A .70 Polarization -.58 Potency .56 210 Each of these six-factor solutions included about 68 per cent of the total variance. The only factor which appeared in both groups was Homogeneity B, which has to do with the description of the group being Similar to other groups in that country. Since the actual description may be different for each country, this factor should not be considered as very fundamental. Both the Korean and American groups have a factor which contained high loadings on Hedonic Tone and Autonomy, but in the American group these dimensions were associated with Polarization. In the Korean group the dimensions were con- nected with Viscidity rather than with Polarization. Since these other dimension loadings were quite strong on Polariza- tion (.62) in the American Factor I and on Viscidity (.72) in the Korean Factor 111, these factors should not be forced into a single category. Another slight similarity in factors was between Factor III for the Americans and Factor II for the Koreans. This factor could have indicated the association of large group Size and low flexibility which is certainly a logical structural relationship, but other high dimension loadings were different. In the Korean group, Homogeneity A (.55), which is the homogeneity of individuals in the group, was included in the loadings on Korean Factor 11. For the American group, Factor III, which included Size and Flexi- bility, had low Stability (-.64) as the other related dimension. Because these other dimension loadings were 211 different, these factors should not be considered as similar. The other three factors in each country were very different in the various loadings in each factor. On the whole, the factors which were disclosed by this analysis on the dimen- sions of committee structure between American and Korean groups did not Show any strong pattern of similarity. Group Process and Factor Analysis The factor analysis on group process also showed six different factors for the Korean and American groups. The various factors extracted in relationship to group process had very little similarity. The following summary table shows the factors and loadings: United States Korea (N =(80) (N = 80) Factor I Intimacy .80 Viscidity .85 Potency .72 Homogeneity A .80 Participation .70 Hedonic Tone .69 Permeability .63 Autonomy .64 Stability .59 Intimacy .57 Permeability .56 Control -.54 Factor 11 Flexibility .87 Potency .78 Control -.71 Participation .72 Polarization .70 Leadership -.66 Intimacy .57 Factor III Leadership .95 Homogeneity B .94 Factor IV Autonomy -.73 Flexibility -.95 Hedonic Tone -.72 Stability -.69 Polarization -.63 Size —.61 Viscidity -.57 212 Factor V Homogeneity A .69 Size .79 Stratification -.66 Control .55 Viscidity .63 Factor VI Homogeneity B -.95 Stratification -.87 Factor I in the American group and Factor 11 in the Korean group had three similar high loadings. These loadings were on Potency, Participation, and Intimacy. However, in American Factor I, Permeability (.63) was included, and for Korean Factor 11, Polarization (.70) and Leadership (-.66) were present. Therefore, these factors were not considered as being Similar. American Factor V and Korean Factor I both had Homogeneity A and Viscidity as high loadings, but Korean Factor I had six other loadings. Homogeneity B was Factor 11 in the Korean group (.94) and Factor VI in the American group (-.95). For the American group, the other factors were Factor 11 which is a logical combination of high flexibility (.87) and low Control (-.7l), Factor III which was Leadership (.95) without any other loadings, and Factor IV which was a combination that could have indicated conflict. For the Korean group, the other factors were Factor IV which was Flexibility (-.95), Factor V which had to do with Size (.79) and Control (.55), and Factor VI which was Stratification (-.87). Each of these six-factor solutions accounted for about 75 per cent of the total variance. 213 This analysis of the factors has not indicated that there were similar factors in both countries. Each country had Six factors, but even those factors that had some similar loadings also contained other loadings which indicated that these factors were not similar. This finding on the basic factors related to group process is the same as that found in the factor analysis on committee structure. In both countries, the factors for committee structure and group process were quite different. This finding would support the decision that these aspects of committees should be analyzed separately. The items used in these sections of the questionnaire were quite similar, but the frame-of- reference was different. Individual Tendency in Groups and Factor Analysis The factor analysis of individual tendency in groups showed high loadings on a factor which included 2-1eve1 Work, 3-level Work, and 4-level Work in both the American and Korean groups. This finding was expected because these dimensions of Work are closely related to task oriented activity, while 1- level Work has considerable emotionality involved. The factor analysis on the basis of dimensions has provided four factors for each nationality group. In both cases, Factor I was related to task-oriented activity and contained the three highest dimensions of Work. 214 The other loadings on l-level Work and the dimensions of Emotionality were different. These four factor solutions included about 77 per cent of the variance for Americans and about 74 per cent of the total variance for the Koreans. The following table is a summary of the loadings for the factor analysis of individual tendency in groups: United States Korea (N = 80) (N = 80) Factor I 2-1eve1 Work -.92 2-1eve1 Work .93 3-1evel Work -.90 3-1evel Work .90 4-level Work -.84 4-1evel Work .89 Facotr II Counter- 1-level Work .83 dependency .86 Dependency .68 Fight .79 Pairing .65 Counterpairing .61 Flight .61 Dependency .58 Factor III l-level Work .80 Fight .88 Flight .77 Counterdependency .86 Counterpairing .58 Factor IV Pairing -.93 Counterpairing .98 For the American group, Factor II which had high loadings on Counterdependency, Counterpairing, and Fight could have indicated highly independent behavior in groups. Factor III which had major loadings on 1-level Work and Flight could have indicated considerable non-meaningful activity and withdrawal from full participation by some members. This factor is very meaningful in relationship to Factor I which had negative loadings on the constructive dimensions of Work. American Factor IV was Pairing. However, this factor had a high negative loading which would be consistent with the other 215 factors for the American group. The combination of these factors could have indicated a strong tendency in these groups which would not have produced active, problem-solving meetings. For the Korean group, Factor 11 had loading on l-level Work and Flight, but these dimensions were combined with Pairing and Dependency. This factor could have indicated some non-meaningful participation, with a strong reliance on others in the group. Factor 111 had loadings on Fight and Counterdependency. This was a logical combination of dimensions which could have shown a tendency to oppose the leadership of these groups by members. Factor IV was Counterpairing which was the preference by members for total group relationships and activity. The factor analysis which was based on the individual items in the questionnaire has shown a finding on these aspects of individual tendency in groups for both countries which should be reported. The two-factor solutions for both the United States and Korea have shown that Bion's fundamental division between Work and Emotionality, as long as level-l Work is considered as part of Emotionality, has appeared in the factor analysis by items in both countries. The propor- tion of total variance is relatively low, 27 per cent for Koreans and 36 per cent for Americans, but the loadings of these items on these two basic factors are clear. 216 The Evaluation of Factor Analysis on Committee Structure, Group Process, and Individual Tendency in Groups The wide differences in the factors, as compared to the previous studies based on the Hemphill scales, have shown that this instrument is not acceptable. The differences in the questionnaire should not have accounted for such major differences in the factors. This instrument has excessive instability in the factors which were obtained. Therefore, the comparison of different groups on the basis of this questionnaire is highly doubtful, as long as a stable factor structure within and between countries cannot be established. For both committee structure and group process, the factors which were found in each country have such basic dif- ferences in factor structure that the finding of the present study must be that these different nationality groups had different ways of looking at committee structure and group process. Therefore, this instrument did not show cross-national application for the description of the basic differences in committees and the group process. The possibility of sensi- tivity to sampling variation still exists, but this interpre- tation of cultural differences between these American and Korean students is based on the belief that these groups were very closely matched. The basic differences in factors for each country were so great that the usefulness of this portion of the present questionnaire, which produced reasonable appearing data, for the cross-national study of committees is highly questionable. 217 There was some evidence that the factor analysis was functioning as it should; the combining of 2-leve1 Work, 3-1evel Work, and 4—1evel Work in the factor analysis on individual tendency in groups has shown that this methodology was sensitive and that the possibility of obtaining similar factors in both countries did exist. The factor analysis by dimensions on the various aspects of Emotionality showed that there could be some basic difference between these countries, but the fundamental division of the group process into Bion's categories of Work and Emotionality was supported by the factor analysis by items. This finding would indicate the possibility of using the theory and instruments which have been developed by the Human Relations Laboratory at the University of Chicago for the study of committees and individual reactions in different countries. Also, the emphasis on the dimensions of Work in the Korean group could indicate that the study of task-oriented groups might be especially productive. This factor analysis has shown that the current instruments which have been developed for the study of small groups in the United States should be very closely scrutinized before they are used to study committees in other cultures. CHAPTER V THE PATTERN OF LEADERSHIP BASED ON A MODIFIED Q—SORT TECHNIQUE The Cross-National Study of Leadership Patterns The study of leadership in small groups is very com- plex. Therefore, this study has been restricted to determin- ing the ranking of twenty general statements on leadership which have been modified from the items that were used in a previous study conducted in Mexico.1 The items in the present questionnaire were revised so that the character- istics of leadership behavior in groups, rather than the personality characteristics of the leader, would be stressed. These statements were not intended as an attempt at an all- inclusive definition of leadership behavior, but rather as a tool for eliciting comparable responses. The modified Q-sorting technique which was used in the previous study was also used in the present study. The following statements were used in this study: 1Kenneth J. Cooper, "The Modified Q Technique in Rural-Urban Field Research," Human Organization Research: Field Relations and Techniques, ed. Richard N. Adams and Jack J. Presis (Homewood: The Dorsey Press, 1960), pp. 338-351. 218 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 219 He gave (they gave) dynamic, active, and enthusiastic direction to the group. He was an elder (they were elders) who knew a lot about the group. He made (they made) most of the important decisions for the group. He was (they were) friendly and went out of the way to help other members. He knew (they knew) how to direct the members of the group. He did not (they did not) constantly supervise the members. He was (they were ) able to influence members. He was a close, personal friend ( they were close, personal firends) of all members. He was (they were) able to get along well with members. He was (they were) very firm and strict in the meetings. He tried (they tried) very hard to make the group successful. He listened (they listened) when suggestions or criticism was offered. He was (they were) the kind of person who thinks and acts quickly in meetings. He had (they had) special talent or training in leading meetings. He had (they had) the respect of all members. He refrained (they refrained) from being too familiar with members. He gave (they gave) important responsibilities to other members. He had (they had) imagination and was (were) able to think of new ways of doing things. 220 19. He had (they had) a lot of eXperience in how to organize and run groups. 20. He was (they were) able to help the members to work together. These statements have been used to determine the pattern of leadership in these groups of male American and Korean university students. In the present study, a modified Q-sort which included these twenty statements has been used to study the leadership patterns in these national groups. The respondents were asked to indicate the five statements which were "most essential" and the five state- ments that were "least essential" about leadership of groups in their country. This methodology was designed to produce the extreme dimensions of leadership. After the respondents had indicated the ten statements, they were asked to rank these ten statements from "most like leader(s)" to "least like leader(s)" for the group they had selected. In the final total ranking, the first five statements and the last five statements were ranked separately. The five statements with the highest rankings are reported in this study. In ranking the first five statements which were "most like leader(s)", the positions on the ranking were assigned the following weights: 221 Weights for the Ranking of Statements which are "Most Like Leader(s)" Position Weight +5 +4 +3 +2 +1 Ul-EUUNH The opposite procedure was done for the statements that were "least like leader(s)." The following weights were used in this ranking: Weights for the Ranking of Statements which are "Least Like Leader(s)" Position Weight 1. -1 2. -2 3. -3 4. —4 5. -5 The Leadership Pattern in the American Group The statements which were selected by the American study group were ranked from "Most Like Leader(s)" to "Least Like Leader(s)" of the specific group which they had described by the questionnaire. The statements are given according to rank order. The first statement had the highest total score in the rankings for statements which were "most like" the leadership behavior in their group, and the last statement in the listing had the highest total score for those statements which were considered as "least 222 like" the leadership in that group. The total scores on the ranking are included in the tables of the present study. The following is a summary listing of these rankings: Male American University Students (N = 80) Most Like 1. He gave (they gave) dynamic, active, and Leader(s) enthusiastic direction to the group. 15. He had (they had) the respect of all members. 13. He was (they were) the kind of person who thinks and acts quickly in meetings. 11. He tried (they tried) very hard to make the group successful. 9. He was (they were) able to get along well with members. 16. He refrained (they refrained) from being too familiar with members 8. He was a close, personal friend (they were close, personal friends) of all members. 3. He made (they made) most of the important decisions for the group. 2. He was an elder (they were elders) who knew a lot about the group. Least Like 10. He was (they were) very firm and strict Leader(s) in the meetings. The five statements at the beginning of this ranking are the positive characteristics of leadership behavior from these American groups. These five statements are considered as the most descriptive aspects of the tentative pattern of leadership. The five statements which are at the end of this 223 listing are the characteristics that were considered as "least like" the leadership behavior in these groups. The Q-sorting technique has eliminated those statements which did not distinguish the important positive and negative characteristics of leadership in these groups. The Leadership Pattern in the Korean Group The same Q-sorting technique was used for the male Korean university students as was used for the American group. This technique has allowed the respondents in each country to select the statements which were "most essential" and "least essential" in their country. Therefore, the possibility for the Korean students to select a completely different listing of statements did exist. This freedom to select from the twenty items about leadership behavior is important in this cross-national study. The Korean students did not have any trouble in following the instructions about the Q-sorting technique. This technique provided the tentative listing of statements about leadership behavior. However, there could be some aspects of leadership which are important in Korean groups which were not included in the questionnaire. These statements did elicit responses from the Korean group which can be compared to the American group for the purpose of a descriptive pattern of leadership behavior in both countries. The following is the ranking of statements which were selected by the Korean group: 224 Male Korean University Students (N = 80) Most Like 1. He gave (they gave) dynamic, active, and Leader(s) enthusiastic direction to the group. 4. He was (they were) friendly and went out of the way to help other members. 11. He tried (they tried) very hard to make the group successful. 12. He listened (they listened) when suggestions or criticism was offered. 5. He knew (they knew) how to direct the members of the group. 8. He was a close, personal friend (they were close, personal friends) of all members. 2. He was an elder (they were elders) who knew a lot about the group. 6. He did not (they did not) constantly supervise the members. 10. He was (they were) very firm and strict in the meetings. Least Like 16. He refrained (they refrained) from being Leader(s) too familiar with members. Most of the statements which were considered as "least like" the leadership behavior in these groups were not the items that were expected. This finding about leadership in groups selected by male Korean university students has suggested that traditional ideas about leader- ship in that country might have to be revised for modern organizations. 225 Evaluation of Cross-National Differences in Leadership_Patterns In the American ranking of the selected statements about leadership behavior, there were three statements which were considered as "most like" the leadership in these groups that were not included by the Koreans. These statements were the following: 15. He had (they had) the respect of all members. 13. He was (they were) the kind of person who thinks and acts quickly in meetings. 9. He was (they were)able to get along well with members. On the other side, the Korean group included the following statements as "most like" their leadership which were not included by the Americans: 12. He listened (they listened) when suggestions or criticism was offered. 5. He knew (they knew) how to direct the members of the group. For both the American and Korean groups, the statement that the leadership gave dynamic, active, and enthusiastic direction to the group had the highest ranking as "most like" their groups. The strong first ranking of this statement in both nationality groups has suggested that this aSpect of leadership behavior is very important in both countries. The statement about the leader or leaders being friendly and helping the other members was included as "most like" the leadership by both nationality groups, but the 226 position in the ranking was different. This statement was ranked second in the Korean group, but it was fifth in ranking for the American group. This finding shows that this aspect of leadership is probably more important in these Korean groups than in the American groups. The total pattern of leadership which was "most like" the leaders in the American and Korean groups must be con- sidered as quite different because five of the statements were different and the ranking was different. These state- ments which showed the positive aspects of leadership showed the most important differences in these nationality groups. The same five statements were selected by both groups for those items which were considered as "least like" the leadership in their groups. However, the ranking of these statements was different for these groups. For example, the statement about refraining from being too familiar with members was the highest ranking "least like" statement for the Koreans, but it was the lowest "least like" statement among the Americans. The highest ranking statement about the characteristics of leadership which were "most like" the groups was identical for these groups, but the selection of other statements has shown that the general leadership patterns were different in each country. However, leadership behavior which gives dynamic, active, and enthusiastic direction to the group is very important in both of these countries. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY OF FINDINGS ON THE CROSS-NATIONAL STUDY OF COMMITTEES AND THE GROUP PROCESS The Need for Social Research on National DIfferences in Committees and the Group Process The understanding of national differences in attitudes towards, and behavior in, committees by members from widely different cultures has become more important as the number and effect of international meetings have grown. The special problems related to the study of national differences in the group process have been reviewed by Mary Capes.l The application of the techniques of group dynamics and leader— Ship training has met with both success and failure in various countries. The training of people in other countries to conduct effective problem-solving meetings on community development is in the pioneering stage. There is considerable conflict between the approach of T. R. Batten2 and that of R. Lynton.3 Both approaches may have some value, lMary Capes (ed.), Communication or Conflict--Their Nature, Dynamics, and Planning (New York: Associated Press, 1960). 2T. R. Batten, Training for Community Development: A Critical Study of Methods (London: Oxford University Press, 1962). 3Rolf P. Lynton, The Tide of Learning: The Aloka Experience (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 19607. 227 228 but the need for research on cross-national differences in committees and the group process is evident. There is a strong need to examine the various instruments which might be used to study these cultural differences in committee structure, group process, and personal interaction. The Nature of Previous Research Related to National Differences in Committees and the Group Process The review of literature related to cultural differ- ences in committees and the group process has shown that there is considerable research from many fields, but that basic instruments for the cross-national study of com- mittees are not highly develOped. The exploratory cross- national study of attitudes towards committees by John Gyr should be considered as a beginning attempt to define dimensions of committees which could be used in different countries.“ The study by Jean N. MacKenzie was a Specific attempt to test the cross-national application of group dynamics and training. This study was a serious attempt to 5 determine the cultural differences in committee behavior. There is a wide variety of studies which must be considered ”John Gyr, "Analysis of Committee Member Behavior in Four Cultures," Human Relations, 4 (1951), 193-202. 5Jean N. MacKenzie, "A Study to Test the Cross- Cultural Application of Certain Principles of Group Manage- ment in a Human Relations Training Group" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1953). 229 as related to this topic, but the study of the basic dimensions of groups and the cross-national testing of instruments is rare. The Development and Testing of the Questionnaire for the Cross- National Study of Committees and the Group Process The basic approach in the present study was the development and testing of instruments for the cross- national study of committees and the group process. Basic instruments which had been developed and tested in the United States by John Hemphill at Ohio State University and by the Human Dynamics Laboratory at the University of Chicago were selected because of the extensive research which had been conducted in their development. These instru- ments were modified for application to other countries. After the development and testing of these modified instru- ments, a cross-national study of these instruments was con- ducted with closely matched groups of American and Korean students. The findings showed apparently reasonable data, including the analysis of variance which showed significant differences between these countries. However, the factor analysis of the tentative dimensions has made the applica- tion of the Hemphill-type instrument highly doubtful. 230 The Factor Analysis of the Dimensions of Committee Structure,‘Group'Process, and Individual Tendency in Groups The findings of the factor analysis by both dimensions and items showed such great differences in the factor struc- tures between these countries that the usefulness of this instrument based on the Hemphill study6 is highly doubtful. As long as a stable factor structure within and between countries is not established, this instrument Should not be used to study national differences in committee structure and group process. The instrument which was based on the research of the Human Dynamics Laboratory at the University of Chicago7 was partly supported by the factor analysis. W. R. Bion's categories of work and emotionality were found in both countries. The Pattern of Leadership Based on a Modified Q-Sort Technique The technique for the study of leadership patterns which was developed by Kenneth Cooper in Mexico has been used in the present study.8 The twenty statements about 6John K. Hemphill, Group Dimensions: A Manual For Their Measurement (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, 1956). 7Dorothy Stock and Herbert A. Thelen, Emotional Dynamics and Group Climate (New York: New York University Press, 1958). 8Kenneth J. Cooper, "The Modified Q Technique in Rural-Urban Field Research," Human Organization Research: Field Relations and Techniques, eds. Richard N. Adams and Jack J. Presis (Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey Press, 1960), pp- 338-351. 231 leadership were modified from the personal characteristics of the ideal leader to the kinds of leadership behavior in committees. The highest ranking statement in both countries was related to dynamic, active, and enthusiastic direction of the group. However, the selection of other statements- which were considered as "most like" the leadership in the different countries was mainly different. The state- ments which were selected by Koreans to describe the aspects of leadership which were "least like" their groups were not the items which might be expected; traditional ideas about leadership in that country might have to be revised for modern organizations. APPENDICES 232 APPENDIX I DETAILED TABLES OF THE FINDINGS RELATED TO THE CROSS-NATIONAL STUDY OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE, GROUP PROCESS, INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS, AND LEADERSHIP PATTERNS 233 234 TABLE 1 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR MALE KOREAN STUDENTS PART I-—DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE N = 80 Range Dimension Mean Low High Control 3.1 1.8 4.8 Stability 3.8 1.8 5.0 Flexibility 3.0 1.4 4.6 Permeability 3.0 1.2 4.6 Intimacy 3.6 2.2 5.0 Homogeneity A 3.1 1.0 5.0 Homogeneity B 2.8 1.6 4.2 Viscidity 3.7 2.8 5.0 Autonomy 3.9 1.6 5.0 Stratification 2.3 1.0 3.8 Potency 3.3 1.2 4.4 Participation 3.7 1.6 5.0 Polarization 3.9 1.8 5.0 Hedonic Tone 3.1 1.8 4.4 Size 3.4 1.0 5.0 Leadership 2.8 1.4 4.4 235 TABLE 2 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR MALE KOREAN STUDENTS PART II——DESCRIPTION OF GROUP PROCESS N = 80 Dimension Mean Range Low High Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity A Homogeneity B Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership NWLUWUOUUN :wwwwwwwm ONU'I QKDN'NCDI-‘U'IHQNKOOCDUU OOOOOONOCDNOOONCDQ Otoooooowozcnoooziroxo HMI—‘NP—‘Ni—‘NHI—‘NNNHNH :wmmmmzmzzmmmtzw 236 TABLE 3 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR MALE KOREAN STUDENTS PART III--INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS N = 80 Range Dimension Mean Low High Emotionality Pairing 3.1 1.4 5.0 Counterpairing 2.9 1.8 4.6 Dependency 3.4 1.8 4.8 Counterdependency 3.0 1.2 4.6 Fight 2.9 1.0 5.0 Flight 2.9 1.2 4.6 Work 1-Leve1 Work 3.2 1.4 4.6 2—Level Work 4.0 1.6 5.0 3-Level Work 4.0 1.0 5.0 4-Leve1 Work 3.7 1.2 5.0 237 TABLE 4 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR MALE AMERICAN STUDENTS PART I-—DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE N=80 Range Dimension Mean Low High Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity A Homogeneity B Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership :OOOOONOOOOCDCDSOCD NLUUHNLUUHUUHNLURLERJNLUU) CDFJOHD~J£npanDHKOFMOCDO\m Ht-PJmr-AJHP-nlwt-nawr-PJH MCDONU£:OCDRHDCDCLECDOCDOD zxnunfitnULcunmirzursncuyz l 238 TABLE 5 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR MALE AMERICAN STUDENTS PART II--DESCRIPTION OF GROUP PROCESS = 80 Range Dimension Mean Low High Control 2.7 1.2 4.4 Stability 3.9 2.8 5.0 Flexibility 3.1 1.4 4.6 Permeability 4.3 2.2 5.0 Intimacy 4.0 2.2 5.0 Homogeneity A 3.4 2.0 5.0 Homogeneity B 3.3 1.0 4.8 Viscidity 4.1 2.0 5.0 Autonomy 4.0 1.0 5.0 Stratification 2.7 1.0 4.2 Potency 3.9 2.6 5.0 Participation 3.9 2.2 5.0 Polarization 4.1 2.8 5.0 Hedonic Tone 4.2 2.8 5.0 Size 4.0 2.2 5.0 Leadership 3.3 1.6 4.6 239 TABLE 6 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR MALE AMERICAN STUDENTS PART III--INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS = 80 Range Dimension Mean Low High Emotionality Pairing 2.7 1.0 4.2 Counterpairing 2.6 1.0 4.4 Dependency 3.1 1.2 4.2 Counterdependency 2.7 1.2 4.8 Fight 2.7 1.0 4.6 Flight 2.8 1.4 4.6 Work 1-Level Work 3.0 1.0 4.8 2-Leve1 Work 3.3 1.0 5.0 3-Level Work 3.2 1.0 4.8 4-Level Work 3.1 1.0 4.2 240 TABLE 7 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR NIGERIAN COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT WORKERS PART I--DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE N = 24 Range Dimension Mean Low High Control 3.2 1.6 4.4 Stability 3.3 2.2 4.4 Flexibility 2.5 1.4 3.6 Permeability 3.4 1.8 4.8 Intimacy 3.4 1.2 4.2 Homogeneity A 2.2 1.2 4.0 Homogeneity B 3.1 2.0 4.8 Viscidity 3.6 2.2 5.0 Autonomy 4.1 2.2 5.0 Stratification 2.5 1.4 4.2 Potency 3.1 1.4 4.6 Participation 4.2 1.4 4.8 Polarization 4.2 3.2 5.0 Hedonic Tone 3.5 2.4 4.4 Size 3.4 1.0 4.8 Leadership 3.1 1.6 4.4 241 TABLE 8 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR NIGERIAN COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT WORKERS PART II--DESCRIPTION OF GROUP PROCESS N = 24 Range Dimension Mean Low :1: p. 09 5' Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity A Homogeneity B Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership oxzoxmirzomoommzmcno wwwirtzmzzwwzzwwm O O C O NCDOOOOOOOONDCDOQCDN OthNHNNthl-‘ENCDN HHNWWWI—‘WWNi—‘WWNNI—J :zmmmmzmmzzzmzcz 242 TABLE 9 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR NIGERIAN COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT WORKERS PART III——INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS N = 24 Range Dimension Mean Low High Emotionality Pairing 2.9 1.6 4.6 Counterpairing 3.1 1.2 4.8 Dependency 3.6 1.6 5.0 Counterdependency 2.5 1.4 4.8 Fight 2.4 1.0 4.0 Flight 3.2 1.0 5.0 Work l-Level Work 3.1 2.0 4.4 2-Leve1 Work 4.0 1.6 5.0 3—Leve1 Work 4.0 1.8 5.0 4-Level Work 3.6 1.0 5.0 243 TABLE 10 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR AMERICAN FARM EXTENSION AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT WORKERS PART I—- DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE N=l6 Range Dimension Mean Low :13 [—1. 09 :3" Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership IVFvlrtWUUJFHpLURJtflvhjtflu NLDRJOWDUMO\H~JGHDKDHLUO\ Hr-uubrdm+-nlmr-uaHr-AJH .ccoouacnowonon>:anJcnacn uuzxrnncxrmxnznzxrnmouu» chirouxcozmnCDNHvChoumcaox 244 TABLE 11 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR AMERICAN FARM EXTENSION AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT WORKERS DESCRIPTION OF GROUP PROCESS PART II-- = 16 Range Dimension Mean Low High Control 2.0 1.0 2.4 Stability 4.1 3.2 4.6 Flexibility 3.1 2.0 3.8 Permeability 4.4 3.8 5.0 Intimacy 3.7 2.4 5.0 Homogeneity 3.1 2.2 4.2 Viscidity 4.4 3.6 4.8 Autonomy 4.1 3.4 4.8 Stratification 2.5 1.4 3.6 Potency 3.8 2.8 5.0 Participation 4.0 3.2 5.0 Polarization 4.1 3.6 4.6 Hedonic Tone 4.1 3.6 4.8 Size 3.3 1.8 4.8 Leadership 3.2 2.4 3.8 245 TABLE 12 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR AMERICAN FARM EXTENSION AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT WORKERS PART III-- INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS N = 16 Range Dimension Mean Low High Emotionality Pairing 2.7 1.6 3.4 Counterpairing 2.7 1.8 3.8 Dependency 3.3 1.8 3.8 Counterdependency 2.2 1.0 4.0 Fight 1.9 1.2 3.2 Flight 2.9 1.6 3.8 Work l-Level Work 2.7 1.6 3.4 2-Level Work 4.1 2.4 4.8 3-Level Work 4.0 1.8 5.0 4-Leve1 Work 3.5 1.4 5.0 246 TABLE 13 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE M.S.U. UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS PART I--DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE N = 14 Range Dimension Mean Low High Control 2.9 1.8 3.4 Stability 3.5 1.6 5.0 Flexibility 2.1 1.0 3.2 Permeability 3.0 1.8 4.6 Intimacy 4.0 3.4 4.6 Homogeneity 2.7' 1.6 3.8 Viscidity 3.9 1.8 4.8 Autonomy 3.7 1.8 5.0 Stratification 2.0 1.4 3.8 Potency 3.0 2.2 4.2 Participation 4.0 2.4 5.0 Polarization 4.0 2.2 4.8 Hedonic Tone 4.0 3.2 5.0 Size 2.5 1.0 4.8 Leadership 2.5 1.0 , 4.4 247 TABLE 14 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE M.S.U. UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS PART II——DESCRIPTION OF GROUP PROCESS N = 14 Range Dimension Mean Low High Control 1.8 1.0 2.4 Stability 4.0 2.6 5.0 Flexibility 3.1 2.2 4.8 Permeability 4.6 4.0 5.0 Intimacy 4.1 2.8 4.8 Homogeneity 3.1 2.0 4.4 Viscidity 4.0 2.0 5.0 Autonomy 4.3 3.2 5.0 Stratification 2.6 1.6 4.0 Potency 3.8 1.6 4.8 Participation 4.1' 2.2 4.8 Polarization 4.3 2.4 5.0 Hedonic Tone 4.0 2.4 5.0 Size 4.0 2.2 5.0 Leadership 3.3 1.2 .5.0 248 TABLE 15 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE M.S.U. UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS PART III--INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS N = 14 Range Dimension Mean Low High Emotionality Pairing 2.5 1.2 3.6 Counterpairing 2.5 1.6 3.6 Dependency 3.0 1.4 4.0 Counterdependency 2.5 1.4 4.8 Fight 2.6 1.0 4.8 Flight 2.2 1.0 3.4 Work l-Level Work 2.8 1.6 4.0 2-Leve1 Work 3.5 1.4 4.6 3-Level Work 3.3 1.6 4.4 4-Leve1 Work 3.2 2.0 4.6 249 TABLE 16 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE M.S.U. GRADUATE STUDENTS PART I——DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE = 20 Dimension Mean Range Low :1: 14. OR I)" Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership mmrtwwmwwmtmmrw \ONOO-D'U'IOJZ'CDU'Il-JNF-‘lr-JO Hrenlmr-RJHPAPu-AJHP-RJH ouscnanm-qnloumcnanoc>aum tOOOOOtOOCDO-ENOQ tWUTUTUlUTtWWtthU‘I-I: 250 TABLE 17 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE M.S.U. GRADUATE STUDENTS PART II-—DESCRIPTION OF GROUP PROCESS = 20 Dimension 3 m m :3 Range Low High Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership WWf—‘Jrf—‘WNW-fi'w 4:00th l—‘JZ'OHlUJz'I—‘KOOO-D'NCDLNUT HFJRHVRJNFJFWOFHNFJHLUFJ ocoowmcoouacnanmCDNLano cmmmcmwmmcmma—mw OJOOOCDONOONOOJTOG) 251 TABLE 18 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE M.S.U. GRADUATE STUDENTS PART III--INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS = 20 Dimension Mean Range Low High Emotionality Pairing Counterpairing Dependency Counterdependency Fight Flight Work l-Level Work 2-Level Work 3-Leve1 Work 4-Level Work NNNUUNN wwwm QWNNNU'I f—‘O‘sU‘lCD HP-FH-PJH mconinwnox HtAPJH an:c>:- true-woo Jl'UlUlJ: o o o o ooooxooir MOO-l: 252 TABLE 19 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR U.S. BUSINESSMEN AND COMMUNITY I--DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE LEADERS N: Dimension Mean Range Low :11 p. 09 23' Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership mmczwmI—chmwmI—Jcm \Ol—‘l—‘I—‘NCDKONCIJEKOU‘INJZ’O mt-mnorathuHoerr-FHOPJ Cbonocmacoocnanacoococu: BEWWKD-t‘WU‘I-B-D‘U’l Jl'UUUlJ: [\JOOOO-EOOGDOOOJEOO 253 TABLE 20 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR U.S. BUSINESSMEN AND COMMUNITY LEADERS PART II—-DESCRIPTION OF GROUP PROCESS N: Dimension Mean Range Low :1: H 09 D" Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership DOW-1:200 JEN .Lz-eroo J:|'\) EH GHNNWOHSEwKO-EKOLUW OGDNGD-DOO-DJZ'CEONOKQO NHWNF—‘NHWWI—‘NNI—‘WH tummrmwmmziru‘l JETUTUU OOOOWOOOOECDONOO 254 TABLE 21 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR U.S. BUSINESSMEN AND COMMUNITY LEADERS PART III--INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS = 20 Range Dimension Mean Low High Emotionality Pairing 2.3 1.2 4.0 Counterpairing 2.8 1.6 3.8 Dependency 3.5 2.0 4.6 Counterdependency 2.2 1.0 3.6 Fight 2.2 1.0 3.8 Flight 3.1 2.3 4.5 Work l-Level Work 2.7 1.6 3.8 2-Level Work 3.8 1.8 4.8 3-Level Work 3.3 1.8 4.8 4-Level Work 3.1 1.6 4.6 255 TABLE 22 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR E.N.M.U. UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS PART I--DIMENSIONS OF COMMITTEE STRUCTURE = 22 Dimension Mean Range Low TI: |---" 09 :3" Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity A Homogeneity B Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership wwwzwwmwwwmwmmww NNQOU'IWUUNNl—‘CDKOCDOU'IH OOO\O\O\CDI\)I\)OOCDO\J:OO\CD wt-nHuPJHP-nH-PJHPAPu-PJH tWWthWE-fi'tW-fi-‘bzmt O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O NOOGDCDOCDCDCDCHCDCDNODOJ: 256 TABLE 23 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR E.N.M.U. UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS PART II-—DESCRIPTION OF GROUP PROCESS = 22 Dimension Mean Range Low High Control Stability Flexibility Permeability Intimacy Homogeneity A Homogeneity B Viscidity Autonomy Stratification Potency Participation Polarization Hedonic Tone Size Leadership LUKE-1:212“) Etww fitmtm WONWOOUWOO-EUUOUOWOU‘I mr-nlmroPJHP-AJHP-Ruhr-PAH mcoomoomn-mzoomoxooxoocn JrU'IU'IU‘IUT .IL‘LAJU'I aura-mm 4:21:00 OOOOOGDQOCDCDCDOO-Emm 257 TABLE 24 THE MEAN DIMENSION SCORE FOR E.N.M.U. UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS PART III-~INDIVIDUAL TENDENCY IN GROUPS N = 22 Range Dimension Mean Low High Emotionality Pairing 2.6 1.4 4.0 Counterpairing 2.4 1.4 3.2 Dependency 3.3 2.4 4.0 Counterdependency 2.3 1.4 3.8 Fight 2.2 1.0 3.8 Flight 2.4 1.6 4.2 Work 1-Leve1 Work 2.9 1.6 4.2 2-Level Work 3.2 2.2 4.6 3-Level Work 3.2 1.0 4.4 4-Leve1 Work 2.8 1.0 4.4 258 : u. .omzzommm. mmmm :Hmoomwm.mmma Loghm Ho.o wwmma.m ommmamow.: ma omnmzmma.ms coapompoch Hod magi: ommotmodm ma mimemww.mwm mcoflmcoeflo somepmm wa.o ommmw.a ommmmmwo. 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