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AN ANALYSIS OF THE SPEECHES
OF
WOODBRSDGB N: FBRRIS

Thssisfor the flagrea of M. A.
MICHEGAN STATE COLLEGE

Erene Esther Wade
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AN ANALYSIS OF THE SPEECHES
OF
WOODBRIDGE N . FERRIS

By
Irene Esther geggwfi

A THESIS
Submitted to the Scheol of Greduete Studies of Michigan
State college of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requiremente
for the degree of

new or ARTS

Department of speech, Dramatioe end Radio

19%

PREFACE

This thesis has been written in the hOpe that more
people might come to know Woodbridge N. Ferris, the type of
epeaking he did, and why he was an effective speaker.

the author wishes to thank Professor Paul D.
hgwell, Acting Head of the Departments of Speech, Dramatios
and Mic and Head of the Department of Written and Spoken
English at Michigan State College, for his guidance and
suggestions in the writing of this work. The author is
deeply indebted to Mrs. Ducia Morgan Nesom, Professor of
Speech at Michigan State College for her constant aid. The
author also wishes to acknowledge the help of George N.
Fuller, past Michigan Historical Commissioner, in locating
eome of Ierris' speeches, and likewise the help of Mr.
Edmund C. mielde, particularly for the use of his personal
records and scrapbooks. To those who gave of their time
for personal interviews, the author is grateful.

further acknowledgement is due the staffs of the
lichigan State Library, Lansing, the University of Michigan
Library at Ann Arbor, the Michigan State College Library at
East Lansing, the Grand Rapids (Michigan) Public Library,
and the Department of Historical Collections, Backham
Building, Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Final acknowledgement is made to Mrs. Clyde Dow,
typist, who worked closely with the author to complete this

work.

18?892

ii
ABSTRACT

Icodbridge Nathan Ferris, an educator, governor,
and United States senator, was born near Spencer, Tioga
County, New York, January 6, 1853. He attended the acad-
emies of Spencer, Candor, and Oewego, in New York state,
and the Oewego Normal Training School, and entered the'
medical department at the University of Michigan. After
six months he left the University to become principal of
the tree Academy at Spencer, New York. In 1875 he organ-
ised the Freeport Business College and Academy at Freeport,
Illinois. From 1877 to 1879 he was principal of the Dixon
Business College and Academy, which he founded, and from
1879 to 188H, was superintendent of the schools of Pitts-
field, Illinois. He founded the Ferris Industrial School
(now Ferris Institute) in 1884, and served as president
until his death. He was also president of the Big Rapids
(Michigan) Savings Bank.

He entered politics in 1892, when the Democrats of

the 11th Michigan District nominated him for representative
in Congress. .He was defeated, as he was in his race for
Governor of Michigan in 190Mu However, in 1912 he was
elected Governor of Michigan and was re—elected in 1914.
In 1922, Ferris was elected the first Democratic senator
from the state of Michigan in sixty-nine years. He served
as a senator until his death in 1928.

the problem involved in this thesis was to collect,

in so far as possible, the original speeches of Whodbridge

iii

N. Ferris. These speeches are of various types, such as a
campaign speech, a message to the legislature, an occasional
speech, and a dedication speech. The speeches have been
analysed for their content and style. In the analysis the
speaker, the audience, and the issues of the times have all
been taken into consideration.

The author of this thesis does not try to prove that
lbrris was a great orator, but rather points out how and why

Ferris was an effective speaker.

iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter

I. BIOGRAPHY OF FERRIS . . . . . 1
Family Background, Early Schooling, Higher
Education, Education as a Profession, Political
Defeat, Ferris Institute, Influence of Hrs.
Ferris, Entrance in Politics, Governor of
Michigan, Campaign for Senator, Ferris in the
Senate, Personality and Character of Ferris,
Speech Training.

II. SPEECH PRINCIPLES AND PREMISES . . . . 27
Views on Education, Democracy, Tariff, Capitol
and Labor, Wcman's Suffrage, Newberry Issue,
World Court, Summary.

III. PREPARATION AND DELIVERY. . . . . ' . . . . #9
Speech Preparation, Delivery, General Ap-
pearance.

IV..ANALYSIS OF SPEECHES . . . .
Who is Speaking, What is Being Said, With.
What Effect, Conclusion.
APPENDIX 0 e e e O 0 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 79
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l7u

BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179

 

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vi
INTRODUCTION

woodbridge N. Terrie was one of Michigan's out-
standing citizens from 1885, until his death in 1928. Born
in Tioga County, New York, in 1853. Ferris first came to
Michigan in 1872. In 188% he established the Ferris Insti-
tute at Big Rapids, Michigan.

rerris entered politics for the first time in 1892,
and in 190# was chosen Democratic nominee for governor. Al-
though he did not win the election at this time, later, in
1912, he was the first Democratic Governor of Michigan to '
be elected in 25 years. He served as governor for two terms
and in 1922 was elected the first Democratic senator to
represent Michigan in sixty-nine years.

loodbridge Ferris came from a poverty-strikes family
which had little cultural background. Because he overcame
many importunities in life and reached the top in his pro—
fession and in politics, my interest in his speaking ability
was aroused. I was curious to know if his success could be
attributed to his speech making.

The major part of the research of this thesis has
been in locating the speeches of Ferris. He was classified
as an extemporaneous speaker, and nowhere is there a col-
lection of his speeches. The speeches used for analysis
in this thesis were: those which have been etenographically
recorded; those which appear in government documents such
as the Congressional Record; those which were found in the

autobiographical manuscript of Harris. In some instances

vii
newspaper accounts have been used if they help to exemplify
a point. For example, a description of Ferris as he was
speaking was taken from the Detroit papers; sometimes the
newspaper accounts of people's reaction to Ferris' speeches
was the only available source of information.

The thesis includes a background of the life of
Ferris, as it is necessary to consider the life of the
speaker and the times in which he lived before a complete
analysis can be made. The analysis of the speeches has been
made according to certain criteria stemming from the con-
cepts of basic communication rather than on the basis of
Aristotelian rhetoric.

In addition to some of the major speech principles
of Ferris, there will be found in the appendix a cross
section of the different types of speeches Ferris gave,
each as:- a legislative speech, an educational speech, an

acceptance speech, and an after dinner speech.

chapter I
BIOGRAPHY

new:
‘ Family makgrcund

Ioodbridge Nathan Ferris was born January 6, 1853
in a log cabin on a farm in 'i'ioga Oclmty, New York. His
ancestors came from England to lestchester county, New
York, and from there they went to the town of Spencer, New
York. no family were farmers by occupation and poverty
prevailed for several generations. is a consequence of
this poverty, John rerris, Jr. (woodbridge's father) re—
ceived no education.1

At a very early age John Ferris, Jr. married arah
Iocdward who died two years later. lhen he was 28 years
old, John rerris, Jr. married Stella Reed. The couple
settled in the midst of a hemlock forest of 60 or 70 acres,
four miles southeast of the village of spencer. It was
here that modbridge and fourother rerris children, arah,
Anne, llarjette, and on", were born.2

John Ferris, Jr. had not acquired even the rudiments
of an education and could neither read nor write. However,
he I'we.s a man of notable industry and strict integrity, and,
although unlearned, of keen mind, and excellent Judgnent.”
flella Reed rerris had a fair common school education and

 

11erris' autobiographical manuscript, found in the
Backhan ilding, Ann Arbor, lichigan.
Grand mids Hergd, nor. 2‘}, 1928.
3George N. fuller, Governors of The ferritcrz 2d
Sate of liehigg, iiichigan Historical Oomission, using,
2 , letin No.

16, p. 171.

was ”a faithful wife, devoted to her children, and eager
that they should make use of every opportunity for educa-
tion.'1

The family was very poor, and barely managed to
eke out a living. they all lived in one large room in the
log house, and consequently the Ferris children learned to
get along well together, and they learned the value of
hard work.2

Early Schooling

At the age of four, modbridge entered school.
During the first three years of school his entire school
equipment consisted of a reader} [or him life in the
school room was a burden. 'He describes the moral atmos-
phere of the school in his day as worse than that of the
Boweryd'u’

In spite of poor school supplies and monetary dis-
advantages, Ioodbridge was a very capable student. He
worked on the farm during the summer and attended the dis-
trict school during the winter. ”the first teacher,
Senator Ferris said, who aroused in him the 'desire to do
. something and be something' was nlliam Holdridge, who

came to the school when Ferris was twelve years old.'5

 

llbid.

2l‘erris' autobiographical manuscript.

Grand Ra ids Herald, Mar. 211-, 1928.

firent School rcpics, Lansing, lichigan, (Novem- c
ber 24, E922) p. 1.

Grand Rapids Herald, liar. an, 1928.

Then, 'chancing upon a copy of Franklin's auto-
biography, he was filled with ambition to lift himself out
of his uncouth environment. He became a voracious reader.“
"The thought dawned on me that 1: Benjamin Franklin had
succeeded in making so much of himself, I might do some—
thing for myself, too. I began to read every book I could
lay hands on, which wasn't very many. ‘i'hat fall I pre-
sented myself to an academy four miles away'”2

Ferris was then fom'teen, and the school was the
Spencer Union Academy. Here he made rapid progress, but
did not enjoy school because the village boys and girls
ridiculed l'erris' awkward manners and ill-fitting clothes.
this incident in hrris' life probably accounts for the
fact that later in life he favored poor pupils in his own
institute. At the Union Academy, l'erris' one close friend
was George Erker Stevens, who later held the Dwight chair
of theology at Yale and was at one time acting president
of Yale} '

In the spring, following his sixteenth birthday,
terris entered the Gandor Union Academy, eight miles from
his home. At this school he still found himself in embar-
rassing situations, but later "spoke with appreciation of
the principal, Charles Ivans, as a man mder whom the

 

11nd.

christian gience licnitcr, Boston, November 17, 1922.
3Grand yids Herald, larch 21!»,1928.

them for $1.25. Ferris obtained a money order and pur-
chased his book. rho book was 0. S. Fowler's Hemcr ; the
first book Farris ever had in his library. He then read
two companion volumes and became interested in phrenolcgy.
I"I am aware that the word phrenology is likely to alarm
the reader', wrote Senator Ferris, many years later, 'but
it was through these books that I was awakened to an ap-
preciation of the value of the study of human nature. No
small part of my success in life is due to this awaken-
ing."1

' that fall Ferris attended his second teachers' in-
stitute where he heard the president of Cortland Normal
whool speak on science teaching. [When and there', said
the senator, 'I decided to attend a normal school as soon
as my means would permit. I have often referred to this
event in my life. this event has induced me to advise men
and women to read, to attend teachers' institutes, educa-
tional associations, religious associations, and farmers'
meetings in the hope that a 1&0 minutes' talk or even a 20
minutes' talk might awaken in the attendant new visionsdiz

Ferris taught for a second term at Fairfield and

then entered Oswego Normal in 1870. His interest in speech
was shown when he assisted in organising a literary and de-
bating society known as the Adelphi society. This activity

 

1! Grand Rapids Herald, larch 21+, 1928.
Ind.

7
increased his desire to develop power as a public speaker.
I'rhe training he received in the debates and other exer-
cises, confirmed his belief in the value of extemporaneous
speaking as part of a really useful education.“

Another great influence in l'erris' life while he
was at Oswegc was the president, Dr. E. A. Sheldon. I"i'he
splendid character of this instructor moulded the boy's
life for the good of thousands of aspiring young men and
women.“

' Ferris remained at the Normal whool three years.
He was lacking one—half year of graduation, but he felt
that his academic work was completed and that it would not
be wise for him to spend another six months on 'practice
work' because of the time and money involved}

thile at the Normal mhcol, rerris came across his
first copy of the magasine Popular gience, and economised
for weeks in order to be able to buy it. In his library,
several years later the magazine was found in a complete
file up to date. By 1912 that same library contained 3, 500
or more volumes.“

In October of 1873, Icodbridge rerris entered the
medical department of the University of Hichigan with the
idea it would help him as a school teacher.5 the course

 

J‘l'uller, Governors of The Territory and flats of
mom Fe 1720

Ourrent School ‘ro ics . Oit. p. l.
i—Gran-TT—d j dam—Fliers a, flare 2 , 1923.
Detroit News, October 23, 1912, p. 11.

r

50urrent whool Topiee, Qp. Oi . p. l.

 

was brief and ill-organised, but a “few fine lectures on
general subJects were outstanding events in his Ann Arbor
experience."l
’ moation as a Profession

Upon leaving Ann Arbor in 187% Ferris returned to
fiencer where he found that the academy was in need of a
principal. He applied for the Job and received it, at
which time he was Just twenty-one years old. the following
December he was married to Helen Gillespie. Hiss Gillespie
had been a class mate of Ferris during his entire attend-
ance at the normal school. After their marriage, the two
taught the remainder of the year at Spencer, and the fol-
lowing year went to l'reeport, Stephenson Oounty, Illinois.

In l'reeport, Hr. and lire. rerris organised the tree-
port Easiness Academy. 'The school developed promisingly,
but Ferris was induced to discontinue it in 1876 to become
principal of the normal department of what was then called
the Rock River University."2 This venture as principal was
a failure. llr. and Ira. l'erris did not receive the salary
that was due them, so the following year they organised
another private academy. This was the Dixon Business Gol-
legs. the future for a private school in the town of Dixon
was not too promising so the school was closed in 1879. It.

was while Jerris was at Dixon that he drove to the town of

 

.21Grand semen Herald, larch 2t, 1923.

Sterling, sixteen miles from Dixon to hear the lecture,
“The Human Mind“ by Theodore Tilton. 'It is to this
lecture that students who listen to Mr. Terrie owe the in-
sistence with which he urges them to neglect no opportunity
of hearing public speeches, especially addresses by great
men. The lecture accounts, too, for the wonderful array
of talent which has been heard from the platform of Ferris
Institute -- a list of noted names of which any institu-
tion might be proud.“

In the fall of 1879, Hr. l‘erris became superin-
tendent of the city schools of Pittsfield, Illinois. “Here
he remained for five years. He believed, however, that he
could do his best work where he was free to carry out his
own ideas, and he now determined to establish somewhere a
school of his cam-2

In Kay, 1881!, the terris family arrived in Big
Rapids, Hiohigan. The first Monday in aptember of that
same fall the Ferris Industrial School was opened. He
chose this place "because he wanted to give the children of
the lumber-jacks and river-rats a chance in this world.'3
he school consisted of two small rooms in the downtown
section and fifteen students came the first day. Hr. and

 

1mm», Governors of The Territory and State of
Iiohi p. 172.

Ibid., p. 171}.
3christian glance Monitor, November 17, 1922, p. 4.

lhile Kr. and Ira. Terrie were still in Dixon, their
first son, Carleton G. Terrie, was born, 1876.

10
Hrs. Farris did all the teaching which was along the com-
mercial and normal lines of study. The school pew so
raidly that more rooms had to be rented and more teachers
added.
Political Defeat

In 1892 Ferris entered into politics for the first
time. He accepted the Democratic nomination for congress
in the old eleventh district. However, he was defeated in
the election in which his opponent was Dr. John Avery of

Graenville.1
Terrie Institute

Terrie returned to his teaching, and in 1893, the
main building of Ferris Institute was built. llAs a school-
master Terrie was a man of great influence and forceful
character. Attention never lagged in his classes, and for
long it was his pleasure to teach some of the arithmetic
classes personally. None of his students ever dreamed
through a class period."2

Although the school was originally organised as a
business school, by 1909 such subjects as orthography and
elocution were being tuight. The orthography class in-
eluded the teaching of elementary sounds and their repre-
sentation; voice and its production; speech and pronuncia-
tion; principal and subordinate elements of words. nar-

 

l

2Grand aapids Herald, larch 21$, 1928.

In 1889, another son, Phelps Fitch Terrie was born.

 

11
ther, the elocuticn class included: emphasis, picturing,
tone colors, quality, voice production, resonance, pro-
Jection, gesture, attitude, bearing, recitation and exer-
cises in criticima. The second year of elocuticn brought
out the elements of modulation, simplicity, energy, poetic
and prose forms, dialogue, mmologue, oratory, pantomime,
recitation for criticism and public recitals. By 1913
public speaking and debating were also a part of the school
curriculum.1 "from one to three debating classes were al-
ways held in connection with l'errie Institute and to the .
benefits of this practice, Senator rerris declared his
students owed a large measure of their public success.“

The Ferris Institute continued to grow, and while
Farris was teaching there, he often lectured at teachera'
institutes and rural organisations, or gave commencement
day addressee.

Influence of Ira. Ferris

Hush of Perrie' success can be attributed to his
first wife, the former Helen Gillespie, who was a constant
inspiration to her husband.

She was a graduate of Oswego Normal and made
teaching her profession. Hr. and Ira. Ferris spent most
of their married life teaching together. me was his only

 

1ream-is Institute Billetins for 1909, 1913,
Iiohiganz State Library, unsing, Hichigan.

zGl‘gd mids serge , larch 21851928.

12
aid when he opened his institute, and she continued to work
with him for several years. 'Her work and influence have
been a great value to the institution and have made possi-
ble whatever success Mr. Ferris has attained."1

"Hundreds of students have precious memories of
her inspiring instruction and self-sacrifice."2

It was not until 1901 that she withdrew from the
active teaching staff of the institute. Mrs. Ferris died
on March 23, 1917. “To her influence on the student body
and her inspiration, her husband paid tribute repeated-
1y.'3

lntrance in Politics

In 190“ ferric was chosen Democratic nominee for
governor. Although he lost the election, it is said that
he threw a scare into the Republican party by running
ahead of his ticket, even in the face of President Roose-
velt's pOpularity and the gpneral unpopularity of the
Democratic party in Michigan. Ferris commented on this
campaign by saying, "I made a heated campaign, but lost
in the election. I found a great deal of satisfaction,
however, in the knowledge that warner ran 169,337 votes
behind his ticket.-‘

 

lruller, George N., lichi an Bio a hies Iichigan
Historical Commission, Lansing, 1525, be. I, p. 289.
Puller, Governors of The Territory gnd State of

“10111 pa 175a
3Grand Rapids Herald, March 24, 1928.
“Ihid.

13

light years later, on July 18, 1912, Ferris an-
nounced that he would again run for governor. This time
Terrie made a great deal of his campaign. IHe believed in
'a day's wage for a day's work", the referendum, the re-
oall, and a new primary lean iHe was greatly opposed to
the trusts and did much to fight them, He fully backed
the Democratic platform.1 His views in this campaign can
be briefly summed up by quoting from one of his campaign
speeches. “If I am elected governor,‘ said Terrie, in
conclusion, 'I will carry out the democracy I have been
teaching for 28 years. I have made no promises except to
the people of Michigan. I would not be governor for any
clique or political machine, but governor for all the
people of Michigan. And I would give ycm.the best govern-
ment my heart and brain could give you.”2

The Qatroit New!_for November 3, 1912, carried the
head lines that a recordpbreaking vote was indicated
throughout the city. Then, on Hovember 6, came the news
that Ferris had been elected governor by a plurality of
25,000. In a comment on the returns of the election, the

ggtroit'News then wrote:

Terrie defeated Husselman in Kent County where
Huseelman lives and where it was expected the
Republican candidate would make a very strong
run. He carried such strong Republican counties
as Genesee, as. Olair, and Saginaw.

 

lDetroit News July 20, 1912.
21.1112.-

in
At this time many people accredited l'erris' success
to the split in the Republican party. In July, 1912, part
of the Republican party broke away to form the National
Progressive Party, more commonly known as the Bull Moose
Party} This new party was represented by Colonel Theodore
Roosevelt for the presidency and the old Republican party
was supporting Taft. This rift in the Republican party
was characteristic of the state also. The previous
strength of the party can be realised by this quotation
from the Detroit News of July 12, 1912:
Hichigan should give its 15 electoral votes to
Taft next November. It has been consistently
Republican for many years, although Taft'e
plurality of 158, 691} in 1908 was cut down to
,033 for Osborn, Republican candidate for
governor in 1910. The Legislature has a Re-
publican majority of 100. The senate sends
two Republican senators and ten Republican

representatives to Congress with two Democrats
in the House.

On July 2‘}, 1912, the Detroit New! quoted Governor Osborn
as saying:
. . . it is going to require keen competition on
the part of the Republican party and the new
party to make such a showing as will prevent
the country from acknowledging the momentary
superiority of the Democratic party.
One can readily see that the division of the Republican
party may have gained votes for Ferris.

still others inferred that l'erris waited until

 

1Detroit Free Press, July 20, 1912.

15
lilson had been nominated on the Democratic ticket for the
presidency, before he accepted the nomination for governor.
However, Terrie proved his ability as governor, and was re-
elected in 1914.

Governor of Michigan

It was during Terris' first term of office, 1913,
that the great copper strike of Hichigan took place. The
stated grievances of the miners were, eight hours for a
day's work, wage increases and the question of the "one man
machined The Operators of the mine did not want to recog-
nise the Western Tederation of liners Union. Terrie sent
troops to the Upper Peninsula to keep order, then proceeded
to settle the strike by arbitration.

“The manner in which that great problem was handled
was the manner of Terrie, and the achievement that was made
was his under circumstances of great emergency; and what
was done reflected great honor to the State of lichigan
under the leadership of this man.“-

One of the arbitrators who was called in to help
settle the strike was the great criminal lawyer, Clarence
Darrow of Chicago. When the strike was all settled, Darrow
paid an outstanding tribute to the fairness of the governor:

I have in my time not many governors who were
trying to help settle industrial were. but I want

 

100m ressional Record 70th Congress, 1st Session,
Ray 6, 1928, iimorIEIfi Ediessee of Woodbrid e N. Terrig,
p. 25. Hereafter referred to as Memorial gdregeeg.

 

 

16

to say that I never ran across a man in any

official position who was fairer and aquarer

than Governor Terrie. He has treated me and

all of the representatives of the miners with

the utmost courtesy. He has tried as hard as

he knows to settle the copper strike and he

has been absolutely fair in all his dealings.

I approve of his action in sending the troops
there and in so far as has come to my not ice, he
hasn't made a move which was not above suspicion.
He is above petty things and in this crisis has
shown himself to be a man -- a really big and

eat an. Would that more states in the Union
d governors like you have here in Michigan.1
Clarence Darrow.

In his 1922 campaign Terrie referred to his “tenure
as governor and said that while there was nothing pyro-
technic about his administration, it gave reasonably good
service to the people considering that the legislature was

overwhelmingly Republican."2

In 1914 Terrie was-reelected for Governor, having
defeated Chase 8- Osborn who previously had served two
terms as governor. In the 1914 election, Terris' success
was shared alone, for he was the only one on the Democratic
ticket to win in the election. He did not run for a third
term in 1916, but was on the Democratic ticket for governor
again in 1920. In speaking of this election Terrie said,
”I was placed on the ballot again for the governorship

 

1harming evening Press, September 12, 1913.
Grand Rapids Hera d, October 10, 1922.

On August 14, 1921, Terrie married Hies Ethel
HoCloud, of Indianapolis, Indiana. She was a graduate of
the Department of Music, DePauw University and of the Music
Department of Northwestern University. Sac had supervised
music for fifteen years. (Mler, Governors of The Terri-
tory and State of Hich_iga_n_, p. 175. '

17
against my wishes. I did very little campaigning and was
defeated by Albert E. Sleeper.”-

Oampaign for Senator
Terrie was not defeated for long. In 1922 he came
back on the Democratic ticket for U. 8. Senator. About
this campaign Terrie said:

I decided to enter the campaign with all my
strength. I decided to fight to the last
ditch. I planned on waging a campaign that
the Republicans would not forget in a hurry,
even if I was beaten. Hy cupaign for the
senatorship was the most intensive, the most
strenuous, and unquestionably the best or-
ganésed of any campaign I ever participated
ins

One can readily see the enthusiast which was dis-
played for Terrie by reviewing the _Gi;a_nd mpide Regal},
September 28, 1922, which carried an article on the I'Demo-
crate of the State on the Eve of ConventionJ The article
states:

Tormer Governor woodbridge N.. Terrie of Big
Rapids, the party's nominee for the U. 8.

Senate, was the figure around whom the ar-
riving Democrats rallied for the most part.

so strong was the spirit in behalf of the
former governor and the aspirant for the
state political honors that the mapping of
a platform, selection of probable nominees
for lesser offices, and the matters usually
disposed of the evening before a political
convention were all but forgotten.

The highlight of the meeting, it was agreed
by all in authority, will be the appearance.
on the speakere' platform of the senatorial

 

1Grand Rapids Herald, aeroh 21+, 1928.
21nd.

la
nominee.1

The great issue in the 1922 campaign was 'Newberryb
ism', which centered around the idea that Senator Newberry
had violated the corrupt practices law to gain his seat in
the senate.

Practically every political speech Terrie made
during this campaign involved this Newberry issue. "He
waded into Newberryism with both fists and both feet, de—
claring that it is a fundamental issue, and that he could
not face the youth of today and urge them to obey laws when
men in such high places so flagrantly viclated them and
were allowed to go unpunished. 'If I go to the senate',
he said, 'I shall aid by every possible means at my command
both Republicans and Democrats in reopening the Newberry
case, and in putting him out of the senate."2

The rest of Terris' political views can be summed
up by quoting the gurrentggphool Topics far November at,
1922:

He likes Henr rord, believes in the soldier
bonus, opposes t e abuse of the injunction, is

dry, wants to see the excess profits tax come

back and war profiteers fined and Jailed, favors

the Oregon plan of publicity for candidates in

the primaries, hopes for a League of Nations in

which this country will take a leading part, is

down on the ship subsidy, thinks the tariff is
monstrous, and glories in the spunk of the in-
dependent voter.

On November 9, 192, the Grand Rapids Herald carried

1a Grand gyms Herald, September 28, 1922.
and aggids Hera ,, November 9, 1922.

 

19
the head lines: I'Terrie Election Gives State Tirst Democrat
Senator in 70 Years.' The. following comment was also made:
. . . one of 'the most bitterly fought political contests
in the state's historyflI The final result was: Terrie
269, 507 votes; Townsend, his opponent, 252,510. Sc suc-

cessful was Terris' campaign that the .day after election a
notice appeared in the papers to the effect that Newberry
would now resign from the senate. 'neports are current in
Republican quarters here tonight that Senator Truman H.
Newberry will, probably resign his seat in the senate as a
result of yesterday‘s election.l1
Terrie in the Senate

Terrie was 69 years old when he entered the Senate.
His Opponents expected him to continue his speech making at
great length. However, quite to the contrary, Terrie made
very few speeches in the senate. This unexpected reticence
can perhaps be explained by the following article found in
the Grand Rapids Press of March 23, 1928:

Senator Terrie was disgusted at filibusters,

'senatorial courtesy', unlimited debate and

continual injection of the political element

into every public question before the senate.

This unfavorable reaction was responsible for

his failure to make speeches in the senate.

As a matter of fact he frequently accepted

invitations to speak on educational subjects

in various parts of the country.

In his memorial address to Terrie, Senator Tess of

Ohio said, us a personal friend of his for 30 years,

 

lorand gagge- serge, November 9, i922.

20
knowing his remrkable ability, often having been stirred
by his clarion voice, I have eat here and wished that the
opportunity would offer when Terrie of the days when I
knew him would be heard in this Chamber. But he chose
rather the silent course. He did most of his work in the
committee rooms and in his counseldfil

Turther, Senator Sloppard of Texas said, “He spoke
rarely, because speeches rarely affect the action of this
body. He delivered in the Senate on one occasion as argu-
ment of some length for prohibition which was one of the
best presentations that cause has ever had.“

Terrie spoke also upon an agricultural bill, and
in favor 'of the mrld Oourt. That was the extent of his
senatorial speeches. He had prepared a speech in favor of
a Tederal Department of Education, but died before he was
able to deliver it. (See Appendix for the speech.)

On larch 7, 1928, Terrie announced he would not be
a candidate for election. He said:

I feel it is time I had a vacation and really

took time to live. I want it distinctly under-

stood that I do not decline to run because of

any fear of the result. It is only in great

emergencies that a Democrat can be elected in

lichigan, but even if I felt sure of being
defeated, that would not deter me from running

if I thought I cw that duty to those who

have supported me.

On larch 23, 1928, Senator Terrie died.

Ilemorial Addresses p. 25-26.
zibidu p. .
3 .13., p. g;.

 

 

21
Personality and Character of Terrie

In order to adequately analyse the speeches of a
man, one must first understand something of the man's
personality and character. .

flush of Terris' personality and character are ap-
parent from the foregoing‘biography. [63; can see that he
was a hard worker, was sincere and.earnest; that he be-
lieved in equality and always favored the poor. He was
fair and honest in his public service. His attributes can
best be set forth by quoting from those who actually knew
him.

Arnold lulder, in the Grand.alpids Herald, larch
2“, 1937, said, "Ir. TBrris had that mysterious thing that
for want of a better term we call personality.l

lhen Terrie was elected senator in 1922, the
ghristian Sbience Monitor, November 17, wrote: 'He is
more than a school teacher, He is a stalwart pioneer, a
successful business man, a capable executive -- and be
fed the fires of the volcanic moral issue that flamed up
at the polls against corrupt elections.'

“lbodrow wilaon was Senator Jerrie' ideal of amate—
manship, combining the same activities he himself had
throughout life —- education and public service. His
reading was mostly biography, but he preferred the study

of men to books."1

 

1Grand Rapids Press, narob 23, 1928.

22
In the memorial address made by Senator Vandenberg
of Iliohigan, one finds this tribute: ”He was simple and
kindly. He was stern, yet merciful. He uplifted truth
and crushed deception. He exalted the weak and humbled the
strong. He lived for his ideals. He died upon an unsullied
shield.”-
l'Se was a dynamo, a bundle of nerve force, a fighter
in the ranks of Democracy more because of his enthusiasm for
its principles than for any emolument the party might confer
upon him."2
In Dr- ushart's Mogy to Senator Terrie we read:
'The loss of Toodbridge N. Terrie is felt by all the people
in this state and by a host of friends beyond it. He was a
men of rare qualities and attractive personality, admired
and loved by all who knew him. They believed in him. His
honesty and courage no one doubted. . . he was genuine and
sincere. He hated show and pretense. . . his influence was
that of all true men who uphold real values and contend for
righteousnesl and Justice. . . he believed in self-dis-
cipline, hard work, simple honesty and loyalty to duty.'3
Speech bathing 4
Having already considered the important facts in
Terris' life, one must also investigate his speech training
apart from the rest of his education, to see what important

 

1o:- d ids Herald say , 1928.
2_____2_____:Ew a % 1'3- 3“?“ Karo 21+. 1928-
31bid.

23
factors, if any, developed his speaking ability.
There is no record of any formal speech training.
The records at Oswego Normal and the University of Nichigan
ledioal school were very poorly kept, in the 1800's, and
there is no accurate account of the classes in which Terrie

1 Among the autobiography manuscripts of

was enrolled.
Terrie, may be found lectures he attended, but there is no
mention of his having “been a member of a formal speech
class. He said that the subject of psychology was not so
much as formally mentioned.2

There are, however, incidents in Ferris' life which
undoubtedly had a direct bearing upon his speaking ability.

Then Terrie was about seven years old, the Civil
war broke out. John Terrie (the father) was intensely in-
terested in the events of the times and subscribed to the
papers which he was unable to read. It became the duty of
Tocdbridge to read to his father, and because the father
was slightly deaf, the mall boy had to use great care in
his articulation, as the father would become angered if
young Terrie raised his voice. I"The clearnese of enuncia-
tion the boy developed remained a characteristic of his
speech all the rest of his life.3

At the age of eight, Noodbridge Terrie gave his

 

lTrom personal correspondence with Oswego Normal,
Oswego, New York, and the University of Michigan ledical
whocl, n Arbor, Nichigan.
Terris' autobiographical manuscript, p. 121.
3erand Rapids Herald, karob 2t, 1928.

21:
first declamaticn. The story is told by his former teacher,
Ira. Sisan Haight, how Terrie tried to introduce a novelty
by 'motioning off! his declamaticn. “The grinning school-
boy audience tried to divert the youthful orator, but he
kept on successfully to the end of his recitation.“-

However, in the autobiographical manuscript of
Terrie, page 131, we find. these words: Me a lad I longed
for the day to come when I might be able to speak to great
audiences. Through inheritance and early training I had
no right to hope for success as a speaker. Then I was a
pupil in the old country school I was required to 'speak
a piece! every two weeks. mis task was the horror of my
boyhood days. In no instance, during those early years, A
did I ever succeed in reciting a selection of prose or
poetry. stage fright made it impossible for me to sue-
ceed.‘ ‘

Young Terrie was always interested in listening to
others speak. He wrote: “Accompanying my father to hear
public speakers became a passion of mine. When I at-
tended the weer, the Gander, and the Oswego Academies,
the Oswego Normal and Training School, and the University
of Michigan, I made all kinds of personal sacrifices in
order to hear great orators.

I'Before I was 21, I had heard James chaplin Decher,
Thomas K. Escher, and Henry Ward Beecher preach in their

 

1Grand Rapids Herald, March at, 1928.

25
own pulpits. I had also heard Ire. Harriett Ebecher Stowe,
read from her own writings. At Oswego, New York, I heard
that matchless temperance orator, John RW Gough, and polit-
ical orators of the highest rank -- Roscoe Conklin,
Traderick Douglass, e. e. cox, and Stewart 1.. Iroocirord.»1

At the Oswego Normal and Training School Terris‘wae
one of the original organisers of the Adelphi society.
“it first only men were admitted. The members of this~
society held.week1y meetings and the prcgram involved
little besides a hotly contested debate. My first efforts
were humiliating failures. I never whimpered or wavered.
at the end of two and a half years I was an ordinary
speaker."2

In October of 1872 Terrie decided to leave New York
state. He went to Pontiac, Nichigan, and gave a series of
lectures on 'Phrenclogy.' In 1873, at the close of school,
he lectured in Skaneateles, New York. Prior to 1884, most
of Terris' speeches were of'sn educational nature, but that
fall the famine—Cleveland campaign was on. Terrie wrote,
'Out of pure sympathy for the few Domccrats in Necosta
County I discussed the political issues of the day in the
villages and the rural school houses of the county.l3

In 1890, he began giving a lecture under the title
of, flaking the lbrld Better.“ “This was the real begin-

1Terris' autobiographical manuscript, p. 130.

Ibid’. pa 131s

26
ning of my lecture work," wrote Terris.1

To further aid him in his speaking, Terrie became
acquainted with Ingersoll's works and memorized various
selections from them. If called upon unexpectedly to speak,
he used to quote these selections. Terrie once said, 'I
sometimes quote Ingersoll because I believe in picking a
Jewel wherever I find it.“

It is apparent that whatever speaking ability
Terrie possessed was not due to any formal speech training.
He had a native ability for speaking to people. Noreover,
he had a desire to be a capable speaker and he worked
toward that end.

In the manuscript of Terris' autobiography (p. 12%)
we find this statement: “In childhood, speech is the all
important art unless the art of thinking shall be given
first consideration.“ Perhaps it is this feeling of the
importance of speech which helped Terrie to develop his
speaking ability.

 

1Ibid.

2Grand Rapids Herald, March 21:, 1928.

Chapter II _
SPEECH PRINOIPLES AND PREMISES

28
SPEECH PRINCIPLES AND PREMISES

loodbridge N. Terrie devoted his entire life to
serving the public. Trcm the age of 17, until his death,
he was a public servant, first as an educator, then as a
governor and a senator. His career can be divided into
the two main categories of (l) educator and (2) politician.

Ris points of view in both of these categories were
always those which benefited the masses, and he usually
favored the poorer class of people.

Views on Education
In his autobiographical manuscript Terrie wrote:

'I am a democrat in education. I believe in the education

of all of the people all of the timed (p. 109).
On larch 1, 1926, Terrie spoke to the Detroit Open
Torum on “finity in Education.' Here is part of that

speech:

Standardisation is the real calamity in educa-
tion. The isolation of the individual has de—
stroyed the character building value of the
school. There is not enough intimate contact
between pupils and teachers, especially in the
higher institutions of learning. Dr. Little is
to be commended for his attempt to break down
the alocfness between students and professors at
the University of Michigan.

Rigid, inflexible courses and cast iron
curricula have made an educational machine,
attuned to the idea of grades and ages. lhat we
need is education for all of the people all of
the tine. Learning isn't necessarily confined
to youth. Then you think that your education
is finished, don't hang around any longer, take
chloroform and make a permanent departure.

Education does not always depend on schools

and books. Learning to use the brain and the
senses is the real purpose of all education.
How to make the most of your environment is
what you need to know. How thankful America
should be that some millionaire didn't die-
covsr Lincoln and send him through college and
thus deprive him of the contacts and experi-
ence that made him great. A great many formal
schools need a resurrection to awaken the dead.

The school can't do everything and there are
some of the elemental teachings that must come
from the home life of the child.

Self-reliance and self-sacrifice, obedience,
sobriety, and truths are old fashioned virtues
that should be taught at home. It is highly
probable that the present open violation of law
has some relation to the disintegration of the
American home.

The above speech was found in the autobiographical
manuscript of Terrie. There undoubtedly was more to the
speech, but this much gives us-an idea of Terris' speech
principles in regard to education. Tor a complete speech
on education given at the education institute, see Appendix.

Democracy

is for politics, Terrie was a Democrat by party
affiliation. He also seemed to uphold the principles upon
which a democracy is founded. At the time of Terris'
gubernatorial success in 1912, one read in the Etrcit Tree
£r_e_g_e_ of November 30, "Professor Terrie was a Wilson man
from start to finish. Governor Terrie may be said to
represent the liberal Democrach

As Governor of the state of Michigan, Terrie tried
to practice his belief in democraCy. This is the type of

account which was current during his administration. 'Ihen

30
Governor Terrie sends his appoints to the senate for the
confirmation probably this afternoon, he will include in
the list twenty-two men appointed by Governor Osborn (former
governor). That is the new Democracy for which Woodbridge
N. Terrie stands. That is how loodbridge N. Terrie starts
off independently in a non-partisan spirit.“-

Another report from the Pontiac gees grotto of
December 11, 1912, read: "Titnese rather than political
faith of a man is swaying Gov-elect Nocdbridgs N. Terrie
in making his appointment. 'In several instances,' he
said, 'I have chosen men whose political faith I do not
know. The men that I have selected are qualified for the
position." ‘

This deep-rooted belief in democracy was often the ‘
keynote of a Terrie speech. The speech he made in Grand
mpids, Hichigan, after his election to the governorship,
helps to exemplify this point.

When Tocdbridgs N. Terrie rose he was greeted with
wild applause. He went at it in his usual forceful style
and drove home in a few minutes' talk a whole lot of things
he expects to accomplish and the things he believes in as
governor:"

All I can say for myself is that in the 28
years I have been in Michigan I have tried to

be of service to every man, woman and child

who has crossed my path- I take no credit for
that, for it has made me happier. But that is

 

1Nenomines Herald Leader, January 3, 1913.

31

a function of government and that is a function

that I shall try to exercise as governor of

Michigan. ,
I shall do my level best to further methods

of direct election by placing upon the statute

books a primary law that will not be a disgrace

to the state of Michigan. I want to see the

Australian ballot made more perfect and I want

it made so that any man can go into the booth

and intelligently mark his ballot to vote for

the men he desires to vote for without voting

for any picture or other insignia.

The buying of offices through the use of
money has gone. By that I mean Lorimerism is
dead. Spoilation in municipal elections ought
to be dead and the time is coming when it will
be. Appointments made simply as political re-
wards should not be tolerated. Competency and
efficiency must come first. If Governor Ifllson
and Governor Terrie and other Democratic execu-
tives fail in this there won't be enough left
of us in two years to wad an old-fashioned shot
gun with.

I believe:in the reign of the people. There J
should be no disfranchisement of anybody or of
any class. It should be cpsn to all, regard-
less of color, religion, race or sex. I believe
in the eacredneee of office. I am the only
Democrat on the stats ticket to be elected. . .
You Democrats must get it into your heads that
Just.:ecauss a man is a Republican he is not a
raso .

. It has been intimated to me that after all
platforms don't mean much. If they don't, it
is high time they did. I hope there will be no
Gormans in the United States senate. There is
no difference between the Germans and the Pen-
roses. They all belong to the same breed of
hogs. If we don't live up to our platform we

ought to go down to everlasting defeat.

I am especially interested in the initiative, V‘
referendum and recall, and that is not a third
party measure either. It is as old as American
history. The land is fundamental I believe and
the city and the country must work together. I
therefore fully approve that plank in our plat-
form which stands for the creation of a commis-
sion of agriculture.

32
Bring your Democracy down as closely to the

Golden Rule as you can. That must be the corner-

stone of the Democracy. we must all Is dead sure

we serve all the people all the time.

Other examples of Ferris' belief in a democracy are
to be found in his Opening Message to the lichigan Legis-
lature, 1913, and his Retiring Message, 1916. These may
be found in the Appendix. ,

Ferris favored all legislation which he thought V-
would be of benefit to the common people. He went on
record as having favored the Bills for Common Welfare of
Gitisens, Increased Compensation for Postal Employees,
Increased Pensions to War Veterans, and the Granting of
Pensions to Individuals!

In his 1922 campaign one of Ferris' speeches made
reference to the soldiers' bonus: “The president's veto
of the soldiers' bonus bill was branded as a 'ccwardly
act' and the long discussion over the bill by. congress as
a 'poker game in which our fighting sons who risked their
lives and suffered untold hardships were used as gambling
chips.'"3

whenever possible, Ferris used his speaking ability \/
to promote the fundamentals of a democratic state. He did
not make long speeches on all of his beliefs, but one finds

references to his principles in various speeches.

 

lGrand Rapids Herald, December 15, 1912.
gangressional Record, Volume 66, Part V, 1925.

3Grand 352m: Herald, October 11, 1922.

33
mm

Ferris brought the question of the tariff into his
speeches whenever the opportunity arose. In his campaign
of 1922, In. flayed the lbrdney tariff bill, charging it
was made by the interests for the interests.”- In a later
speech he stated 'the tariff Just enacted was designed to
aid big business, rather than citizens as a whole.'2 rur-
thsr he “declared that if the Payne-Aldrich bill defeated
the'nepublicans in 1912, the l’crdney-lcOumber measure may
do the same thing in 1922. 'Ihie with other influences,'
he declared, 'make the sky look blue for democracy."3

Gapitol and Labor -_

Another principle Ferris liked to bring before the
people was the question of capitol and labor. "Discussing
industrial unrest Mr. rerris said a permanent settlement
could not be attained until both capitol and labor 'seek
Justice rather than advantages."“ In the campaign of 1922
he declared.'that if the railroads and the mine operators
had paid a.living wage there would have been no strikes;
that there are many employers who employ many men, pay
large wages and still prosper.|5

Since ferric was an ardent admirer of Henry Ford,
he liked to use Ford as an example when expounding on labor

 

 

an s ober 10

lacuna Rapids Herald, :1): emger 3;, Pg.
8 4 r ’ a a: 0
m r‘a'l'ler , co? , 1923..

5am} Rapids Herald, September 29, 1922.

32+

problems. In one of his speeches he said, "that Henry Ford
had solved the problem of capitol and labor in his big in-
dustries, and charged that to charge organised labor with
responsibility for all the disaster and lawlessness was
idiotich In a speech delivered in Huskegon, Michigan,
'He blamed both sides for the coal and labor strikes, but
indicated that capitol had the whiphand and therefore
should make the first move toward reconciliation in time
of trouble.“

it the time Ferris was governor, there were no
efficient labor mediation laws. It was at this time that
Terrie spoke to the people as follows:

No state in the Union has, up to the present
hour enacted an efficient mediation law for the
settlement of industrial disputes. That does
not mean that hope is to be abandoned. The need
of such a law is obvious. sooner or later the
genius of man will formulate a mediation law
whereby intelligent public opinion will contrib-
ute to the sett ement of industrial disputes.

strikes frequently work irreparable injury to

employers; worse than this is an injury to the
progressive welfare of the nation. The one ever-
asting aim to be kept uppermost is iustice, not
advantage. This is the real meaning of democ-
racy. . . I have worked and prayed for laws that
secure equal rights to all and special privileges
to none. Oapitol and labor cannot make progress
as enemies. In a democracy it is absolutely
necessary that capitol be loyal to labor and that
labor be loyal to capitol. The doctrine of hate
and tyranny is the doctrine of destruction)

In summing up the views of capitol and labor as

 

11nd.
2Grand Rapids Herald, October 11, 1912.
{Detroit Free Pregg, October, 1911;.

35
expressed by Ferris, one could quote him as follows: "I
have no objections to money as money, to wealth as wealth,
or to corporations as such. I like a dollar as well as
anybody does. Emt I believe the possession of wealth
should not be a passport to positions which are barred to
the citizens without it.-1
Ionan's Suffrage

In 1913 the question of Woman's Suffrage was very
prominent. The issue had been voted upon in the 1912
election, and wasldefeated. Ferris continued to express
his views in favor of the question. At the time Ferris was
governor, one read in the ggand Rapids Press, January 2,
1913, "Governor I; N. Ferris heartily endorses the plan of
the woman suffrage leaders to push through another resolu—
tion and submit it to the state at the April election.’

In one of his first speeches as governor Terrie
said:

The opponents of woman suffrage who claim

that the ballot would change the nature of

women do not know what they are talking about.

No mere civic responsibility would bring about

a radical change.

boner or later they will vote, and if they

fail in the next election, have courage and

hope of a Democrat who is talking to you. I

have an all-abiding faith in civic ri ts and

I am sure that you will eventually tr umph.

Whatever the consequences may be to me, I will

do everything in my power to help you: I

would rather have been defeated for governor

of Michigan than to have you defeated as they
claim you were beaten last fall.

 

llillegag Gazette, November 30, 1912.
.Qgtroit Times, January 16, 1913.

36

Perris often referred to the rights of women in re-
gard to equal education. Sn strong was his belief in equal
rights for women that he avowed the women of the country
were just as much in bondage as the black race.

Newberry Issue

Perhaps the strongest issue Ferris ever fought was
the Newberry issue. Senator Newberry had been accused of
violating the corrupt Practices law. He was a very wealthy
man from Detroit who was said to have bought votes for his
election. He was tried in the Federal Court of Grand
Rapids and was found guilty. The case was then taken to
a higher court and Newberry was allowed to stay in the
Senate. Ferris made this issue the bases for his 1922
campaign. He opened this campaign at a Democratic Oon-
vention in Detroit: 'He waded into Newberryism with both
fists and both feet, declaring that it is a fundamental
issue, and that he could not face the youth of today and
urge them to obey the laws when men in such high places so
flagrantly violated them and were allowed to go unpunished.
He declared the Newberry case encourages_a disregard for
all law, and openly charged that Senator Newberry had
'perjured himself and had proven himself a liar!."'1

In another speech made in Holland, Michigan, he
said: “I indict the principle, whereby a machine can put

a man into the senate to make laws who has cast-shame on,

 

l'ci-nnd Rapids Herald, Soptember 29, 1922.

37
his state.'1 And in still another speech he declared,
'It's the principle of Newberryism to which I decidedly
object. . . I have no right to go before the boys and girls
in Big Rapids and tell them they can aspire to high public
office if newberryism is to be countenanced.lz

In speaking of the man, Newberry, Ferris said:

He was convicted, and a whole lot of foolish
people say that because the U. S. mpreme Court
set aside the corrupt practices act as uncon-
stitutional, therefore Newberry and his crown

have been washsd and washed until they are as
white as snow. .

"So potent had proved the issue of NewberryisI‘-
clean elections, that it made him (lbrris) the first Demo-
cratic Senator from Michigan since the Republican Party
formed to fight the extension of slaverytl“

lcrld Court

Although senator Farris did not make many speeches

in the senate, he did express his views on the world Court:

Ir. President, the debate in the Senate upon
the merits and demerits of the lbrld Court has
been illuminating. Able Senators have gone into
lengthy discussions on the relation of the Imrld
Court to the League of Nations. The functions
of the lbrld Court have been clearly and force-
fully expounded. I realise that I have not the
ability to enlarge upon these discussions. I
doubt very much if they can be materially en-
larged, except by tedious repetition.

The Ibrld Court has been under discussion for

 

lGrand as ids Herald October 10, 1912.
2‘1‘ES'i"—"'2""'—‘—"d. '

Jerris' autobio a ical manuscri t . 4 .
Christian scienga Rgnitor, Novembzr’ly, ZQZZ.

38

several years, and the greatest statesmen in the
world have made their contributions. be dis-
cussions on the Senate floor, are broadly mak-
ing, a consensus of these opinions. These dis—
cussions are contributed by two groups of Sena-
tors -- one group advocating the entrance of the
United States into the World Court; the other
group maintaining that such entrance is unwise,
and that serious danlgers are involved in such
entrance. No one wi 1 question the atriotism
and sincerity of the able Senators o have
shared in these discussions.

Ho sane man asserts that the League of Nations,
the lbrld court, or any other international or-
ganisation is a panacea for perpetual peace. The
causes of war exist and always will exist so long
as the nations of the earth are not in absolute
isolation. It is all the more necessary, there-
fore, that nations plan for the minimum of de-
struction, and forever try to avoid a world
cataclysm.

Our boys were asmired that they were entering
the World Ivar to end war, and for no other purpose.
To what extent have we fulfilled our promises?

Important changes have occurred since George
lashington issued his warnings to the United
States. The industrial world has been revolu-
tionized. In the last 75 years more Erogeu in
science and invention has been made t an in all
the centuries preceding the beginning of this
period. This progress was made in the hope that
life could and would be conserved. In the World
war, through the demands of the cave man's in-
stincts and impulses, science and invention were
turned into agencies of destruction. In the
world of matter, in the world of things, man has
proved himself a giant. In the world of nature
he has proved himself a piggy. The demand of the
hour is for human engineer g whereby the test
of every enterprise shall be the making of men
instead of the exploitation of things.

The United States has from time to time caught
a glimmer of light and recognised the all-im-
portant fact that human relations are subject to
laws, and therefore subject to improvement. In
this debate there has been an extraordinary degree
of skepticism born of fear. Human nature is

39

fundamentally the same the world over. In the
smallest social unit the element of distrust
works for disintegration. Lack of faith in the
nobler emotions of man opens wide the gate for
the ravages of the lower emotions. Distrust
works for the destruction of the home, the com-
munity, the State, the nation, and the world.
Human nature is not static; it is dynamic. It
is a long road man has traveled - from the
plane of primitive man to the plane of savagery,
from the plane of save ery to the plane of bar-
barian, and from the p ane of barbarian to his
present place in civilisation. I have faith in
his further progress. I admit that just now
there seems to be a slump in the human-nature
market. The world is not going to the devil,
although his present investments are extensive.

The world is one bi family. Time and dis-
tance have been annihi ated. National isolation
is a thing of the past. The United States is
becoming more and more industrialised, and is
therefore increasingly involved in international
affairs. The more highly industrialised a nation
is the more dependent it is upon other nations
of the world for huge quantities of raw materials,
such as coal, iron, oil, copper, timber, food,
and so forth. The foreign trade is assumin
geater and greater importance to the Unit

a es.

Even with huge armies and navies, nations do
not feel secure, so they form military alliances.
Alliances lead to comteralliances culminating in
the balance-of-power system, with continents
divided into great armed camps.

Under this rigime occasions for war, as in
1911+, will continue to arise. It is clearly evi-
dent that the nationalist competitive system is
a menace to world peace. It is imperative, there-
fore, that some way should be found to break the
vicious circle - nationalism imperialism mili-
tarism alliances, balance of power, crises, war.

This leads-to the question, What kind of in-
ternational organisation is needed? At the
present hour the need for an international court
seems to be imperative. In order to be effec-
tive a court must have --

(l) an adequate basis of law upon which to

base its decisions;

(2) Permanent judges of high ability, wide
:xpefiences, and unquestioned moral in-
e

E3; Compulsory jurisdiction; and
The confidence of the litigant nations.

All of these factors are present in the World
Court as it is now organised. I will admit that
if militarism, with the other menance of nation-
alien, is to prevail throughout the world no
agency can be established whereby peace can be
maintained. Ordinarily preparation for war
means war.

To the common man who is unfamiliar with tech-
nical distinctions the objections to the mrld
Court seem trifling, or at least not commensurate
with the needs of the nations of the earth. The
most enthusiastic advocates of the world Court
are not foolish enough to anticipate that it is
a divine organisation, an organisation that can
adjudicate to the entire satisfaction of the
entire world under all circumstances. It has
already been stated on the floor of the Snate
that the Supreme Court of the United States il-
lustrates in large measure the fundamental method
of the World Court h are not treading on new
ground; we are not traveling imaginary roads.

In so far as I know, the humblest citizen of the
United States recognises the superb functions of
the alpreme Court of the United States.

from the standpoint of experience we have a
right to say that the World Court has been in
operation sufficiently long to demonstrate to
the world that it can and does successfully
perform the functions that the advocates of the
Icrld Court proclaim today. Under existing con-
ditions in Eur-cps it looks to me that this is a
time for exhibiting our patriotism after the
manner we exhibited it during the World war.

. Call entering the World Court an adventure.
The question is, mall the United States make
the adventure? I hold that our entering the
lorld Court would be an event that would sig-
nalise a turning point in the world's history.
I am not a prophet or the sun of a prophet, but
I have the right, the same as other men, to ex-

41

press my hopes and poseibly even use my imagina-
tion. I believe the conduct of the United States
in the world War demonstrates clearly that we are
a peace-loving nation, and if we were to enter
the mrld Court, we would not endanger our on
welfare nor become a menace to the welfare of
other nations. It would become a beacon of ligit
to the world.

I cannot bring myself to believe that even now
lurcpean nations are plotting the destruction of
our great Republic. If secret diplomacy can be
forever banished, if the people can have an op-
portunity to express their wishes, there is not
any question in my mind but that the nations of
the earth can inter-mingle and can maintain a
peaceful family.

One of rerris' longest speeches made in the senate
was that concerning the Prohibition law. This speech was
also declared by some of Ferris' colleagues to have been
one of his best speeches. Parts of the speech on prohibi-

tion are as follows:

Mr. President, 60 or more years ago I was a
boy on a hill farm of 100 acres in Tioga County,
New York. During haying and harvesting father
was obliged to employ several helpers. I can
recall, without any special effort, hearing
those prospective helpers ask my father this
question: Do you furnish good whiskey to your
helpers regularly'i”I By the way, all whiskey in
those days was good. There was not the slight-
est temptation to adulterate it. This question
was a prevailing question. Here and there a
farmer would not agree to furnish whiskey, and
he always found it more or less difficult to
secure helpers. my father always answered in
the affirmative, and fulfilled his promises.

His instructions to me were very specific.
He said: “Bring the jug into the hay field at
lO o'clock and give to every man whatever he

 

1'Ccn essional Record Volume 67, Part II, 69th
Con ess, let Session (December 19, 1925 - January 18,
192 ) pp. 2215-2218.

he

sees fit to drink. Then hide the jug. At 3 o'—
clock bring forth the jug and furnish the men
with more whiskey.“ Ho drinks were given to the
helpers in themorning, or at noon, or at the
close of the day.

In order that the picture may be complete,
permit me to say that the grass was cut with a
hand scythe, spread with an ordinary fork, raked
with a hand rake, and drawn to the barn on a
long sled.

me whiskey was bought at the grocery store

for 25 cents a gallon. This was before the Civil
war was well under way, before the government put
a tax liquors. There were no saloons be-
cause t are was no opportunity for making a
profit on whiskey that could be purchased at the
grocery store for 25 cents a gallon. Even the
ry goods stores kept a barrel of whiskey for
those customers who felt that they needed that
kind of refreshment. When the preacher called,
father never failed to extend to him the courtesy
involved in offering him a drink. Not all of the
preachers indulged; not all of the members of the
community indulged. At barn raisings and at
logging bees whiskey was an essential to the
success of the undertaking.

(Here a senator from Missouri interrupted to ask,
”Inst date in history was this golden age.')

Hr. Ferris continued:
I will say that this golden age was about the

Civil War time. I am sure the Senator from
Hissouri is well informed along that line.

No doubt some of the Senators will ask, 'Was
there a large amount of drunkenness at that time?“
This is an exceedingly difficult question to an-
swer with any degree of accuracy. Hy observa-
tions aroused in me -- a boy - a wholesome fear
of the consequences of using whiskey as it was
then used. I soon learned that among the yoimg
people at dances and celebrations drunkenness was
frequent. My father for 20 or 30 years was an
advocate of moderate drinking. He said that any
man who could not take a drink of whiskey and
then let it alone was a fool. To use the modern
term, he was an ant iprohibitionist. lotwith—
standing his positive declaration, I concluded
to let the stuff alone. Even my boyhood obser-
vations tmght me that there was no particular

“3

benefit to be derived from the use of intoxi-
eating liquors. with me this was not a mere
amday-schocl sentiment; my attitude grew out
of my actual observations.

Mr. President, I do not need to go into de-
tails as to the origin of the Jerican saloon.
The story is familiar to every senator. me
saloon yielded large profits, like bootlegging.
It was a money-making scheme, and so long as
human nature remains what it is, money-making
will be indulged in, whether it is in con-
formity to law or in violation of law. The
liquor traffic grew to such magnitude that it
commanded not only the attention of the common
people but aroused the attention of men engaged
in our great industries. So far as I know
there is not a man living in the United States
today who would deliberately advocate a return
to the nerican saloon.

It is worthwhile to very briefly consider
some of the reasons for banishing the American
saloon. l'or half a century the preachers,
church workers, and teachers fought the American
saloon. I wish to call the attention of the
Senate to their chief objective. There was no
question as to the hardships that were imposed
ugcn mothers and children. Again and again
t e picture was painted in vivid colors of how
homes were devastated; of how women and children
were deprived of the necessaries of life because
of the dissolute habits of the head of the
family.

In this great battle there was another
question raised that was of supreme importance,
namely, the effects of alcohol upon the human
system. The medical profession made valuable
contributions. It was maintained by some ad,
vocates of the moderate use of alcohol that
alcohol had a food value. Today many physicians
do not recommend alcohol as a factor in the
daily food consumption. I am also uite safe
in asserting that alcohol is classe with the
poisons.

Out of this controversy grew the educational
movement for the ncnuse of alcohol in any form,
except possibly as a medicine. It is true that
physicians use poisons as constituting one group
of their remedies. This educational program was
inaugurated in all the States of the Union. The

laws of the different States required that text-
books on physiology and hygiene should contain a
certain amount of information concerning the ef-
fects on the human body of the use of alcohol
and other narcotics. Year in and year out, in
connection with the antisalccn movement and
other movements against John Barleycorn the edu-
cational movement was tremendously important.

Ir. President, there is not any uesticn
about the wonderful influence that his educa-
tional movement had upon the minds of American
citizens. It is safe to say that the majority
of them were convinced that there could be no
valid argument for the use of alcohol in any
form, except for medical use, and I maintain
that at this particular time the question of
the effects of alcohol upon the human system
should be revived. I have yet to find any
change in the attitude of scientists and con-
servers of health on the effects of alcohol on
the human system.

I do not maintain that this educational cru-
sade was the only factor in eliminating the
American saloon. Heads of industry were not
slow to discover that the Anerican saloon was
the arch enemy to their enterprises, and
thousands of employers who used alcoholic
liquor, either moderately or imoderately,
voted dry in the antisalocn movement because
they believed that the prosperit of their en-
terprises would be conserved by anishing the
saloon. They preferred to have employees who
were sober five or six days in the week; in
fact, they insisted upon it. There is not a
Senator present who has not made observations
' along this line and been forced to recognize
the power of industrial influence. Even the
railroad managers of this country and of Canada
were obliged during the reign of the saloon to
make certain rules and regulations with refer-
ence to their employees. They recognised the
fact that if the protection of life and proper-
ty was to be maintained they must have sober
engineers, sober conductors, and sober brake—
men. The industrial world recognised the vital
importance of employing men sho could exercise
sufficient self-control as practically to let
liquor alone. Mr. President, these are not idle
speculations; they all come within the experi-
ence of the majority of our citizenry.

(The speech here includes a section on the
Effect of Alcohol on the Longevit and lhat
it Costs to Insure nee Drinkersj

Millions are spent annually in the attempt
to improve sanitary conditions. we boast of
having conquered the ravages of smallpox; we
boast of having increased the longevity of the
American people. It is conceded, however, that
the mortality rate for disease in middle life
has not been lessened to any large extent, but
millions of babies have been saved, and thus
the general average has been radically changed.
Just because the prohibition laws are violated,
as loyal American citizens we cannot afford to
disregard the future welfare of American youth.

Ir. President, why do the wets invariably
deplore the former existence of the American
saloon? No doubt they are willing to recognise
that the destruction of the physical man was
one of the dire conse uences of the American
saloon. The nationwi e educational movement
for temperance had to do primarily with the
welfare of youth.

One serious delusion that the wets cling to
is the delusion that we are in dire straits in
the matter of law enforcement and that we are
Justified in tearing down the walls that have
been erected for the protection of American
youth. Their claims are wide of the mark: they
have attributed the tremendous increase in
crime, if there is such an increase, to the
eighteenth amendment and the Volstead Act. by
careful study of crime will reveal the fact
that the attempt to enforce the Vblstead Act is
only one of the crime producing factors. I
could listen with some patience to the advocates
of light wines and beer if their policy were not
involved with the making of better citizens and,
in my Judgment, with the question of whether
alco cl in any form is beneficial to the human
system, or even harmless, and when I say this
I am not condemning the use of alcohol by
physicians in the treatment of disease.

Mr. President, I will be recognised as a
schoolmaster, and consequently the plea I make

for education will not command the attention

it should command. During the last 50 years
and prior to the enactment of the eighteenth
amendment the American people had carried.cn

a campaign of education that produced results.
The drys are to be censured severely for haying
lain down on the Job. When the eighteenth
amendment and the voletead Act were passed,

it was thought by many of the drys that their
job was done. They trusted too much to law,
which without enforcement is of little or no
value. If there was occasion for a campaign
of education in 1900, 1905, 1910, 1915, there
is even greater occasion for it now, because in
our crime problem we have the cry that light
wines and beer is one factor involved in the
solution of it. If anything will save the
American Republic or any other nation on the
globe, it is education, and I refer to the kind
of education which begins in the American home
and then is wedded to the public school.

0 O C

(The speech here has a section on the Attitude
of lledical Profession Toward Alcohol. This
section contains many quotations from the med-
ical profession.)

Mr. President, the several wet bills now
pending are an attempt to repudiate the Consti-
tution of the United States. I do not maintain
that this is the intention of the framers of
these bills. I do maintain however, that the
passing of these bills would be in effect a
repudiation. In my Judgment, nothing more
dangerous could be undertaken by the United
States Congress. The framers of these bills
have a perfect right to ask that the eighteenth
amendment be nullified, and it can only be
nullified in the way in which.it was enacted.
Ihy not be frank about the matter and meet the
real demand squarely?

The antiprohibitionists have gone craey over
what is called personal liberty, personal free-
dom. None of these antiprohibiticns want to
see the return of the American saloon. why not?
If the light wines and beer had the virtues that

47

they so strenuously advocate, why not give the
utmost freedom to their use? The truth of the
matter is the very fact that they oppose the
saloon is the conclusive argument that they
recognize the dangers of this particular nar-
cotic called alcohol.

0 O O

No country, no State has formd a method of
distributing light wines and beer so that the
dangers of the old-time saloon would not face
us constantly. Furthermore, I wonder that the
wets do not occasionally give a little more
attention to the great organizations of women,
the great organizations of American youth, the
great organizations of the churches in handling
this matter. These different organizations are
exerting themselves heroically to help American
youth, and why should the sc-called patriotic
wets hesitate to practice a little self-denial
and Join the drys in the battle for the en-
forcement of law?

I believe that with an enlightened public
sentiment the Vblstead Act can be enforced.
America is potentially and Egactically the
greatest country in the wor . America occupies
a unique position in the affairs of the whole
world. Her position is one of conceded leader-
ship. uill she at this critical hour surrender
her power and obligation to make America safe
for American youth .

Summary
Ihen Ferris wrote about his speech principles in
his autobiographical manuscript he mentioned some preaching
he did in a number of country churches. He wrote:
In the light of my religious reformation while
a student at Michigan university, my friends will
ask about the effect of my theology on my hearers.

Then and later I became thoroughly convinced that
the average congregation takes few exceptions

 

1
Congession Record, Volume 67, Part VIII, 69th
ggngress, lst Seesiogglflpril 2N- - Kay 12, 1926) pp. 8655-
59-

when preaching is positive and not negative

with reference to the issues of life. Dis-

sension arises when dogmatic doctrines and

negations are discussed.

A quotation from the Hillsdale Daily Now; of March
27, 1928, may summarize Perris' speaking: 'He was never
inclined to scold the world for its failures and always

preserved an abiding faith in young men and womenJ

Chapter III
PREPARATION AND DELIVER!

50
PREPARATION AND DELIVERY.
Speech Preparation
Senator Ferris was classified as an extemporaneoue
speaker. I. O. Shields, who was Ferris' campaign manager,
said that Ferris never wrote out a speech. If Shields had

certain important points he wanted stressed, he wrote them

down for Ferris' speeches.1

In Terris' autobiographical manuscript he wrote:

I never write a lecture. I do my reading
and thinking with enthusiasm and thoroughness.
Then I make a brief outline of what I plan to
say. These outlines 5fter experimenting under-
go important changes.

In another place in the manuscript Ferris relates
an incident in his series of lectures to show how he be-
came an extempcraneous speaker. This incident took place

in 1873, at Skaneateles, New York:

At the appointed hour I appeared at the
academy where a goodly number of people had
assembled. I was in command of one written
lecture on human nature, the one I had given
at the Oswego Normal School in the autumn of
1872. I had resolved to pursue a.new plan
which was to use the written subject matter
of one lecture for two extemporaneous lec-
tures. I retained the first sentence of every
paragraph. My self-confidence was colossal.

I was sure that I could read the introduction.
I was confident that the first sentence would
call to mind the substance of the paragraph.

The actual test proved a humiliating failure.
After reading the first sentence I aused. . .
I quickly drew my remnants of a rea manuscript
from the speaker's stand and crumpled it in my
hands, never to make any reference to it again.

 

1Personal interview with Mr. Shields, Lansing,
Michigané Hay, 1946.
Ferris' autobiographical manuscript, p. 133.

van ey,

51

I talked in a rambling way for twenty minutes
or less and then announced that my second leo-
ture would be delivered the next evening.

Let the reader bear in mind that I am not
relating this experience for the purpose of
putting a high value upon the lectures. I am
telling the true story of how I became an ex-
temporaneous speaker.

Ferris later gave a series of lectures at Halsey
New York. Of these lectures he wrote:

I discovered that I had in my mind suffi-
cient material for a dozen lectures. I
adcpted a conversational, story-telling form
of delivery. More or less curiosity was
aroused every night.

Just before dismissing the audience a col-
lection was taken. at the close of the sixth
and last lecture I had collected a total of
fifty or sixty dollars above all expenses.

The big thing for me was my mastery of a
problem. At Skaneateles, New York, I had
utterly failed. The method I pursued there
was wrong. The method I pursued at Halsey
valley was right. This little story of a
bit of my experience is written for the sole
purpose of encouraging some reader in the
mastery of the fine art of public speaking.2

Further, in writing of his speeches made in 187“,

Norris said:

I was not hypocritical, but frank and
earnest in my pulpit teachings. 11y audiences
were relatively large and attentive. These
discourses were not read from manuscript. I
then used a brief outline as I do now. Since
my sad experience at Shaneateles, New York,

I have always been an extemporaneous speaker}

 

grerris' autobiographical manuscript, p. 63.
31b1de, pe 6L659
M” p. 71.

52
Delivery
As has been intimated previously in this work,
lerris' personality was an integral part of his speech-
making. He believed so firmly in the principles which he
expounded, that sincerity was an outstanding trait of his
delivery. I. o. siields, State Democratic Chairman and

campaign manager for Ferris, said that Terris' delivery

was "very magnetic, very interesting, and very emphatic."1

Senator thdenberg'of Michigan said of Ferris,

You, senators, knew him largely in this polit-
ical capacity, although these contacts inevita-
bly disclosed the sterling character which this
day's ceremony so heartfully reveres. Put our
Michigan knew him in other estimates and other
loves. . . we knew him as the neighbor who was
welcomed at unnumbered hearth stones up and
down the countryside. We knew him as an oracle
with the gift of tongues, an oracle whose homely
yet terribly earnest words have inspired un-
counted auditors not only in our own great state
but also throughout America.2

Further, Gerrit Masselink said of Norris,

I have known Ferris for more than 32 ears.
He had boundless enthusiasm and was a is to
give this, in a large measure, to others.
Work was his gospel. Reading and study were
his diversions. working with young people
was his delight. On the public platform he
had few equals. He was dynamic in his de-
livery» He had a wonderful persuasive power.
He could gain and hold the attention of an
audience and mould them to suit his own will.
Not only was he powerful mentally, but he was
a man with a large heart.

 

1Personal interview with Edmond 0. Shields,
Lansing,2lichigan, Hay, 1946. #1

Memorial Addresses £-
3HemorIEI to Ferris, ound among the manuscripts
of hrris.

53

Ferris' speaking was also commended in the Allegan
Gasette, Allegan, Michigan, November 30, 1912. IPersonal-
ly he (Norris) is of agreeable manner and speech, and his
public addresses have always commanded attention and re-
speot.'

' The _D:etroit Hm of November 9, 1912, made this
comment: “He is blunt and direct.l

Prom speaking with people who have heard the late
Senator speak, it is assumed that Ferris did not have a
great deal of poise, but he possessed the qualities of
sincerity and directness.

terris himself wrote: "All of my addresses are de-
livered with tremendous enthusiasm and force.l1

General Appearance

After one of Ferris' speeches the Qatroit Newg_gave
this description of him:

Atthin body, long arms, a lock of gray hair

that persists in dropping over the we l-formed

forehead, a chin in such a direct line with the

brow that his features look as though a plummet
were used in laying them out, and a slight stoop

in the shoulders. That is a flash of I. N.

Ferris as he stands and speaks on the issues of

his campaign.

The.grand Rapids Herald for November 9, 1922, wrote:

In many respects the “good gray governor“ re-

sembles his predecessor (Stuart). Stuart pre—
sented a commanding appearance on the platform,

 

glbrris' autobiographical manuscript, p. 133.
.Qgtroit News, October 23, 1912, p. 11.

5n
possessed a charming delivery, and a fine com-

mand of language, and was a good thinker on
his feet.

At the time of Ferris' inauguration this descrip-
tion was also found. ”The governor was easily the strik-
ing figure of the ooterie gathered on the porch. Dressed
in black, tall, quiet in manner, with his gray hair mark-
ing him even in the crowd -- there was no question as to
his being the governor.'1

The Adrian Daily'Telegrgm for January 1, 1913,
wrote: “Governor Norris is dignified, unostentatious and
wisely conservative."

Ooncsrning his platform movement, the Detroit New;
commented:

when he gets on the subject of trusts he is
especially militant. The left arm is extended

as far as possible, palm open. The right fist

is clinched and at appropriate times the fist

smites the palm with a smack that seemingly

fastens the argument lith a spike. The deep-
set brown eyes gleam.

igetroit Courier, January #, 1913.
‘Detroit News, October 23, 1912, p. 11.

Chapter IV
ANALYSIS OF SPEECHES

 

 

 

 

56
ANALYSIS OF SPEECHES ‘

Before one can begin an analysis of any speech, a
standard or certain criteria for analysis must be estab-
lished.

Many speeches have been analysed heretofore on the
basis of Aristotelean rhetoric in regard to logical,
ethical, and pathetic proof. However, the author of this
thesis feels that this analysis should include more than
the patterns of proof; it should include the speaker as
well as the content of the speech, and should consider the
audience who heard the speech. Therefore, this analysis
of Ferris' speeches will follow certain criteria which
stem from the concepts of basic communication. Essentially
the analysis will be concerned with ”who said what to whom
with what effect.“ ..

First let us consider the term communication. I.
A. Richards says:

Communication takes place when one mind so

acts upon its environment that another mind is

influenced, and in that other mind an experi-

:32°fiiitrhzfif°§néfiiiiiu22§ sense an

experience.

some people call this similarity of experience the

Iframe of reference.l It is with this notion in mind of

 

1Memorandum from v; C. Arnspiger, Office of the
Vice President, EncycIOpedia Britannica Films, Inc., New
York, 1936 .

I. At Richards, Princi les of Literar Criticism
New York, Harcourt, Brace and 00., 323, p. I75.

 

ll‘lllllllll‘llllll

 

 

57
similar experiences that the author believes the whole

speaking situation should be considered when analyzing a
speech. Further, Richards points out:

In general, long and varied acquaintance-
ship, close familiarity, lives whose circum-
stances have often corresponded, in short on
exceptional fund of common experience is needed,
if people, in the absence of special communi-
cative gifts, active and receptive, are to
communicate, and even with these gifts the suc-
cess of the communication in difficult cases
depends upon the extent to which past similar-
ities in experience can be made use of.

Wilbur S. Howell in his book mums and Styles of
Communication defines communication as follows: “Communica-
tion is a term used to designate intercourse by words,
letters, and messages."2 He elaborates on this definition

with the following explanation:

Efore the process of communicat ion can be-
gin, there must be a human being with something
to say and a language to say it in. Before the

recess can get beyond its initial phases, that
uman being, whether a speaker or writer, must
select and arrange words from that language,
this selection and arrangement being controlled
and dictated by the conventions of the language
and by the meaning of the things to which the
words refer. Before the process can reach its
completion, there must be at least one other
human being who receives the arrangement of
words and comes thereby to understand the mean-
ing seen by the author in the things designated
by his words.

With these foregoing concepts of communication,

taking into account the listener as well as the speaker,

 

1

Ibid. p. 178.

alilbur S. Howell, Problems and St 1e of Ccmmnicg;
tion, Ne! York, F. S. Crofts and Co., 1913, p. 2.

1mm.

 

 

w»
I.

 

58
the form for analysis will be as follows:
I. Who is speaking
A, Personal characteristics
B. Class characteristics
C. Skill characteristics
D. Attitude characteristics
II. What is said
A. Content
B. Style
III. with what effect
A. Personal reactions or feelings
B. Overt actions

Perhaps there are some terms in this outline which
need further clarification before we proceed with the
analysis.

Personal characteristics include such things as the
~age of the person, whether it is a man or woman speaking,
what the person's interests are, what type of voice he has,
as well as his general appearance.

Class characteristics refer to the position that
the individual occupies with respect to'each of the sig-
nificant values in the community. For example, one value
is power, another is position, and another is respect.

Some examples of skill characteristics would be:

a practiced orator, or a skilled coal miner. one can
describe skills in terms of characteristic operations
pecple can handle.

By attitude characteristics is meant a person's
feelings toward certain subjects. For example, some people
may have imperialistic attitudes, while others may have a

non -imperialistic attitude. Most speakers have some kind

59
of biases.

Content deals with the purport of the speech, or
what is said, whereas style deals with the arrangement of
the parts of the speech or how it is said.

In the final analysis, we Judge the speaker's ef—
fectiveness by the individual's reactions or response to-
ward the speaker, and if he actually carried out the sug-
gestions of the speaker. An example of an overt action
would be that of the listener actually voting for the
speaker, if the speaker were giving a campaign speech.1

the is meaking

Ferri‘s' character and personality have previously
been discussed in Chapter I. At the time he was governor,
it was not uncommon to find statements in the papers such
as this one taken from the glans Argus-Pioneer, January 1,
1913, ”Ferris has a wonderful personality.” ,

The author of this thesis has had several inter- \/
views with per-ms who have heard l'erris speak. Those in-
terviewed all agreed that Ferris' character and personality
were very definitely a part of his speaking. sincerity
seems to have been his outstanding asset.

Hr. lucas of East Lansing, Michigan, said of l'erris:

He never tried to sell himself. He tried

 

1These ideas have been taken from a brochure pub-
lished by the Encyclopedia Britannica Films, Inc., New York,
19%. (A memorandum from V. C. Arnspiger, Office of the
Vice President.)

60
to encoura e his audience to make themselves
better. though Ferris was quite blunt in
his speaking, he never found fault with pecple 1
in general. Ferris was an inspirational talker.
woodbridge Eerris' life reflected the principles of /

which he spoke. For example, he spoke in favor of pro-
hibition, and he was a "dry.“ In his institute he prac-
ticed the educational philosophy he advocated. Therefore,
people who heard Ferris had faith in what he said.
In considering class characteristics, we find that ‘/

Ferris came from a poor family financially, and remained in
the working, or middle class. It is said that when Dorris
became Governorof Michigan he owned his first dress suit.
Even as governor of his state, Ferris still appealed to
the working class of pecple. When he was running for sena-
tor in 1922, the 95nd Rapids Herald for October 31, 1922,
carried an article stating that the “Farmer-Labor organi-
sation endorsed the candidacy of Woodbridge N. Ferris.“

. Arnold Mulder, in an article about Ferris in the
Crag Rapids Press, May 2k, 193?, said: “He had an unusual
talent for entering into the lives of many kinds of people."
This statement was exemplified in another way in the m
Rapids Herald, March 28, 1928. In regard to Ferris'
funeral, the paper stated:

John Taner, a farmer who came to Mecosta

County ‘40 years ago. . . walked 11% miles
through the frozen drifts, to mourn at the

 

lPersonal interview with Mr. H. S. Lucas, East
Lansing, Michigan, November, 19%.

61
bier of his neighbor. . . Governor Green, state
officials and senators from Washington all came
to the funeral.
we might conclude that Ferris was essentially of

the middle class, but having been successful in politics,
in education, and in business, he established prestige in
all classes. Because of his work at Ferris Institute and
the speeches he made in favor of education, he was esteemed
by the professional class, but he never lost favor with the
rural folk and the worker.

Ferris' outstanding attribute in skill characteris-
tics lay in the field of education. Because of his long
association with education as a profession, and because of
his success in establishing and developing Ferris Institute,
people respected his views on education. senator vandenberg
said of Ferris: flaere was one in when life and education
were inseparable synonyms.“-

A quotation from the Adrian Daily Telegrg cf Decem-
ber 31, 1912, illustrates his skill characteristics:

,scmehcw or other -- by your professional and
business record, by your writing and speaking,

by your habits and manner -— you have convinced

a very large number of people that you.are a

man of great ability, sound sense, fairness,

and honesty.

The above quotation was addressed to ferris when he
was about to take office as Governor of Michigan.

After Farris gave his first inaugural address as

 

lGrand Rapids Herald, May 7, 1928.

62
governor, the Grand Rapids Press of January 3, 1913, said
of him:

The wide scope of the inaugural message,

the clarity of the arguments offered, the

simplicity and plain common sense of the

recommendations fulfill Michigan's expecta-

tions of its new governor's mental equip-

ment for his task.

In a.personal interview Mr. Seymour H. Person, an
attorney in Lansing, Michigan, said Ferris' strong feature ‘//r
was his knowledge of humans and the problems they faced as
well as his solutions to these problems. In another inter-
view, Mr. H. St Lucas of East Lansing, Michigan, said,
I'l‘erris had a remarkable memory.’

Along with his ability to understand educational /
problems, it seems that Ferris had a very keen mind and had
the ability to understand people.

Ierris' attitude characteristics have been implied
in Chapter II, under Speech Principles and Premises. It is v’
apparent that FBrris' attitude usually favored the common
man. The late Senator was very blunt in his speaking, and
said exactly what he thought concerning the issues of the
day. He, himself, said, "I have opinions and I will ex-
press them. I shall speak according to my convictions.'1
Another attitude which Ferris develcped was one which he

first conceived when he heard Theodore Tilton lecture on

”The Human Mind“; this attitude being ”that the way to the

 

1Allegan Gazette, November 39, 1912.

63
mind is through the heart, that Man's desire and aspira-
tions, not his intellect, are the springs of action.1

What Is Being Said

It has been pointed out previously that Forris L/’
'usually spoke on an issue about which he had a firm belief.
If he thought deeply about a subject, he did not hesitate
to speak about it, no matter how trivial it might have
seemed to others. In his speeches on education he often
made reference to the home and to the duties of parents in
the home. Even in his message to the legislature he did not
hesitate to speak about common improvements needed in the
schools. On January #, 1913, The Evening Ccpper Journgl
wrote:

Among the many practical and helpful recom-

mendations made by Governor Ferris in his mes-

sage to the legislature was one bearing upon

the subject of better ventilation and sanita-

tion for school buildings. This is a subject

upon which Governor Ferris speaks with author-

ity. He recommends a law providing that plans

for school houses shall be submitted for ap-

proval to the state superintendent of educa-

tion, and the state board of health.

When he spoke before the Michigan Historical Society
he mentioned the necessity of being out of doors, and of
men working in their own gardens rather than hiring garden-
ers. In speaking before the Executives' Club, Ferris spoke
to business men about saying and about teaching youth to

‘."' To Perris th° °°mm°n: 9'91? 43? affairs of life were v/

 

ll'uller Governors cfflejgrritcry End State of
lichiggg, p. 17$. ""“"

64

important and he was not reticent in expressing his views.
' His views were quite liberal for the times in which
he lived. The Grand Rapids Press for March 23, 1928,
wrote: 'He (Ferris) was independent and liberal in a period
when Michigan Hepublioans swung strongly to progressive
organisation.“ It has already been shown in the thesis
that Ferris was in favor of such measures as woman's
Suffrage, The world Court, and Labor Mediation. His views
on education were also quite progressive. For example,
here is a part of a speech given in Detroit:
Rigid, inflexible courses and cast iron

curricula have made an educational machine

attuned to the idea of grades and ages.

What we need is education for all of the

pecple all of the time. Learning isn't

necessarily confined to youth. When you

think that your education is finished, don't

hang around any longer, take c lorcfcrm
and make a permanent departure.
In addition to speaking on the common things of

life with a liberal attitude, the late Senator had a

faculty for using many metaphors and similes in his speech VJ

content. Mr. Seymour 11. Person said of Ferris' speeches:
“His similes and metaphors dealt with the common things
which the common pecple could understand."2 Here are some
examples: When Ferris was running against Musselmen for
senator, the former said in his campaign speech, l'Mr.

Musselmen is a wholesale grocer. He has been making money}

 

1round in Ferris' autobiographical manuscript.
zPerscnal interview.

, wdf’

55

For the past 28 years I have been making men and women.
‘rake your choice as to which would give the state of
Michigan the best t_hinge.-1

In speaking of the defeat of the tariff bill,
Ferris said, "This with other influences, makes the sky
lock blue for democracy," and when he spoke concerning the
soldiers' bonus he said, "The president's veto of the
soldiers' bonus bill was a cowardly acth The long dis-
cussion over the bill was likened to "A poker game in
which fighting sons who risked their lives and suffered
untold hardships were used as gambling chipsl" When he
spoke in favor of the World Court, Ferris said, "Ihe
world is a big family.” One of the most outstanding meta—.
phors Ferris used was during his campaign for senator when
he fought Senator Newberry. Ferris said:

He was convicted, and a whole lot of foolish
people say that because the U. S. Supreme Court
set aside the corrupt practices act as uncon-
stitutional, therefore Newberry and his crown
have been wash d and washed until they are as
white as snow.

In 1916 Ferris spoke to the Michigan Pioneer and
Historical Society on the ”Spirit of the Times.' In that
speech he spoke of religion, and his conclusion was as

fol lows:

 

:Detroit News, October 23, 1912.

3 an s Herald, October 11, 1922.
b (1.

Grand Rapids Press, January 16, 1926.

5rerris' autobiographical manuscript, p. 3M7.

66

I beg of you, let a fresh breeze into that
musty chamber of your soul, where you have so
long kept your religion, and air it out, in
the name of suffering humanity, and the crying
need for vital living in this day of the coming
of the fingdom of God upon earth as it is in
Heaven.

A further example of the use of the metaphor in
Perris' speech may be found in the speech he gave before
the Executives' Club in Chicago. (This speech, IGive
American Youth a Chance” may be found in the Appendix.)
Ferris was speaking of education, and he said:

Millions of dollars for stadiums, millions

of dollars for athletics. Do I fight athletics?

No. Not athletics for the student body. we are

paying far too extravagantly for educational

substitutes, winning football games without
winning games legitimately in the field of in-
telligence.

In addition to the use of the metaphor, Ferris
sometimes made use of the hyperbole, such as in this speech
given in Congress. The speech was called ”Thought Food for
the firmer.” Ferris was presenting figures in regard to
how poorly the farmer was paid. He said:

If the situation depicted by these facts and
figures were the reverse of what it is, this

city would be so filled with representatives

and lobbyists from the steel, textile, and a

few other industries that one would have £0 go

across the river into Virginia to eneese.

Let us now consider FBrris' patterns of proof in z/

the content of his speeches. He did not seem to use only

 

18“ speech in Appendix, 'Spirit of the TimesJ
zCongressional Record, volume 66, Part III, 68th

—:__

Congress, 2nd Session, January 20-Iobruary 7, 1925, p. 2122.

67
one type of proof, but makes use of all three; ethical,
logical, and pathetic proof. Here is an example of his
ethical proof used in his campaign speech of 1922:

It's honor versus dishonor. You might
better have a man at washington who stands
for free institutions and for continuation
of free government, then a man who is power-
ful. It might be that the more powerful a
man is the more dangerous he may be. I am
an idealist. I hate to see the Abraham
Lincoln type smothered.1

Here is another example of Ferris' ethical proof
in a campaign speech: '

He declared that the Democratic Congress
from 1919-1918 were the greatest in the his-
tory of the nation. He avowed that he was
and still is a Wilson Democrat and history
will place the name of chdrow'lllscn along-
side those of Washington and Lincoln and urged
his hearers not to shrink from.an ar ent in 2
defense of the last Democratic admin stration.

We can cite another example from.a different type
of speech. When Torrie spoke before the Executives' Club
about American youth, he used.Lindberg as his example. The
conclusion of that speech was as follows:

And then thank God they could not auction
off Lindberg. The Literary Digest recently
said if he accepted all overtures he would
have six million dollars. Thank God, we have
one American that can't be bought.

All honor to Lindberg. who are we here
not to be glad to find n your son the ele-
ments that characterize Lindbergs I say,
“Amen and amen.I May it be your good fortune
to give your boys and girls a chance.

 

IEGrand Rapids Herald, October 12, 1922.
Grand Rapgds Her;;d, September 29, 1922.

68

(This speech may be found in the Appendix of the thesis.)

To show how Ferris mixed the different types of

proof, we need only to look at his speech on Prohibition

made in Congress. He began this speech with a personal in-

cident in his life, then he proceeded to use pathetic

proof:

It is worthwhile to very briefly consider
some of the reasons for banishing the American
saloon. For half a century the preachers,
church workers, and teachers fought the Ameri-
can saloon. I wish to call the attention of
the Senate to their chief objective. There
was no question as to the hardships that were
imposed upon mothers and children. Again and
again the picture was painted in vivid colors
0 how homes were devastated; of women and
children who were deprived of the necessaries

- of life because of {he dissolute habits of the

type of

head of the family.
In the conclusion of this speech he used the same

proof:

I believe that with an enlightened public
sentiment the Volstead Act can be enforced.
America is potentially and piactically the
greatest country in the wor . America oc-
cupies a unique position in the affairs of
the whole world. Her position is one of
conceded leadership. Will she at this criti-
cal hour surrender her power and obligation

_ to make America safe for American youth?

However, he also used logical proof in this speech:

Heads of industry were not slow to dis-
cover that the American saloon was the arch
enemy to their enterprises, and thousands of
employers who'wsed alcoholic liquor, either

 

1Con essional Record Vblume 67, Part VIII, 69th
Congress, lst Session (April 2Mt- May 12, 1926) pp. 8655-

2Ibid.

59

moderately or immoderately, voted dry in the
antisaloon movement because they believed
that the prosperity of their enterprise would
be conserved by banishing the saloons. They
preferred to have employees who were sober
five or six days in the week; in fact, they
insisted upon it. There is not a Senator
present who has not made observations along
this line and been forced to recognize the
power of industrial influence. Even the rail-
road managers of this country and Canada were
obliged during the rei of the saloon to make
certain rules and re ations with reference
to their employees. They recognised the fact
that if the protection of life and property
was to be maintained they must have sober en-
gineers, sober conductors, and sober brakemmn.
The industrial world recognised the vital ne-
portance of employing men who could exercise
sufficient seli-control as practically to let
liquor alone.

In this same speech Ferris quoted data from the
medical profession and from insurance companies on the
longevity of life in regard to the use of alcohol.

In other speeches lbrris used pathetic proof, such
as the speech he made concerning capital and labor:

_ I have worked and prayed for less that se-
cure equal rights to all and special privi-
leges to none. Capital and labor cannot make
progress as enemies. In a democracy it is ab-
solutely necessary that capital be loyal to
labor and that labor be loyal to capital.

The doctrine of hate and tyranny is the doc-
trine of destruction.

In speaking of the world Court Torrie used pathetic
proof when he said:

Our boys were assured that they were enter-
ing the lorld It: to end war, and for no other
purpose. To what extent have we fulfilled our
promises?

 

1Ibid.
2Detroit tree Press, October, 1914.

70

In the same speech he used logical proof by saying:

lo sane nan asserts that the League of Na-
tions, the world Court, or any other inter-
national organieaticn is a panacea for perpet-

ual peace. The causes of war exist and always

will exist so long as the nations of earth are

not in absolute isolation. It is all the more

necessary, therefore, that nations plan for the

minimum of destruction, and forever try to

avoid a world cataclysm.

After reading the different types of speeches made
by rerris, it becomes apparent that he used different
methods of proof. One statement may conclude the dis-
cussion on the content of Ferris' speeches. In regard to
his first message as governor, the Jggkson (Michigen)
Patriot for January '4», 1913, said: “The tone of the docu-
ment is high in thought."

Let us now consider the style of these speeches.
The first aspect that is apparent in any type of speech is
the introduction. It was characteristic of Ferris to begin 1/
a speech with some personal reference. For example, in his
Congressional speech on prohibition, he began with a story
of his early childhood. (See Chapter II. page 1+1.) In his
speech called "Spirit of the Times," Ferris began much the
same way when he said: .

After listening to this magnificent addresfl

by lather Earth, I find it exceedingly embar-

rassing to think of attempting anything like

an adequate discussion of the theme that has

been chosen for me. I shall always be inspired
by the address that I have listened to. It has

 

lCcn essional accord, Volume 67, Part II, 69th
Con ess, let Session, (December 19, 1925 - Janmry 18,

 

71

carried me back into the days of my childhood's
experience with learning history, and made
keener the edge of one of my greatest regrets,
that I had to pick up my earl knowled e of
history without guidance of’t a kind 0 which
rather Earth has spoken.1

In a political speech given at Orchestra Hall in
Detroit, )‘erris began with this personal reference:

In l90h, I faced an audience very much like
the one I have here tonight. That was the
first time that I ran for Governor of the
State of Michigan. That was in the Armory,
the Old Armory on the twentybthird of August.
I never shall forget that night. I am not
going to tell you.anything about it, except
that it was rather surprising that a candi-
date should be offered for a Governor of the
reat Erato of Michigan, who had not even
een mentioned in his home newspaper, let
alone in other newspapers in the state.

I came into that nomination in an emergen-
cy. That is all. we Democrats have alto-
gether too many emergencies.

I had no political aspirations. I have not
had any since. It does not do a Democrat very
much good 13 Michigan to have any political

ambitions.

In his speech to Congress on the Cooding Bill,
Ferris began in this way:

Mr. President I shall take only a very
few moments of the time of the Senate and
will not attempt any detailed discussion of
the bill, for it has already been presented
rather thoroughly.

I am a member of the committee and attends
ed the hearings held on this question. I
think I heard all that was contributed at

 

1Given before the Michigan Historical society,

Lansing Michigan May 25 1916.
’2rerris' autobiographical manuscript, p. 331.

72
that time on the Gooding bill and on the bill
offered by the senator from Massachusetts.

My training leads me to have a great deal of

regard for those who are in a position to

give information to the people of this coun-

try. The agricultural colleges have occupied

my attention and consideration for many years,

and, so far as I can learn, they have uniform-

ly supported and advocated the provisions of

this bill.

From these examples it is apparent that Ferris used

personal references in his introductions in various types of
speeches.

Another consideration in regard to style is sen- /
tence structure. However, since Ferris was an extemporan-
ecus speaker, and did not write out his speeches, it is
difficult to analyse his sentences from the written form
only. George Fullpr, Michigan Historical Commissioner,
who edited some of Ferris' speeches said that the punction
was his, but the prose rhythm of the sentences was Ierris' .2
Mr. Person said that Ferris often did not use complete
sentences in his speeches. He started a sentence, and if
he saw that the audience got the meaning, or significance
of the sentence, he did not always finish what he started
to say} when we read Isrris' speeches we are aware of the
short sentences intermingled with longer ones.

Let us now consider the type of language that was

 

, 1’Oongressional Record, Volume 67, Part VI, 69th
Congressé-fst 8ession,TMarch l7 - April 5, 1926) p. 6855.
“5 Personal Interview, Lansing, Michigan, November,

19 .

’Per sonal In tervi ew .

73

used by the late Senator. Ferris had a faculty for using
the language of the people to whom he was speaking. He did
not hesitate to use igipms of the language. For exunple,
when Ferris was giving a campaign speech he said to his
audience:
If Governor Wilson and Governor Ferris and
other Democratic executives fail in this there

won't be enough left of us in tic yEars to wed
an old-fashioned shot gun with.

When Ferris was condemning Newberry for buying his
way into the senate, he said:

I have no right to go before the boys and
girls in Big Rapids and tell them they can
aspire to high public office if Newberryism
is to be countenanced. I can only say to
them, if you haven't a barre , it's no use.
(Meaning a barrel of money.)

Notice how Ferris used the common language here to

appeal to the people:

In speaking of Henry Ford, Ferris said,
'Gome have said that he is a nut, but I
wish to goodness that we had a basketful of
the same kind. we need more Fo ds and Borahs
in this good old land of ours' .

A quotation from the Calumet Neg; of January 2,
1913, may sum up Ferris' use of the language:

The message is couched in simple, direct
language, right to the point. It gives one
the impression that Governor Ferris is in-
tent cn accomplishing great things.

As a last consideration of Ferris' style of speaking,

éGrand Ra ids Herald December 15, 1912.
ran ds Her October 10, 1922.
W1 is.

71+

//

the author would like to point out the type of humor that V,
was used. Ferris said of his humor in speeches:

I make very little use of funny stories.
I do make lar e use of incidents owing out
of my persona experience and res ing. I an
accused of indulging freely in humor. If
this accusation is true, my humor is spon-
taneous and never studied.

Here is an example of Ferris' humor recorded by him
in his autobiographical manuscript (p. 3334»):

I challenge any Republican in Michigan to
point to any adequate parallel, to the it
years of constructive legislation, that
Woodrow Wilson and his Administration gave
us in 1913, '1“, '15, and '16. I challenge
comparison. I mention that because we Demo-
crats from time to time have been slandered
by our Republican friends, when the have
said we were not to be trusted, the we were
not competent. Now, they only say one of
those things -- they do not say that we are
not to be trusted, they simply say that we
are not always competent. (laughter).

Another example of Ferris' type of humor was cited
in the Grand Rapids Herald of October 10, 1922, when he was
giving a campaign speech:

Mr. Forrie provoked much laughter when he
compared his primary campaign expenses with

those of Senator Townsend. 'His were more

than $30,000, while mine weren't a cent. I

was drafted, you know', he explained.

Mr. Person said of Ferris, 'He had a keen wit. His
sense of humor was subtle.I

Mr. I}. D. Me, a former student of Ferris Insti-
tute, said that Forris' humor lay in his blunt way of

speaking. He spoke directly and said Just what he

 

17erris' autobiographical manuscript, p. 133.

75
thought.)-

Mr. E. C. Shields said that Ferris sometimes
criticised a man or an idea very bluntly, but because of
his humor and manner of presentation, the people were with
him when he finished.2

The humor Ferris used seemed to be a part of the
speaker and was used often in his speeches.

lith What Effect

In order to Judge fairly the effectiveness of
lerris' speeches, we should first review the type of audi-
ence to whom he spoke. Ferris' audience was usually com-
posed of a rural group. Ferris spoke in a day when radios
and automobiles were new and not very common among the
ordinary class of people. The rural folk enjoyed gathering
for lectures. According to Mr. Person, who was a member of
the state legislature at the time Ferris was Governor in
1915, the rural people liked Ferris' stories referring to
personal incidents in his life. Religion and moral issues
were more prominently discussed in the early 1900's than
they are in our scientific world of today. Because Ferris
had been a,farmer, he had experiences in common with the
rural people, and because he had been an educator and a
business man he had simular experiences with different
classes. It was this common ”frame of reference", or these

similarities of experiences, which undoubtedly helped

 

1Pereonal Interview, Holland, Michigan, June, 19%.
Personal Interview.

76
Ferris to be an effective speaker.
Mr. Person said that Farris was not an orator, but

he was very effective with the common pecple.1

Mr. I. C. Shields said, “Ferris was the most ef-

fective speaker I ever heard.-2

Mr. H. 8. Lucas said that Ferris was always an ef-
fective speaker. He emphasised the m}

Miss Pearl Godling of Kalamasoo, Michigan, heard
Ferris speak at a Teachers' Institute in Grand Rapids,
Michigan, and said that Ferris had a good voice, was a
clear speaker, and held the attention of his audience very
well.“

Mr. Gerrit Masselink said of Ferris:

on the platform he had few equals. He was
dynamic in his delivery. He had a wonderful
persuasive power. He could gain and hold the

attention of an augience and mould them to
suit his own will.

we may find also recorded statement of Ferris' ef-
fectiveness. In the LansingLJourngl, January 7, 1913, we

read:

Governor Ferris delivered his first speech
outside of Lansing, since the inauguration and
his words seemed charged with a sincerity to
do the best for the people of Michigan ir-
respective of party lines.

The ovation tendered him at the close of his
speech was tremendous.

 

1Per sonal Interview.
2Personal Interview.
Personal Interview.
ersonal Interview.
5Tribute to Ferris by c. Masselink, found in auto—

biographical manuscript.

read:

77
In the Grand Rapids Hergld for October 12, 1922, we

The 'Gray Eagle' of Michigan Democracy was
accorded a decidedly impressive ovation, not
only during his talk but after he had finished,
when hundreds insisted on shaking his hand.

when Terrie gave a campaign speech for the governor-

ship, the Qgtroit New; of October 23, 1912, wrote:

Although there was a cold, raw wind, Mr.
Ferrie' audience instead of growing less dur-
ing the half-hour he spoke, became larger.

This is the type of evaluation that was to be found

after Terrie gave his first inaugural address as Governor
of Michigan:

In stating his opinions on the various
questions that are of vital importance to the
citizens of the commonwealth, s does not
conceal his meaning in useless verbiage, but
comes out and calls things by their real
names and gives his Opinions in a clear and
terse manner that cannot be mistaken by the ,
reader. He is decisive in stating his ideas
and this is a point that has not always been
incorporated in the messages of former gover—
nors.

Here is the type of reception Ferris often received:

Governor Woodbridge N. Ferris, who comes to
the copper country tomorrow to address the
‘Upper Peninsula Educational Association con-
vention at Hancock will be guest in the after-
noon of the Ferris non—partisan political club
at Calumet. All business and mine work will be
suspended in the Calumet district and Keewenaw
county at noon, in his honor and an immense
parade in honor of the governor, in which will
appear all workers of the district, is planned.
Local military companies will act as a guard
of honor to the governor, who will speak fol-

 

1913.

1Record Eagle (Traverse City, Michigan) January 3,

78
lowing the parade.1 - .
although a man's success in politics does not.neo- “/1
essarily mean he has been an effective speaker, from the
reports concerning Ferris it seems logical to assume his
speaking was an aid to his success. In 1912, Ferris may
have been elected because of the split in the Republican
party, but in 1911!», Ferris was the only one elected on the
Democratic ticket in the state of Michigan. Mr. H. S.
Lucas said that when Ferrisdecided to run for the senator-
ship in 1922, many people laughed at the idea, but because
of his excellent campaign, Ferris was successful.2 The
author of this thesis believes that Ferris was an effective
speaker because of the response he drew’from his audience.
Conclusion

In conclusion it may be said that Ferris was not a
great orator in the sense that he wrote and delivered speeches
with a great power of persuasion. He was a lecturer and an
extemporanecus speaker. He spoke to a class of people of
whom he was a part; people with whom he shared similar ex-
periences. For the most part, the majority of people who
listened to Ferris liked him, and he was effective because
his listeners responded to his speaking.

 

1Detroit Tribuna. October 8, 1914.
25ersonal Interview;

APPENDIX

80

um: spun or was rinsed
Mr. Chairman, and Members of the Michigan Pioneer
‘ and Historical Society: After listening to this magnificent
address by rather Barth, I find it exceedingly embarrassing
to think of attunpting anything like an adequate discussion
of the theme that has been chosen for me. I shall always be
inspired by the address that I have listened to. It has
carried me back into the days of my own childhood's experi-
ence with learning history, and made keener the edge of one
of my greatest regrets, that I had to pick up my early
knowledge of history without guidance of the kind of which
rather Barth has spoken. I suppose there are few men in
Michigan, or in the United States, who as boys learned so
little general history 'as your present speaker. But I was
a lover of local history, and in an untaught way tried to
find out all I could about things and people about me. I
instinctively read biographies. The lives of great men had
a charm for no. that history I know has come largely
through biography, and if hereon is right in what he says
about history, than I have indirectly become exceedingly
interested in this subject. I as hoping for great things
in Michigan, both for the Upper Peninsula and for the Lower
Peninsula, alcng these exceedingly important lines which you

2:. , 4.“.-"14'-...- - _. or -.-. , - -- . .;. i . -. .. - es‘.0~..‘»'~».4 «unwise-en:

1All address delivered at the Annual Meeting of the
Miehigan Pioneer and Historical Society, Lansing, May 35,
1916. Fuller George M., (ed.) Michi Hieto M asine
Vol. I, (191?). (Stenographieal y reporte

 

81

have heard so ably discussed by Father Barth.

low I am to talk to you, informally, a very little
while, on the subject that has been chosen for me, “The
Spirit of the Times.“ I am very glad that the makers of
this program did not presume that the present Governor of
Michigan is a historian, or that he even knows any history;
if they had made that mistake, it would have been fatal to
me. I adult in the beginning that the historian, or some
other observer, would probably follow a trend of thought
different from that which I shall follow; but I am obliged
to follow my own trend, with what little information I may
have, right or wrong. Fortunately for me, I'i'he Spirit of
the Times” does not compel me to go deeply into history; d:
least I shall not attempt to discuss the subiect from what
may be the historian'c point of view.

The first thing I wish to call your attention to in
relation to the spirit of the times is, the change that has
come over us politically. Today, the spirit of the times
asks you, and asks me, to keep everlastingly in mind, not
so much a political organisation, as men and policies; these
he must ever go together -- we can not get along with
policies alone; we must have men and policies. This is true
of the Ratios, of the State, and of the City. I am glad to
witness, in this political spirit of the times, the
recognition of a truth which it is not necessary for me to
dwell upon tonight: we have come to realise the importance,

not only of men and policies; we have come to recognise the

82

fast, that these men who have policies, have also sufficient
independence today to speak frankly their minds as to the
needs of our Nation.

Along with this independence, and as a necessary
corollary of it, there has come the recognition of women.
I was glad to hear rather’Barth speak of the economic factor
in history. Woman today is an important factor in our
industrial and economic life. It does not matter now
whether it is because of our neglect, or whether she has been
forced there by our industrial system -- she is there, and
is an.important factor, and she is now asking for the rights
and privileges which we men enjoy. why should she not have
them? If she is to compete for her place in the industrial
'world, why should she longer be handicapped‘by the outworn
restrictions of days that belong to a past condition, that
are gone -— forever gone. I wish to say to any doubters
‘hers tonight, that the handswriting is on the wall -- that
there is not the slightest question as to what the spirit
of the times has written there; woman is going to be given,
in this great democracy of ours, every privilege, and.every
right, that man enjoys. There is absolutely no escape from
it, even if we would escape. And let me say to the men
present tonight. to quiet any needless fear, that the women
are not going to enjoy all, or even the larger part, of the
fruits of the change. Hen are going to profit, in certain
ways possibly more than the women can hope to profit. I

say to the women here tonight, and to the women everywhere

33

in this broad State of Michigan, I welcome you, and welcome
the splendid achievements you have made, in spite of our
withholding our encouragement and our help. I wish to
congratulate you upon that progress, and upon the no less
certain fact that you are destined to have, in the near
future, the glorious heritage of equal privileges for which
you have struggled. I

In the business world, the spirit of the times tells
us that ”efficiency“ is the watchword; and I wish to say
just a word on that subject. I am inclined to think that
undue emphasis has been put upon the progress that “effi-
eiency' makes, in determining how a greater and better
output can be produced. If efficiency keeps its eye only
along that line, it will eventually fall down. It is
highly significant, that up to the present hour we have
quite failed to enlist the hearty enthusiasm of the em-
ployee in our efficiency plans. Any efficiency plan that
does not approach employee and employer precisely alike,
on the human basis, is a failure, and must ever be a
failure. The spirit of the times now points to a kind of
efficiency which shall ultimately bring to employer and
employee alike, the wholesome fruits of human effort, to
be in turn resolved into larger profits, for both. ,

I said to a man from the lorthern Peninsula tonight:
”low that your portion of the State is prospering splendidly,
and copper is thirty-nine cents a pound, is it not high time
you were recognizing the fact that the man who toils under

84

the earth should be a sharer in that splendid.gain and
prosperity; because, without the man under the ground, in
your mines, you could not get your copper, your mines would
be valuelsss, and your prosperity would disappear.“ He
thought it was time. The lessons of history, and the spirit
of the Present, must guide us in recognizing the importance
of profit-sharing up in that important arm of the common-
‘wealth. And along with profit-sharing, the spirit of the
times points to cooperation. The lack of efficient co-
operation between labor and capital is one of the serious
weaknesses in the present much eulogised system of “effi-
cienoy'. But I have not the time to dwell upon those things.
I come naturally to the spirit of the times in
education, in relation to world history; for there is going
on today a great revolution in ideals and methods of
education. The unprecedented development of science, during
the last century, is responsible in large measure for the
modification of our courses of study. It has caused new
emphasis to be put on vocational study. It has forced the
cry in education today, that first of all, every boy and
every girl shall be trained to earn a living. This quali-
fication is important. And so we are putting a tremendous
emphasis upon the vocational feature; but we must not for-
get that I'earning a living“ is but a means to an end. The
chief end is “living“. In emphasising how to earn a living,
it will be a fatal error if we forget to train.our boys and
girls in the greatest of arts, the 'art of living“. The

35

spirit of the times in education is putting a trmnendoue
emphasis upon the training of man as an instrumentality.

I deplore that one-sided educational trend. It is not the
philosophy that we have heard expounded here tonight. It
must‘not be lost out of sight that man as an instrumental-
ity is a poor thing without personality. Personality .14
the man. And so some of the things that have been pushed
into the back-ground in our educational scheme, must soon
come into their own again -- history, and drama, and
poetry, and music, and art, the great cultural subjects,
training in which prepares us in the higher sense truly to
“live“.

But the thing which I care most about in the educa-
tion of the future is education for all the people, all the
time. It is too bad that the intelligence of this country
should longer accept the old traditional view of education,
as a thing for children only -- a thing to be got through
with in our teens, and then put away on the shelf, to be
pulled out on emergencies. lhy so much talk about a ‘
“school age', when the only real school age is a life-time.
rather Barth has aptly given us the illustration of
training the right hand and the right arm in efficiency
and neglecting the left; is not that exactly what we do in
our present educational system? Today we have outside of
the traditional “school age”, as many people who are worthy
of thebenefits of our educatich systu. as we have in the

traditional classes; and we have about twenty millions of

86

boys andgirls of school age in this country of ours who
receive only in part, and in small part, the benefits of
our schools.

ly plea in kichigan -- and it will be my plea to
the last breath I draw, and the last word I speak -- is
education for all children, all men, and all women, of
Iichigan, all the people in all our States, all the time.
Our great educational systms, our splendid equipment, is
applied to only cneé-third of our citizens. l'hy should not
a state educational systmn have in it a place for fathers
and mothers, for girls in stores and shops, for boys and.
men in factories, where they may go and feed their hungry
souls. The spirit of the times clearly points out that we
have not yet touched the 1.3.6. 's of this subject, of the
possibilities for real efficiency involved in an educational
cysts: of this scope, which shall educate for personality,
as well as for instrumentality, to satisfy in the highest
sense the hungry lives of all the people.

I believe in the gospel of work. The spirit of the
times is pointing with new force and new enthusiasm to the
invigorating power of work. we are coming to recognise that
no man, even if he inherits his millions, can free himself,
as a patriotic American oitisen, from the responsibility of
actually doing useful and serviceable work. I go so far as
to say, that if we disregard the philosophy of work, and
accept the theory of education which tens of thousands of
fathers and mothers today practically embrace when they send

87

their sons and daughters to our colleges and universities,
in order that some how, some way, they may not have to pass
through the hardships which are involved in work, -- then
we have reached the beginning of the end. Fathers and
mothers forget, that it is the work, the down-right hard-
ships, which they have gone through, that have made them
the successful, useful, and happy fathers and mothers they
are —- real fathers, real mothers, real American oitisens,
worth while.

I hear fathers and mothers say, “we will allow our
boys and girls to travel the rocky road we traveled.“ All
right; I will tell you something; that is the reason'why
there are so many of those boys in our prisons in Michigan
-- not the girls; we have no .place to put girls in our
prisons; we take care of them in another way. low you may
think I am wrong in what I stats about the boys. Let‘ me
say to you that a very careful study of hundreds of personal
interviews convinces me that these boys in our prisons,
somehow, somewhere, have lost their view in regard to the
importance of work. “The devil finds work for idle hands
to do,“ is as true as you live. It is as true today as
when he drove Adam and Ive from the Garden of Paradise. If
you want a true view of the meaning of life without work,
read Hilton's rammwsm. There is no Quicker way to
lose a paradise, if you have one, than to try to live with-
out work; and there is no surer way of gaining one than by

work. And I mean by work, manual work -- at least some

88

Ianual work. I have said, a thousand times or more, that
bank officials, schoolmasters, doctors, lawyers, and
preachers, would be better men by doing manual labor --
some manual labor, daily. Show me a man with flabby
muscles, and I will show you a man with a flabby Will --
and will is the motor power of life. But not for this
alone should they do manual labor. The touch with the
tool, with the sod, is a touch with the millions who toil,
by whose sweat the earth produces -- a hmanising touch
with the great brotherhood of humanity. You could not tie
from me my garden in Big Rapids. I would let you have al—
most every other oommercial possession I have, but I could
not let you have that. And I would not disgrace myself by
hiring somebody else to work in it. The privilege of
digging in that soil belongs to me. I have a right to what
is to be found there -- better health, better spirits,
better thoughts, a better man and a better oitisen. I want
to say to you that since being Governor of lichigan I have
been in contact with the work in our prisons, in Jackson
Prison, and I find that the thing most regenerating in the
lives of those men there, is work -- gocd hard work; that
- eight or ten years of honest useful work, is the only thing
that will actually let those men out of the hell of their
own lives, and point them towards Heaven.

A woman came into my office one day to appeal for
her young son, twenty years of age, not Quite twenty-one,
who had held up the clerkin the letropole Hotel, in Detroit.

39

He was sentenced for five years. I could not conscientious-
ly parole him at the end of tn years, because he needed
four or five years; he had been a parasite in his home, and
a parasite in his community, and I felt that for real
achievement it would take at least five years to put into
his muscle and brain and constitution a reasonable regard
for the righteous and regenerating power of work. At the
end of five years it is barely possible that this mother
will owe the State a debt of gratitude for bringing her boy
out of darkness into light. And in a measure we all need
that kind of training. I do not mean in prisons -- not by
any means - but the opportunity for work. kind, I am
speaking of E, not drugegz. There is a difference
between work and drudgery. Drudgery is work beyond one's
strength; work is re-creation, new. creation.

I want to say a word right here about work and play.
that is play? Did you ever help make a snow fort? Did you
ever when you were a boy walk two miles on a hot day with
your chum and wade to your knees in mud and water to gather
a mess of cow-slips for greens? Did you ever play a' game of
foot-ball? Did you ever work harder? Work! It probably
would not take a tithe of the same energy to split a pile of
wood. You were doing it 2.“! somebody; it was a change from
the routine; and you had your mind unconsciously on the pot
of gold at the end of the rainbow. low the spirit of the
times points a step further. It has written in large letters
SYSTIIATIZID, ORGAIIZID RECREATION FOR m AID 10m. Some

90

of you men sitting here may say, “0 yes, it is all right
for boys and girls to play, but men and women - it is be-
neath than.“ why yes, if you want to die, if you are in a
hurry to get to the cemetery, it is all right for you to
entertain that notion." You are on your way, and you will
arrive. If at sixty, or seventy, or eighty, you are ready
to quit living -- just quit playing. But if you want to be
halo and hearty at eighty, play: Get in with the boys and
girls, and get acquainted with then. If you are not used to
it, it may be a little awkward at first, but they will enjoy
that, and you will enjoy than. Learn to play, if you have
forgotten how. It is about time in America that we should
get out of our heads the notion that boys and girls are to
be corralled, and labelled, “boys and girls“. lo wonder
there is -a slow disintegration in the American home. Some-
how, someway, I am pessimistic enough to feel that loyality
in the American home is a lost art. I hope I a wrong.
These are very commonplace things I am saying, but
they are very fundamental. I hope some of you good people
will find your way to Grand Rapids this year when the
laticnal Association for Play and Recreation is held. I
think the organisation has been in existence eight or nine
years. The farmers of course laugh at what I say; they
think it is sentiment; and probably they think I am a
suitable subject for some of the minor asylums. But I tell
than that if they would get together once a week, say on
lednesday, and play base-ball -- have a real fine game,

91

taking the boys with the old fellows, and get acquainted -
they would.raise better crops, and have fun doing it. I
leave you to figure out who are the candidates for the asylum.

Anotheerord written large by the spirit of the times
is HEALTH. we are coming, in.lichigan particularly, to
realise the supreme value of health. I have been wondering
how far the members of this Society have been interested in
a certain movement that is going on in the State of Iichigan.
It is of supreme importance that you and I should do a little
something to recognise the laws of God as written in our
bodies. I wish I could make men and women understand that
the laws of health are just as sacred as the Decalogue. we
go along, from day to day, year in and year out, most
marvelous as it may seem for intelligent people, apparently
in the blissful superstition that God Almighty takes care of
children and fools.

If we need to look after the health of our bodies,
so do we need to protect the health of’our body politic. I
will only touch upon the subject of patriotism for it has been
discussed here this evening most eloquently. I do feel a
little sensitive, however, on one point. Some of my friends
-- they consider themselves my enemies g- are not quite sure
that I have the kind of patriotism that the spirit of the
times seems to have emblazoned on the sky in crimson. I
rather think there is some reasonable doubt about the truth

of their conclusions. The kind of patriotism I have been

trying to teach for the lastthirty years in Michigan, is

92

the kind of patriotism that begins in the home, and works
out from the home into the lation. when I shall presently
have occasion to speak to the boys in blue, at Grand Rapids
on Decoration Day, I shall recall to them that when they
went out to the great Givil lar from '61 to '65, they were
boys - not‘men of thirty, or forty, or fifty years; the
great armies of the lorth were made up of boys, hundreds of
thousands of boys, under the age of twenty-one; and yet,
did ever an army in the world go forth and achieve, in
larger degree, what was seasingly impossible, than did our
boys in blue? The patriotism that comes from the heart,
and soul, and loyalty of youth, is the patriotism we care
for. .If I understand the spirit of the times aright, the
boys of today, 1916, have in them the same love of country,
the same high patriotism, as had their grandfathers who
fought in the Civil War. If they have not, then what apology
have you to make for yourself? That is the question.

I am in favor of preparedness. I have always been
in favor of an adequate navy, and an adequate standing army.
But I am not in favor of commercialising militarism. Unac-
countably, people seem to, have lost hope, like the case of
the man who sent a letter I received yesterday, saying a
certain clergyman, in konroe, preached on the subject, “Are
we in the grip of Dvil?“ The whole tone of the letter car--
ried the idea that the world is rapidly approaching dis-
solution; that the devil had taken full control, and was

93

new driving the world.heedeon to perdition. I wrote back
to him a consoling letter. I said to him, that although

I was neither a prophet nor a historian, yet I knewenough
about human nature to realize, that the whole world cannot
be insane, except at moments at a time, and that out of
this awful conflagration in Europe there will come a return
to good sense and intelligence, and to an appreciation of
what has been worked out in this country. The secret of
our power, as a.Nation, lies in three watohwords of the
Declaration of Independence: Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit
of'Happiness. We had to come to our senses, with an awful
cost of treasure and lives, in the great Civil War. The
trouble with Europe today is, as with us then, their lack
of democracy. It is fast driving them to destruction. I
shall not shed very many tears over the brave men who have
fallen in the Great var, because that would be useless.
lillions upon millions of splendid men of the great civili-
sations of Europe lie sleeping the final sleep tonight; my
heart aches not for them, but for the mothers, the wives,
the children, whose hearts are bleeding m” the sons, the
husbands, the fathers -- these women.and children, who are
not only to suffer to the last breath they draw, but whose
children are to carry in the future, if'militarism must
grow, the endless burden which crushes out all that is _
noblest in life, indeed.which makes it a serious question

whether life under those conditions is even desirable.

-Therefore, my hope is in another kind of patriotism, the

9%

patriotism of the heart, of the soul, of the character,
uwhich dares to put its trust in law and order. I believe
in the kind.of patriotism which has made possible on this
continent a.great fortless boundary line, three thousand
miles in-extent, on which not a single material fortifica-
tion stands today. lot a single gun is mounted, anywhere,
on the entire boundary today‘betwesn the united States and
Canada, from ocean to ocean. why? Because these nations
are fortified in the hearts of the people. Spiritual forces,
. cooperative ferces have made for mutual understanding, and
the peaceful adjustment of differences, and this notwith-
standing the fact that these two peoples are made up of the
most heterogeneous racial and national populations that
could be gathered from the ends of the earth. I believe in
the patriotism of the home, of the city, of the county, of
the State, and of the United States, and I believe there is
still room for a higher and larger*patriotism, a patriotism
which shall recognise that all humanity, everywhere, is
entitled to enjoy the fruits of cooperative democracy, and
of peace.

' As I watch the finger moved upon the scroll of the
future by the Spirit of the Times, I observe that words are
written there concerning religion. That this is a vital
issue, one in which there is really a profound interest
today, is evident from the fact that lay speakers find it
a delicate subject to discuss; but it is not so delicate as

it was twenty-five years ago, when people were inclined to

95

keep it in air-tight compartmcnts, quite away from every
other interest, which they called secular. Some people

are worrying because they think religion is getting mixed
up these days too much with things of this world. I get
letters every month from a certain man who is evidently
collecting a certain kind of data that he thinks will
answer all sorts of conundrums. low if he would only take
the time and trouble to look around his own home town, he
would find right there his answer to most of his question
-- lhy men do not attend church? Is religion dying a slow
but sure death? Is the end of the church in sight? --

Too bad the vision of even the humblest man is not able to
see that the world was never so religious as it is at this
hour -- 0, yes, in spite of the European war, where strange
as it may seen, each nation thinks it is fighting the great
battle for civilisation, and that the salvation of the world
depends upon its success. then their religion shall get to
be a little bit broader; when in an ordinary fist-fight we
do not appeal to God Almighty to give us his personal help
in punching the other fellow; when in our prayers we cease
to pray that the rain may fall in our garden even if there
is not enough to go round for the other fellow's yard -- we
will then be able to get a little closer to God. If God
does not include in the essence of his Being the highest
that we can conceive, then I think it would be well to re-
vise our ideas about God.-; 'lhat is the “spirit of the times“
but God, moving in the affairs of men? And if God moves in

96

the affairs of men, how will you keep religion out of
business, out of international relations, out of any re-
lations that men and women have with one another on the
face of the earth? “The kingdom of God is within you“ --
among you -- the very essence of right relationships one
with another. And not only does God work in the human, tlm
animate, but in the so-callsd “inanimate“ -- there is no
real “inanimate.“ The very clod is animate. Your crops
would not grow on your farms if it were not. You cannot
walk across the yard of the Capitol, or across your fields,
and not get a vision of the universal power that is working
in the blades of grass, working in the flowers, working in
the leaves of the trees, the same power that works in the
souls of men.

We used today to practice the religion that Abraham
Lincoln practiced. He was not so much concerned about
whether God was on his side as about whether he was on God's
side. I welcome the coming of that day. And it is coming.
The living God -- the God of otherselfishness -- is working
and getting into the hearts of men; are beginning to see
ourselves in others, our otherselves. That is the essence
of democracy, the essence of Christainity, the essence of
true living. Real religion has not changed any more than
the principle of life has changed. We adapt it in diffeer
ways, through different religious organisations, meeting
different needs, but they all serve the same end, to make

these three words of the Lord's Prayer more emphatic and

97

more real than ever in the history of the world: ”Thy
kingdom Come.“ We are anxious to have Heaven here, at
least have it begin here -- and I venture to say that no
one wants Hell here, although people sometimes talk and
act in a manner that would certainly bring it, if they
could have their way. I am sure I cannot be hurting the
feelings of anyone here. I cannot imagine that anyone
sufficiently intelligent to take interest in the deep thing
which concern the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society
and not be wholeheartedly with me in these views. If there
are any such, I beg of you, let a fresh breese into that
musty chamber of your soul, where you have so long kept
your religion, and air it out, in the name of suffering
humanity, and the crying need for vital living in this day
of the coming of the Kingdom of God upon earth as it is in
Heaven.

I did not mean to preach you a sermon. But I feel
better to get some of these things said. I could tell you
some more things I have in mind, if I had the time. I have
said, enough for tonight. These things are worthy of thought.
You know them as well as I do', and perhaps you do not live
them any better than I do. I thank you for this privilege
of thinking over with you some of these fundamental things '
of life.

98

'cm msaxcu YOUTH A onancsfl

Dvery man has a philosophy of life, of which he is
conscious or unconscious -- he ought to be conscious, as a
rule, andbeyond a shadow of a doubt in my address today
noon, I shall my many things that I have said heretofore.

I do not apologise for that. I shall be delighted to know
that you can recall anything that I have said heretofore.

I insist on discussing the theme that has been
announced. I discussed it last night before the Southeastern
State Association of Minnesota. I shall do the same thing
in South Bend, Indiana, next week, and a little later in
Charleston, West Virginia. All through my Chautauqua work
I discussed this subject. .

You may not feel, as I do, its importance. It will
be an exceedingly simple and plain talk. There will be no
difficulty whatever in your understanding everything I have
to say, and that you would expect to hear from a Democrat.

I know there are not many Democrats here. I never lose an
opportunity to offer a word of consolation to the few. They
may yet leaven the leaf, you can't tell. God knows it needs
to be leavened.

At the very beginning I want this splendid body of

men to understand that I am not particularly alarmed over

 

1Delivered before the lxecutives' Club of Chicago at
the regular weekly meeting of Oct. 7, 1927. From: mm
mm, Bxecutives' Club of Chicago, Chicago, 111., Sept.
1924-June 1938) p. 459.

99

American youth today. They are not going to the devil --
not all of them. There are more fathers and mothers on
that read than there are children. Possibly some of you
belong to that group, I don't know - I hope not.

I am not disturbed'because girls bob their hair,
calcinine their cheeks and shorten their skirts. It is
exceedingly interesting, however.

I am disturbed a little when a grandmother will bob
her hair, shorten her skirts, and fool herself into thinking
she is a little girl again. She has returned to infantalism
and she seems to get great joy out of it.

How, I might go back to the age of’my boyhood and
call attention to the ways in which my sisters and their
associates dressed -- quite as novel and quite as strange
as modern dress, but I am not going to take the time for
that. And I am not going to take the time to describe the
vanity of men which, beyond the shadow of a doubt, parallels
that of a woman.

I reelise that conditions today are entirely dif-
ferent - no, not entirely, but widely different from the
conditions of half a century ago. How, do not forget that
remark, please.

I realise that the movie has come into our life;
the automobile; the radio, and a thousand and.one inventions,
so that life today is much more difficult than was the
problem of fifty years ago. How, if'you can keep that
preface in.mind, it will help me out a lot.

100

I read two statements as a sort of preface to my
real address. First, from Hicholas Butler, President, ‘
Columbia‘University.

“The reason why Christianity no longer makes an
appeal to men is that they are too prosperous.“

Did it ever occur to you that there is such a thing
as over-prosperity, so far as a nation's progress is con—
cerned?

“They have discovered a new god, Comfort, and.they
are so concerned.with.worshipping'him that they have no time
for the God of their fathers. The.modern American ideal of
life seems to be to put a comfortable‘baby into a comfortable
crib to be watched over by a comfortable nurse until it is
uble to go to a comforteble school. Then to send it to a
comfortable college where comfortable teachers see that it
does not work too much or too hard. Then to find its way
into a comfortable profession; to marry a wife with a com—
fcrtable fortune; to spend twenty or thirty comfortable years;
and finally to pass through a comfortable opiate to a com-
fortable grave.“

low, if that is the situation today, there is
occasion for my address.

One other sentence, and.my reading is finished. This
is from Hubert work. It was published in the September
number of the Tariff Review. That is a Republican sheet.
That does not improve this quotation, by the way. I want
you to notice the condition described.by President Butler,

101

and then I want you to note how we are giving American
youth a. chance. There are many of you who are oonvineed
that what I am going to read is a sure indication:

I Our country is spending 3-1/8 billion dollars an-
nually on education. It is not easy to think in numerical
terms of the United States, but while our population in 33
years increased 95%, enrollment in colleges advanced 450$.

There is a very wide difference between education
and schooling. Of course, schooling ought to be a valuable
aid to education, but schooling does not furnish the funda-
mentals of the education that American youth are entitled
to.

low, I go back to the pioneer home. You won't like
that, some of you. I was born in a pioneer home, born in a
log house. I am not to be commended for that, because I did
not chose my place of birth. I had to be born somewhere.

I was in that log house for ten years. I was the eldest of
the family. rcur sisters came along in close succession,
and together we worked out our childhood salvation. Just
as soon as‘my oldest sister could wash dishes, she washed
dishes, not because she wanted to - she was not a moron.
Bhe washed dishes because she had to, and so on, and so on
in her acquaintance with mother in that old home.

She did not wash dishes for recreation. I have
never found but one woman who said she did, and I am positive
that she was on the verge of insanity.

that are you trying to do today, gentlemen? You are

102

trying to take the “have to" out of the home, out of the
school, out of.life, and it can't be done successfully with-
out great injury to American youth.

Just as soon as I could work, I worked. Father said,
“Come“, and I came. He said "Go', and I went, solely because
of my intimate acquaintance with dad, that is all.

I would like to have you men that are fathers check
up as I proceed. Make this a personal matter today, please,
check up.

There are two factors that I have already mentioned.
I am going on to extend the last one a little.

Together we cut the hay; together we spread the hay;
together we planted the corn; together we heed the corn; to—_
gether we cut the corn; together we hushed the corn; TOGETHER
was another factor in that home.

Don't I know that that factor is the most difficult
factor to put into practice today in order to give American
youth a chance? In those days we did not have to have a
Father and Son's Annual Banquet in order that Father might
meet his son. Do not make a mistake. I am in favor of
Father and Sons' Banquets. I would have then oftener. In
fact, I am enthusiastically in favor of Father and Sons'
Banquets. I would have them once a month. I would have
them oftener. In fact, I am enthusiastically in favor of
permitting father to get acquainted with his son, and the
son get acquainted with his father. I an enthusiastic over
that. In my home that banquet was held 365 days in the

103

year, three times a day.

- I have struck now two fundamentals: one of obedi-
ence, and the other of work; fundamentals of the old
pioneer home. low, do not try to use your imaginations
and bring in a lot of immaterial objections which have no
place in your thought today noon. I am not advocating the
same devices, I am not advocating that we use the same
crude methods on the farm, nothing of the kind. I am after
a fundamental life, that of obedience, and that of work.

I am not going to talk politics today. I am not
going to say anything for or against the problae of the
'wet" and the "dry“, but if we ever do have the constitution
obeyed, if we do ever have a general and all-around observ-
ance of law, it will have to find a place first in the
American home. You can't make any short-cuts. You have
got to begin at the beginning. You have got to begin where
observance of law is supposed to originate. '

low, I am perfectly well aware that there are some
great writers and great lecturers who are willing to stand
before you and tell you that the American home is gone, but
I am not disturbed by that announcement. I know if it is
gone that our civilization is doomed. That much I do know
as a consequence of that statement if it should ever become
a truth.

low, then, from that second point we have worked a
radical change in our ways of living in the last 50 years,
particularly the last 25. Several‘of the other fundamentals

ion

that I am going to mention have been thrown on to the public
schools. For instance, you have taken so-called domestic
science and.home economics out of the home and put it into
the schools._ They are going to stay there. There are
advocates of that scheme sitting here, plenty of them, I
realise that. ,

After all, I was delighted the other day when I
read a statement from.nrs. Lowden, the wife of your ex-
Governor of Illinois, to find that she took particular
pride in stating that she had reared her three daughters
and taught them the fine art of home-making. Thank God
even for an exception.

Everybody knows that the mother is the ideal teacher.
Iverybody knows that a woman should think many times before
she enters the marriage relation to become a.mother if she
is incapable of directing her daughter, incapable of teachp
ing her the fine art of housekeeping.

But it is going to stay in the public school, and
we predict that for fifty per cent of the girls who receive
training in the‘Unitsd States in domestic science and home
economics, that fifty per cent of their homes are without a
sewing machine; that fifty per cent of their homes are'with-
out any adequate provisions for carrying out what they are
taught in domestic science in the public schools, because in
the public schools you have the best of appliances and
apparatus, whereas in the home it is quite different, and

frequently her school training alienates the daughter from

105

the mother. This oan‘bo romodied and should be remedied.

‘ lhy not open your schools to the mothers? why
should not they know a little something about what you have
to offer in your improved methods of cooking, and so forth.
Do not tell me they won't come, because for 43 years fathers
and mothers and sons and daughters have paid their car fare,
paid their board.bills, and.paid for their tuition and.bocks
at the lerris Institute in order that they might get a
little higher vision, get some little knowledge to support
the fundamentals that they had already acQuired.

Oh, the skeptics that exist nowadays who seem to
entertain that fool superstition that education is only for
boys and.girls, that after one reaches the age of 35 or 30,
education is no longer any concern to them. Education is
life and'begins'with the first breath and closes with the
last breath of a normal creature. By and by we may wake up
and.have a real democracy, and give some consideration to
the adults.

to are doing it, I realise that, but who is doing it?
The industries are doing it. They are really telling no
school masters what we should do, and they are doing it
splendidly, too. There are, no doubt, representatives here
today who can confirm what I have said along that line.

Well, I might say to you that in many cases school
training has worked no special good. lhere will you find
the ordinary mother on Saturday? Down on her knees‘on the
floor using the Sapolio and the brush. lhere is sis who

106

takes domestic science? She is on the front porch sitting
in the hammock holding hands with her pussy willow.

Oh, we have shirked the work in the home. We have
not given the American youth a chance. we have turned our
work‘over to the public schools. But isn't it strange that
in putting it in the public schools we have entertained an
educational superstition based on sex. What have we got
against the boys? If this school work is really educational,
why under Heaven don't you give the boys precisely the some
training?

Some of you will sit here and think I am Jesting.
that would a Boy Scout Raster think of his boys if they were
not capable of doing much that belongs to economics and home
life?

I might add, incidentally, for the benefit of some
of you old bachelors that are sitting here, that if you do
not in some way get a knowledge of domestic science, and you
should marry, you will starve to death.

There isn't anything finer in all my experience than
this illustration I am about to give. I was in Oceans
Oounty, lichigan, doing educational work throughout the
county and it was Sunday night when my host, a rural school
teacher, l'isher by name, took me to his home, said to me,
“You will have to get up early tomorrow morning. Breakfast
will be ready at half past three.’ I was up and breakfast
was ready. We had a breakfast that was a delight to me then,
and I think it would be now if I needed a breakfast. ind

107

after we had gotten in the sleigh ready to start for the
train I turned about to see a clothes line heavily laden
with a beautiful wash. I said, "Fisher, explain that line
of clothes. It was not there last night when we came in.“
Well," he said, 'Iou noticed that llother was not at break-
fast. [other was sleeping. I did the washing this morning,
and I shall get back in time before I go to my school to re-
move the clothes from the line if they are dry, and they
probably will be, and if necessary I shall do the ironing.
lly brothers and sisters and I owe everything that we are to
Iother, and Ir. Ferris, it is the delight of my life now to
render her some substantial service.“

Do you see anything very startling about that? Isn't
there something beautiful about it? Ihy is it in our attempts
to educate American youth, why is it that we should draw the
line of sex?

Then again we have turned over manual training to
the public schools in giving Amcrican youth a chance. I
would say, men and women, if that meant that John hurried
home after he had manual training, and fixed up the broken
cupboard in the kitchen, or repaired the steps on the back
porch, or rendered some little help to mother or father, I
would say 'Amen' and l'Amen", but it is done for Quite a
different purpose. The real spirit of the thing is wanting.
It is for exhibition purposes largely. Use up good lumber,
employ costly teachers and have a costly equipment.

But there is a great idea in manual training, one of

108

the greatest in the whole educational system, because
scientists have come to this conclusion: man owes his
superiority over lower animals by virtue of his brain and
his hands. All of the inventions of the last 75 years, and
they are greater than all those of all time before the last
75 years, are the product of the'brain and.his hands.

I drove the nail on the farm because it needed to
be driven. A lot of nails are driven nowadays that do not
need to be driven. I learned to use the ordinary tools be-
cause I had to, and because it was help on the farm. Io
worked together.

I do not recognise the value of manual training.

But what have we got against the girls? They have brains,

no question at all about it. That has been satisfactorily

demonstrated, and you have a speaker now for your Olub that
will prove to you that she is the revised edition.

I am serious about these matters. I recognise
manual training for its educational value, not for its
value in securing a Job. But I suppose that I will have
been dead a long time before school boards and‘before school
men will dare to give American youth a chance, all of
American youth instead.of half of them.

But the most serious criticism that I have to make
in regard to shirking your work in the home, is the matter .
of teaching thrift. Before I went on the platform last week
I chanced to pick up the Winona Republican Herald of Winona,_

Minnesota. I think that was the name of it. I know it was

109

Republican, all right, and I noticed that in that city of
l? or 18 thousand that this year the children had put into
the banking department of the school $34,000, and, of course,
everybody is delighted, everybody in Winona is giving
American youth a chance.

lo doubt in Chicago you have the same thing prevail-
ing. I know you have. In my little city of 5,000, when.the
superintendent of schools came and said, 'I like you, you
are an educator, you are the President of the Big Rapids
Savings Bank. Will you take this work in charge and turn
the teachers in paying and receiving tellers and have them
collect the penny and the nickel and the dime, and thus
every pupil will have-a bank account?" I said, 'lo. I still
have sufficient self-respect to decline your offer.”

line advertisement for my competitor; There is
nothing finer for a bank to contemplate for the boys and
girls -- a lazy, make-shift method on the part of fathers
and mothers who did not learn thrift in any such way, and no
boy or girl, unless you make an exception, ever can learn
thrift in that way. And we are carrying it to the point
where we penalize a child.who oan't‘bring his penny. That
is American democracy, is it?

Well, I suppose there are bankers here, I hope there
are. I like to give them a little advice and a few sugges-
tions. It is one of the most serious things in American life,
and it is one place where we are absolutely responsible as

fathers and mothers for the consequences of the lack of

110

thrift. But I know that when you estimate thrift by savings
bank deposits, you have some little evidence of what is
called thrift, but that is not the kind of thrift I am
talking about. There are a whole lot of people in this
world today that have not a dollar in the savings bank who
are practicing thrift, so your savings bank deposits do not
necessarily prove thrift for the boys and girls that I want
to train in thrift.

Thrift involves earning the nickel or'dime or half
dollar. Will you please get that? That is the way you be-
gin. What have you got against your boy? Second, spending
a portionof the nickel, dime or dollar. Third, saving a
portion of it. If you know of any man in this country who
was not a.millionaire's son to start with -- and few of them
remain millionaires, and I say that kindly and.courteously
-f if you know of any man or group of men.who have not fol-
lowed the speaker's definition of thrift, tell me today. I
‘will stay over an extra day to get the information.

I repeat: Earn the nickel, the dime, the dollar;
spend a portion of the nickel, the dime, or the dollar!
save a portion of the nickel, dime, or dollar.

And yet if I could turn the I-Ray on you, the
majority of you men in the last month, hawe given away for
the asking of the quarter, the half dollar, the dollar, and
the five dollars, and you actually are laboring under the
misapprehension that you are giving your part of American

youth a chance. Not on your life. not on your life.

111

Dad never gave me a nickel in his life. At his
death nothing came to me because the seven children were
gracious enough to go a step beyond him, a big step beyond
him, and say, “Mother is entitled to every nickel and dime
that he leaves.”

I know what you say: I wouldn't want such a father
as that. Neither did I. I did not pick out my father, and
you did not pick out your father. You did just exactly as
I did. You took anything that came along, and they do have
a way of coming along, even in the twentieth century. I all
mighty glad he came along. Don't you for one moment think
he was unkind. He tried the experiment, if I may be per-
sonal, of being a little more generous towards Boy Number
Two, 15 years my junior. rather did not live long enough,
and I am glad of that, to witness the tragedy of Boy lumber
Two, for which he was indirectly responsible. He did not
give Seymour, my brother, a chance.

I will tell you what he gave me. It was a thousand
times more valuable than nickels and dimes and half dollars
and five dollar bills. He gave me an opportunity to earn
nickels and dimes. Get that, men. Get it men. God pity
you who have acne and daughters who never earn a nickel or
a dime or a quarter. You are helping to breed paramonial
from that son or daughter later in life. You are going to
get something else.

' I Shall never forget the Baptist Deacon who lived

on the next farm. He came up one evening and said, “John,”

112

~- that is my father -- "Can you come and hoe corn tomorrow?“
Of course, you men do not know anything about hoeing corn in
Chicago, and you can call my tale a fairy story if you like.
You wouldn't call it a fairy story if you lived in Tioga
County, law York, and tried to raise corn. Father said, 'I
will be there.” "will you bring your boy?“ “He can come

if he wants to.” Oh, he was not unkind. If I did not want
the money I needn't go, and I knew that there was no other
way to get the money except to go.

I was there and hood corn all day, hood Just as much
corn as father and the Deacon, so they said; and Just as
well, so they said. At the end of the day the Deacon paid
father a dollar and gave me a half dollar. For sixty years
I have thought about that transaction. I have wondered
whether he over-paid dad or under-paid me.

But you Chicagoans can find parallels to that. I
hope it is not in your own experience. The Baptist Deacon
is dead. I think I know where he is.

when I spent any money and made a mistake and came
around with tears flowing down my face, father did not say,
“I will make it up to you.‘'

Are you checking up as I go along?

He said, ''You will learn by and by. You will learn
by and by. You will learn by and by.’ I did not make any
reply. I did not care to go to the hospital.

He was the best kind of a father a boy could have,
and particularly when you recognise the blood that runs

113

through the veins of the Ferris tribe. I am not going to
say too much about that because an astrologer has recently
prophesied that I have as} ya... to 11". Think of what
the Republicans of lichigsn.lust think they have coming to
them. I can stir them up for a long time to come, and God
knows they need it. I hope there is somebody over here in
Illinois who can administer some form of antiseptic.
Probably it could be used to advantage in the City of Chicago
where you are busy trying to throw a school superindsndent
out of office. In Chicago you should give American youth a
chance.

Pay tribute to the symbol if you do not do anything
else. That is one thing that is the matter with America;
symbols, symbols, symbols like the professional man of Big
Rapids that I told you about. Twenty years ago I said to
him one day jokingly: 'Doc, why don't you tell the truth?"
“fell the truth? Why,” he said, 'I lie like the devil to
tell the truth'. One of the most wonderful philosophical
statements I have ever heard in all my life. That is what
we are busy about, lying like the devil to tell the truth,
lying like the devil to make things look like the truth.

It won't wash.

Ch, a great many of you have made sacrifices beyond
reason in order to get the boy through college. You have
made sacrifices beyond reason in order to get the boy

through college. You have an idea that is the way to give

111+

American youth a chance. Not at all without a foundation.
There are too many today in.our colleges, too many in our
universities, too many in our high schools, and in Chicago
and Detroit and elsewhere you have men that feel that they
are philanthropists because they are making provision for
young men and young women to go through college.

Any able bodied.American.boy, any able bodied
American girl, that can't go through college without borb
rowing a dollar of dad, or of uncle, ought not to go to
college, as a rule. The physically handicapped are in a
different class. If I had.my way about it every class of
graduates hereafter in America from the high school would
go out for one year and earn their food and clothing and
shelter, and they should be able to do so with 18 years of
public school training that was really educating them
along the lines I have designated.

A good many people say, 'I wouldn't dare try that
test.” No. Yen would not have to send.John to college if
you tried it, and you would save money, and best of all,
you would save John.

But my friends, Nicholas Butler knew what he was
talking about. He knows that many of our colleges and
universities are continuous summer resorts. Millions of
dollars for stadiums, millions of dollars for athletics.
Do I fight athletics? lo. lot athletics for the student
body. We are paying far too extrayagantly for educational
substitutes, winning football games without winning games

115

legitimately in the field of intelligence.

I put a higher value on intelligence than I do on
football expertness. I was not very greatly disturbed by
the fight that you had in Chicago recently. I did not pay
any attention to it. I was not interested in that sort of
thing. What little interest I had, occurred when I was a
young man and when I employed my own means of defense. I
believed in that. I am an advocate of that. 150,000 in
the audience, 1 am told. Two and a half million dollars
for admission. That doesn't worry me at all. I don't
know for whose benefit it was given. I can't imagine
wherein Chicago will be a better city to live in. Possibly
it will. God.knows it ought to be.

Do you.kncw what that fight meant to me? A
symptom, that is all, of American ideals. I make no fur-
ther comment; I do not have to. i symptom. ‘le are like
what we like, as a rule. i'pretty good psychological law.
I know I have many friends here who were there, and they
will go again, I suppose. What did you get out of it? Are
you better today than you were two weeks ago? Wherein has‘
anybody been'benefited? Think it over.

Let us get back to our fundamentals. I had a class
of 300 graduating from Ferris Institute last July and
August. I was curious to know something about their educa-
tion. I knew they had gotten their marks. I knew they had
“got by“. Isn't that a beautiful term? That is a college
term. Do you business men appreciate it: “got by“? And

116

then five years from that time there is not a trace of that
staying in the mind of that splendid boy of yours, not a
trace. And you are responsible. YOu have heaped on the
'universities and the colleges your work, and.you are going
to pay an awful price for it.

You do not suppose, do you, that men enjoy partici-
pating in stickups? You do not mean to say that they enjoy
shooting down their fellow men? It is the money they want,
and what the money will give them in the way of pleasure.
we11, it is perfectly obvious that the more American‘boys
and girls we give a chance under the line of the old funda-
mentals of life, the less crime we will have. That is what
a young boy from Bay City said to me when he presented.his
credentials from Leavenworth prison. Do you get it?

Ferris Institute has no academic requirement. It
is the only institution that I know of in America, a great
secondary school recognized by higher schools that demands
no examination academically, and I stand here in Chicago
where your great university is and I say that every state
institution ought to admit every man and.woman who can do
the work he or she elects in that institution satisfactorily.
That is democratic, and anything less is undemocratic and
unfair. These men that represent these institutions know
it, and you men know it, and why don't you say so.

When the Ferris Institute puts up the bars, I am out,
and if I am in Heaven I will come back to haunt them if they

do. Some of you say: How do I know I am going to Heaven?

117

Because I am a Democrat, that is why I know it. In Michigan
we get no rewards in this life and the good God has promised
'us rewards according to our deeds, and therefore we know
'where we are going. Where the Republicans are going, I will
not say. They may change.

The home is the only institution that can give the
boys and girls of America, those fundamentals of obedience,
of regular work, of thrift, of self-reliance, self-denial,
self-sacrifice, integrity, sobriety, virtue and loyalty.

Oh, there are other qualities, but these are enough for you
to think about.

Give American youth a chance. The home must do.
Stop making yourself believe-and fooling yourself in be-
.lieving that the high school can do it. You are simply
adding to the difficulties of the high school. Or that it
lies with the college. You encumber the college. Or that
it lies with the university. You embarrass the university.

There are thousands of American youths in the uni-
versities who should.come home and‘be directed toward some
useful walks in life, and you know it now. low, do not
misunderstand. There is a time to help a boy in college
and in the university, but I can't discuss that. I die-
courage these institutions that loan money. I know some-
thing about that too.

I really should stop right this minute, but I have
to present you.with an illustration of an American young

man‘who was given a chance. You are all acquainted.with

118

him. The people of the United States are better acquainted
with this young man than.with any other one young man in
the'United States. And do you know my heart beat just a
little faster when I found the recognition he received.
But I do not commend Col. Lindbergh for the reason that
some other men will stand up and commend him. I do not
care anything about his exploit. I do not care about his
crossing the Atlantic, so far as the crossing is concerned.
I do not care anything in particular about the functioning
of the airplane. I do not care anything in particular
about the Twentieth Century train. I do not care anything
in particular about carrying the mail by airplane. The
letters I write might just as well get there in five days
as one, and most of your letters in the same way. I do not
have a bit of enthusiasm over getting a letter from here to
Ben Francisco many hours sooner than I could by the ordinary
train.

We are just crazy over superficialities. Is it not
a beautiful illustration of the functions of the twentieth
century when a man will pay several dollars more to get into
New York a few hours earlier than he otherwise would, and
then he walks down through the train looking for two or
three men to play cards with him so he can kill three or
four hours of the precious time before he gets into new
York? Isn't it beautiful? Isn't it sublime? He has the
brain of a Shakespeare.

I tell you what concerns me with the Twentieth

119

Century; what it carries. What I am concerned with about
the airplane is the kind of letters it carries. This
mania for eliminating time and then actually throwing away
many times the time in our diversions, and so on. Think
of it: Isn't it beautiful?

Of course, I did not like the old method when
father said, “Did you wash your face, boy,” 'Wo.’ 'Well
you wash your face before you sit down to the table.“ I
did not think he was unkind. You would not think that if
you could have looked at my face. I had to go out the back
way, grab a handful of soap, and break a little hole through
the ice of the creek, and wash my face, and I said some
prayers and wondered if I would always have to do that,
but, confidentially, I got along very nicely. Take struggle
out of life; and what will you have left. Nothing in the
way of gain.

Struggle. Why don't you give your boy a chance?
What have you got against him? What do you want to do with
all that foolishness? You say, ”When I was a boy I had a
hard row to hoe, and if I ever become a father I will
soften the road.“ That is it. In other words, you 'gy,

'I will not give the boy the chance I have had.“

A man from Grand Rapids came to me one summer and
brought his boy and said, “Here is my boy.“ He was eighteen
years of age, handsomely dressed, and had very pleasing
manners. He said, “Mother and I have failed, and we brought

him up here.“ I said, ”Been in the high school in Grand

120

Rapids?" "Yes”. 'rell down?I I'Yes". I‘What have you done?I
"Given him all the money he wants?“ ”Yes“. ”Given him all
the automobile rides he wanted?I “Yes, and the automobile
thrown in.” ”Given him everything?“ ”Yes." ”Up until two
o'clock in the morning, went home, and mother would get up
in the morning and take him a poached egg on toast, and
then write a lie at noon-time that the boy was ill and
could not be there in the forenoon?" ”Yes.”

I said, ”Take him back. You ask me to reverse his
home training.“ I can't do it. Well, he said, ”I am going
to leave him anyhow“. He was home in six weeks. The
father met me some weeks afterwards and he said, "Ride with
me for a little way.‘ He said, ”My boy is coming out all
right. I sent him to Howe Hilitary School. He has become
conyerted in religion, and.he is doing his work, and he is
coming out all right.‘I I said, "I congratulate you. The
Terrie Institute could.not do it.”

Six months later I ran across him again. He did
not see me so quickly then as he did before, but I saw him
and I insisted on riding with him for a little way. I said,
”Where is the son?" "I don't know where in hell he is.I

You will have to excuse this language. I do not
suppose you ever hear anything of the kind in Chicago. I
am just quoting a Republican. I'He can't live in my home
any longer.” There was a father that had ruined his own
son, had not given him a chance.

Well let's get back to Lindbergh. I sat there at

121

the banquet in Grand Rapids. I was privileged to be at the
speaker's table. I do not know how they happened to think
of me, but I was there. Maybe they were looking into the
far future, I don't know. I was there.

Hy faith in the possibilities of American youth
‘under'my philosophy rose a hundred per cent. There stood a
young.man. He did not make a long speech, nothing like what
I have done here. Six feet tell, more or less, clean,
modest, self-controlled. Will some man in this audience
name one of the fundamentals \I have named here that Lind-
bergh did not possess? Did.you ever hear of his having a
liaison with some woman to get on the front page of the
paper? That is the short way. Never. Did you ever hear
about his life at college? Did you ever hear of his in-
dulging in some of the college pranks whereby two or three
thousand dollars worth of state property is destroyed on
behalf of education of American youth? Well I hope that
there will be more schools established for the feeble minded.
We need them for such fathers who advocate destructive
college pranks.

He did not graduate from college. Very likely he
is sorry he did not. He was a thinker. He was the embodi-
ment the incarnation of every fundamental I have named here
that American youth is entitled to.

Where was the mother when Colonel Lindbergh was in
the skies? Oh, I love an American.mother of a son like

Lindbergh. I have a notion that when I have a splendid boy

122

in my school -- I have lots of them, and splendid girls --
I never fail to think and to say: "May I have the pleasure
some day of seeing your mother?" Some one says, “Why don't
you ask for the father?” Because it is a biological fact
that you can get along with almost anything for a father.
You have got to have a good mother.

There was Mrs. Lindbergh at the same table. Decked
in diamonds? In pearls? No, she did not need them. They
are not fundamental. And.yet I can‘t walk down Michigan
Avenue without seeing those things that are supposed to be
fundamentals that even the lower animals would.discard if
they could be conscious of how they looked.

A costly hat? No. Substantial, plain. Costly
gown, showy gown? No, modest.

And then I looked at the two, mother and son. What
is Hrs. Lindbergh going to do next year? Teach in the
public schools of Detroit. Going to be useful; going to
help carry out my philosophy in giving American youth a
chance. She knows by experience that what I have said is
true. She has lived it, and so have you, the majority of
you. That is the-pathetic part of it, that you won't give
your own sons a chance; that you won't give your own
daughters a chance.

If I had the time I would tell you the story of a
millionaire's boy that is now in my school, the first one
in 43 years that has spontaneously tried to earn a dollar

for himself. But that can be explained if you knew his

123

grandfather: the ”Corn.rlake Men." No, W. K. Kellogg has
traveled the road. I, the bookkeeper, one summer checked
‘up'when he was drawing eight dollars a week, and I suppose
you will say, ”What a fool.” Not on your life. One day

he said, "I, want to buy that one food preduct you are
making.” Dr. John Kellogg, his employer, said, "All right.”
You know W. K. of today, I presume. I do not need to make
any comment. 1

That training, that self-denial, selfLsacrifice,
the constant watch, has made him a.millionaire -- not that
that is necessarily worth while.

And then thank God they could not auction off Lind-
bergh. The Literary Digest recently said if he accepted.all
overtures he would hays six million dollars. Thank God, we
have one American that can't be bought. He will never get
to the United States Senate.

All honor to Lindbergh. Who are we here not to be
glad to find.in your son the elements that characterize
Lindbergh? I say, ”Amen and amen." lay it be your good

fortune to give your boys and girls a chance.

124

SPEECH GIVEN 0N LEWIS CASS DAY,
AUGUST 28, 1915, MACKINAC ISLAND.1

Mr. Chairman, and fellow—citizens: I can add
nothing to the magnificent oration you have heard; it must
needs cover my subject, ”Lewis Cass, Governor of Michigan
Territory.”

Human greatness, which has always commanded the
admiration of the world, is in origin more or less shrouded
in mystery. Washington in his youth gave no special
promise of greatness; but his achievements in mature
manhood, under gigantic difficulties, placed him in the
front rank of the world's greatest statesmen. Lincoln's
closest boyhood friends never so much as dreamed of his
possible future; his mature life was fraught with
responsibilities which would have crushed any but the
greatest of men, and his life continues to be the study of
all lovers of humanity. The more I study the life of Lewis
Cass, the more I am reminded of washington and Lincoln.
During his service for eighteen years as Governor of
Michigan Territory, he was confronted with problems of
government that would have taxed the diplomacy and states-
manship of a Washington or a Lincoln.

In 1813, Lewis Cass found Michigan Territory

devastated, proverty stricken and honeycombed with anarchy.

 

1Fuller, George N., (ed.) Michigan Historical
Commission, Bulletins l-ll, {1913-16}, p. 33.

125
The total number of white inhabitants was approximately six
thousand. The estimated number of Indians was forty
thousand. The whites lived in constant terror of the
Indians, who were aided and abetted by the British.

In the fall of 1814, General Cass organized "a
little company,” and led a successful attack on the Indians.
This encouraged the white people to assert their rights,
and compelled the savages to exercise a wholesome fear in
relation to the Governor. His unremitting vigilance and
energetic conduct saved our people from many of the horrors
of war. General Cass possessed the courage that conquers.
He had an accurate knowledge of Indian traits and of
Indian character. During his governorship he made many
important treaties with the Indians; he was scrupulously
honest in all of his dealings with them. Furthermore, he
attempted to advise and encourage them in all matters re—
lating to their own highest welfare. The injustice and
perversity of England not only made the solution of the
Indian problem very difficult, but hindered him in his
efforts to Americanize Michigan Territory.

By an act of congress passed at the beginning of
the war, two million acres of land were to be selected in
Michigan to be given as bounty lands to volunteers. Cass
desired that these surveys should be quickly made, in order
that at least a few settlers might make their homes in the
Territory and introduce a larger American element on which,

and with which, to work. This resulted disastrously. The

126
President, assured by the commissioner of the land office
that scarcely one acre in a thousand was fit for cultiva-
tion, advised congress in February, 1816, that the quota
of bounty lands might better be located in other parts of
the Northwest; in other words, the lands of Michigan in
the southern peninsula were declared to be a barren waste.
This adverse report was a serious handicap to the develop—
ment of Michigan for several years.

General Cass was an undaunted pioneer and eXplorer.
He traveled thousands of miles in a birch bark canoe and on
horseback visiting Indian tribes, and at the same time
discovered for himself the vast riches of this great
undeveloped Territory. Before 1830 he alleged barren
waste, Michigan, was actually exporting flour to the East,
and there was an air of comfort on her borders and an
appearance of thrift along her inland roads which spoke
of Governor Case's efforts to attract eastern knowledge
and energy. By the third census of the century, Michigan
was shown to have over thirty thousand people, and to have
just claims for speedy admittance as a state.

General Case was thoroughly democratic, both in
theory and practice. He was a Jeffersonian. He did not
arrogate to himself the functions of an autocrat, nor of a
monarch. As rapidly as possible, he organized the Terri-
tory for self—government; like Lincoln, he wished the
people to govern. He was an enthusiastic advocate of good

roads. He encouraged education through the agency of

127

schools and the newspaper. On November 6, 1826, Lewis Cass
said in a speech at Detroit: "Whenever education is
diffused among the pecple generally, they will appreciate
the value of free institutions, and as they have the power,
so must they have the will to maintain them. It appears to
me that a plan may be devised that will not press too
heavily upon the means of the country and which will ensure
a competent portion of education to all the youth in the
Territory; and I recommend the subject to your serious
consideration."

Lewis Cass had extraordinary opportunites for
studying the conduct of the civilized and the uncivilized.
He was a lawyer and sociologist, and with his practical
knowledge of human nature, exhibited what bordered on a
prophetic vision of how coming civilization would treat
crime. The following statement made by him in his message
to the territorial council January 5, 1831, is profoundly
significant:

"In fact, the Opinion gains ground through the
civilized world, that human life has been too often
sacrificed to unjust laws, which seek the death of the
offender rather than his reformation. Governments have
found it easy to put an end to their lives; while the
difficult problem, whose solution is equally required by
policy and humanity, of uniting reformation, example and
security, has been neglected as unimportant or unattain—

able. The period is probably not far distant when it will

128
be universally acknowledged that all the just objects of
human laws may be fully answered without the infliction
of capital punishment."

Lewis Cass was a natural born leader of men. He
never asked any man to do what he was afraid or unwilling
to do himself. He co-operated with the federal government
in all movements for progress and self-defense. He was a
profound statesman and diplomat. In this age of steam,
electricity and iron we find it difficult to appreciate
the heroic and constructive work of Lewis Case.

The life of Lewis Case is worthy of careful study.
We gain inspiration and enthusiasm from knowing what great
Americans have accomplished under the most adverse circum-
stances. Public men and citizens will find in the experi-
ence of this sturdy pioneer many of the concrete examples
of the regenerating power of democracy. This so-called
progressive age has not overshadowed Lewis Case. I commend
to economists, lawyers, teachers and political students the
careful examination of this remarkable man's achievements.
I feel so deeply the importance of this suggestion that my
highest aspiration is to be guided by the ideals of this
great man.

(Lifting his eyes to the audience and to the tablet,
Governor Ferris said:) In behalf of this great commonwealth,
I, Whodbridge N. Ferris, Governor of Michigan, accept this
memorial tablet as a historical mark of love and esteem for

one of our greatest constructive government builders. It is

129
fitting that this tablet be placed upon Mackinac Island,
one of Nature's choicest creations, an island visited
annually by people from every state in the union and by
tourists from all parts of the world. May those who in
the years to come pause to read the inscription on this
tablet, be inspired with the patriotism that has lead
America to recognize and maintain the inalienable rights
of all men "to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

at intervals during the reading, Governor Ferris
commented informally on thoughts suggested by the paper.
Speaking of Case' democracy, he said:

"The trouble in Europe is, they have not a
sufficient amount of democracy; and the trouble in this
country, so far as we have trouble, is along the same
line. There is no getting around it.

I believe that America should be for Americans;
that we should have the kind of courage that Case had; and
also, the kind of charity that Lincoln had. I so abhor and
hate war, that I cannot feel like doing anything that might
possibly encourage a disaster of such magnitude as we now
have in Europe. When I think of the awful devastation of
Europe, and of the awful slaughter of human lives, I shed
'no tears for the two millions of brave men who lie in
eternal sleep; but my heart aches, as I pray for that
charity and for that democracy, which can extend sympathy
and love to the mothers of Europe whose hearts are crushed

and bleeding.

l 1..
lllli I l". .iu' II.

130

I want to say to you that I love every Finlander I
have ever taught, every Russian I have ever-taught, every
German I have ever taught. we are such a mixture of all
these nations, that we have no right to be either pro-
German or pro-Ally. I love enthusiasm; but,.with General
Sherman, I hate war, whereby unborn generations, for
thousands and thousands of years, must carry a needless
burden. Emtter to chloroform the monarchs of Europe, and
save the lives of these millions of men, and the heart-
breakinge of these millions of innocent women and children.
The Stars and Stripes stand for something more than
partisanship. God hasten the day when the influence of the
Stars and Stripes shall be rec0gnized throughout the world
as the flag of humanity and brotherly love.”

131

SPEECH GIVEN BEFORE TEACHERS' INSTITUTE
IN NEW roar.l

I want to have it distinctly understood that I
appear before you as an educational exhorter. I haven't a
new thing to say to you; I haven't anything to tear down.
I just want to present two or three very old notions and
exhort you to their observance.

If I were to organize an educational system, I
would make for its center health -- h-e-a-l-t—h, health.

I ask teachers to care as much about health as the great
industrial institutions of this country care about health.
If you will do that much there will be important changes in
the United States in a comparatively short time. Our great
factories are today houses of glass. What for? Light,
light, and more light. They are so built that they can
have air. The industrial world has found out that it pays
in dollars and cents to have light and air, and of course
any industrial institution that has light and air has all
other sanitary provisions.

Many of our school buildings, viewed in the light
of what has already been said, are unfit for the use of
our boys and girls. You Say, "What can we do about it?“
You can do everything. It is about time school masters

and schoolma'ams came to realize the power they possess.

 

1National Education Association, Addresses and
Proceedingg, New York, vol. LIV, (19167, p. 976.

 

132
You can do almost any wise thing if you have a mind to, or
rather, if you want to.
Tonight I make the appeal for air and sunlight.
In Michigan we have a state sanatorium for tuberculosis
patients. This sanatorium is full of patients, every
single case a well-defined case of tuberculosis. They are
sleeping out of doors, living out of doors, playing out of
doors, working a little out of doors -- everything out of
doors except dressing and undressing; on account of the
peculiar usages here in America, particularly in sanatoriums,
they are obliged to dress indoors. The same restrictions
are not placed on people who are well as on people who are
ill. We know that the only means by which we can help these
people is to have them live out of doors. Well, what under
heaven has Michigan and other states in the Union against
people who haven't tuberculoses? I want you to answer that
question. My state is going to stamp out tuberculosis, that
is, kill tuberculosis, get rid of it somehow. I ask our
officials to take hold of the educational machinery of my
state and see if they cannot do something to get well men
and women to live as they ought to live with reference to
air and sunshine. Now, you yourselves don't do it. You
don't believe in fresh air, you don't want fresh air, you
won't have fresh air; you won't live out of doors, you don't
want to get out of doors, and consequently what hope is
there?

Microbes do not thrive out of doors; they don't sit

133 .

up in the trees nor on brick or stone walls. They are in-
doors. Every cold, every case of pneumonia, is an indoor
disease. Let us come a little closer to our subject. what
can you people do with the present school—houses? You can—
not have them condemned and torn down; you cannot build new
buildings in order to have air and sunshine. YOu can take
out the lower or the upper sash, and put in a cotton-cloth
screen for the entire year. You will use more fuel
possibly, but you will have fresh air and better air, less
sickness, and teach a few boys and girls how to live and
have health instead of tuberculosis or any other disease.

‘ Will you do it? No, the majority of you won't.

And what else can you teachers do? On every sun-
shiny day, on every fair day, in the rural and village
school, you can take your boys and girls out of doors and
conduct out of doors every class that can be conducted
successfully out of doors. I dare you to do it. There
has never been a schoolroom built to equal God's school-
room. I would much rather have the boys and girls out of
doors, now and then glancing at a bird in a tree or a
squirrel scampering around, than observing a curtain when
it falls down inside.

I go further, I plead in behalf of medical in-
spection. I hold that every American child, when he enters
the schoolroom, has the right, if the state is going to
demand what it does, to have just as good teeth as modern

science can give him; he has a right to have a pair of

13:;
eyes just as good and efficient as modern science can give
him; he has right to have just as sound ears as modern
science can give him; just as good a throat and nasal cavi-
ties as modern science can give him; just as good a body as
modern science can give him. You agree with me, don't you?
Is there any possibility of disagreement? You see then what
I mean by health in the schoolroom. In five years, you can
perceptibly improve conditions through your own efforts
along the lines I have suggested, without state aid. It is
up to you. By the way, the pecple will respond. They will
listen to you. ‘

is have in this country a tremendous school equip-
ment, costing millions and millions of dollars, and for
whom? Your traditional answer is, for the boys and girls
of a certain age. Talk about superstition -- I haven't any
language whereby I can describe my contempt for this
answer. And what has it done? It has paralyzed the
majority of people, so that, when a man whose hair is like
mine speaks about getting an education, he is told that he
is too old. When a man or woman is too old to learn, there
is only one thing I can suggest. He should take a shovel
and pick, go to the family cemetery, where I hope he has
bought a lot, dig a grave, get into it and stay there.

In our democracy, public schools should be for all
of the people all of the time. We now use them less than
50 per cent of the time. The remainder of the time they

are idle. City schools should be open six nights in a

135

week and six days in the week. There are many school-
masters who think that the people would not take advantage
of these privileges.

I love the flag. I like to hear folks talk about
it; but I have always had a profound admiration for the
pecple who carry the flag. I want to say that one of the
highest forms of patriotism in this country consists in
carrying out the idea I have suggested, of giving all of
the pecple in this country an Opportunity to acquire the
fundamentals of an education, and especially an opportunity
to learn to speak and write English. Oh, what a gigantic
influence it would have on the solution of industrial
problems, on the solution of national preparedness!

One other thing; Don't forget the few fundamentals
we have taught in the public schools ever since they were
organized. Above all, teach a few things so that they will
stick. Isn't it humiliating to hear the graduate of a
college or university say: "Oh yes, I have been out of
college five years; I cannot read my Virgil, I cannot read
my Cicero, it is all gone." Or, "I once knew a little
something of geometry, but it has vanished; I knew some-
thing of chemistry, but it is gone.“ Don't mention it again
as long as you live. What is the use of advertising your
foolishness? Don't take particular pains to mention it. I
am not afraid of any of those fellows. I am afraid of the
fellow who has learned something that has stayed with him.

There is E. A. Strong, professor of physical sciences, State

136
Normal College, Ypsilanti, Michigan, who is now nearing his
eightieth year. He has taught science all his life. If an
Ypsilanti girl tomorrow should say: "Doctor, I am puzzled a
little with that passage in Virgil," he would read it as
though he had only learned it yesterday. He mastered the
classics at Union College. I am not arguing as to whether
you should teach the classics or not, but whatever you do
teach, teach it so that it will stick. The greatest
teacher I ever had was Herman Krflse. He covered plane
geometry in just forty weeks, but in some of the high
schools in Michigan the period is sixteen weeks. Every
theorem was presented in the form of a problem. Ho text-
book was used. Every student presented his own solution.

I would like to find a Krhsi student in the United States
who today does not know his geometry. I know plane geometry
and I have not taught the subject in twenty years. Some—
body says: "Do you teach geometry that way now in your own
school?" No, because I am compelled to cover a certain
amount of ground in a certain number of units of time.

Why so? Many of my students enter colleges and universi~
ties, and I mustrneet the requirements of these institutions.
Please don't think lightly of my appeal for health,

my appeal for all the pecple, my appeal for thoroughness.

137
MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR FERRI 3, JANUARY 2, 1913.1

GEZTLEMEN OF THE LEGISLATURE:

We are entering upon a new era in statecraft. A
general awakening is in process of evolution. The people
are coming to feel with force the time—honored quotation,
"A Government of the pecple, by the pecple, and for the
people.“ They are not over-zealous as to the particular
political party that an official represents; in fact, the
three great political parties in Michigan agree on essen-
tials and it ought, therefore, to be easy for the legis-
lators representing these three great parties to work to—
gether harmoniously and efficiently in securing these common
ends. We are, indeed, colleagues in our effort to join in
common service for the highest welfare of our great State.
In other words, we are citizens and public servants first
and our party differences are secondary. I can assure the
present Legislature that I shall take great pleasure in
encouraging hearty co—operation from start to finish. Most
of the measures that I shall recommend have commanded the
attention of the pecple for at least a decade.

PRIMARY LAW
The secrecy of our ballot is the foundation of our

liberty and the law wisely provides that this should remain

 

lrrom the Journal of the House of Representatives,
pp. 26-35, Reported by G. N. Fuller, (éd.), Messages of the
Governors Of Michigan, vol. 4, (1897-1927), Lansing, Mich.,
p. 645.

138
inviolate. Our present primary law violates these fundamental
principles by providing that every voter shall tell the town
board to which party he belongs, be publicly recorded as such
a partisan, and his name sent to Lansing as such a partisan.
He can only change his label on certain days of the years as
provided by law. This provision should be repealed. 1 sug—
gest that registration day and primary day be one and the
same. This would insure full attendance at the primary. All
party tickets should be printed on one ballot, the voter
marking one ticket only in the booth. In order to prevent
minority nominations, provisions should be made for a second
choice column.

The abolition Of party enrollment would do away with
the absurd 15 per cent proposition. By having registration
day and primary day the same, thousands of dollars could be
saved. By giving the people the initiative and referendum
to amend the constitution and make laws; by giving them a
single and secret ballot and a primary law to nominate and
elect their public servants; by giving them the recall to
discharge unworthy and misrepresentative public officials,
you place in their hands the necessary tools whereby they
can easily get such reform legislation as they desire. The
above are the fundamental things that should take precedence
over all other legislation if we are to have in this State
a government truly of, for and by the people.

INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM

In order that the people may rule it is essential

139
that they be given the proper tools to work with so that
they may attain their own salvation. The most important
Of these measures is the initiative and referendum. This
system has been adopted by nearly one—third of the states
in the union, but in One-half of these the system is in—
effective because of some "joker" inserted in the amend-
ment. A constitutional amendment should be submitted
providing for the initiative and referendum. Of all the
states, Oregon has had the initiative and referendum the
longest. It has been in Operation there for over ten years
and during that time the pecple have initiated or referred
over one hundred measures by popular vote. The percentage
Of petition signers is reasonable and the amendment is
self-Operating. I suggest that it should be adopted with—
out any substantial change. Its operation after a series
of years has been so satisfactory, that after ten years the
people voted down the attempt to repeal it by an over—
whelming majority.

RECALL

A constitutional provision should also be submitted
providing for the recall of all executive, legislative and
administrative Officials. The petition for the recall
should not require more than 25 per cent of the voters of
the district. This percentage has the approval of all of
the authorities on this subject.

BALLOT REFORM

If the people are to rule through the agency of the

1&0
ballot at the election primary, they must simplify our
election primary laws. Possibly we are under the delusion
that we have had the Australian ballot system for many
years, but as a matter of fact, such is not the case. It
is claimed that the present party column ballot is easy
for the ignorant voter to vote the straight party ticket,
but it is difficult for the independent voter to split the
party ticket. The double system of marking the ballot with
a circle on the top and squares at the side gives rise to
endless confusion. Many voters mark the squares to the
side of the first name on the ticket believing that this
mark votes the whole ticket. Election inspectors say that
one voter in ten fails to mark his ballot properly, indi-
cating that 50,000 Michigan voters are annually disfrané
chised, in whole or in part, by the present complicated
ballot. our ballot should be changed to the genuine
Australian ballot similar to that provided by the Massa-
chusetts law. The advantage in this ballot is that there
is but one way to maliiit. No complicated instructions
are necessary. In voting, each candidate's name comes
under the eyes of the voter and he places a cross in front
of the name of every man he wishes to vote for.

Furthermore, I recommend a corrupt practices act,
providing for the limitation of expenditures and the
publication of these expenditures both before and after

primary and regular elections.

lni
SHORT BALLOT

Many citizens think that the people are called on
to elect too many officials. An examination of our election
returns for many years will disclose the fact that the
people exercise much independence in voting for Governor,
some in selecting a Lieutenant-Governor, but below that
office the candidates for the state offices receive
practically the same vote regardless of their individual
merits. If, for example, anything goes wrong in the State
Treasurer's office the blame is promptly lain on the

Governor, although he has no control over that office.

In the interest of better government and a shorter
ballot, why would it not be a good idea to submit a con-
stitutional amendment providing for the election of Governor
and Lieutenant-Governor and that the remainder of the
elective state officials be appointed by the Governor and
to act as his cabinet and advisers in state affairs? The
ballot could also be shortened by abolishing the offices
of circuit court commissioners and coroners and providing
that Justices of the Peace may perform the duties of these-
officials.

PUBLICITY FOR CARDIDATES

It is necessary that each candidate should get his
name and ideas on public questions before the public.
Newspaper advertising is very expensive. In this form of
publicity the rich man has an advantage over his poorer

brother. Small fortunes are frequently spent to gain a

142

single office that doesn't pay one-half of the amount in
return salary. I suggest that the Oregon system of
publicity be carefully considered. In that state an
election pamphlet is published by the state. Each candi—
date of every party paying a nominal sum can have a certain
amount of space, give his biography and views of public
questions and if some proposition or enactment is sub-
mitted, it is printed in full in this pamphlet and an
argument for or against by its most active advocate or
enemy is also printed. This pamphlet is mailed at the
state's expense to every registered voter ninety days be-
fore election. As a result of this publicity pamphlet,
Oregon has become a great school for the study of political
questions. V
ELECTION OF UNITED STATES SENATORS

Congress has submitted to the various state legis-
latures for their approval an amendment to the Federal con-
stitution providing for the election of senators by popular
vote. WOuld it not be an honor to Michigan to be the first
to ratify this amendment?_

HOME RULE

The present home rule law should be amended so as to
give to all cities home rule to the fullest extent permis—
sible under the constitution. Particularly should the law
be amended so as to provide for the recall of all municipal
officials and direct legislation by initiative petitions
signed by not less than 10 per cent of the electors; also

11+}

for the separation of municipal elections from the general
November elections.

The people at the last election amended the con-
stitution to provide for piecemeal charter legislation.
Before this amendment can become effective, the Legislature
must by law provide the necessary machinery. I would urge
this be passed and made effective at the earliest possible
moment so that our municipalities may have the advantage of
the amendment.

TAXATION

The more one surveys the "hit and miss" taxation
system in Michigan, the more one is convinced that radical
changes are needed in the system itself.

The one thing that would greatly simplify our taxes
tion methods would be a separation of state and local taxes.
Scarcely any one will deny that this change is needed, but
the question is how to bring it about. How to raise the
specific taxes necessary to run the State is the most
serious problem.

I would suggest three sources of revenue. Our
present inheritance tax brings us in a comparatively small
amount. I would suggest that this tax should be largely
increased, especially on extremely large fortunes, and the
proceeds be placed in the general fund for State purposes.
A second source of revenue might come from a graduated
income tax like our sister state of Wisconsin is now trying.

The corporate—excess tax plan of Massachusetts, as recom-

11m

mended by the committee of inquiry into taxation at the
last session of the Legislature is still another method
of raising the necessary state revenue.

while I do not recommend any of these plans
specifically, I do recommend the separation of state and
local taxes and ask your honorable body to carefully ex—
amine all the methods above suggested, and such others as
may occur to you, and I hOpe that by some of these methods,
or a combination of them, the Legislature can find some way
of raising the necessary revenue so that a separation of
state and local taxes may be brought about.

PUBLIC UTILITIES COMMISSION

We now have a railroad commission which is given
the power to fix rates and regulate the practices of rail—
roads, telephones and power companies. I would recommend
the enlargement of the powers of this commission to cover
all public utility corporations of the State. Furthermore,
as there can be no intelligent fixing of charges without a
knowledge of the real value of the properties, I would
recommend that the commission be authorized to make physical
valuation of all such properties that they may deem advis~
able, that the rates fixed may return reasonable dividends
on actual cash investment.

CONCLUSION
My attention has been called to many other matters,

but possibly I have already offered too many suggestions.

145
I realize that on account of your limited time some of them
cannot be considered. In conclusion I repeat that the
Australian ballot, an efficient primary law, the initiative
and referendum and the recall should receive thorough and
careful consideration at the hands of this Legislature. we
are in duty bound to fulfill these pledges. I feel sure
that along the line of a majority of my recommendations we
are a unit .

I am aware that there is always danger of putting on
the statute books too many laws. We sometimes forget that
law enactment is not so important as law enforcement. I
unhesitatingly place the interests of the people of Michigan
above political partisanship. This is an age in which honest
men are glad to co-operate in order that they may render

their fellowmen the largest and best possible service.

WOodbridge N. Ferris.

1116
SPEECH GIVEN AT A COESFERELJCE BET'.":EEN THE GOVERZIOR AETD
REPRESENTATIVES OF LABOR IN THE SENATE CHAMBER,
LANSING, MICHIGAN, DECEMBER 31, 1913.

(A commence To SETTLE THE COPPER STRIKE.)1
The Governor:

Now gentlemen, as Governor of the State of Michigan
I want to say to you gentlemen who are assembled here that
I heartily welcome your coming. I am ready to receive in—

formation and help from any source and every source. It is
not necessary for me to discuss what you are already
familiar with and we have a definite program to follow here
and I shall welcome anything that this meeting may have to
offer, and if there should be any man in the audience who
has anything farther to offer after the three speakers are
done I shall be glad to hear from him.

'Up to the present time I have done my best as
Governor of the State of Michigan to bring about an amicable
settlement of this great industrial dispute and if there is
anybody who can offer any further help I shall welcome it.
I am in hopes however that one thing may characterize the
work this afternoon —- what can be done under the laws of
Michigan rather than what should be done -- what can be
done, and comply with the laws of this State. That is what
we want light on and I hope we may get something of that

 

1Taken from a personal record of E. C. Shields,
Lansing Attorney, Lansing, Michigan. (Stanographically re-
corded).

11+?

kind this afternoon.

I now present to you Mr. William Mahon, President of
the Amalgamated Street Railway Employees, who will make a
statement to me as Governor of Michigan, and to those here
assembled this afternoon.
(After hearing others speak, the Governor continuedz)

Now gentlemen, I wish to ask you a few questions be—
fore I make any definite statement and I really wish that
I might be understood. I have come to the conclusion after
living 60 years that the larger number of controversies and
the larger number of difficulties in this world arise from
infirmities of temper. Now there is one man here who under-
stands what I mean when I say that and that is my friend
Darrow. And gentlemen it is exceedingly difficult for you
and for me to overcome the infirmities of temper. If you
ever solve any great problems that affect men and women you
have got to struggle as far as you can —- and it has been
done in the main this afternoon -- to get rid of the idea
that the other fellow is necessarily a devil. Don't misun-
derstand me, I am talking about all men. I mean the
Governor as well as the men who dig coal or capper. Now
when this problem is settled in Michigan and finally settled _
it will have to be settled right. There is no doubt about
that, and it will have to be settled with that idea in mind
of give and take. Now get that thoroughly in mind. Don't
let it get away from us. I am not enunciating anything new

but I would to God, men, that we could even credit the

1118
ugliest man with good intent, to do his best, to do his best,
and I would like to always be at my best. I want to ask a
few questions. Please do not put me on one side or the
other. Please never talk to me from a political standpoint.
I don't care a continental for my political prospects,
gentlemen, I am not looking to them, I never have and I am
not now. I am simply earnest and emphatic in what I say.

I do not think any man has intentionally thrown a thing of
that kind at me. I am not a political aspirant for anything
except for the privilege of rendering to every man some
service, to the humblest man as well as to the man highest
up. I am not standing here to defend 29 years of my life
in Michigan. There are men sitting here whose fathers,
whose sons have been under my tuition and I will take their
answer. I will take their answer. I will take the answer
of two generations and I should be unkind to you and would
not regard my ownself if I were to stand up and make such

a defense. I am not going to do it. I want to ask a few
questions. I want to ask them as a friend to all of the
people. Let us leave out the dog question. I don't like
that. I am not criticising, I often use the phrase myself.
But I don't like the use of the word very well. Men and
women are something more than dogs under all circumstances.
What I want to know of Mr. Darrow is -- he ought to under—
stand this situation by this time and I think he does. I
want to ask him to tell you men and tell the Governor of the

State of Michigan what is the one leading point of contention

1u9

as he understands it at this hour.

150
RETIRING MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR NOODBRIDGE N. FERRIS TO
THE FORTY-NINTH LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN.
IN REGULAR SESSION JANUARY, 1917.1
December 31, 1916.

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF MICHIGAN AND THEIR
FORTY—NINTH LEGISLATURE:

In accordance with Section V, of Article VI of the
Constitution of the State of Michigan, relating to the
duties of the Governor, I offer the following:
BI-PARTISANSHIP:

Every state in the Union needs more business
efficiency and less partisan politics. The state of Michigan
is not owned by any political party. All of the people of '
Ruchigan are entitled to just consideration. Political
parties have an important function to perform. This function
relates to the welfare of all of the people all of the time.
Michigan Legislatures have already made many of our state
Boards bi-partisan. Why not make our Educational Ebards
bi-partisan? Why not make all of our State Boards bi-
partisan? Why not make our slpreme Court bi-partisan? Why
not make all of our State Boards bi-partisan?

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
One of the most important problems that can con—

front any State legislature is the problem of conservation

 

1Bulletin printed by Wynkoop Hallenbeck Crawford
00., State Printers, Lansing, Mich. (1917)

151
of natural resources. The inexcusable waste that has gone
on for years needs only to be mentioned in order that the
present generation may have a full realization of its duty.
I am, therefore, in full sympathy with the work that is
being done by the Public Domain Commission. Reforesting
the non—agricultural lands and protecting growing timber
from fire, constitutes a part of the great work of this
Commission. The plan of this Commission for encouraging
the settlement of the good agricultural lands by actual
home seekers and the prevention, so far as possible, of
the settlement of these lands which are not suitable for
agricultural purposes, is imperative. I recommend that a
continuous appropriation be made so that the splendid work
of this Commission may be protected, and carried to a
successful conclusion.

A mIL SURVEY:

The State Geologist says that fully 40 per cent of
the land area of this State is agriculturally unoccupied.
Of this amount, approximately 9,000,000 acres of good
agricultural land is now, or soon will be available for
settlement. Much has been done and is being done by co~
operative effort in the development and settlement of these
lands. I refer to the work of the development bureaus, the
Public Domain Commission, the Geological Survey, many
corporations and individuals. There are some corporations
and individuals, however, who are interested in the sale

of Michigan lands solely for profit and who choose to con-

152
duct their operations with utter disregard of business
ethics and ordinary decency. These operators, deal al-
most entirely in very poor and worthless land which is
sold to intelligent as well as to more credul us persons
through persistent misrepresentations. These operators,
as well as their victims, are mainly residents of other
states. Few of us realize the extent of these operations
in Michigan or the irreparable damage which is done by
them to the peopling and settling of the good unoccupied
agricultural lands. How can we prevent the sale of agri-
culturally worthless lands for agricultural purposes? If
in the future the state is going to exert any important
directive influence in the settlement and development of
its unoccupied lands it goes without saying that it should
acquire adequate and accurate information concerning them.
It should know how much unoccupied land there is, where it
is, how much is good, how much is fair, how much is poor,
and how much is agriculturally worthless. It should know
how much is now available for settlement, and how much of
the timbered area will eventually make farms. of the swamp
areas it should know how much can be drained, and how much
would be fit for farming were drainage accomplished. This
information is not only needed by the State but by everybody
in any way concerned with these lands. It is needed for the
guidance of prospective settlers, land dealers, county boards,
banks, loan associations, development bureaus, commercial

organizations, eXperiment stations, the Agricultural College,

153
county agricultural agents, and railroads. It should be the
basis of all cooperative effort in directing development in-
to the most feasible channels. This information can be ob-
tained only through an actual examination and soil survey of
those parts of the State which contain the unoccupied lands.
A scientific soil survey means a greater and better Michigan.
I recommend to your favorable consideration immediate action
along this line.

GOOD ROADS:

' All the citizens of Michigan are enthusiastic over
good roads. In the past ten years a little less than a
revolution has taken place in the attitude of our tax-payers.
while they sometimes find fault with the total amount of
taxes they have to pay, they rarely complain of taxes that
contribute to the building of good roads. Now, that the
Federal Aid Road Law, which was passed by the last Congress,
will bring to Michigan during the next five years,
$2,186,755, which must be matched dollar for dollar by the
State, this movement must inevitably go forward. No one
thing is more important for the further progress of our
cities and especially for the further prOgress of our
farming communities than good roads. Even our schools and
churches depend for their success, in no small degree, upon
good roads. I bespeak for this important feature liberal
provisions and the kind of legislation that will promote

rather than retard this great movement.

15A
PUBLIC HEALTH:

The Legislature of 1915 made an appropriation of
one hundred thousand dollars for the purpose of ultimately
stamping out tuberculosis in the state. The expenditure
of this money has been under the direction of the State
Board of Health. As a result of this expenditure there
has been a general awakening in the State to the possi-
bility of practically eliminating the White Plague. The
bi-products of this campaign are not second in value to
its primary object. when people are awakened to an appre-
ciation of the methods that are necessary to stamp out
tuberculosis, they are of necessity compelled to recognize
the general laws of health. Consequently, the people have
been enlightened in relation to the importance of adequate
protection from the terrors of all other communicable dis—
eases. Beyond this, they have come to recognize that there
are laws of health quite as worthy of observance as are the
laws of the State or as are the Ten Commandments.

MEDICAL INSPECTION:

The children of Michigan will never have adequate
protection until a system of medical inspection is provided.
Every child has the civil right, if not the divine right,
to enter our public schools with as good eyes, as good ears,
as good teeth, as clean a throat, as good a body, as modern
science can give him. In order to secure this, adequate
legislation and adequate appropriations must be made. The

initial expenditure may seem costly but industrially and

155
socially, the end more than justifies the expenditure.
HOUSING BILL:

The last Legislature attempted to enact a Housing
Bill. No such bill was passed but a Housing Commission was
appointed to make such investigation and offer such sug—
gestions as their best judgment dictated. The men on this
commission have worked diligently and without compensation
to bring to this Legislature valuable information. 31011 a
bill is in perfect harmony with an effort to improve the
general health of the people of Michigan. It is absolutely
impossible in the larger cities to successfully combat
tuberculosis and many other diseases under present housing
conditions. It is absolutely impossible to over—estimate
the importance of enacting a wholesome, workable conserva-
tive Housing Bill.

THE INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL FOR BOYS:

During my first administration I did not become
thoroughly familiar with th needs of the Industrial School
for Boys and the Industrial School for Girls. During my
second administration I made a more careful study of these
two institutions. No two institutions in the State of
Michigan are in greater need of reorganization and re—
generation. It is not necessary in this report to go into
details. The Industrial SChool for Boys has a regular
attendance of about eight hundred. These boys are the
wards of the State and are entitled to the best possible

care and training that the state can offer. It is possible,

156
under proper management, to make this Institution semi-
self—supporting. It cannot be done, however, without the
necessary initial expenditure of considerable money.
Michigan is under solemn obligation to train these eight
hundred boys for loyal citizenship. During the past year
this Institution has undergone a tremendous change for the
better, but it is impossible to give these boys the
training they deserve without a further expenditure of
considerable money. The educational features of this
School have been until recently, twenty-five years behind
the times. On actual examination we have found that fifty
boys belonged to the mentally defective class and should
be sent to the Michigan Home and Training School at Lapeer.
According to a statement made by Dr. Haynes, Superintendent
of the Michigan Home and Training school, the number of
mental defectives that should be sent to Lapeer annually
is two hundred. On that basis, we would have two thousand
more commitments in ten years. This ought to awaken the
Legislature to a realization of the problem that confronts
the State. We now have the machinery for doing something
in the way of preventing this increase of mental defectives.
These fifty mental defective boys at the Industrial School
should not be allowed to go out in the State to propagate
their kind. It is hoped that provision is being made for
transferring all of these seriously mentally defective boys
from the Industrial School to Lapeer. The State of Michigan

should make every possible effort to place the Industrial

157
school for Boys on a sound basis, on such a basis as the
school for the Blind and the School for the Deaf now oc-
cupy.

THE INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL FOR GIRLS:

The Industrial School for Girls contains three un-
fortunate classes -- a few that are criminal in their
habits and tendencies, a considerable number that are mental
defectives, fifty—four by actual count, and the larger
number who are delinquents proper. What I have already
said about the defectives in the Industrial SChool for Boys
applies to the mental defectives in the Industrial School
for Girls, who, when they reach a certain age, go out of
the Institution automatically, only to propagate their kind.
Months ago I recommended that the fiftyefour mentally de-
fective girls of the Industrial SChool be sent to the
Michigan Home and Training School. If Michigan, or any
other State, hopes to accomplish anything along the line
of overcoming this social menace, it must rigidly carry out
the provisions we now have, and such other Legislation
should be provided, especially for the Industrial School for
Girls, whereby the criminal element can be eliminated or
segregated and the delinquents receive the training and at—
tention they deserve. These two Institutions are deserving
of careful study and investigation. Michigan cannot afford

under any circumstances, to be careless in dealing with

this social problem.

156
MICHIGAN PRISOKS:

The prisons are worthy of careful study and considera—
tion at the hands of this Legislature. It has been demon—
strated in the past five or six years that the prisons can
approximate a self-supporting basis and at the same time
regenerate the largest possible number of their inmates.
Work is the great reforming and regenerating agenCy. Further—
more, through work, the inmates of our prisons have an op—
portunity to demonstrate their eligibility to parole. I
have had over five hundred personal interviews with the in-
mates of our prisons during the past four years. The
majority of my paroles have been made on the basis of
personal interviews together with the information gathered
from the carefully compiled records of the executive office.
I feel safe in saying that no state in the Union surpasses
the state of Michigan in the number of paroled prisoners who
have “made good."

ADULT FOREI GNERS:

Michigan has tens of thousands of adult foreigners
who do not speak the English language. They know little or
nothing of the real meaning of American citizenship. In
our larger cities night schools are being conducted from
four to six months of the year, whereas these classes for
adult foreigners should be conducted every night in the week
throughout the entire year. Our cities need to make larger
appropriations in order that these men may be prepared for

citizenship in the shortest possible time. Michigan should

159

awaken to a realization of the importance and necessity of
this work.
MICHIGAN HISTORICAL COMMISSION:

The Michigan Historical Commission, organized in
1913, has been very successful in collecting and preserving
important historical data. It cooperates with all of our
educational agencies in fostering a deeper interest in
Michigan history and Michigan government. The members of
this Commission are men of broad vision -- men who give
freely of their time without monetary compensation, because
they love this important work and because they desire to see
Michigan occupy her true place in the history of the making
of a great nation. This history furnishes a foundation for
enduring patriotism and better government. The State of
Michigan should make an ample appropriation for carrying on
the splendid work of this Commission.

COICLUSION:

The different departments of the State during my
administrations have been conducted with a marked degree of
harmony and efficiency.

In this report I am not inclined to trespass upon
the field of my successor. I have made a vigorous effort
to emphasize the human side of State Government. Michigan
will continue to try to practice economy in all of her af-
fairs, but never at the sacrifice of efficiency and
progress. The citizens of Michigan are loyal to good

government. By virtue of her great accomplishments,

160

Michigan is in the front rank with the other great states
in the Union. That doesn't mean that we are satisfied.
It means that our obligation to make further progress is
great. The business of the State is the building of loyal,
patriotic men and women.
Respectfully,
WOODBRIDGE N. FERRIS.

161
REMARKS ON THE GOODIKG BILL
(concrsrirc ADULTERATED GRAIN AND sssn)1

Mr. President, I shall take only a very few moments
of the time of the Senate and will not attempt any detailed
discussion of the bill, for it has already been presented
rather thoroughly.

I am a member of the committee and attended the
hearings held on this question. I think I heard all that
was contributed at that time on the Gooding bill and on the
bill offered by the Senator from Massachusetts. My train—
ing leads me to have a great deal of regard for those who
are in a position to give information to the people of this
country. The agricultural colleges have occupied my atten-
tion and consideration for many years, and, so far as I can
learn, they have uniformly supported and advocated the pro-
visions of this bill. On such a question I have to look to
someone to advise me, for I am not an expert. I am a
farmer -- a losing farmer —- but nevertheless I believe
that I must look to those who claim to know and who have
information on the subject. I cannot find that any agri—
cultural college has done other than to give a favorable
report on the pending bill and to express the hope that it

may be passed.

I have profound respect for the agricultural colleges

1Congressional Record, vol. 67, part 6, p. 6855-56,
(March l7-April 5, 1926369th Congress, lst session.

 

162
of this country. If they are not worthy of respect, we
should discontinue them and adopt something that is better.
The farmers of this country cannot get enlightenment very
fast even through the agencies of the agricultural college.
They are only partial. Then, again, in the hearings hr.
Gray of the American Farm Bureau Federation, said:

(Quotation from hr. Gray)

I entertain no fear similar to that of the Senator
from New York. I cannot help but believe that the farmer
is fairly intelligent. I cannot find any evidence that the
coloring of the seed would create prejudice whereby he would
refuse to purchase the seed. As we Senators have to learn
from somebody, as we have to take somebody's advice, it does
seem to me that what the agricultural colleges of this
country and the farm organizations of this COuntry say they
want and would like to try is worthy of consideration.

I could not for a moment put up my own opinion
against the appeals of the farm organizations and of the
agricultural colleges; and I also have the profoundest re—
spect for the Department of Agriculture. What is the de—
partment for? What service is it to render us? How is it
possible for the Senators assembled here, however wise they
may be, unless they are experts in farming, unless they are
experts in handling seed, to be sure of their Opinions.
unless they pay deference to this advice?

In the State of Michigan I know from my own observer

tion and from my own investigations as to what some of these

163
impure, low-grade seeds have done; and you cannot tell their
quality merely by looking at them. You cannot tell the
Italian seeds from any other seeds just by looking at them.
we do know that in hichigan they are an absolute failure.
We do know that some of these seeds are editable for use in
some States.

I hope that neither amendment will be adopted. I
hOpe that for once we will have sufficient confidence in
the farmers, in the agricultural colleges, and in the Agri-
cultural Department to give the farmers a chance. That is
all that I ask. That is all that I appeal to Senators for.

I have done just what every other Senator has done:
I have tried to get information on this subject, and I have
tried to get it from authentic sources. In the hearings I
was convinced that if there was ever a worthwhile bill, a
bill that would really render a practical service to the
farmers of this country, the Gooding bill would do it. I
presume it is not a cure—all; I presume it is not a panacea;
but it is a step in the right direction. why not take it
without too many limitations and give the farmers and those

who want pure seed an opportunity to get it?

161+
UKDELIVLRED ADDRESS BY THE
LATE. SELATOR upcnesxnss 1;. FERRI 31

Mr. President, it is taken for granted by everybody
that education must OCCUpy a prominent place in the affairs
of a democracy. Notwithstanding this fact, I am not at all
sure that the American people and even some of its law—
makers, fully realize the absolute necessity of universal
education in a democracy.

I recognize the fact that tremendous progress has
been made in our attemp to educate all of the people. I
have had the good fortune to stand in the classroom as an
instructor, not simply as a supervisor, for half a century.
Little else than a revolution has taken place in the efforts
of educators to plan and arrange courses of study that are
in harmony with the needs of American children. Within the
last twenty-five years great progress has been made in
methods of teaching. However, no well-informed man could
maintain for a moment that we have, as yet, arrived at a
science of education. The science of education is in the
making.

Everybody is familiar with the fact that vast sums
of money are being expended in the construction and main-

tenance of educational plants. Notwithstanding these

 

1This speech may be found in its entirety in
Memorial Addresses Delivered in the United States Senate in
Memory of noodbridge a. Ferris, 70th Congress, may 6, 1928,
United States Government Printing Office, Washington, 1929.

165
evidences of progress, the florid Ear revealed a condition
that was pathetic. Thousands and tens of thousands of our
soldiers could not even read or write. We have not yet
recovered from this shock. It would be unfair to charge
this lamentable condition to the public schools. This
condition simply proves conclusively that the American
people have not yet awakened to an appreciation of the
value of education.

when I use the term "education" I do not use it as
an equivalent of schooling. The two terms "education" and
"schooling" are not synonymous. A village or city or State
may offer an immense amount of schooling; this does not
mean that the educational advantages are at all commen—
surate with the amount of schooling. In the minds of many
the expression, "I have no education", means "I have no
schooling." Abraham Lincoln did not have to exceed three
months of schooling, but he was one of the best educated
men that America has ever produced. Ebhooling at its best
in the United States frequently has a tendency to make the
acquisition of knowledge its chief objective. such a view
is paralyzing -— is unsatisfactory. Education has to do
with the enrichment of life, and the enrichment of life
depends upon productive thinking. Prof. Henry F. Osborne says,
"To think, to act, to create, these are our great impulses
inherited from far prehistoric past; these are the three
objectives in the intellectual education of American youth.“

The wonderful accomplishments of a Franklin, an Edison, a

166

Burbank hinge not upon schooling but upon education.

Within the last twenty to thirty years our high
schools have multiplied above the rate of increase in
population. Likewise our colleges and universities have
commanded the attention of thousands of American youth
whereas prior to that time they commanded the attention
of comparatively few. Dean Raymond halters, of Swarthmore
College, says in an article entitled "Getting Into College";

"The American secondary schools since 1900 have in—
creased in enrollment nine times as fast as the population
of the country. There are now some 12,000 public high
schools offering 4—year courses, with 2,500,000 pupils, of
whom nearly 400,000 are graduated each year. There are
more than 2,100 private schools and academies offering #-
year courses, with total enrollments of 225,000 and some
35,000 graduates yearly.

"These figures explain the source of the college
expansion in the past quarter of a century -- the increase
from 104,000 liberal—arts students in 1900 to approximately
500,000 this year. They explain the improved average
preparation of college applicants f- and likewise the
present stricter enforcement of college entrance require—
ments and selective procedure.

"As for the reasons which impel three students pro-
portionally to go to college today for one in the days of
their fathers, there is the proverbial mixture of motives.

One likes to believe that there is at least a corresponding

167
increase in those who go because they love learning."

At first glance this might seem to constitute further
evidence of educational progress. Beyond a doubt it does in-
dioate prOgrese to some degree. Granting, however, that it
means much, that it is conclusive evidence of great progress,
there remains in this country the problem of educating the
masses. In other words, the very life-blood of American
democracy lies in the educational advantages which should be
offered by the public schools.

The "hewere of wood" and "carriers of water" have
never received a square deal. Millions and millions of
dollars have been given to educational foundations} millions
and millions of dollars have been given to colleges and
universities, but very little effort has been made to take
care of the great majority who can never hope to enroll in
a high school. The real educational problem for America to
solve is the problem of enabling the rural schools to pro-
vide a practical education through adequate equipment,
through the best methods of instruction, through the em-
ployment of well-trained teachers.

The correct thinking of a child is along lines pre-
cisely the same as is the correct thinking of a Newtm or a
Huadey. In the rural schools the fundamentals must be em-
ployed for developing in the child productive thinking. I
concede that great pregrese has been made along certain lines
in the rural schools. But, broadly speaking, one great

problem in American education consists in revolutionizing

168

our rural schools for a larger degree of efficiency. 0b—
Jectors will point to the "little red schoolhouse" as the
place where this great scientist, this great statesman, and
that great inventor received his early training as if there
were magic in the ”little red schoolhouse." The truth of
the matter is abraham Lincoln, like many other great men,
made progress in spite of the "little red schoolhouse.“

In lines of industry and agriculture and commerce
we have discarded some of the old ways and adopted methods
which are in harmony with present civilization. I am not
going to worry the senate with concrete illustrations of
the special weaknesses of present rural education.

Adult education is not to be brought about by agencies
of coercion or agencies of control. when the educational
philosOphy of America is as broad as I have outlined, there
will be a demand for facilities whereby every man can secure
the necessary advantages through his own ambition and efforts.

Our educational problem instead of being simplified
has become more complex and difficult.

Thus far I have chiefly referred to problems of
rural and adult education. This is only a beginning of an
outline of educational needs. I am not going to discuss
other problems in education. Many of them that I might dis-
cuss are recognized by educators and laymen alike. It is

only natural that the great army of teachers should take the

169
initiative with reference to discovering a means of solving
some of the great educational problems that confront us.
They are in daily touch with American youth. It may be
that they are not statesmen; it may be that they over—
estimate what the Federal Government should do and can do
in the way of solving some of their problems.

PROPONENTS OF A DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION

I am going to quote from a few of the great men and
women who appeared at the joint hearings of the Committee
on Education during the Sixty-ninth Congress and give in
part their arguments for a department of education. I make
these quotations because these men and women have offered
what seems to me to be convincing arguments for a depart-

ment of education.

OPPONENTS OF A DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION

In the foregoing quotations I have tried to deal
with different aspects of the bill under consideration. I
now make quotations from those who are opposed to the bill.

POLITICAL INFLUENCE

The Opponents of this bill seem to be very much
alarmed over the prospect of endangering the cause of edus
cation through political influence. It is true that the
heads-cf—the different departments are appointed by the
President. If we have a Democratic President, of course

the appointees for the Cabinet will be Democrats. If we

170
have a Republican President, the appointees will be Re—

publicans.

The only possible basis for prophecy rests on what
has happened in years gone by. so far as I am able to
learn, the departments have not suffered seriously because
of political bias. When a department has suffered it has
been because of moral turpitude. To be perfectly frank
about the matter, when you get down to "brass tacks," there
isn't enough difference between the two great parties to
permit any special worry over politics.

PRIVATE SCHOOLS

The Opponents of the bill are fearful that the in-
dependence of private schools will be disturbed by estab—
lishing a department of education. I have been engaged in
private-school work for half a century. I realize that the
testimony of a single representative is of little value. I
have observed legislation in several of the states in relay
tion to private schools. I am positive, however, that so
far as my own experience in handling a great private
secondary school is concerned, the supervision of private
schools by the State has been beneficial.

RESEARCH, THE MAINSPRING OF PROGRESS

This applies to our commercial deveIOpment, to our

agricultural advance, and to educational progress. There

isn't anything mysterious about research. For example, in

171
industry it means nothing more nor less than "intelligent
investigation into how to do practical things; if they are
new, how they can be done in the best way; if they are old,
how in a better way. In a word, it is invention. It is
the most practical thing in the world."

The United States Chamber of Commerce says that
"the amount expended annually by American manufacturers in
conducting laboratory research alone is $35,000,000.” Un-
questionably this figure is well on the conservative side.
This same authority places the annual saving to American
industry by research at a half billion dollars.

In the field of medical science we must appeal to
the imagination in order to appreciate the tremendous
change in the last 50 years. The name of Pasteur is
familiar to every physician. He wrought little less than
a revolution in the field of scientific research. He was
not a physician, but his researches have contributed more
to medical science than the researches of any other one
man.

In the last 25 years agriculture has undergone a
revolution. That does not mean that there isn't a.farm
problem. It simply means that research is of tremendous
value in every form of human activity. It has recently
been estimated that the aggregate producing power of
persons engaged in agriculture has been increased 25 per
cent since 1900. secretary Jardine says that these
changes are attributable chiefly to the results of

172
scientific discovery. Whatever view a Congressman may take
Of the value of research in education, he must admit that
in the lines I have already mentioned it has been of
gigantic importance. I hold that the value of research
would be even more valuable in education than in the fields
already mentioned.

In what I have already said about research, the
element of governmental control has not been an important
factor. There is no reason that I can discover why educa-
tional research should lead to the dire results that the
Opponents of this bill outline.

The marked weakness Of this age lies in the handling
of our distinctive human interests. We handle the material
things of this world almost as if by magic. The human mind,
however, has received comparatively little consideration.
Mental resources have never been adequately explored;
mental possibilities are at this hour undiscovered.

If there was no other argument in favor of this bill
than the one that I offer with reference to research, there
would be sufficient reason for passing it. It is clearly
evident to me that as a question of economy it is a thou—
sand times better that this lack of research should be
corrected by the Federal Government than by the individual
states working separately. It has been quite clearly in-
dicated that the states work at cross purposes, so to

speak. It is important that in this field of research

there be unification.

173
After the experience we have had with the EMreau

of Education, a magnificent institution, we can see plainly
that if education is to have the attention it deserves, it
must be through the agency of a department Of education.
I have been personally acquainted with two of the Commis-
sioners of Education, William T. Harris and Philander
Priestly Olaxton. No man can pay higher tribute to these
two men than 1. Very likely I could pay as high a tribute
to same Of the others if I had had the honor and good
forture of knowing them as I have known these two men.
It seems to me that it is a waste of argument to say that
if the Bureau Of Education had the money, it would be able
to do the work that this bill provides for. The Bureau of
Education never has had the money and it is reasonable to

say that it will never get the necessary funds.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

175
Books

Briganoe, William Norwood,_§peech Composition, New York,
F.S. Crofts and Company, 1937.

Fuller, George N., Governors of the Territory and State
of Michigan, Lansing, Michigan Historical COmmission,
1938.

 

Fuller, George N., Michi an Chicago, Lewis Publishing
Company. 1939. VoI I

Hemans, Lawton T., History Of Michigan, 11th edition,
Lansing, Michigan Education Company, 1927.

Higgins, Howard Hubert, Igfluenoing Behavior Through
§peech, Boston, Expression‘UOmpany, 1930.

 

Howell, “ilbur Samuel, Problems and Styles of Communication,
New York, F. S. Crofts and Company, l9fl5.

Lippman, Welter, Public Opinion,New York, Harcourt Brace
and Company, 1922.

Murray, Elwood, The Speech Personality, revised, Chicago,
J. B. Lippincott Company, 1947?.

Richards, I. A., Principles of Eiterary Criticism, New
York, Harcourt Brace and Company, 1928.

EncyclOpedias

ggographical Directory of the American Congress,United
States Government Printing Office, 1928‘.

 

Johnson, Allen; and Malone, Dumas, Dictionary of American
Biography, New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1931.

 

Michigan Biographies, Lansing, Michigan Historical Com-
mission, l92#{‘Vol. I.

fiho was Who intAmerica, Chicago, A. N. Marquis Company,
1942, V61. 1.

Periodicals

Ferris, Woodbridge N., ”Give American Youth a Chance,"
ggecutive Club News, Chicago (1928).

Ferris, Woodbridge N., "The spirit of the Times," Lansing
Michigan History Magazine, Vbl. I (1917).

176
, Newspapers
W (Michigan) 9;in Tam, January 1, 1913.
Allegap (Michigan) Gazette, November 30, 1912.
m (Michigan) Egg-Pioneer, January 1, 1913.
Calumet (Michigan) 161;, January 2, 1913.
Christian Science Monitor, Boston, November 17, 1922.
Current school-T021335 Lansing, Michigan, November 24, 1922.
Detroit (Michigan) Courier, January ll», 1913.
Detroit (Michigan) 13g Press, July 20, 1912.
pgtroit (Michigan) yes Press, December 31, 1912.
Detroit (Michigan) Free Press, October, 191'}.
Detroit (Michigan) Mg, July 20, 1912.
ggtroit (Michigan) N911, October 23, 1912.
Detroit (Michigan) M, January 16, 1913.
Evening copper Journg, Hancock, Michigan, January It, 1913.
Grand Rapids (Michigan) m, October 11, 1912.
Grand Rapids (Michigan) serge, September 23, 1922.
Grand qupids (Michigan) Hergd, September 29, 1922.
Grand apids (Michigan) Herald, October 10, 1922.
Grand Rapids (Michigan) Herald, October 11, 1922.
Grand Rapids (Michigan) Herald, October 12, 1922.
Grand Rapids (Michigan) Herald, November 9, 1922.
Grand Rapids (Michigan) Herald, March all», 1928.
Grand papidc (Michigan) Herald, May 7, 1928.
Grand Rapids (Michigan) Herald, March 21+, 1937.
Grand Rapids (Michigan) 2333, January 2, 1913.

177

Grand mid: (Michigan) 25333, January 3, 1913.

Grand Rapids (Michigan) ngpg, March 23, 1928.

Grand Rgpids (Michigan)‘§gg§g, May 2%, 1937.

Hillsdale (Michigan) 99111 News, March 27, 1928.
Lgpsing (Michigan) Evening Press, September 12, 1913.
Lansing (Michigan) Journal, January 7, 1913.

Menominee (Michigan) Md Leader, January 3, 1913.
Muskeggn (Michigan) Chronicle, October 10, 1922.
Record Eagle, Traverse City, Michigan, January 3, 1913.

Public Documents

Conggessional Record, volume 66, Part III, 68th Congress,

n ssion, snuary 20 - rebruary 7, 1925, p. 2122.

gonggesgional Rpgord, volume 67, Part 11, 69th Congress,

st Session, December 19, 1925 - January 18, 1926.

Con essional Record volume 67, Part VI, 69th Congress,
§st Session, March 17 - April 5, 1926.

Con ressional Record volume 67, Part VIII, 69th Congress,
Est Session, April au.— May 12, 1926.

Fuller, George N., Messages of the Governors of Michi ,
Lansing, Michigan Historical Commission, 1927.

Retirin Messa e of Governor Wbodbrid e N. Ferris to the
. Forty-NIntE_§§gislature Efffihe State of Michi en
‘Einsing, wynkoop HailenbecE Cra;?ord Campany, state
Printers, 1917.

 

Miscellaneous
Autobio ra hical Manusori t of Whodbrid e N. Perri His-
torIcaI CEllectIcn, RacEEam EEIIEIng, Ann ArSBr, Michi-
gen. '
Encyclopedia Britannica Films, Inc., New York, l9h6. (A
memorandum from V; C. Arnspiger, Office of the Vice
President.)

Ferris Institute Bulletins for 1909, 1913, Michigan State
Library, Lansing, Michigan.

178

Puller, George N. (editor) Michi an Historical Commission,
Bulletins 1-11, 1913-1915.

NgtiOnal Education Association Address" and Proceedings,
New York, volume Liv, 1916.

 

Personal Scrapbooks of Edmond C. Shields, Attorney at Law,
Lansing, Michigan.

Record of Conference on Capper Strike, Senate Chamber,
Lansing, Michigan, December 31,.1913. (Personal proper-
ty of E. C. shields, Lansing, Michigan.)

179
Biography of the Author

The author, Irene Esther Wade, was born in Muskegon,
Michigan, November 10, 1920. file attended the Henry Street
School through the ninth grade, then attended Muskegon
Senior High School. She was graduated from high school in
June 1938, and attended Muskegon Junior College for one
semester. 31s attended HOpe College and Michigan State
College, and was graduated from the latter in June, 1943
with an A. B. Degree. Her teaching major was speech, with
minors in French, history, and English. While a junior at
Michigan State College, the author was made a member of Pi
Kappa Delta, national speech honorary.

After two years of teaching speech and debate in
Traverse City High School, Traverse City, Michigan, Miss
Wade returned to Michigan State College as a graduate
assistant in the departments of Speech, Dramatios and
Radio, at which time she served in the capacity of Direc-
tor of Student Speakers' Bureau for the college, and also
taught written and Spoken English. In the summer of 19%,
she was a staff clinician at the University of Denver in
the department of Basic Communications. She returned to
Michigan state College in September, 1946, as an instructor
in the department of Written and Spoken English in the
School of Science and Arts. The Master of Arts Degree was
granted in December, 1946.

     
   
       
   

  

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