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James C. Waltz

:33 T‘ "l GCT

Submitted to the College of Science and Arts
Iichigan State University of figriculture and
Applied Science in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of

EASTER OF ARTS

Department of History

1960

Contact between different civiliantions is an i portant vortion
of history. In the Fiddle ages, such cortact involved the relations
between Christiays and Iuslims. Often, houever, only the wilitary
aspects of that con act-—the whirlrihd Arab exfansion and the Christian
crusades-are considered. The present study considers another facet
of Christian-Tuslia contact, that of Christian Lissions toward the
Tuslins in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and particularly
seeks to ascertain sage of the f ctors which rave rise to these
Christian hlSsiOLS.

Both Islam and Christianity are nissionary relisions, that is,
both re ard the spreading of their truth and the conversion of unbe-
lievers a sacred duty. A vital fuelin mi sionary activity followed
in the wake of the grab conquests, and Tuslins treated coniusred Ch is-
tians kindly in the hope of soon converting them.to Isiah. The success
of Iuslim missions Lay have stinnlated the Christian Lissionary interest.

After recovering from the shock of the Islanic advance, Hestern
EurOpe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries launched a military
counterattack against the Yusliu forces. Eventually the Christians
regained control of Spain, Sicily, and the HOly land, and in the wake
of these reconquests established close relations pith huslims. In
the course of closer relations, the Christians learned more about
Luslim faith and practice, and began to consider how Iuslins might
be converted to Christianity.

A further stiaulus to missionary activity was the work of St.

Francis and St. Dominic in the first quarter of th thirteenth century.

Both men were interested in revitalizing Christian faish among Chris—
tians and in Spreading it anong non-Christians. The Foninican and
Franciscan orders continued the missionary emphasis of their founders
by sending many men into most of the then known world.

Opposition to the crusades was also a factor favoring missionary
activity. Such Opposition CnLe from several quarters: from those who
owposed all war, those who Opposed the use of force against infidels,
those who objected to crusade abuses (such as the direction of crusades
azainst Christians, 6.5. Frederick II), and fron those who wanted to
replace the crusades with missions.

loreover there deveIOped in Western Turope a sizable body of
prOpaganda favoring missionary activity. The most significant of the
propagandists was Ramon lull, who wrote voluninously about missionary
activity, urged several popes to organize the Church for mission worh,
and worked as a missionary among the huslims. SOme of the prOpagandists
favored missionary work in conjunction with a crusade, while others
were ready to renounce all use of force in uissionary efforts.

The papacy, nhile favoring missionary activity as a general policy,
was frequently more interested in conquering the Fuslins than converting
them. hbwever some popes, such as Gregory IX, gave considerable
leadership to missionary work.

Unfortunately other factors hindered Christian missions, such as
a lack of zeal among many Christians, the unplanned and overoptimistic

nature of the work, and the strength and spread of ISlam. By the end

of the fourteenth century Christian missions had almost disappeared

from Fuslim lands, and Christian—Tuslim.ccntact took new forms.

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IT? “Pf": ‘1‘.”ITZ'1TTICL'TC’ 37-3 FO‘LT‘YTEZ’TTET .. .l a

Suhritted to the College of Science and Arts
Tichi an State Yniversity of i¢riculture and
.Epjlied Science in partial fulfillwent of

the requirenents for the degree of

L

l JTER OF ARTS

*3

snllivan has combined careful criticism of

Lr. Richard 3.

this pork with useful su,pestions and helpful encouragement, and
has thus centrinuted to the develOpment of both the author and

the paper.

1-34d3TLL "32"7

The Christian Church in the Test entered irto vi crous missionary
activity am3n' the luslixs in the tLHir 'enth and fourteenth centuries.
It is the purpose of the present study to assert? :in so .e of the factors
0 ntributing to the rise and the decline of that missionary activity.
Such an in uiry involves a con id eration of the historical bacl: round
out of which the missions arose, an cranination of the contemporary

literature concerning nissionary work, a delineation o

*‘b

the major

personalities involved in the work, a study of panel policy reg; rc cmi

.

nivsiois, and a sketch of the actual LiSSiODFPY nor: and the methods used.

It is assured in the present st1_d

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missionary reli ion, that is, eie in thich the spread'n; of the
truth and the conversion of unbelievers is regard3d as a sacred
duty. It is furtlzer assumed that the si-nific: “cc of religion in

‘

the medieVal vorld Lakes the history of Cnri

U)

tian IiS lO nary efforts
in the thirteenth and fourte nth centuries an inte ral and inportant

,art of the Lists v both of areas there Oh rist1anityvas the dominant

H.
U)

rion and of 3reas tier; L sionaries sonuht to Late Christianity

dominant. Tbo often redieVal Chiis tian— I'uslia relations are discussed

‘3 _1

only in terns of the nilitary c at; the grab expans1on anc the

0
cf
(0
0

Christian rec ncuest, particularly the portiev of the Christian

.A.

1

reccnquest anown as the crusades. The present stuév provides a
corrective to such a limited view by focusing attention up on some

non-pilitary Christ ian- Tuslim contacts.

Introductior

Chapter
Chapter
Chapter
Chapter
Chapter

Chapter

m qrwa ~-1 nruwm-rr'rnv
.L .11 ('1‘ vii; '

,--—- .‘.—&—. A.)

Christian-Iuslim Relations to the Thirteenth Century
Irancis and ”ominic and the Fendicent Orders

Ramon Tull: Fissionary to the Yuslixs

Propaganda Favoring Vissions

The Papacy and Fissions

Conclusion

Bibliograyhical Be a]

28
44

62
75

81

f-J

CXAPTIR I

3‘ 71'. "SUI .ILI‘.‘.'U"Z‘EII1'S 37371370733 T3 T7? T’IQTT‘IT‘? 072"”???

The Christian nissionary effort of the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries grew out of a long period of interaction between Kuslims
and Christians. Some exnlanation of the nature of the relationship
between the adherents of the two religions is therefore necessary in
order to understand the ideas and practices of those who undertook
missionary work during these centuries.

The Christians first encountered Islam as a militant movement
which overran kingdoms and expires with astonishing rapidity. In 622,
Nuhammad, who claimed to have a new revelation from God, fled from
his home town of Kecca to nearby Ledina, where he and his new revela-
tion were favorably received. When he died ten years later, this new
revelation, now known as the religion of Islam, was solidly established
in a small portion of Arabia. within a century of Muhammad's death,
the forces of Islam had gained religious and political control of
lands from.the frontiers of India to the Pyrenees, and in so doing had
engulfed rany formerly Christian areas, particularly North Africa,
Spain, and the Near East.

The smashing Arab victories represented a stunning defeat for the
Christian world. Hewever, it was not a defeat that necessarily engen—
dered religious hostility, as some interpreters have suggested on the
basis of the fact that since the Arabs were inepired by a new religion,
then their extension must have been the result of religious fanaticism.
Although fighting for the faith was a factor in the.;rab expansion,

hope of booty and a desire for lands more fertile than the arabian

desert were also strong motiVations; hence the goal was not the conversion
of other peoples to Islam but rather the subjection of other peoples to
Allah, his prophet .uhannad, and Luhafmad's forlowers, the Arabs. The
fact that nany people tho were so subjected were also converted to Islam
does not permit one to assume that conversion was the goal of the Arab
arnies. To clarify this matter, Arnold writes: "These stupendous
confluests which laid the foundations of the arab empire, were certainly
not the outcome of a holy war, waged for the propagation of Islam, but
they were followed by such a Vast defection frOn the Christian faith

a 2

that this result has often been su posed to have been their aim." So

it is clear that subjection, not conversion, was the goal sought by the
I‘llSlim 8.13.1188.

But such conversion did occur, so much so that Arnold can Call it

a vast defection. And if the ruslim armies did not effect this wholesale
conversion, it is necessary to ascertain what did. One factor was the
nature of the faith itself. The core of Islam is its unqualified
monotheisn: "There is no God but fillah." The Fuslin.must bear witness
that.Allah is the only God and luhamnad is His prophet, pray toward
Fecca five times daily, give alas to the poor, fast during the day

throughout the sacred month of Ramadan, and sobetine during his life

 

l'I'homas '21. Arnold, The Preaching 31; Islam: __~._ History 9_f_ the
Propagation of the luslim Faith, 2nd ed. ilehore, c. 1930;, p.5, n.l.
he cites Goldziher, Vbrlesun en uber den Islam (1910), p. 25, as follows:

 

 

 

 

Was huhammad zunachst in seinem arabischen Unkreise getan, das hinter-
laest er als Testament fur die Zukunft seiner Gemeinde: Behanpfung

der Unglaubizen, die Ausbreitung nicht so sehr des Glaubens als seiner
machtsohare, die die Fachtsphare Allahs ist. Es ist dabei den I mpfern
des Islams zunachst nicht so sehr um Bekehrung als um Unterwerfung der
Unglaubigen zu tun.

2Arnold, p. 46.

make a pilgrimage to Tecca. This was a far simpler system of
observances than that of Christianity, and made conversion very easy.
One needed only to confess that Allah is God, and he was a luslim.

The guranic regulations for business, social and family life were
quite similar to those of Judaism and Christianity; thus a new convert
needed to make few changes in his life. Furthermore Islam.clained to
be the latest and.most authentic revelation of the God of Christianity
and Judaism, and hence both appealed to and made room.for followers

of those faiths.

Another factor contributing to conversion to Islam was the
missionary nature of the Yuslim faith, which is indicated in such
passages of the 33332.85 this: "Say to those who have been given the
Book and to the ignorant, Do you accept Islam? Then, if they accept
Islam, are they guided aright: but if they turn away, then thy duty

3

is only preaching; and God's eye is on his servants." Islam had no
special group of religious professionals to do missionary work;

instead each Nuslim was to be a missionary. The missionary obligation
was formalized in the doctrine of £3229) which literally means "the
using, or exerting, one's utmost power, efforts, endeavour, or ability,
in contending with an object of disapprobation."4 Later huslhm

thinkers deveIOped the idea that the sword might be a means of exerting

one's utmost power against unbelievers and in the Spreading of the

 

3Arnold, p. 4, citing the guran, sura 3, verse 19. On pp. 3-6
he cites several Quranic passages regarding the Muslim.missionary
obligation and the necessity of performing this obligation peacefully.

4
Arnold, p. 441. In an appendix, pp. 440-46, he analyzes the
use of the verb jahada (from.which jihad comes) in the guran, citing
numerous Quranic passages as illustrations.

faith. Certainly there were coerced conversions to Islam, but these
were exceptions; most conversions to Islam were peaceful. And as the
ultimate objective of Islam was the conversion of all people, the
exertion of Nuslins in missionary efforts was a permanent policy.5
Conversion to Islam was also facilitated by the nature of Kuslim
rule. Religion was the structural principle of Islamic society; and
the QEEEE_Was the basis not only of the Islamic faith, but also of
the civil and social regulations of the country. Consequently,
non-ruslims or dhinnis were second-class citizens. huslim rulers
usually treated dhinnis tolerantly, because Muha.mad had comManded
that respect be shown to-"people of the Book," that is, people who
had a written Scripture. Hitti, describing conditions under rusiim
rule, says that "Christian communities were left unnolested in the
exercise of their faith and under their own ecclesiastical laws and
native judges."l7 For the privilege of keeping their own religion,
and for the benefits of the protection given by ruslim arLics, the
dhimmis paid a Special tax, the jizyah.8 The dhimmi's faith, says
Pirenne, "...was not attacked; it was simply ignored; and this was
the most effective.neans of detaching him from it and leading him.to
.illah, who would not only restore his human dignity, but would open
to him the gates of the husulnan State. It was because his religion

compelled the conscientious husulhan to treat the infidel as a subject

 

 

(Baltimore, 1955), p. 34.

.n. r 3a A i i 3'1; 0 o 1 ' es '
G ” von (“runel uh, "The he 11 inbs of Culture Co:scnousne s in
Islam," American Anthropoloaist, IUII (April, 1955), 59; Yhadduri, p. 63.

 

7 I v I O - I O 0
Philip‘?. flitti, Tistory of the Arabs from the Earliest Times
tg_the Present, bth ed. {Iondon, 1956), p. 510.

8

 

 

Arnold, pp. 59-60.

 

 

 

 

that the infidel care to hin, and in coming to him.broke with his
country and his people."9
The advancing Tuslim.arnies deprived the Vest of nuch Christian
territory and for a time in the eighth century threatened to overrun
both Testern Curope and the Byzantine Empire. Fewever, deteruined
Christian resistance at ConstontinOple and in France coupled with
rivalries anong the Tuslin leaders checked the Islewic expansion, so

"‘

that after 750 the only significant ruslim military activity in Western
Europe was, apart frow sporadic coastal raids, the concuest of Sicily
in the late ninth century.

Tith its borders sonenhat stabilized, Testerr nirope turned its
,iss toward the solution of the problens posed by the Tusliw
advance. In the political 8 here, the solution was the establishment
of the holy 20¢“n Enpire, which united inch of Europe under one tenporal
ruler. In the reli ions sphere the tenth century Cluniac reforn
stimulated Christian faith and devotion and produced religious leaders
such as Pepe Gregory VII, who led the Ronan Church to new heights of
power, both in Spiritual and tenporal affairs.

As Western Europe revived, the desire to win back the luslin—con—
trolled lands and to re—establish commerce with the Orient grew stronger.lg
Leadership was assumed by the Italian city—states, expecially Genoa and

Pisa who succeeded in clearing the seas around Italy of Fuslins and

recaptured Sardinia. The Italian cities, however, did not establish

 

9Henri Pirenne, Yohammed and Charlema“ne, tr. Bernard Yiall,
10th ed. (london, 1954), p. 152.

10

 

Pirenne, p. 166.

any significant relationship with the Luslims. Inch more significant
was the horman conquest of Sicily in the eleventh century. The invading
Normans were not religiously motivated, and were so few in number that
religious toleration was their only feasible policy.ll Thus the
conditions of surrender were that the Kuslims would keep full and equal
rights and liberties.12 Such was usually the case, although Ibn Jubayr,
who traveled to Sicily in 1184, found that many of King William's
retinue had to practice their Muslim religion in secret for fear of
royal reprisals, that the king sometimes used force to make sheiks
renounce their faith, and that Kuslims were prohibited from holding
their Friday religious services which included prayer for the huslim
ruler. However Broadhurst says that N...conversion to Christianity
was not encouraged, and indeed the Arab troops which composed so
large a part of the Sicilian infantry were deemed to be more trust-
worthy when unconverted."13 There was little interference with
Muslims in the practice of their religion, thus Christians could
learn more about huslims and Islam.

Interaction between Christians and Huslims reached its height
in the early thirteenth century with the accession of Frederick II

to the Sicilian throne. He welcomed Greek, Jew, and Arab into his

 

1
Charles H. Hashins, The Normans in_EUropean History (Boston
and New Ybrk, 1915), p. 225.

1
2Robert Briffault, The Making 2£_Humanity, 2nd ed. (Tendon, 1928),

pp. 211-12.

1
3The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, tr. R.J.C. Broadhurst (Iondon, 1952),

pp. 339. 348. 385. if." 156.

 

 

 

Christian kingdom.and heartily encouraged intellectual activity.
One form of this intellectual activity was disinterested research
into matters of religious faith, conducted primarily by luslim

14
thinkers who were outside the nain strean of Islam. Tany Western
Europeans felt that Frederick, although noninally a Christian, was
actually indifferent to all religions rather than being tolerant of
the non-Christian faiths. The intellectual activity during Frederick's
reign contributed to better understanding of Islam by Christians, and
also to a more tolerant Christian attitude toward lhslims. But this
tolerant attitude developed very slowly, as is indicated by the fact
that Frederick found it necessary to command that no Christian prevent
his huslim slaves from.being baptised.15 Apparently Christians were
more concerned with the economic advantages of huslim slaves than with
the o portunity of converting such slaves to Christianity.

The Crusades made the Holy land another area of Christian—huslim
contact. From the beginning the crusading.movenent represented an
attempt to unite Western Europeans under a religious banner for a
military assault on the huslims. In his initial appeal at Clermont

in 1095, Pope Urban II asked the nobles to cease fighting other

 

14
Emile Gebhart, Iystics and Heretics in Italy at the End of the

Fiddle Ages, tr. Edward I. Hulme (Iondon, 1922), pp.—lh7:_152:._hbw_-'
far outside the uain stream of Islam such fuelim thinkers sometimes
went is indiCated by the fact that Ibn Tofail, one of Frederick's
Puslim favorites and a teacher of Averroes, professed complete
indifference in religious matters.

15,, , .,,. 1 - ,.1 a

serthold altaner, Pie :OHJnJuanerrisSiOnen des 13 Janrnunderts

(Iabelschwerdt, 1924), pp. 113-14. -—-

 

 

 

 

1

.,..6 .
Christians and to join tonether to fight the Luslins. In so d01ng
he shifted the ground of a favorite eleventh century discussion topic—-
vhether the use of arsed force was consonant pith Christianity-by

. - . . l -
wainst the Iuslins was Goc's will. 7 Urban heped

\—4

J

)—

affir..zin,g that war c

that the Christians 0; last and Test could unite in a great venture

to recapture the holy land, but the Byzantines exp cted the crusaders

. . . . 18.
to aid in recapturing former Byzantine lands in ZSia Linor. This

difference of purpose increased rather than lessened theinnsion
between the two areas, and finally led to the direction of a crusade
against Constantinople in 1204. Such hostility between the Christians
did not enhance Christianity in luslin eyes, nhile the behavior of the
Christians both in war and peace rendered the Christian-luslim contacts
alnost valueless.

as some of the crusaders stayed in Palestine to settle on land
vhich had been wrasted from the Euslias, there developed colonies of
Testern Europeans loosely grouped into the County of Edessa, the
Principality of Antioch, the County of Tripoli and the Kingdom of
Jerusalen. These settlers, never many, had some prortunities to
know and be known by the luslins, indeed the ne survival of the

westerners often depended on peaceful relationships with the Iuslim

 

16
For a listing of the various appeals used by Urban, see Dana

C. Kunro, "The Speech of Pope Urban II at Clermont, 1095," american
Historical Review, XI (1906), 231-42. For various eyewitness accounts
of the Speech itself, see August C. Krey, The First Crusade: the
Accounts 22_Eyenitnesses and Tarticipants (Princeton, 1921), pit—24-43.

 

 

17Palmer 1. ThrOOp, Criticism of the CruSade: a Study of Public
Opinion and Crusade Propaganda Amsterdam, 1940), pp: 27-2 .__-
187w ' n4. ~ ' ° - - 1. r- '
“illiam B. atevenson, ”The First Crusade," 1n Canbrio'e sedieval
History, eds. J'.R. Taiuier, 0.1.. I—‘revite-Orton, 3.111. Broolze.”(75m.coridje?,'
Eng., 1926), V, 270-71.

 

 

 

 

natives. The Frankish lords held some natives in serfdom, and had
little contact vith then, but a parently treated these se fs well,

for Ibn Jubayr was very upset by the fact that the natives under
Islandc rule wanted to be under Trankish rule, as taxes were lower

and general treatment better.l9 TOwever the Christian lords denied
baptism to their Saracen slaves, a practice which distre sed Jacuues

de Vitry, who felt that rany of these slaves would come to Christianity
. , 20

if they were not prevented by their masters. In the towns, the
Franks were always in the minority, and in tine and through intermarriage
became nearly indistinguishable from the natives, often adopting the
luxuries, manners and dress of the East. adventurers and criminals
often became bandits, and thus unpalatable to Christian and Fuslim
alike, while the merchants were generally interested in profit rather
than propagation of the faith.

In general, therefore, Europeans who renained in the Hely land
tended to accept and accommodate to the local culture. Thus the
Arab-Syrian Usamah remarks in his remoirs that "Everyone who is a
fresh immigrant from the Frankish lands is ruder in character than
those who have become acclimatized and have held long association
with the Tbslems." And'Usamah could Speak from experience, for he
relates in another place how a newly arrived Frank pushed him around
when he was praying toward Necca. He also witnessed the breaking of

safe-conduct pledges by Frankish rulers, as well as receiving kind

 

19
Travels, pp. 316-17.

20 "
JaCQues de Vitry, Epistola, 1217, ed. R. Rohricht, Zeitschrift
ffir Kirchengeschichte, XIV 21594), 111-12.

21Charles Lethbridge Kingsford, "The Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1099-1291,"

in Cambridge Tedieval Fistory, V, 312.

 

 

 

10

treatment from then. Another Frank, he recalls, showed a Fuslim a
picture of rary and the baby Jesus, and said "'This is God as a child.'"
The effect upon one who did not believe in the InCarnation and whose
religion prohibited any pictorial representation of God can well be
imagined.22 But some Franks, who were willing to learn from the TUslims,
gained not only new knowledge of such things as medicine and the arts
but also new respect for the Iuslins. Indeed some became so enamored

of Islam that they were converted to it. Fany others became so tolerant
or indifferent that they did not seek to convert Tuslims, but became
satisfied with a peaceful coexistence. There were, of course, some
conversions from Islam to Christianity, but the local Chrisman leaders
doubted whether such conversions were genuine.23 latthew Paris tells

of some Saracens who had become converted by witnessing Iouis IX's

great patience and strong faith while a captive of the Saracens, by
thinking about his coming to them from his love of 10d, and by being
instructed in the Christian teachings by friars in the Holy land.24
Unfortunately few crusaders were like St. Louis, and Iatourette is
correct in saying that "...the Crusades probably accentuated the bitter-
ness between loslems and Christians and led the former Lore than ever

2
to identify Christianity with military and inperialistic ambitions."

 

22
in lrab-fiyrian Gentleman 31d Yarrior in the Period of the

Crusa es: lenoirs o? Yearah Ibn-Tungidh, tr. Philip T. Eitti (Lew vork,

1929), pp. 60—61, 9E9C150, 153-64.
23

Fans C. lunro, The Kingdom of the Crusaders (Jew York, 1935),
pp. 119-26, 191.

24T‘atthew Paris, English "istory, tr. 1.1. Giles (Iondon, 1852),

III, 63- 64 0
Kenneth S. Latourette, J Vistory of the Tnparsion of Christianity

25
(Yew Vbrk and Iondon, 1938), II, 318.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

.1.

Vut the Logo prolonged and homes the Lost significant cont at

between Christians and Fuslius occurred in dpain, :hich th Enslins

~T

had entered in 711. mere nany Christians lived under Euslim.control
ard beCage desirous of overthrowinj that control at the first
opportunity. The Christian reconauost, like the ofiginal Tuslim
invasion, was for politiCal control rather than reli ious conversion.
Vader luslin control, naLy Christians became Tusli s, and there was

much inter arriape between persons of the two faiths, for, as

iltflhlra says, “...in those days neither Side showed any acute

O a a O 26 -u
feeling of religious intolerance." It nay indeed be the case that

the tolerance later shown by the Christians was derived from their
expe-iences with Tuslim tolerance; at least Thompson and Johnson are
of this Opinion, for they hold that ”the civilization of Islam in
Spain profoundly affected the life of the small Christian states to

V

we fiyrenees, and fosters

:97

the south of t in them the attitude of reli-
gious tolerance.
Certainly the Christian reconJuest of Spain vas narked by religious

2 _ .
toleration. )8 cities were recapturoc, the local Tuslims mere usually

allowed to rennin in them and enjoy their own religion, laws and

1

prOperty under the rule of their own local magistrates. Sometiues

Tuslius were segregated into separate quarters in the cities, or a

 

/
O
Rafael lltanira, 1'"istory of Spanish Civilization, tr. P.
" """‘"—.‘H‘"""“_
Velker new York, 1930), pp. 49-54.

27
James Testfall Thompson and Sugar Vathanbl Johnson, in Intro-
duction to Val furore (Yew YOrK, 1937), p. 183.

’1'.- —-.c-¢ _

 

 

 

Q
2UBr1ffau1t, p. 2J7.

30
1 c 0 1 , V/ f‘., IV‘._ . ..
Small town LOUIQ he jiven entirely to tfieu. k1 course ' oniniCans

and FrancisCans were e powered to enter all places where Jews and
Toors dwelt, to &SSBWC18 tLeu to listen to sernons, thlu the royal

officials here directed to compel the attendance of those who would
50

not co 6." and nonasteries were founded in reconouered territories
31

to aid in conversion.
Religious tolerance toward Fuelins and Jews was also eXpressed
in Spanish Christian laws and literature. Tor exaople, Ting glfonso K
(1252—32) wrote into his laws his desir that ”by good words and
appropriate preaching should the Christians see: to convert the loors
and asks them believe our faith . . . , not by force or through rewards
Voran: 'let there be no compulsion in relizion.fl , for if it were the
will of our Tord to lead them to it and to Lake them believe it by
force, he would regard the; if wished to [Voranz 'But if the lord
had {leased, verily all who are in the earth would heVe believed
together.{); but Te is not rewarded by the service that hen do out of
32

q
‘

fear, out by that'uhjch is done freely and without any recompense."

Castro inserts the guranic sentences in this passage to snow the
sinilarity between ”lionso's ideas and Zuranic teaching. Alfonso

further claimed that the hard life of the tornadizos (Spanish luslins

 

who beCame Christians) discouraged other Tuslius from becoming Christians.

 

2 o - o 1 IN I T" 0
9Roger B. herrinan, The Rise of tne spanish lupire in he Old
World and the flew (Eew York, 1918), I, 197-93.

w

 

 

Henry Charles Lea,_gjfistory of the Inauisition in Spain (Hew
Ybrk, 1906), I, 63.

 

l
Latourette, II, 314.

32
Americo Castro, The Structure o£_Spanish EiStory, tr. E mund L.
'King (Princeton, 1954), p. 223, cited from Alfonso's Ias siete partidas,
Vii, 25’ II.

 

 

 

13

For example, owners would not free Tuslim slaves who became baptized,
although the Church insisted that they do so.33 Inny would have
become Christians, glfonso felt, "if it were not for the abuse and
dishonor that they see the others receive who turn Christian and are

34
called turncoats and many other evil and insulting nanes." In a
further effort to aid missionary work, Alfonso translated the sacred
books of Fuslins and Jews into Castilian to show to the non-Christians
their errors. At alnost the same tine, llfonso's nephew, Don Juan
Kennel, was writing "there is war between the Christians and the Peors,

and there will be, until the Christians have got back the lands which

the Meors took from them by force; for neither because 2£_the law nor

 

 

because 2£_the sect that they hold to, would there be war between them;

 

for Jesus Christ never connanded us to kill or to reward people in
order that they should embrace his law; for he has no desire for forced
service but only for that which is done readily and freely."35 This
passage indicates that the Spanish Reconquest was considered a mere
political Operation with almost no religious overtones, and the Huslim
was a political rival to be conquered rather than a religious enemy to
be exterminated.36 So, Addison states, "peaceful persuasion was the

order of the day, and for a brief period it intervened between the

indifference of the past and the cruel bigotry of a later age."37

 

331488., I ’ 57-58 a

34Castro, p. 89, from Ias siete partidas, vii, 25, III.

 

5Castro, p. 221, from Don Juan Kanuel, Iibro ge_los Tstados, p. 294.

 

36
08813100, I). 2250

37James T. Addison, The Christian Approach to the Tbslem (New Yerk,
1942), p. 54.

 

 

14

But the papacy and the Church in general voiced disapproval of
the Spanish policy of religious toleration. Thus after the battle
of Ias IaVas de Tolosa in 1212, 70,000 persons offered money to
flfonso IX if he would let them become his vaSSals while keeping
their luslim faith. however the two archbishops with Alfonso would
not perwit him to accept the offer, so the 70,000 were massacred.
The Lateran Council of 1216 c0ananded that Tuslims in Spain be made
to wear a distinctive garrent or badge, but both Gregory IX in 1233
and Innocent IV in 1250 found that this was not being done. In 1266
Clement IV ordered James I of aragon, who WfS tolerant toward Tuslims
under his rule and maintained friendly relations with Tuslim rulers
of other lands, to expel all his luslim vassals from his dominions.
And in 127o Iicholas III scolded Alfonso I for entering into truces
with luslim princes.36 Finally, with the general Council of Vienna
in 1311—12 and the Spanish Council of Valladolid in 1322, the Church
succeeded in developing intolerance among its Sparlsh members. Lea
harshly criticizes the Church for fostering intolerance rather than
tolerance, as the latter policy would, in his opinion, have iacilitated
the conversion of many Spanish Yuslims to Christianity.39

In Spain, Iuslim culture reached its heiUht and transuitted nuch
knowledge to the Test. Esyecially important in this transuission was
a shifting population of Yozarabes (literally, "would-be grabs," from

the fact that they spoke hrabic as well as their own langzage) who

 

38

E. fillison Ie rs, Ramon Lull: a fiioqranhy (Iondon, 1929), p. 24L

 

39

lea, I, 57-73.

15

passed continually from Andalusia to Catalonia and Languedoc. Ibreover,
Fuelius had dwelt in Provence for almost two hundred years then it was
united to the Spanish harch by the narriage of Count Raymond Serengar
40

of Barcelona to Douce of Provence. Thus southern France as well as
Spain benefited frou.fluslim culture. Bennett says "...the Provencal
civilisation thoupht less in terms of force and.uore in terms of the

. _ ‘ . 41
mind than any other contemporary 8001ety.“ POSSibly it was the
Euslin influence nhich led Provencal thought away from force.

Through the numerous contacts with Tuslims in Sicily, the Holy
Land, Spain,and $rovence, Testern Europe slowly gained a more accurate
Knowledge of the huslins and their religion. Even at the tine of the

42

First Crusade, the Vest hnaw little about Islaa. This ignorance

was exploited throubh ;ropa;anda, such as the Emistola Spuria of the

 

Byzantine 3nperor ilexius I and eXpanded accounts o; reported Luslim
atrocities, with the gOal of inciting more people to join the crusading
forces. It was variously reported that the Tuslins revered Nuhannad
as a god, that they worshiped idols, that they treated Christians with
horrible cruelty, and that they were very immoral.

The increased contact with ruslims.in the geriod of the crusades
wrought a change in‘fiestern Europe's prOpaganda against Islam. Emphasis

was placed upon errors in the Islamic faith rather than upon Inelim

behavior. Thus Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny, traveled through

 

O
Briffault, p. 209; Castro, p. 321.
41 — ~—1 -. I I I '7
R.F. Bennett, The narly loninicans (Cambridge, Eng., 1937), p. 16.
42
Dana C. Iunro, "The Western Attitude toward Islam during the
Period of the Crusades," Speculum, VI (1931), 329-43. These three
paragraphs on the changing‘Jestern attitude are based on Tunro's article.

 

16

Spain in 1141 and was so impressed by the Saracens that he sought to
discover what the Quran taught so that its teaching might be refuted.
For this purpose he translated the )uran, and produced a life of
Inhanmad and a dialoque concerning the main points of the Yuslim
religion. Fis translation of the juran, although.sonewhat inaccurate,
was the only one in the Test until the end of the seventeenth century.

Oliver the Scholastic wrote in his Historia “amiatina about 1220 that

 

since the luslins denied Christ's passion and death, the unity of His
divine and human natures, and the Trinity, they should be called heretics
rather than infidels and be dealt with accordingly. Jvaues de Vitry,
writing from the Eoly land in 1221, gave an account of the Tuslim
Opinions of the Virgin Kary and John the Baptist.

As missionaries became active among the fluslins, they made more
accurate information about Islam available; such writers as Humbert
of Romans, William of Tripoli, Burchard of Yount Zion and Ricoldus
gave Valuable accounts of luslim practice. Increased knowledge of
Islam stimulated the production of polenics against the huslim.faith.
Both polemicists and nissionary writers emphasized the similarities
as well as the differences of the rival faiths, and inplied that the
conversion of Yuslins to Christianity was quite possible. however
belief in the possibility of converting the Fuelins was definitely a
minority Opinion, even during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

While a better finowled e of Islam was Spreading, dissatisfaction
with the crusades as a means of dealinj vith the luslins w 8 growing,
because of the failure of the cruSades to achieve any sicnifiCant

victory against the huslins in the East, the success of Frederick II's

l7

diplomatic approach to the Egyptian sultan in 1229, and the increasing
preoccupation with domestic social and political concerns.43 At the
same time, the disparity between the apostolic tradition and current
church practice was becoming evident. Throop holds that "the decay

of the crusades is inseparably bound up with this revision of
Christian values which brought a new monasticism, a new peace movement,
and a new ardor for the Spread of Christianity."44 This "new ardor"
was further stimulated by a greater tolerance of and increased reSpect
for the Muslims and their faith. However other Christians hindered
missionary efforts by refusing baptism to luslim slaves and serfs,

as Frederick II's edict and Jacques de Vitry's letter make clear; by
treating ruslim converts to Christianity unkindly, as “lfonso notes;
and by behaving in such a nanner that huslims soon lost all reSpect
for the Christians and their religion, as happened especially in the
Holy Land. Those who favored peaceful missionary activity were a
minority, but fortunately had the excellent leadership of two of the
most significant.nen of the later Kiddle Ages: St. Francis and St.
Dominic. The contribution these two men made to peaceful missions

in the later Fiddle Ages is enanined in the next chapter.

 

43

3.3. Passant, "The Effects of the Crusades upon fiestern Europe,"
in Cambridge ledieval history, V, 323.

 

4‘llr'hroop, p. 238.

18

C nITYR II

T7" ‘T'fiT 3 —'--' J'R‘ 7" T" "~“ W‘m T "7“?" VA? “v7.3"
,3: .. V.:. J A - IV; .1.; *U .1) null) ‘3 -. C - T 0771'. 4.5M.)

The thirteenth century renewal of peacefu1.missionary effort
was inau;urated by two men: St. Tominic and St. Francis. POminic
was born to a noble Castilian family in 1170, and entered the service
of the Church at an early age. In 1205 he went to southern France
in the service of his bishop, Fiego of Gene, who was so interested
in missionary work that he once sought, unsuccessfully, to relinquish

l .
his bishOpric to go as a missionary to the Cumans. Piego's
nissionary zeal probably influenced young Doninic to some extent.

In southern France Dominic discovered that both clergy and
laity were extremely ignorant of their Christian faith while the
heretiCal Cathari could discuss religious issues clearly and
conpetently. Distressed by his discovery, Dominic decided to
emphasize theologiCal eduCation which would enable Christians to
refute and possibly convert the heretics. Dominic and his followers
practiced a vital prayer life and a strict asceticism in conjunction
with their studies, thus oyposi g the Cathari with superior lives
as well as superior arfiuments.2

.At the time of the Fourth Lateran Council, Pominic went to Rome
to subordinate his band of followers to the Church, and while there
experienced at St Peter's Cathedral a vision which led him to form

a universal preaching order from his small group of followers.

 

lBennett, pp. 36, 108.

23ennett, Up. 13—14, 24. See also Bede Jarrett, Life 33:31.
Dominic (Westminster, 111., 1947), pp. 31-32, 44—45.

19

Dominic wanted to spread the faith not only among the heretics in
southern France but also among Fuslims and heathens in distant lands.
Indeed he himself grew a beard in the hope of visiting the Tartars,
but died in 1221 before he could make the journey.

Francis was born in 1182 to a successful merchant family of
Assisi, and spent his youthful days in revelry and relative unconcern
for religion. But he became dissatisfied with this type of life, and
also became convinced that God wanted him to live as Jesus Christ had
lived-in poverty, preaching the GOSpel, and ministering to the poor
and sick. Impressed by the response of his hearers to the GOSpel,
Francis came to believe that Fuslims would also be easily converted
upon hearing the simple COSpel. In this faith he embarked for Syria
in 1212, but a shipwreck halted him. Again in 1214—15 he sought to
Eb abroad, this tire to Torocco, but became ill and stopped in Spain.
The failure of this second missionary journey was a severe trial to
Francis, who wondered if God really wanted him_and his followers to
devote themselves to missionary avtivities. he consulted his good
friends, St. Clara and Brother Sylvester, about this and they said,
"The Lord wills that you go forth and preach."4 SO in 1219, Francis
and twelve of his friends tent with the cruSaders to Egypt, where
Francis obtained an Opportunity to preach to the sultan. The sultan

was impressed by Franc1s' zeal and devotion, but was not persuaded to

 

3Altaner, p. 3; Bennett, p. 108.

Raphael l. fiuber, A Jocunented History of the Franciscan Order:
1182-1517 (Tilwaukee, 1944), p. 25.

 

 

20

embrace Christianity even thou h Francis offered to walk through
fire to demonstrate the power of God.5 :lthou h Francis' preaching
effort was unsuccessful, he did obtain permission to preach in the
sultan's lands and, after a pil'rina,e to Jerusalem, spent a year in
Syria before returning to Italy in 1221.

Francis definitely intended his followers to be missionaries,
and wanted then to be concerned prinarily with the salvation of

others. Therefore he broke 11th the stabilit tas loci, the continuous

 

living in one place, practiced by former monastic orders. His ideas
were not new; both the Frenonstratensians and the Cis tercians had been
doing missionary Kerk in the preceding century. But Francis was now
going beyond these orders by urginé a univerSal dis senilation of the
Gospel. mherefore e nplicit instructions for :ixsionary work were

given in he First Rule of the FranciSCan order:

 

Section 13. Of Those Tho Go .mong the Saracens 11d Cther Infi dels

fiherefore, 1ioever of the brothers may wish, by divine inSpi-
ration, to go a Oh; the Saracens and other infidvls, let them
go vith the per 5.181011 of their 1._inister and :erv 11.11113. Tfiut let
the Linister ‘Jl e them leave ard not refuse them, if he sees
they are fit to be sent; he till he held to renter an account
to tLe 20rd if in this Buy or in other thin,s he acis indiscreetly.
The brothers, he ever, nho go .ay conuuct themselves in two ways
spiritual y a on; them. (ne way is not to hale disputes or
contentions s; but let then be 'subject to story hunan creature
for God's sa:e,' (I Feter 2:13) yet 0 nfessin; tion selves to be
Christian. The other way is that when tr ey see it is }Hle sinr
to flod, they announce the "'rd of God, that they nay believe in
11mimhty Tod . . . aid t1 at they should be baptized and be made
Christians, because, 'unless a man be born again of water and
the holy Enos , he Cannot enter into the ninrdon of 70d.’ (Jonn 3:5)

 

5
Paul Sabatier, 'e of St. Fiancis of Assisi, tr. Iouise 3.

if
noughton (Lew York, 1694), p. 171.
6- . . .
Suber, p. 616. Fited fron First Rule (Re 11a rcn Fullata) of
the Friars Tinor, tr. Paschal Robinson in The Triti: s of it. Francis
Yihiladelphia, 1905),

 

 

 

 

fi1ancis clearly uclieved that the.mere proclamation of the Gosyel
would cause Euslias and other infidels to embrace Christianity; no
intellectual explanation or theological dispute ion mauld be necessary.
Dominic, however, wanted Christians to be able to present the faith
intelligently, and therefore stressed learning. Indeed, the Dominicans
replaced manual labor with intellectual work as one of the essential
duties of the religious life.

fter his return from the East until his death in 1226, Francis
faced two main problems cancerning his order. The first of these
problems involved the relationship of the ?ranciscan order to the
Church. ?rancis wanted his followers to be a Spirit-led body respon-
sible to God for their actions, while the pope wanted the order to
be an official church organisation subject to papal control. fiith
many misrivinws, Francis submitted to the pope. This submission
Opened the way for the second problem: how closely should the order
follow Francis' teachin s? Even during Francis' lifetime some of
his followers sought to modify his strict rules nith regard to
poverty and other forms of conduct. Soon after his death the order
split over this question of how to follow the founder's t‘achings.
One group, the Conventuals, wanted to interpret and modify Francis'
instructions; the other group, the Spirituals or Observants, wanted
to observe to the letter what Francis had taunht.8 The Spirituals
retained more of Francis' missionary zeal than did the Conventuals,

partly because of their closer adherence to Francis! teachings and

 

A.G. Little, "The Yendicant Orders," in Cambridge Tedieval

 

BUber, p. 228.

22

partly because of their eSpousal of mysticism.9 Thirteenth century
mysticism blended religious illumination with reforming energy and
emphasized that love between God and man should be productive of good
works. AS the Spirituals enthusiastically sought to realize Francis'
twofold ideal of adoration toward God and missionary activity toward
men, they found the mystical emphasis helpful. A Special favorite of
the Spirituals was the mystic Joachim of Flore, who had written at the
turn of the century predicting the comine of a new age of the Ubly
Spirit, in which the clergy would be religious, the GOSpel would be
sriritually understood, and a new monastic order would convert the
world.10 Yell might the Spirituals think these words in Joachim's
Concordia were heant for them: "One day the preachers will go to the
infidels to bear them the good tidings, and these new converts will
serve as a defence to the apostles against the wicked Christians of
the old community."11 It was imperative that preaching and missionary
work be done immediately, for according to Joachim the year 1260

would usher in the new age. Furthermore, Joachim considered crusades
against the divine will, and his followers "constituted a body of men
within the Church Opposed to the crusades on religious grounds."

Thus Joachim's teachings stimulated the missionary inclinations of the

 

9Iemmens reports that Raymond Caufredi, a fourteenth century
Franciscan.Faster-General, sent the leaders of the Spirituals into
the Orient because he wanted to use their zeal in the mission work
there. Leonhard lennens, Ceschichte der Fransiskanernissionen
(Ifinster in Yestfalen, 19297, p. 83.

 

0
Evelyn Vaderhill, Jacopone d2_dei, Poet and lystic, 1228—1306:
Cpiritual Biography (london and Toronto, 1919), p. 169, n. l.

s
-

 

I1
‘ ‘,

l
lGebhart, p. 188.

1
2Throop, p. 174.

23

Spirituals both by stressing the Spreading of the GOSpel and by

O

Oppos s1n gthe crus des. however Joachim's influence upon the Sp1irituals
was disastrously dim.in shed by the fact that 1260 brou ht no new age.

The test of theories and ideas is the effective practice of them.

i brief look at the various nissionqry efforts toward the Tuslims in
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries will provide sore knowledce
of how effective the ideas and theories offi Wane cis and T‘oninic were.

In 1217 or 1213 the ?rancisccns organized the province of intiochae
or Ultrtzaris, which included the three custodies of Syria, Cyprus, and
Runaria. Benedict of hrezso, the third provincial general of gntiochae,
introduced the Francisc:n orde r into C1nsta1tinople and be an the

13

Vicariate of the Orient in 1221. Bone Porinicans Caie to the holy

14
land in 1225, and in 1223 it was made an independent Poninican province.

In 1255 :urbert of 20.31 1s, then Faster—General of the Eoninican order,

0 7 .‘

reguesued volunteer hissionaries for the Holy 1nd, Greece and other
non-Christian lands. Early in 1256 he reported thzt Vany had reSponded
to his plea, but later in the sane year his enc “Ii a1 describing the

Tominican missionary success in various countries said nothing of

15

conversions of Tusli s in the Toly Iend. 1277 the FranciSCans
had convents at Tripoli, Acre, Tyre a11d Sidon, while the “oniricans
/

0
had convents in Tripoli, Acre and Yicosia. Uith the all of , Wipoli

 

l3

hubs pp. 706, 714-15, 750-62.Vic1riates aerc forxed vhere
provinces could :ot re erected bec use of the imjsr-nnent nature of the
LlSSlODS or the lac: of su‘ficient conv ents for prolercanoniCal or anisation.

14-11.13.11161‘, PI‘ 0 20-21.

F
2 . i -
Throop, p. lea.
16,, .
H'EOHLu r
V..‘ec‘t.4.u...el-, 192

.‘

 

0'
~ ‘ ‘~ T . Arfi‘ . "\r" . 1 "I' . '. . ‘1 -- .1. . -. ' - - ‘ u ' “ —.
5.8 13:31.6, 13 ‘.-i‘._7.'-.-'11£1..111-LI‘ 112. 51. -. 1.11:3 ( 111111 to]: 111
V

k
5) ,1, 21; «ltaner, p. :1.

24

. n - , . .— - - 1 ~ r. a
1n 12s9 and 1cre 1n 1291, all the houses except that at .1cos1a were
destroyed. mhe To inicans erected two here houses on Cyprus at
Ea1a,usta and Zihisso duriié lJQO, but it was not until 1355 that
hission work in the Loly land was revived under the yrotectien of
1-1, 1.3. .n .o , .. $7
(1118 11.1.1-3...) 111 $19,311:.

The Francisc1n Chapter of Zentecest in 1219 sent six brothers

0
. lu
to 1orocco, five of when mere martyred on Sanuary lo, 1220. In

Sune, 1225, Pope Tonerius III a4poihted tho Toninicans to 50 to Iorocco,
and results 3 re so BLCOUEQ61L5 that fibnorius sent here nissionaries
in October of the Same year, and named one of then bishop of Torocco.

Cn February 20, 1226, the pope enpouered lrchbishop Rodrigo of Toledo

to send approved Len of both orders to Torocco, and to consecrate two
19

of then as bishOps. Eut on October 10, 1227, seven FranciSCans were
20
martyred at Ceuta. In 1229, however, Ferdinand of Castile and Iamoun,

the king of Yorocco, signed a treaty which promised the latter the aid
of Castilian soldiers in return for permitting Christians to observe
their religion, build churches, and baptize Saracens in Torocco.
Tamoun's tolerant policy soon provoked a revolt a 'inst him, which
suggests that nary lorOCCans were yet very hostile to Christianity.

In 1255 lorocco became a province of the Franciscan order, but there

is almost no record of Iissionary activity there after that date.

 

718nmens, Franziskaner issionen, on. 61-65.

J.

 

18
Ibid., p. 11.
l9Altaner, pi. 98-100.

Ieonhard Ienmens, Die Heidennissionen des Spatmittelalters
(Lfinster in Uestfalen, 19197, p. 93.
21

lenmens, Franziskanerm_ssionen, pp. lO-ll.

 

25

Two Franciscans were sent by the 1219 Chapter of Pentecost to
Tunis, but the Christian merchants there quickly sent the missionaries
hone, fearing lat Christian propaganda would incite a hostile movement
against all Europeans in Tunis. However later Franciscans won a nephew
of the Tunisian prince to Christianity. The new convert wanted to be
baptized at Rome, but while passing hrough Sicily was captured by
Frederick 11 and prevented from.reaching Heme. In 1256 POpe Alexander
IV'gave the Spanish Dominican province control of the mission work in
Tunis. 1nd in 1270 Iouis 1K diverted his crusading expedition to
Tunis in the mistaken belief that the Tuslim prince of Tunis was about
to be baptized and might need protection from his Fuslim subjects.

The treaty which followed Louis' ill-fated eXpedition gave the priests
and monks the right to build houses and chapels, to preach and to
conduct religious services. However, these privileges could be exercised
only in the fondaci, the portions of the city reserved for Christian

22
merchants.

In Spain the Christian princes established the Church as the
reconquest progressed; so the orders emphasized language training to
prepare missionaries for the work of converting newly conquered Euslims
to Christianity. The leader of this emplasis on language schools was

V. .'
I

9 r1 ~ ' ' ' "
Rayhond of Penafort, 1aster-aenera1 of the E0m1n10ans from 1238—40

23

and reportedly c;nverter of more than 10,000 Luslins. gt his urging

 

221711133111833, pp. 99, lOG-ll.
23

ISMmGDS, fieidenhissionen, p. 95. Cited fro“ Tortier, Histoire
des Taitres Généraux de l'Crdre des Freres Précheurs (Paris, 19055,
I, 320. '—

 

 

 

26

the Toninicans established a languape school at Toledo in 1250. In

the same year the? ~ mv1ncial Ch apter of Toulouse chOL e eiult fri irs

04
l.
to learn Arabic for the purpose of erving in the hiss ion field.

King Alfonso IV established z-notrer lanrua e school at 5evil e in

1254, and the ‘QLILJ CLLS forL a third school at BdTCGlOJa in 1259.
In 1257 the meLLers of the Provi; cial Chapter of Sara 30883 were

. ..25 .
required to study xrabic. In 1276 a college of hisS1onary studies,

including Ian ua e, culture, geo;raphy, and theolo;y, WLS established
26
on Fajorca by James II of flrajon. Yet another 1an:;ua a5ze school has
27 ,
started at.£ativa in 1291. The effect these schools had upon
nissionary work is uniortunately unrecorded.
In Iibya, the Franciscan Ccnrad Lscoli reportedly won Lore than

6400 persons to CM isti ' Lity tlrou h Fre.C"11‘1j and Liracles. Cohe

Lissionaries worked 0103; the Lcrchants in the fort]; ci of the Egyptian

 

port cities, nut hen these missionaries ventured to preach Christ to
28
he luslixs they yer; insulted and so.eti.es sthed.

Tron this brief historiCal sketch, it is clear that Luch of the

hissionary nor: was orpanized fro;+ e top COLL, and bore little

 

Bennett, p. 60.

2 n
Saltaner, pp. C9-94-

26 h
TTuber, pp. 77o-30.
"I
C.
”ltaner, p. 94.
28

Ie.mens, eli‘wil sioner, p. 101. The statexent about lscoli
is cited from Luke Ladaing, MmutleS Tiroruw, 1239, nuLber 27.

 

 

29

relation to gCtu&l c;1\ersiors. Lguin there were Juristi1rs Mk0
hindered tLe Licsic11ry efforts of othr Christ1118, 15, for exgmyle,
tLe Cgr'otiau ercl11 in finnis. Iuch atte1t101 M13 biven to
3reoarotio1 “or a: i;te3-1i .srt frese1tution of tLe faith in the

lflhdnge of the Tusli1s. fartyrdo s were n1enti:‘uu1,e33ecia11y

211111;; the Fra11cisc.t—<.;:s, but 0- aversions here few, e::ce_'vt in those

.L

i1etunces there c-111t11os held politic- 1 control throu;h treaty

30

or confluest.

 

O

/Ihe Pominican r”H‘ters-we1erc11 of 1325 and 1327 excegted the
Province of JeruS11eg 1rot the re::1ire; ent t11 t no house with less
tnan its 1u11 co 115; rt of friars could serd re3rese1tutives to the
provincial chapters, which su -es ts that houses in the TeruSulem
nrovince were frenuently under11nned. Geor*ina R. Galbraith, The
Constitution 01 t :e Po L'iCIH Order: 1216 to 3011 (Zanchester:—§h5.,
19257 3 p0 470——

3OLenoens considers that the Pominicdn stress u*on the intellect
led Toudnicens to wei h Carefully such problems as possible martyrdom,
while the Franciscan e ohasis upon love 113011ed Tranciscans toword
.nartyrdom as the gerfection 01 love. :eiden1_11ssionen, 33. 106-7.

 

 

 

CKQITER III
31.1117 IL’IIIJ II SI’Y' 21" TO T73 PIT-37173

The peaceful uissionury rovenent toward Islam focuses most sharply
in tne oerson of Qluon Lull, whose life covers more than half of the
one hundred fifty years with which this paper is concerned. Lu11 mas
born :etween 1231 and 1235 (1232, says Peers) and died either in late
1315 or early 1316. "is father aided Juwes I of Arogon in tke taking
of Tajorca from the Toors in 1230, and His rew;rded by a royal grant

.1

0.1.

H.

extensive lends on the sland. The elder Lull apparently alresdy
possessed considerible land in Barcelona and other szrts of Catalonia;

.0

thus the inf;nt Reno: was born to a prosperous isnily ssd bad a very

bright future. T's “grants arranged for his full reli ions and
secular education, and ugterently throngh his f ther's influence

Ramon obtained a position in the court of lanes I. For some time
he v=s the coypinion of Jones' two sons, and beenne tutor, seneschal,
and eventually majordo.o of the younyer one, lanes II. In the king's

service, Ramon traveled freluently, a;d thus ,_ined new erneriences

married, he continued to particinlte fully in the dissolute en
1

“rofligete life of a courtier.
?ut in 1263, slile co posing a vul er love song, he w’s confronted
by a vision of Christ upon the cross. IEis occurred four sore tires

0 W

before RHLOD decioed to ch3L;e connletely his life and put the

 

l

f—v‘. '~-' y""r A, T - ..~‘ ~ y. I 5 -~ . ‘\ h 1 -' - ~- 1"
JLis onuoter uh Hull is bused on s._lllison re.rs, finmou ulI:
. h-. i, 7.7.. "g.
a flujrgfnj (lenses, 1,39).

 

 

29

crucified Christ fore est in his existence. ?e describes the
experience in his 1”esconort in these words:

But Jesus Christ, of fis greet CIBLBL y,

”ive ti es unon tie Cro s appear‘d to re,

That I ri;ht think upon him lovingly,

1nd cause Iis Tune proclain'd ebroed to be

Through (ill tie world.“
.A few bOhthS liter, he bus in the church in Palms on the Feast of
st. Erancis, when e bishop was preschin, concerning the completeness
of Francis' surrenuer to God. is Renon listened, he became Convinced
tLet he too Lust renounce his earthly possessions end devote hinself
to the love of Cod and the conversion of the Surecens.

Ramon sew, houever, that hission work among the Saracens involved

SOhe forhideble yroblens. It would be necessary to present a carefully
reasoned Christian faith to the luslims, who hcd thOUth much about
religious questions. Toreover this presentation would have to be in
their len5Uege to be effective. So Ramon purchased a reorish slave
to help him learn Lrebic, and, using the library of the local
Pominican convent, spent the next nine years in studying philosophy,
theolo;y, natural science, and especially the Arabic language. We
probably also scent some time in diSputes about the faith with the

Jews and Saracens in Falma. But even nore imyortent, he began writing,

and his Book of Contemplation (written in Arabic er then translated

 

into Catalan), and the Rook of the 0 ntile end the Three "ise Ten

 

both Come fron this period.

 

Peers, p. 21. Cited from Lull's Desccnort, II.

30

at this ti e, Panon favored peaceful missions exclusively.

Ye wrote in the fiook of Contenplat on as follows:

I.)

 

lany knights do I see who 50 to the Holy Land thinking to
conquer it by force of arhs. But, then I look at the end
thereof, all of them are Spent uithout attaining that which
they desire. Therefore, it a pears to he, 0 Lord, that the
conguest of that sacred land Mill not be achieved . . . save
by love and prayer and the shedding of tears as well as blood.
. . . Let the knights beCOme religious, let them'be adorned
with the sign of the Cross and filled with the grace of the
Holy Spirit, and let them go Smong the infidels to preach
truth concerning Thy Passion.
Ramon felt that if Christians and Saracens were at peace, ". . . they
could dispute with each other peacefully concerning the faith, and
then it would b: possible for the Christians to direct and enlighten
the Saracens in the may of truth, through the grace of the Holy Spirit
and the true reasons that are signified in the perfection of Thy
I 4 O O
attributes." Chile recogni21ng that some infidels reject argument,
he affirms there are more who love arguments and proofs, so the
faithful should go to such for the purpose of "'diSputing with them
and bringing them to see the truth by long demonstrations continuously
. 5 J. .
made With true and necessary reasons . . . .'" To help the iaithful
in this endeavor, Lull uses nuch Space to describe the stunblinglflocks
which unbelievers find in Christianity: the doctrines of the Trinity,

Christ's deity, the Incarnation, and the Virgin Birth. He further

claims that "‘many Jews would become Christians if they had the

 

3Peers, pp. 30-31. Cited from.Libre de_Contenplacio, chapter 112.

 

4
Peers, p. 73. Cited from the Catalan text in Obres de Enmon Lull

 

(Comissio Editora Iulliana), (Palma, 1906 ff.), V, chapter—2C4, p. 317.

5Peers, p. 73. Cited from Obres, VII, chapter 278, p. 87.

31

wherewithal to live, and likewise many Saracens, if the Christihns

did them not dishonour.'" To organize this missionary work, Lull

recommends that the pope assign Cardinals to each province of infidels,

set aside yearly a sum of money to finance the missionary work of

6

these Cardinals, and provide for the teaching of lanfuages to missionaries.

host of Lull's chief thoughts concerning nigsions are in the Book

 

23 Contemplation, but he did not stop there. In the Fook a: the Gentile

 

 

and the Three Wise Ten, a Christian, a Fuslim, and a Jew expound the

 

contents of their re3pective faiths. In the course of the discussion,
lull particularly attacks Fuslim.mnterialisn, esnecially as expressed
in the Islamic conception of pnradise. The Gentile, who had hoped to
embrace one of the faiths, is unable to decide among the three.

Vpon covpletion of these works, Rayon Spent about four Lonths
in retirement and contemplation unon Fajorca's Feunt Randa, spiritually
preparine himself for his future labors, and then plunged into six

months of writing at the monastery of La Real, where he wrote what he

“3

considered his most siwni iCant work, the ;£2_fijffl&o Lull claimed to
have discovered a lo_iCal method (the Lords ;£s_gfi;na_hean for him
the "great method") which in his opinion conpleted the ordinary
uethodology of the scholastics. The scholastic pethod started with
sensible obserV3tidns and stonped at cornoreal things. There is
however, claimed Inll, another order of knowledge independent of

sense knowled e. inis second order of knorledge, y?ich hns for its

object suprasensihle realities, is the divine knowledge of general

 

6
Fe rs, pp. 65-75.

nrincirles, which Tull identifies Hith he attri utes of the divine

the .rs 1n‘na is a CQDDiLi ti ” of these e
it sets out ,1ne1al t Lles of 'deas (tar i_i), ah
to he coLoiLed 1c-ordin* to a Special net
owls; e. t -irst these tables rel:
heir; e 0; xi ure consis tin r of a c
, 7; *itine attributes, and fired 01
one Let an er.t;“ e1‘_t tLi: ;3. These
to be onyhinei " “rd ; to 'u011i0u3.' ter.s
'tahnln i;.stru :111:.' Co.biruticrs c
tLe co: . tic;1s of id“1s, 116 Iully “reseiten
of svnopti and “eonetric tables.7

0
h-
r

 

nub er of nerds
xtressing

’1' (D
C...

J P.
t,

(D r?

[13,1
.1\

L
We fort:

('1

.- 1 . .~--:". ‘ {*1 --—,. . . (3 .11‘. -5, 1 .~,— w-j -‘ . 4 '. a '9
null 1Ltend«o the re 1131a to he 1 IIUSJOLHTI -inincon, .lich :ould

 

questions, hnt there is LO evi ence t] t it ever C‘”‘f‘d the mind
of a Fuslin.

In 1274-7 ,5, Prince In es had Enron's books examined by a master
in theolO“y, s: “no:ecl; the Vrancis¢;n ertran werehgeri, who not
only a proved but even ndnired these DOG? 5. @his 00115h54t10h,
echoed by Trixce Fines, encouraged RaHOn to trite iore. ?ut Ol

renter siflnificance for Radon's work was Pr inc cs 71 OS' 8008:810n

to the throne of Tajorca, Cerdegne, fioussillon, and {ontjellier

upon the death of Jages the Conqueror in 1276. One of the new hinb's
first acts was the founding of a missionary college, which Ramon had
ion, desired, at Tiranar in Iajorca. Thirteen friars were to live

here and devote then el es especially to the study of ”rabic, nhile

 

1‘.

Taurice .e Julf, istory oi‘ chiev:l Shilosefhy, tr. Ernest
C. lessenger (Io don, 19—2o5, 11, 153- 54.

Peers, pp. 110-11; ;ddi3on, p. 43.

 

33

being maintained st tLe Linb's expense. However, iiraner is not
known to have sent out any LiSSiUhqriBS, eLd in 1295 sons unknown
disaster caused it to be abandoned.

In 1277, Rs on ; eLt to Home to encoursge the pope to lound
other Lonssteries such as Tirsnnr L1ere foreign ldMVUltdb could be
studied by prospective miSdiOnarieS. Tut John XII died before Ramon
arrived, and he did not wait for the election of Ticholss III. 1Hiring:
the next five years Ea.on t avel ed widely, al thoan it is impossible
to Say cer 3ixly gbere he sent. Tventually no returned to TerpiQLaL,
and stayed there Liti Js1es II for some ti e. In 1293 he attende‘ a
Chapter-Qenersl of O.lLlCaLo at oLtoe.lier, 21d ursed then to
interest the SSLVGS in preachin: to tue infidel, but tLe Ioninicans
were Wclif re t to his plea. Le scent tho Je rs in Iontpeilier,

'writinx the 'irscwazi eu11t2vi Tlsn-u211;1 ,;:t oi' Centeuolstion.
\. 9 -. D l J

 

 

 

Book of the Iover and the ‘eloved, and other books.

 

 

Blunguerna, a roLsnce by Iull, streo es the need for more persons

 

to go as missionaries:
now nany boast th.1t, if occasion cane,

Right gladly they would die by sword or flnue!
But oh! how few will no on God's Crusade, 9

"T

ior when tbey think on heath they are dis. aye ed!

As pope, Blanouerna not Oily sends envon MhO learn lon5uages, preach,

and convert the heathen in other lands, but also receives and sometimes
converts envoys from.other lands. Blanquerna also orders the world by

dividing it into twelve parts, pacifying warnakers with presents, and

 

9?

:eers, p. 173. Cited from.Peers' own translation of Plunguerna
(Iondon, 1926), p. 300.

 

compelling unbelie'in; subjects of Christian princes to learn Latin
and the Scriptures. In this book Ramon shows that he is now willing
10

to use force as well as ar ument as a means of conversion.

Again in 1285, Ramon went to Rene and again the pope died as
Ramon was traveling. he left Rene to attend another Chapter-General
of rominicans at Bologna, and then returned to Rbme and an audience
with the newly elected Honorius IV, who established the study of arabic
and other languages at the University of Paris, and may have been

influenced in this and in his general missionary outlook by Lull.

While in Hbme, Ramon wrote the Book 2; the Tartar and the Christian,

 

 

which tells of a Tartar who desires to learn of the future life.

The Tartar has fruitless talks with a Jew, a Saracen, and a Christian,
but then meets Blanguerna, who explains the Christian faith to him

in such a way that the Tartar beeches completely converted. After

this conversion, the Tartar goes to the pope and expresses his desire
to help other heathen learn of the Christian faith, and as he leaves
two bystanders eXpress Lull's ideas by Calling for more such messengers
and for a great prince to lead a new crusade. In 1286 Ramon wrote

The Dispute between a Reliever and an Unbeliever, in which the tuo

 

 

 

parties diSpute concerning the existence and nature of God, the
Trinity, Incarnation, Resurrection, creition, and the sacraments.
Ramon left Rome in 1286 and went to the University of Paris,

where he lectured on his Art. During this stay he probably attended

 

loPeers, pp. 174-75.

llPeers, pp. 197-205.

35

the Tominican Chapter-General held in Taris in 1236, again with no
success for his appeal to quhd missionary colleges and send many
trained missionaries to the field. Ramon also had an audience with
Philip I? Concerning the support of missionary work, but he obtained
little from the French king except good wishes. While in Paris,
Ramon also wrote Felix, 2£_the_:ogg_gfifarvels, in rhich he says:
"ifter this Lwnner . . . might the Roman faith increase; for, if the
Tartars and the inhabitants of Liconia, and the other heathen, are
converted, the Saracens will be destroyed; so that, by the way of
nartyrdon, and throufih the ureatness of charity, the nhole world

12
will be converted to Christianity."

From Paris RdmOn vent to lecture on his ££t_in hontpellier in
1287, and here first attended a Chapter-General of Franciscans. The
following year he went to Rome to see the new pope Ticholas IV, who
was too busy with the Sicilian question to give much attention to
Ramon's plans. is Raven returned to lontpellier, he attended another
Franciscan Chapter-fisheral at Rieti, and nade a favorable acquaintance
with the newly elected general, Ranch 3aufredi, tho pave hin letters

of connendation to the provinces of Home, Ipulia, and Sicily. 7hile

lecturing at Yentpellier, Ramon also wrote the trt of loving the Good,

 

7A 1" p T.‘ N. ,'.- v- ? ‘r 4‘ ~ + . ‘.-. r -v_ ‘a 14- . w‘. «rm . Q1 , ... x '-
:boi oi saint our}, moo; Oi Antic.rist, and _ucstiohs thich 28:3 gbxed
.—

 

 

 

 

by a certain Trier liner.

 

late in 1293 Salon returned to ROLE and presented the pope a

'f

tract on the conguering of the holy land. ?ut TiChOlgS IV's plans

 

“Peers, p. 217. Cited from Telix, Look viii, chapter 46.

for e crusade foiled n-6 he died in 1292. So Rn.on, despairih5 of

h.

the possibility of needy“

went to lenoa KI re he nrepared to sail as a missionary. L8 has

actually on the ship rhen he bee: s so il that he had to be left
in port. Lis illie s was of a ysgchoso. tic nature: his fear of

the day are involved in going to the lusli 5 had ';68 him ill. Such

a fear ihCiCLted to 3 won a lack of faith in fed, aid recoinition
of such a lack of hith produced a spiritual crisis in ganon's liIe.
Turin; this crisis Ea-on had a Vision :hich sho ed hi; th-t he could

' r‘. —-.-. ..’3 ‘|. -./ u:- - -. “ - . -. _¢p '1~‘ ‘-- .‘ ’ J— “-: ‘ ‘.. l“ .
oe outefl ii ne thcz tie Oulhlcru orocr out tdgu his rt and its
9

11-..”.

value could be preserved ghly if he joined the iahciscans. 2a.on
eventually decided in Lever of the latter order.
Eut the problem yet renained: Khut of his missionary work?

Once again Ramon boarded a ship for Africa, and once again beCaie

(D

violently ill. But tlis tine he retained aboard t3 ship, and in
a very short tile his illness had vanished, as had his doubts

c ncerning his missionary calling. He arrived in Tunis, where he
gathered learned hoors together and diSputed with them about the
Christian faith with such success that someone in the audience
persuaded the caliph to imprison Ramon. Some desired his death, but
the city council decreed banishient, so he was t ken to a ship. Thile
this ship was still in the harbor he eSCaped 21d sou ht to renew his
work, but seeing the crowd attack a nerchant who resembled him, Ramon
decided to postpone his efforts until a more favorable tine.

Ye returned to Yaples, where he wrote, lectured on his Art, and

preached to the Toors in the city. here he wrote the took of he Tive

37

21§g_£§23 In this book four Christian sages (Latin, Greek, Nestorian,
and Jacobite) discuss the danger of Asia's turning to Islam or Buddhism
rather than to Christianity. During this discussion a Saracen asks
than to demonstrate the truth of their religions in an intellectually
satisfying manner. Only the speech of the latin sage is presented,
and he, after making clear that religion is not denonstrable in the
same way as a nathenatiCal theorem, contrasts the faith of each of
13

his cornanions with his own.

Soon after Celestine V was elected pope in 1294, Lull presented

him.with two books: The Flowers of Love and Intelligence and the

 

 

Petition g£_Ramon for the Conversion o£_the Heathen. In the latter

 

 

work he proposed that a tithe of the Church's wealth be assigned

to crusades and missionary work until the Holy Land is conquered and
the world won for Christ; that a Cardinal be chosen to Spend his
life selecting the best preachers in Christendom and training them
for missionary service; that language colleges be established to aid
in training these missionaries; that the schismatics, who are the
most effective missionaries to Muslims and Tartars, be recalled to
the true fold; that a crusade to conquer the Holy Iand by force of
arms be inaugurated; and that Yuslim and schismatic sages be invited
to Rome to learn that Christians really believe. Ramon was concerned
that the Fengols might embrace Islam or Judaism, and felt that the

time to do missionary work among them has now, for now it was not

 

l
fiPeers, pp. 248-50.

38

difficult to convert them by disputation as they had only a rudi-
mentary religion and allowed Christian missionaries free access to
their lands. But, he said, haste was necessary, "for, if the Tartars
set up a religion, as hahomet did, either Saracens or Jews will be
able to convert theu.to their religion, and all Christendom will be
. . 14 l , . _. . .
in dire peril." he wanted organized misSions under eifective
church control. What Lull was prOposing was essentially a laymen's

. 15 O Q 0 O O
missionary crusade. IJIS complete plan for churcn LlSSlonary action
had no practical effect because Celestine V surrendered the papacy
soon afterwards.

lull then attempted to obtain support for his hissionery plans

from Boniface VIII. Boniface, however, was occupied with the Sicilian
question, disturbances in Italy, strife in Rome, and the quarrel with
Philip IV, and had little time for missionary considerations. Ramon's

persistent appeals won him.little except enemies, and he expressed his

disillusionment and bitter disappointnent in his Pesconort (Pisconso-

 

lateness), a verse-work written in 1295, in which he gives a history
of his life and thwarted efforts. In the T‘-ese:\._uor:_t__, Lull enters into
a dialorue with an in: inary hervit (who seems to be a representation
of Tull's'doubts or lower self) on the question of whether reasonable

arzueents and the Irt are really useful to conversion. Although the

hermit at lenhtn accedes to Ramon's views, the way in which he does

 

4
1 Peers, p. 253.

1. - q . . H . -
5Robert E. :paer, Sone Wreat Legaers in t_e :orlc Tove ent
(Tew‘York, 1911), pp. 45, 50.

 

 

so stroazly su sets that conversion is not the work of reascn but

16

I. 5‘1

the work 01 10d @1930-
:Ohe little time before writirg tae “:sconflfit: 94903 professed

as a ”rarcisc on teitLtr3, probably at the Fr;nciscah Jhapter-ieneral

 

 

 

 

 

a o I" -v - ' " -‘ ~ ~
at DSIol in 129). ‘ro_ ;.0131 he retur.ud to Yo’e ”far; he co ro-ec
his ”rie of oiexce, on” of the rtic‘es o‘ the ‘thl, ard “co: of
P-n ‘.'\T'3"rl‘r 3 .7-1' _ 'J- a 13 ~ mgr- "‘ b T -- ”W‘s-l: :. 't '1 '3 ‘1"' —. A a.“ '7' ' '_- d
.LCJ . LI.L Us; . LU. '. -.U..i LI 1», NIL/1.4L U 0 .L ULLLJ: VJ. .LLI‘ O VII—.04. U U 3.1.1.00 ,hl , CJJ.
Ib‘ ‘1 t .‘5, o w . -“ :i'1 " r.. ' . *r -- . -- ‘ ' __ .~ :‘fl ' ’2 WOW“ ' 'L‘r‘ .2 -. . It I
-en o -a is where no hay have has qgsfimer uniiuitiu" Vlbl nita

1

“1“‘.- I V ' A "\I -“ a: 1 I“ ~ -‘ . (4 -/3 -| " '-. ‘.
:nilip If, drd “here he Cid Wtur krltlnb and leCtuIl-Q.

—.

In 1299 Ranch. attegotec,

1b.

.lll n \ V\
ting) OI. RCHUOu, to

Ho
pl
l
(D
FJ
0
cf
u.
CL
A
H
H

 

 

persuade t31e hin‘

J of “rapon to sugnon Jews ard Saracens to argue
about their faiths Lith FranciSCans and T"mimic-axis. The result of

these argurents, Raflon believed, would be the conversion of the

18 9. 1Te also oatained rOfa l perhission to preach in all

(D

infid

syna302ues and possuus of the dominion. In 1300 he wrote the sock

 

o the pain; f nod a: d t “.e Poor of the Tnowled e of Cod, both of

 

 

 

which he inte dec for use in disputes with unbelievers.

In Yajorca, he heard a rumor that the Tartars had con uered the
kingdom of 3vrie. This seemed to orfer a golden Opportunity for
Le thought conversion of the Tartars would
make conversion of the Vuslims easier, so he sailed in 1301 for the
?oly Land. But in Cyprus he learned tm -t the ruhor was false, so
he returned to hajorca, ahd later visited iontpellier and Genoa.

During this tine he wrote the hi Spute between Faith and Fnderstanding,

 

 

/

0
Peers, pp. 253-65.

40

the Book of the Ascent and Tescent of the Intellect, and the ire

 

 

«-
I

Yaqna Traedicationis. in 1305 he produced his Iiber de Fine, in

 

which he restated his views on disputations with unbelievers, and
also drew his picture of a proposed crusade. Apparently he hoped to
receive fulfiluent of some of his desires throush the new pope,
I

Clement V. But the pope, who was involved in Ihilip IV's plans for
the suppression of he Templars and the condemnation of the acts of
Boniface VIII, had no time for Ramon's plans.

In 1307 Ramon.made another missionary journey to Eugia, where
the political situation was extranely disturbed because there had
recently been war with the neighboring kingdom of Tunis. In addition
a Euslim religious reformer had been attaching Yuslim orthodoxy, and
religious tempers were inflamed. Ramon began his preaching by publicly
denouncing Islam in the marketplace, which led to his capture by a mob.
We was brought before the chief judge, who arranged for a public debate
between Ramon and learned men of the city. Ramon's perfornance in the
debate caused the chief judge to imprison him. But during his imprison-

nent he was allowed to debate pith learned huslims, and from these

 

 

debates cane the idea for his Tisputation of Bane: the Christian and

Hamar the Saracen. In this work the Saracen argues that neither Trinitr

\—J

 

nor InCarnation in; compatible with the idea of God, and if an InCarnation
were necessary, fiod would have taken the nature of the angels rather
than that of :an. Eamon replies by proving the Trinity and InCarnation

V a

with the sage seven conditions by 'hich tamer disproved them, lazing

eleven Fivine "qualities," co-essential dignities of he fiodhead, and

41

using the ten coynandrents, seven sacraments, seven virtues, seven
deadly sins, and nine ordinances of the Church as further defenses
of his position. ?eers' analysis is that "Ranon's strangest points
are a most potent comparison between the Allah of Isles and he Holy
Trinity of the Catholic faith, and contrasts between the practices

.17

he lives of their feunders."

Ci-

of tPe rival lsitLS sud
The kin of Bugia expelled Ramon to Christian territory, and a

liSa. fere he endeavored to

hf

shipwreck brought the nissionnry to
found a new nilitgry order and st rt a new crusade. The resQonse was
so heartening that Baron journeyed toward lviunon to see the pOpe,
but on his way he stOpped at Fontpelli r there he did sone nore writing.
Clexent V, however, was still too busy with other yatters to Live
Ra on any encourage ent. So Baron went to Paris to lecture for two
years, and ther en aged in a Spirited battle against the prevzlent
.lverroism.

In 1311, Ramon attended the Council of Vierre, to which he
proposed the establishgent of 1snpua3e schools, the uniting of all

Christian kni hts into one crusadinx nilitary order, and the composition

of learned vorxs refuting the errors of 1verroisg. The Council accepted
his first proposition and even enlar ed it by foundin‘ not ttree but

five central colle as ier l nfu~ e instruction, aid effected his second

I. . . -. r. . I ~ — 4 ‘u " ‘ I. ‘r I \ ‘~ ‘ " .1.‘ “N‘ g - —~ ' ~‘ "
by co Vifiklfiv t e hi .te of st. Icon to Troy .nhulne ~.or an so ed

42

.‘

T‘ 1,. ..- .- . .r‘ ~ :' 5" ~* .‘i - ‘ \rx.‘" ‘ ' " ‘~ ~ -.~' ‘
-384 la TqJJrCC, RL or viote soue fo'ty oou_s \pu tutellets.

Teen in 1313 he wert to Tessina in ’icily, LLere he nrodueed thirty

~- A ’—. "~. . '1-.- ‘I ‘1 ‘ ‘ .. 'r r. 34-1. J-‘ 4. I'... 3-. - ‘.
Lib “or-s. e )TQQ 11‘ e_d Ciscussi 0 ‘Lb; t.c ‘1-;, “e grou-

tioes for c uvertin; the

d
(U
U
(E)
U
c!-
(D

_e test to Tunis ior girile, ;:ers 1e 1 gureutly
fled VEuCqul dis utes ,id grc ehiu: tours. In iact be is reported
to have carvert;d fiqe of tie rest itflueutial reu iu tLe city.

.. 1

Terhejs Lee use 0; tLis, pern;ps bec;u:e ue felt 3e F-d doue ell he
could LO, Fe left Turis erd went once .ore to Buuiu. Vere he began
broclaiuirg tie truth of the Christian faith in the city streets, add
Hg“ sterel to death by a furious loo 1L lute 1315 or eurly 1316.
“iving and uorkiu; as he did Lith Fuelins mud Tuslim literature,
it is probable th;t lull Wes SOMGKth influenced by Fuslin thou ht
erd life, particulurly by oufi nvst1Cism. Custro affirms that ”. . .

'\

Sufism mace a oositive effort to becloud the frortiers that separated

u)

U]

the liffereut reli9ious confessions. Sore ufists went 0 fer as to

argue that 'uith the knowledge of divine unity e1 ele ent of union

was giveL to huianity, whereas the different relitieus laws were the

J

p

cause 01 the separutiou.' These ideas are pleinly fire ent in the
works of Reyfond Lully, where they are in oerfect hurxony with the

exalted illuminisn of J13 lyric soul." Tre elds that "Lully felt

no scrurle in declaring his Toslei interpretation precisely because

 

8
Castro, p. 224.

43

he had nude his gnu the Islwvic idea of tolerance . . . .” Fitti
says that Ibn Arabi, the "greatest speculative feiius of Tslr.ic
Qufisr," held that the hystic had but one juide, the inner light,

and mould find 1od in all religions. and "the influence of the

illurinistic school, phose greatest Syanish representative Ibn grabi

mas, is tanifest . . . in the so-Called ;u4ustinian scholastics such
20
as Funs foetus, Roger ?acon, and Raymond lull." Eeers cites others

who c1aim.consid3rable arabic influence upon lull, and concludes:
"the truth is probably that Lull freguently followed hoslem literature
in matters of detail, but that it had little or no influence upon his
intellectual fornation and only a subsidiary influence upon his work
anywhere.-1
Clearly there is agreenent that lull was influenced by Fuslim
thought, although Peers finds the amount of this influence negligible.
It is equally clear, as Peers points out, that Iull held a theological
O O o O 21 . O O
pos1tion akin to that of Thomas Aquinas. Lull's Da31c premise was
that everything in the Christian faith is rational and can therefore
be rationally deronstrated, and his books are largely e‘forts at such
. . 22 . . .
rational demonstration. ConverSions in his books, however, are the
result of mystical intuition rather than ratioral conviction. Lull's

work kreatly influenced late medieVal rissionary operations.

 

19Castro, 9. 310.
ZOHitti, p. 587.
21Peers, p. 398, 405.

’)

‘Zre Eulf, II, 153.

.44

C}: rm IV

(To r1 71"“ J 1,1 :T’V lav-Iv“ II VIN]:

"T:
---~J‘ L‘-- -. .

Although Ramon lull wrote voluninously about :issionary work,
he was not the only one doing so. Increasing knowled ;e of the faith
of Islmu, coupled with increasing a areness of the inperuanent

results of cruSades, led many in.the late Riddle A5es to become
increasingly interested in converting the Tuslius. Some, like lull,
wanted to do this in conjunction with a crusa e, or at least the
threat of one. Thus Oliver the Scholastic of Colo5ne wrote to the
sultan of“ nypt in 1221, ur;in5 him to allow Christian preachers to
spread the faith publicly in his land, and threatening him with the
Church's use of the material sword if he refused. It is doubtful
thattme threat frightened the sultan, who had seen the Christians
defeated in Egypt shortly before this, but itis clear that Oliver
thought the threat of another crusade would be an incentive to con-
version efforts.

Janues oe Vitry, writing from the Voly Land in 121 , reported
that although it wcs lSIL ul for Tusli s to becore baptised Christians
h'ndered then, fearin5 that the Fuelins would not nor: for Christians
after baptism. Ec use of discord anon; the T usli he felt that

('0

Lary of then "ii they heard, and had the felp of Christians, would

be converted to the lord." Since he was unable to preach among the

 

lThroop, pp. 125-26. Cited from Oliverius Scholasticus Coloniensis,

 

Epistola, Septenber, 1222, ed. R. RBhricht, Kestreutsehe Zeitschrift fur
‘ eiiCite und Vuist, K (1891), 195 ff. Beta Zunro, Ii” den of the

 

Crus;deis, p. 192, and gddison, p. 33, qive the date as 1;21, so the
date of 1222, piven in Throop, -ay be one of nany typographical errors
in the Criticism of the CruSade.

 

45

Iuslims, he Said th:t "... when I could, I preached tirough letters,
:Hich I sert to the. ii; the ”aracen script, ~;d she du Lfiew their
errors ;nd the truth of our law." int he believ:d thot rear of a

crusade was a definite aid to conversion, ant told how «iny Iusli s

sou ht bagtism the; t7"? he;rd o: the co in: of ii"; ;hdrew of

9

la.

Tunrary rith his crusading er y. In En51and, about 1259, Ldifl
Tarsh also ur ed t;nt witsionary nor: be done along tith "ehry III'S
crusade.3

Even the most authoritative theolovical voice of the Church,

Thoias fquinas, favored the missionary effort. “e wrote his Tumma

,{ o ‘-.. r- 4’ o _ _ J J J 7a ~
Contra textiles 1h 1299-34 1h respo se to Qay'end of :enafort's

 

re1uest for a boot uhich would dispel the errors of unbelievers.

Thomas saw that the crux of the problem of co :ueicnticr '5th these

(0

unbelievers, as well as the basic neint of cout10 U Tith the we

1

ns, 1Ld took me

fi
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, _. ‘:, .2 ' -. . .1.-.1}- n2, 1' .. .-J‘I,IJ-', L, ,- ' , ,.
contriu-_otL-,o by LLJWi; J 1,1 unflbtldzn reV-‘;_v_':L/1C'L. this ,rcvmes a.

unity of truth, ard er bles him to say that Iristotle s

a philosopher. In SLECle to Jroc;ed : airst tic i1 idividugl eirors

 

 

. -\ ' b. ,~ . .x "I '0. ", ' ', ‘ .3 I ( (« “' .‘O 1" c? ’a .1 ’
of uhb tel levers, 7Lo as laced tao proble s: a 11‘1 or LLOhlchd
‘ ' ‘v u

COLcerning these eirors and the denial by «any 01 t‘ eee thelievers

of the authority of Scripture. ?e 8378: “We rust, therefore, have

 

2

 

 

w- | , I __ _ .— ~ I F‘ A ~ ‘ ‘ ~— .. ‘A I -" ,‘a, ‘. :1 w -‘ o 1
oaciues oe Vitry, Tristcla, 1217, en. R. Johricht, -oitsCLriit
D. —o o - . :2. -A_ ’ s f‘
fur Llrchergpsellchte, :1; 1374), 111-12, 110-17, $15-22,
Throoy,132. Cited fro“ ‘dau ;arsh, Epistolge, ed. 3.3.

T"
A.)
531"”

Brewer, IorW

 

 

5033& (“0113 Series 0, IV: london, 1353), I, 416.

46

recourse to th: natural reas n, to thich all hen are forced to give
their assent. VOLev r, it is true, in divine catters the natural
reason hLe its Lailin 3. You dhile me are investi5atin3 sone 5iven
truth, Le s1;al l al3o shOL what errors are set aside by it; and we
shall like1ise show how the truth that Le coke to know by deLoLstration
4

is in accord Lith the Christian religion." 50 in the first three
books of this LorE—-on Cod, Creation and the Nature of Fan, and
Providence (ther ml ti 10Ls betLeen 10d and man)-he deals with these
H'atters in the li5ht of the m:ro1led 5e L hich natural reason Can attain.
In the final book, on Salvation, he deals 11th those things which are
divinely revealed, and shows how these are not Opposed to the results
of natural reason and are not prey to the atta chs of unbelievers.
Such an approach, like Zull's i£§_narna, is an anproach to the highly
intellectual uslN and requires a well-educ ted fihrietian to expound it.

Thoras also fUrnished the theolo'ical basis for peaceful viesions

by declarinr in his C'iu Na mideologica that:

J

 

fiLong U'ballo'O s there are some Lho have never receive d
the faith, such as the heathens and the Jews: and these are by
no tears to be cc;jelled to the faith, in order tth they may
believe, bec use to believe depends on the will: nevertheless
they should be compelled by the faithful, if it be possible to
do so, so t11Lt they do not hinder the faith by their blaSQhBI.-ieS,
or by their evil persuasions, or even by their open persecutions.
It is for this reason that Christ's faithful often Wage war with
unbelievers, not indeed for he purpose of forcing them to believe,
because even if they Lere to coniuer them, and take hem.prisoners,
they should still leave tliem iree to believe, if they will, but
in order to prevent them from hindering the faith of Christ.

 

4
Thomas Aquinas, 0n the Truth 9£_the Catholic Faith, tr. The
Americ n Fathers (G: den City, New Yerk, 1955-57), cook I, chapter 2,
sections 3 and 4.

 

47

On the other hand, there are unbelievers who at some time

have accented the faith, and professed it, such as heretics

and all anostates: such should be submitted even to bodily

compulsion, that they may fulfill what they have pronised,

and hold What they, at one time, received.
Powicke clains that this distinction between heretic andinfidel
furnished the grounds for the expansion of missions in the late
Fiddle Ages. The heretic had no rights, for he had broken his oath
to the society in vhich he lived and hence might be le iti vtely
forced to believe, but the infidel, who had never believed, could
not be so forced. Consequently the only legitimate way to lead an
infidel to the Christian faith was through some form of peaceful
missionary effort. Hewever the infidel could, as Thomas clearly
states, be subjected to force "in order to prevent them from
hindering the faith of Christ." It is doubtful whether many persons
of that period could clearly distinguish in actual practice between
force used to prevent someone from hindering the faith and force
used to convert him to the faith.7

Yet another significant aSpect of the Thomistic position is its

relation to fuslim thought. Khadduri states that "fit. Thomas Aquinas,

who was acquainted with Tuslim writings, foruulated his theory of

 

Thomas Aquinas, Su ma Theolo;i0a tr. Fathers of the English
PoniniCan Province (Sew York, 1947), vol. II, part II, nunber ii,
question 10, article 8.

F. l. POWlCde, The Christian Tife _n the 13321;. gas rnd other
Essays (Oxford, 1935). p. 42.

 

 

 

7Throop, p. 139.

48

just er along lines similar to the Isle LiC doctr ‘ of the jihad."

 

It se3ms certain thmt Thoeas, who was educated in Tayles, where nany
Tuslim scholars lived under Frederick II's nrot etior, had considerable
aciuaintance ith I uslim thouutt both then ard in his later years.

Thus Tuslin thought hjy have contributed to Thomas? iis tiictions

regardizg the ri hts an“ the tr to be accord;d to infidels.

inother missionary-hinded work w,s Pierre Tubois' Pe Pecuperatione

 

Terrae 9anctae (On t'e fiecove " of the T‘olv Ia:d), written in 1306.

 

 

L

T‘ubois differed frO&AEO?t 1 ter advocates of a crusade ey plaining
for t21e conv3 sien gs well as the c n _uest of the Toly land. A
"foundation” CUhS.Stiu: of jroporty received by be gue;t or by con.is —

cation frog t-s lilitury orders would :rovine funds to tr in ~oys and

1‘ 1 th , and

(1"
‘ .1 I

. 1,1... ‘ 1 .. -‘: ‘ ., "
n. 1.11:1. 1...}..-35, the Elvis and

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LJ
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in "hunana Hid vctoiinarr sur ery." The boys would 0 to the Pely Ian
as church or HOV rn e“t workers. The ey". . . ;ust Show how to r38pond

so reaeonably to the objections of the barbarians that tfey destroy

t eir erroneous Opinion"; they must be able to COHViLCd Lien Lith

i1: ccntrovertiule sr;u ants and dr an the; to the tnuth of the Christian

10
faith." The girls would harry Christian or Sara en lords in the

Poly Land, teach then to adhere to the Roman faith and usage, raise

 

8

Illafiduri , p . 53 .

9

Briffault, p. 217. See also I} hnwar-ul—an, "Influence of
huslim.Political Theorists on Tedieval European Political Thought,“
Islanic Culture,3:ECI (1958), 186-89.

 

loPierre Dubois, The Recovery of the oly land, tr. ”alther I.
Brandt C ew York, 19505, chapter xxvi, p.110.“

 

49

their children as Christians,and possibly attract other converts.
Boys with Special aytitude would go to the papal curia, aLd when

the pope sent legates to another 11nd he would "send with the legate
two or more persons highly skilled in every branch of knowledge.

They would outdo th experts of that country in dlSputiLg, advising,
discussing, and in every other way, so that there would be no one who
could withstand the wisdom of the Poman Church. Those in the East

who depend on reason would praise and fear the wisdom of the Romans."

It is clear that Pierre knew that the huslims were intelligent

and reasoning persons, and he saw that the best way to convert reasoners
mas by giving them better reasons than the ones they had. he also

rightly saw thet the best way to present these better reasons Was in
the language of the hearer. 'Lanruage training and skill in reasonable
presentation of the Chfistian hessage are still considered vital parts
of hissionary work.

A further indication of the strength of the proponents of peaceful

wissions is Eumbert of Ronans' listing of them in his Opus Tripartitum

 

(1274) as the most significant force opposing a cruSade. Fuhbert
indiCates that the suptorters of peaceful missions opposed the crusade
on the basis of God's example of love, for he says a familiar argument
is: "When we conquer ~1d kill them [fuelims] K8 send them.to hell,
which is Contrary to Christian charity." dumbert, who as Taster-General

of the Wominicans had proroted missionary work, right be expected to

 

ll
Tmbois, chanters xxvii—zxix, pp. 117-20.

50

favor the peaceful yissionary approach, but he TGjlin that since

}._.I
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better to kill then ouicgly

so their SlLS would be fever. The advocJtes of re ceful hissiongry
no 0 q - o -. o 12
act1v1ty certa1nly had not converted Pumbert to t1e1r Cause.

Even in vernacul r literature there was sone suteort of the
missionary effort. Juiraut Pi uier, *riting during the nontificete
of Tre ;ory I, felt that if 10th lay and ecclesiastical powers would
end their guarrels the Tusli.s sifiht be conruered by either ar~s or

13 .. .
serrons. Raw n de Cornet, tritin; 1n 1332, SJJree this View; he
saw preaching as 1 necesSary part of the crusade but did not think
14
that it alone was sufficient. Tor did Guillgu e Durant the Youn;er,
who, in urfing a DST erredition to the Yely Tend, ur¢ed that r*ission
work shon; both schisgrtics and luslims be undertaken in connectio-
with the exeeditien. is may have been iJf“eJcot by thon lull,
15
ness ib 1y at the Couhcil of Viehhe.

But there vere also t ose ego, folloring the leJd of Francis and

Ponihic, were willihg to see the crusade counletely re'mil ced bv

- '. '3... .,A -.. 1.. .. . “mm. 1 n '3, -. _. -.-.'~ .L.
peeCeful m1581uhwrv sorl as a.hethoe 01 dealin, LlCfl the

early as 1139 Ralph Ii er wrote: "It were er better M Jt 1e strike

 

Chroop, pp. 133, 169-70.

We, 9. 140. Cited frou iuireut Riyuier, "Saritatz et amors

L
A, 3 O.” ~. ”.1 ,... '- ~‘ . 1 m , 0.. .‘3 _.I. .;. 7' Q
8 13¢,' 1n C.J.:...JJJ, T1e er.e per _rJlbiiOqu, Ii, 33.

 

Throop, p. 143. Cited from anon de 301Luet, "Ier tot 10 :on,"
is veux r13Usorits froveu§0~UX du "I”e sieel eds. 3.7. Toulet, 7.
Ch81361Ub-Ju—T:0Dt eglier and Paris, 1 oh),

 

 

 

' J.' .. rm m, 'z- 'w -'—‘- 1'. J— . ’ - - ‘ .m 5
Aplz e. Juiya, ee Cruere in the ater :ifidle 'eS ( sheen,
_ n'l. ’1 .m J -'\...3“‘.' ,. Txl "' . . . - ..-L-°
p. 70 . '4']. UGO. 1.1(JJ' rt-‘..L .—J.\_J\ LL' Le m '_ JUL-t 10 Lil QLLA'.L/ , IL]. {41.)3 ‘ U1.0

—*.*

a
.. . :9 x - -\ r, " -. -‘ 3" Jr - ', - n
u_3 we :30 J.1J ;UvufU.

 

 

In the tJhe
jrotest er tie

tTe more are hrih; the Sarlcehs voluntarily to the
Cleased with a forced oer ice. " oever seeks to
th by violesce, tr rs ~s.es by that very cht the
id
to tTe faith."
of the Elsi eisiah crusade there caze a storm of

soets

”'7'”

may aimed lost

of their criticis

"3‘51

LIA

at tie tome -or -ticfiiig their llLQ r-trer th-h tie "oly Tard; but
Guillaume le Cl”JC :t i-3s u so en it different note in his thire
Ie ‘Q3zit de Tieu (c. 1226) when he Says: “Sore should not, I think,

 

 

if one of her SQLS his fuller into error and niShes to rectify 1t,
seid uuou Lin an elec: brother to destroy his. Rather should she

su-1.;on, 13::- 12: r_;;..d aid. -Oiiish him than LL: ‘. ° COLUItI‘Y' n

Althou h t‘ cons Let directly concern 3euceful 1i sior

0’1

9‘

to the Tusliu 1dicate the existence or a relijious f elirg

i

4'1 F:

U iv 4‘1‘0

.hich is urfrierdly to idea of usihj force rather tla. persuasion

tes Luou de Saint guehtih, Toniot,

H.

to destroy heresy. Throop c an

Gautier de Coincy as other representatives of this f

18
ure.

eelihg in Old

Vreuch literat This awe feeling is shoun by Cuillem Easyols,

U)

. . — - 1
( ' A
\j I... I'll \_.‘ 4L1

who is or around 1265 composed a t me in :hic he accused God of

Lahy things, one of then the useless waste of blood on a cruSude:

W‘y fine lord, you will have spoken a good word and Can tell rergir

 

I

lb

Geor e B. Eluhiff, "Teus non Vult: L Critic of the Third Crusade,"

 

lediaeval Studies, I; (1947l, 171.
17

 

ThrOOp, FD. 32, 43. Cited frox Cuillau e le Clerc, Ie Veert
de T‘ieu, ed. 2. lartin (fielle, 1369), verses 24?5-90, pp. 71-72.

19
Throop, p. 67.

this danaze if you jive to each Caracen the will to recosnize his
error. Then no one would have to wo to battle, since everyone mould

know his own folly. For 1e suffer for their u;ly sin and it is easy

19
for you to diSpense with this earna e."

Chief anon; those who Opposed the crusades and 'avored peaceful
hissionnry morn x;s Roger Bacon, the English FranciSCnn. In his

Opus Iajus, written in 1263, Bacon maintained that a knowledge of

languages was necessary for the conversion of unbelievers, and that:

. . . the Greeks and the Rutheni and many other schismatics like-
wise grow hardened in error because he truth is not preached to
them in their tongue; and the Saracens likewise and the Pagans
and the Tart rs, and the other unbelievers throughout the whole
world. For oes war avail against them, since the Church is
sometimes brou;ht to confusion in the wars of Christians, as
often hap_ens beyond sea and eSpecially in the last army, namely,
that of the king of France, as all the world kn us; and if
Christians do conauer other lands, there is no one to defend

the lands occupied. For are unbelievers converted in this may,
but they are slain and sent to hell. The survivors of the wars
and their sons are angered more and more aiainst the Christian
faith because of those wars, and are infinitely removed from

the faith of Christ, and are inflamed to do Christians all
possible evils. Fence the Saracens for this reason in many
parts of the world cannot be converted . . . . Toreover, the
faith did not enter into this world by force of arms but through
the simplicity of preaching, as is clear. “nd we have frequently
heard and we are certain that many, elthou h they were imperfectly
sequainted with languages and had weak interpreters, yet made
great pr04ress by nreaching and converted countless numbers to
the Christian faith.20

i.

‘J

Bacon, although not overly optimistic about the prosp:cts of Converting

the Saracens, proceeds to indiCate in more detail his methods for

 

19 C 0 n C ‘ I
Throop, p. 140. Cited from Guillen.DaSpols, ”seinhos, auJas,
c'aver Saber e sens," ed. P. leyer, Bibliothelue de l'Ecole des Chartes,
Wh" / Q _—
-.: (1809), 219.

’1

 

 

 

, chapter xiii, pp. 111-12.

 

The Opus Tnju of Roler sacon, tr. Robert 3. Burke (Ihiladelphie,
L.
U

53

Convertin v unbelieyers: "I said above . . . in re? rd to the cen-
versio: of unbelievers, that persuasion of the truth as glen e contained
in the Christian reli,i:r is a twofold wa ter, si;ce we may annesl to
niracles :hich :re beyond us end bey yd unhelievers, a method in
re;ard to which no ;;n can jresuue; or we nny BQflOJ a rcthod faniliar

+1

to them and to us, v;ich lies nit nin our power and VilllCh they cannot

’v , -. 7,, _3 . - . 1. ',_
ceny, beciue— the approecy

to :uote the 3 riptures or other learned authoritie es, es the unbelievers
do not reco nine these as sihnific;nt. Therefore, the co zon yround

for discussion bet .;01 believer and nrbeliever rust be thnt provided

by philosoghy. Lnis oiscussion is intended ror t1e le: Led rersons

who cin receive wisdom end be persuaded by rea33n ”so thrt when these
men baco e -hli stoned, the tersunsion throught zen o? the multitude

is yuch easier.“

1 "‘ J, 1‘ " “ 1 V“ “ .-.| "44 " ',.— V4 “.‘.' ts .. 'jI .
L raver, yaCOn s: tes tilt -oe as creator gun ”iret c use 18

b
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x 1 r s .1 ‘1‘ . ‘3'. rm .r‘ ‘ ‘3“ - r‘"' . ""-‘. g~vw " e I
ajpsrent to nil. In affiruinQ this, he is 1.13 to e rile inothor blow

4." . . .fl. . 4.1.11. .. - "' ' . - ,~.
ior pencerul rfither txan “Ufllfe ilpplOruI

end Lhuh Christiu33 coifer with P1 8L8, like tic Tree t- in
other adj-iris: rhtions, the litter are easily convinced aid
peiceire thit tiny re in error. The proof of this is found in
the lie ct tl,t tTQy mould 03 we e Christians var; ledl‘ ’i the

[_3
l

I .4
[._Jo
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Churc: xcre vi 4; it then.to retaizi t7ei.r lib rty and
enjoy their '_;."'oi:se;sions in re ce. “nut the Christian rrinczs who

 

Ibid., Tel. II, tart 7, fourth part, ehnpter i,

 

7 O
loin., pp. 792-,4.

54

D N.»- ' \ ~ —.: , ‘1 , ' .~ ' "r "I "3
labor tor tJBlr Canvers on, and BuTL01411Y the bTOEJClD o- the
- é -. ~ -,'- .1 1n.“ 1‘ ..
Weutonic orfer, ce ire to reuuce t.e“ to Sl very . . . . Tor
‘0‘ . fi ,. . ..‘ ‘ 4.“... ' \.;“'I \ (1 . . ‘\ . ‘ 1 ‘\ ~ ‘ a 5 . :‘ .
tuis rconL ops? olier oveositios. hence txwv -re 3‘1ntiiu
. ' " ‘1 I . . /T
espression, net the urgu;;nts o; e exterior tell “on.”/
Tuslj:x3, howeve1‘ Else-use thcgrlieve 30re t?fl“7 letiu:wliien .ffllf the),
aITB RC1 etgzilQr c: Twiixze z'b1f F arisisixu :1r fit :1rts. Tlrt twee;31sc {1;114.sotfi1y

is ore in crnfv: ity ith Christingity than with I
I‘uhziazwd hi, sell 3 3 t. it CurLt is the .zre test
should be eesy, airs Trace-11, to convince the iusli;3

of Christianity. TFere Can be only one supreue

series of er;u eats sihilar to these

u
'f' _'. :34 "t
‘u' .L\A

satisfaction Christiauitv

as ert‘n; that ".
things at sresent concerning divine matters, and if

set before them —nd wroved by the princirles of the

that is, by the Viv city of reHSon,

Opv‘y Of t1]? Ulflwelie'tg‘g

rs, althouvh completed b“ the

the? would receive v thout centrediction 3nd TON

9
n-
O

I"

to the truth set h ?ere them . . 7ucb s1

R"
Q

T2econ's assumption th t sreculetive philosorfif F:

_... .L‘l.
"Ila? L‘x?

t while the unbelievers are hett

philosor“y than tfie Christians, the moral ohiloso*h

excels thet of the u_.olievers.

 

23

Ibid., en. 706—97 ff.

I

24 . .
Ibid., 701. I, part 2, onwrter x1x. p- 7

ralii'

cr"urent

31;’, no tec use
ro‘het of 10d, it
e3 the superiority

7“

. . I.
1‘ '~ :Al,

sanguihely
are ifnorant of nany

these were suitably

connlete philOSOphy,

which has its ori in in tte philos-

faith of Christ,

ld r3 in reserd

rests on

«oral whilosoehy

er in Speculitive

of tte Christians

'f
-/

55

:eeen,'una Led stucied in .dris under Thongs lauinos' teacher,
like Thonns and flngnl'Wlll the use oi
regscn in a yiesieriry n;rronch to the Tusli s sndcther infidels.
.ouever ~”econ s ens to h;ve had for less influence than the other two,
thich niy he due in ;srt to his couplets disavonsl of the use of force.

27; tcore s‘pe_red snotger sirnific:nt evidence of

peeceful LiSSiOM If ;;elii‘—-t“e Fugio fidei . . . adversus Tauros

 

 

e Juddeos, by ’9 on Turti (or Lerti"'). lurti hsd studied oriental

 

u

languages as fart Cl Lis trsining in the “cminicin order, and also

a

had read ex ensivelv in Jewish end lreoic Lhilosoyhy. He is concerned

‘I

V

with three main types of eneuies of the Christian fe'tn: the epicureans,
who deny God's existence and hold happiness the highest 900d; the
naturalists, who deny the inmortelity of the soul while admitting

the existence of fiod; and the philOSOphers, who deny God's creation
and omniscience end the res*rrection of the body. aninst the first
groun, he proves the existence of God by showing: the need of a first
cause, he need of a prime mover, the necessity of harnony in the
world, the part 30d plays in the origin of the soul, and the evidence
for God one finds in c ntemplating creation. To show that happiness

is not the highest good, he cites Scripture, the fathers, the classics,
and huslim philosophers like Algszel, Avicenna and Averroes. 3nd
cancerning the inrortelity of the soul, he urges the moral utility

of the belief, the inconpleteness of God's justice in this world, the

‘

idea thst the soul is only perfected apart frou the body, that tn;

4‘

soul does not wesgen us the body does, and tnet the soul is incorruptible.

56

_.G

In the remaininc parts oi his work he discusses the coning of the

Redeemer and the fulfilling of Yessianic prephecies, and deals with
the Trinity, original sin, redemption and the Sacra ents. Althoug
his argunents are very like those of T‘omas Aquinas, his doctrine,
in Telay '3 words, ". . . is expounded with a certzin originality
find with yrofound thetled;e of Semitic philosophy . . . . Ramon
Iarti de ons rates nractic;lly the groof that one could hold the
orthodox Ihilosoony of those sane Arabic yer

25

chief ten of the fiverroist iapiety." gocordin; to Feors, the

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Fu io fidei “figs a nouerful weapon of conversion end a syur to

_ , 26
deterhined proselytisiny." Iarti also wrote anothe missionary

‘ ~ .— g n - o 27 o a
handoooh, the J;;l;:;t:o siueoli _postolorum. Other poleulc worms

 

4

O
k.’
£1

of thi’ e nedieval period in 3 sin were the ziniia gnrva of Tedro

’(‘3

 

Fascual and the T‘is;w.t:v‘.. of Pedro llfonso.
In Italy also there was some exyression of these peaceful

iissionary feelinES. Dante's stress on world peace w.s not directly

 

 

.h . -.T . . - . -. ~ ..
1 relsyo, flStOTla de los deter0ooxos nspanolos (guanos
), V01. III, li.ro iii, cuoftulo 4, parts Vi, rp. 227-32.

la I

In doctrine, co'o ha visto, es 1; ‘lSmfl de Ssnto Tense, rero
extuesta con cierts originalidad y con profundo conciniento de
la filosoffi se {ti=s . . . . andn Tartf denonstro nrfcticixente
el provecho ;ue podia sdcar lu filosoffd ortodoxs de aguellos
wis.os nerin;tcticos {rages flue erun el gran texto de ls

ed«d sverroists. (t. 2

|_J
l' j
}.10

 

 

.-)(’I
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he l.e it:r t rue 1J_M "o :, ecs. ist-iliy, _-t . diller o
‘ I “'— . T .. / q
( ‘CiI‘ ‘QlQ; J, 1949/ , .L, OJU.

57

aired st DTOuOtlL' jaweeful conversi r, Lut zeuce moulfi obviously ;id

-.

5 3» ~ 1"Yor\" 4")” 1- C“ ""‘Q. t” +r\‘n~' v 3~ '“ ' Z: 1] 2“ 'r‘
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test norm. “occgccio in Lie

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2“,! -1- , ..,, _...” ' ,rv , ',-, .‘Tw'. ‘I _ ,7 .1: a” , ._ _, a-
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had tic ot;;r ripgs.sifle ractly like fire first and ave then on

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nis leeth to the three sons, with the resul
eke the true ring. The Jew concludes; "426 so Say I to you, my lord,
of the three laws to the three peOples given of God the Vather,
whereof you guestion.re; each people deemeth itself to beve his
inheritance, Wis true law and His oeureniments; uut 0; which in very

, 1 . . . . 30
oeeo math then, even es of the riLQS, tie question yet pendeth."

q
'1

Such a tolerant attitude COUlu certainly favor a reeceful xissionnry

IL England in 1370, Hilliam Langlend expressed re ceful missionary

ideas in his Vision \f Tiers Flowrgn. We degicts in one passage the

 

 

w— '
L

‘esus' crucifigion), UL'

LU
c1"
'(15

(which is syubouic of the events of

 

29

Gebhert, p. 149.
30
The “eczfercn of Giovoxri “occeccio, tr. Joan Fayre (few Ybrx,
1931), first day, third story, pp. 2L-30.

 

 

subsequent conversion of the Fuelins upon their seeing the conversion
31

of the Jews. Else here the none is stuted thrt nreletes and nriests

will gradually teach Snruuens and Sens to believe in Christ and the

V

”01v Vnirit, even es they ulready believe in 10d, and thus 08 saved

r I

Iron their sins. Ioreover, the pope should pronote Christienity oy
_ - _ 32
peaceful measures as did huhammed by his rule and religion.
Other pertinent writing on peaceful hissions cine frOm those who
were on the mission field. ratthew Paris records the letter of a
Dominican named Philip, tho wrote of the attention being ,iven to the
a ,. o 5 I - v7 'u 33 a 0
study of nrebic and other languages in the holy Luna. The writings
of the missionaries to the Kongols also stimulated interest in
missionary work by speaking hOpefully of the possibility of converting
the Fonzols and then with their help converting the Fuelins. Roger
Bacon, for instance, was influenced by the journal of William of
Rubruck, who went to the Great Vhen's court in the rid-thirteenth
34 ., . . .
century. salimbene in 1285 was aware of a rumor of the impending

Conversion of the Tertars and Saracens, and Coulton adds that "these

 

.-e Vision of ”illiem Concerning Piers the Flornan, ed. Talter
Get Iondon, 19247, B-text III, lines 325-27; C—text IV, lines

 

 

32 , - . --
Ibid., B—tent XV, lines 594-002; C-text LfIlI, lines 233-529.

See also B—tent EV, lines 383-90; C—tent XVIII, lines 124-86; and
notes pertaining to these various passages.
33,. _ - .
iatthew rarls, I, 57.
34
Opus Fajus, vol. II, port 7, fourth part, chapter i, pp. 796-97.

 

59

reports of a rholesele and miraculous conversion of Terters or other

infidels were fre;ucntly circulated by 'truthful travellers' in the
thirt enth century”)5

In 1273 Tilligm of Tripoli, a missionary in the Holy lend, wrote

1"e Stetu Terecenorun in response to GregoryIX's desire for information

 

Concerning 1 proposed crusade. Tilliem did not want a crusade; his

vhole tract is devoted to the icea that missioniries rather than

U1

oldiers should be sent for the recovery of the "alt lend, Conversion
of the Suracens MOUlfi settle the m;ttcr of unbelievers in the Christian
sacred places, dud the historiCul and theolo;ical connection of the

two faiths offers an excellent basis for such conversion. Ne mentions
a rrophecy, current noon: the Gerecens o? the time, to the ef?ect the

q

the 7erecens would he divized into three L:

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the third part to :cce“t th-

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th if the? henrd the word of God . . . ‘n 3 his t" ct Iith these

\-

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cwnfiieit words: '_;d thus solely by the word on “of, Lithout philo-

sophicll er uvent and uithout militzry W9;TOT3, trey will seek ;s

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fl ‘ 'L " fin .‘ fl — . fl 4- “ ’7 ‘
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“a" f" ‘1’"! F‘
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3-1.3 to Lid -4451) 110 ll";L.-C'11 i.-LII‘d 01 45118 ; LlOlJ... Lu; on, :0 no CmLLlu.

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Letter reiute 1b. we settled in on3uid, “here he Lions 3

_D I "1': 'l" -" ' ‘~ . .,. "'9 ‘ . r“: A _ -: - - ,- . "IA ,,r- « A“ '2 1“-
01 the nirteentu century his Coniutetio Alco‘u 1, Lu le,e SdEACbnOEMm,

 

 

‘ A_ ._ 0" _ u ‘ r‘ ’ ”I I '1‘ fl n__~_. ‘~ - ' _
c.1110 'x.'§,‘C-31‘;L_ 7 91‘ :“CT - 1|” ‘3 .IhrnCOTLCI".1-... -..e llltelloefl 1,119.28 1‘ 1.1368 EOI'nS

 

to serve as the 0151 s of theolo 3icdl discus one Lith schismntics,

w o

Iews, and fuelins, end honed in the use of these .mo .5 and discussions

J
d-

to c nvert the worlc o Catholicism by er uient and reason. Ricoldo

also :erChed to Euslins in firabic, and becene oeisoxally aCo ua nted
..~37
With authoritative persons in nagoed.
By holdin3 tint coercion of heretics or in: idels is proper only

to temporal rulers and not the Church, Tersilius of Pa due gave some

support to the oescefc_ nissionsry idea. Vis hefensor Pecis, written

 

in 1324, is intended to uphold the pouer of the state as greater than
that of the Churcll, and in accordance with this aim he urites as
follows: "According to the truth, therefore and the clear intention
of the gpostle Teul end the saints . . . it is not COJLdflded that
anyone, even in iniidel, let alone a believer, be conpelled in this
world throu3h pain or punishment to observe the codionds of the

38
evangelic law, eSPecially by a priest . . . ." hersilius Spends
some tile in defe ndin3 this position. First of all, the infidel is

sinning against divine law, not human law, and so must be jud3ed by a

 

37 ,
4 Atiya, pp. 158—99; thsner, pp. 82-83.
38, _ _
Lar31lius of Pedua, The Fefender of Peace, tr. Alan Genirth
(flew Ybrk, 1956), Vol. II, disc. 2, chapter ix, section 7, p7. 167-63.

 

61

jUd5€ of divine law. secondly, the only judge of divine lew who has

“-
.—

coercive power is Christ; a pr est hes jud e's poxers only in the

 

sense of knowing that is heresy or infidelity. thirdly, Christ's
judgment is in d future world, not in this one. Lastly, therefore,the
only baSiS for punishing an infidel in this world is for the breaking
ofm1u11n l w, and bre iling of huyen law is punishable by the stnte,
not 1‘] th e Ch.r=h. Thus ". . . the pastor, bishop or ‘Jr iest, must
t=eMc1 and ex ort min ill the present life, nust censure end reLuke the
sinner and fri hten hi; by a jud_ ement or predicti\n of future glory
or eternal damnation; but he Lust not coerce . . . ." ieither we

the king coerce unless the lesisleting io'er 0:? the state—-the thole

39

body of citizens—-rer.its him to do so.

U

Clearly the peueeful missionary hove ent enjoyed support from

life. Fhiloso ers, theo MO ills, active Missionaries,

t" b

Vurious Vglks o
gregter and lesser poets, trhvelers, end political theorists uere writing

in favor of peaceful fissionsry activity. But these writers were also

anon; the best educated -en of their time, and the -ultitudes Hey not

have shired their ideus. Ioreover, thare nos no cushinery eviilille

for the rapid, videspredd dissehin tion of 1d dBLIS in tie thirteenth and

' . +1

fourteenth centuries, hence it is probable th;t the writinps in

Ho

Western Europe. Thus

.L

chap ter re ched relstively fen of the people of

while a cri Md J.Jle bodv of writin3 favored peiceful :issionnry activity
in this period, it L033 not necess rijy follow that lir e numbers of
'estern Lurooe as did.

‘-

 

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the R; en finpire, 5T8 roses huh sou;ht to re tore the ideal of
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he ”estern 3Lurch and by

_ . . 1
attainiht a :o 1t1cs ffiee fro» abfl enterior to the erpire.“ Indeed

the T1“ul ,011 mu“ to_wgfe thaocrecy a political re lity. ?y the

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31 ._

ihdegendent of the h.gire (that is, the new Holy Re dn Lipire). The

crusades aided the geyel quest for tenporel superiority by .ivin: th

‘—

J-

Church the foyer UO guurd property for sosent crusarers, to obt in

V
U

’l

tlrouzh he vy tux tioh more? ior the crus1 es, end to _uersntee the
iuture for the rus;1er both in heaven and on ewrth. ghd since the
CFUSQUGS uhited jurors in quest of a 001:0; godl, the Earacy, which
led this unified quest, bechhe the leediné force in Euroye. Conseauently

during the pontificate of Innocent III (1198—1216) it apneared that the

papacy had attained its theocratic ideul.

 

l

3. Elliott Eirns, The Vistcry of the “eclire and 1Tell ? the
Yedievsl Papecy (Tendon, 1934), pp. l-37.

2 1 .
Throop, p. 43.

 

 

 

 

Recognising the value of the cruSsdes in he unintennnce of
pupal snore ucy over both church and emjire, Innocent III and his
successors c nstertlv sou ht to organize new crussdes. One need
only rention the fourth (I204), fifth (1219). 811th (1229), and
seventh (1243) cruSndes to recognize thet the crusade appeal was
still powerful. Put a closer look reveals that the popes did not have
effective control over these efforts; thus the fourth crusade attacked
Christian Constcntinople rather than the holy I 1d, mhile the sixth
crus de was led by the then enconwuniCnted “rederick II.

It is safe to say that the idea of the cruse1e use a dominant
factor in thirteenth century repel policy. ?ut there were also moves
of a hissionhry unture toward Lon-Christians, esgecielly lusliur.

,ilexehder III (1159-31) had exchanged letters th the luslin sultans

ti
o o o 1 I o 3 -—-- o /

on econOuic, political, and tneolo;1cal issues. nonorius II (1210-27)

trot; in 1221 to all the metropolitans of Eurone, askiné eech of then

to choose at leist two hen, preferably Cisterciens, who were good,

learned, and ready to face martyrdom if necessary. The chosen men

were to be sent to the pope, so he might send them forth to the ends

of the earth. Ionorius also appointed two Iominicans to start

nission work in Torocco; these had the authority to preach, baptize

. 4
Saracens,and recon01le apostetes.

 

3

4
Altaner, pp. 1, 98-99; TemmenS, Eeidenmi
See also the contents of these letters in Feces 5
ed. fiugustus Potthest (Graz, 1957), I, numbers 659

fdtaner, p. 72.

hp. 2, 98.

 

 

64

Gregory IX (1227-41) was especially interested in the propagation
of the faith, and attempted to effect a reunion pith the Greet Church
in the hope of presenting a united Christendom to the non—Christian
world. Like ?onorius, Cregory was interested in 10rocco, and
personally consecrated Aiuellus the first bishop of thet 1a:d. The
unfortunate Toroccan nzrtyrdoms, however, convinced Gregory that
successful mission ry nork denanded the conversion or at least the
active goodwill of th Iuslim lordS. gccordingly in 1233 he sent
sons franciSCans with letters to the courts of sultans in Lfricu and
Asia, in Fthh he stressed the Trinity and the deity of Christ and
the hope that these sultnns would accept Christianity.5 G egory also
worked for the Spread of Christianity in Livonia and Prussia, aided
in the conversion of the Cunans by establisnin; a hishopric and uranting
privileges to the missionary friars, and sought to convert the Fuelims

6

whom Frederic: II hpd settled at Incera.

tfter Celestine IV's seventeen-day reign in 1241, and a period
of almost tvo years during vhich there pas no pOpe, Innocent IV (1243-54)
be an his pontificate. In the wake of recent I ngol invasions, Russia
and Hungary had appealed to the popes for help, and Innocent reasoned
that the most effective way to stop these cruel invasions was to convert

the Fonaols and render then fe-rful of offending Cod.’7 In addition he

 

, Trgn;isfnnernissioren, pp. 11-12; Pottnnst, 9093, 9207,
I \ - -.'. -, M Q.

 

 

/
o
T'Torace II. ILL-en, The Tives of the Zo‘jes 1.-.! t” 3 3i [file ;_;es (London,
1925), XIII, 417-20; itaner, pp. 113-14 Te anus, Veingn‘issionen,
I"
I). 1J0
7‘T'i‘. -‘ - '1\r, f); T‘T‘ q1.-99.

 

65

"ea thqt a Chri31111 EoL1ol empire noulo as s i3t t- e CLri otidn Test

.’
. O

cru3 ii the T131113. Vith SLCh ideas in «1;C, Ig;ocent disp1tohed

H.
F
l-

_O‘":

two ?raLcisoaL3, Iorenzo o; ortu 1113Ld John of 31110 C1rpini, to
invite the 1r91t Thzx 3L0 all the lonrols to become CLri3ticns.

ore reachin Ti» Ce: tiL1ti on, but JoLL arrived
at the imperial court in 1246, titre3sed the COPOL1t30“ of Guyuk, find
the pore 11 sent apot er 1Lb333160r, ;Lseln, wno with frur or five
Zelivered pa 11 iLVit titus to erbrece

CLri: t1cuiitv to 1ite Lultghs. The suit;L 01 I trt rerliefi tLrt he

\-'J _

Wrinitgrisns 1nd other such Lthei3t3. .Lselu LLd
eveLtu llyr e1uhefl tho Citp of L1iju, tuo ”-rtit f;;L'L lieuteunnt in

i — "i « . ' . ~, -! _- ‘1 , ‘1 ~‘ . ‘ ’1— A '~ .3 ,- _ _ 1 ‘ ‘ ,-‘.I 'w J— “r - vy- _
.ebterL 4311. ?;1Ju Le_t LL01 .1tL the Uran 11L1LL1L~r3 tmo $11033,

tho; IfihOUoLt IT Lgt saverul ti as to iDLUirO dbout the possibilities
f ToLgol co version and c Obergtion with tbe Yo3t. To 2 r= utot of

,- ., ,_ -0 '1‘ Ij. 'm °,. ..
he sultvn 0v ‘1. 3 L3 for x.‘.._..1‘1.-3t1<1

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ILLoce t repli cc tELt he would .ive 1i; if the 1Ult;u dCCG ::ted

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11
the Erovinoial of France to send mission fir es to the Co; :ns. ‘Ld

 

Q

‘J‘ h ‘ 0
.;lt:Ler, pp. 79—110.

0

/‘ "1- , .1: 1“,. ._ ,1- l ' 0 .1.,
IfiyLCHQ, ;::LL1;_0rtf-3981OLBu, Up. 11-12.

10
[itaver, p. 75.

 

v " f: ‘ .
lamp. 417, 1 0-201; ;t1V?, FU- 23‘—'43-

 

'1 “ r * * "a. “‘ w A ”I o v: ' 1'
on June 22, 124:, :e wrote to the CthCCLLOr 0; tie :glve_31t5 of
Paris: "”e hgve firrgnrec that certain youths versed Vote in ”rabic

? tFe criext 1 countries be LCLt to Varis to

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dCU uesi;;ed to furt; r -iosjan gor; was InnUCegt's a tgoval of the

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I

the hiesiongry efforts in tEe Leglic.nt oreers. In 1254, Innoc04t

re4uestcu tLe bLl-dfl of Iconiuu to gar it ‘omiulcggs to nor: in that
1.:d for ne 3 i;;tiV; c1 :outs. ‘ut InhQCaht Ll¢0 sou ht to

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15

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-

—v ‘ .. 3‘] r— 4’ 1'. . W o ‘ ’V _: .- r— ‘1 ' -}_ \
.tLezi'cmCu—jr .Lv' (1:24-01) , gt tiid hrulué 0.. AL: ; LOLu OI. .: 91ml ert,
gave regeweu vi or to the nidbiOL nor: in Yorocco qh' ;ugis. Urban

IV (1261-u4) and Jle eat I? (1255-09) praecged tfie crueede. Cleheut

 

‘

, I, 213.

r, chevter AXVi’ Pp. 14-15, n. 11. Cited from

 

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18 i '.11’.‘ld.L~’31LQl

U:

 

 

- -—'- :-- n '2 n 2 ' . ' "- ... "--. ".
to;.et, 'erLCbero, Greer 0;,' 1n Tie w4LJOllC anc,c;uged1a
1
.4.

an

'1‘.. " f "' . ' 'I‘ - "-' 70v“ '“ ' "I|_' 7 .""‘ f”! 4“ A ' " ’ .‘ "‘ 4' ° 7" r fl ' . ‘
Hub 11114.10db‘ --C.C‘ o_.3 Lei-46.1. 01411 Oi. v.26 IUuQC'lo, dLlu “.0 11.130 «1. 11.10118

for 31-11263 I to shot; Christian sell by e;:;: 311111;, 113- L“1s 111:3 from the
. l7 ,
_ragon domains. ireyory I (1271-7o) wls presegtez With a seeh1n51y

great miss ionlry ogportuhity in the Crest Thuh's re;uest for

Mission ries. inis “e.u st was conveyed to the pope by *iccolo and

" 1

Tnffeo 7010, 1nd is ce sc cr1bed oy {arco “010 in

N

tne Prolojue to his

Travels in the follozin; *ords:
Sis object . . . s to make a refiuost to luis Toliness that

he would send to him.a hulnrred pen of legrling, tloroujhly
aeguainted 11th the princigles of the Christian religion, as
L‘Sll as 11th the seven arts, and finalified to trove to the
10 rn :d of 113 dominions by just and fair ar;uhent, that the
faith proiesoed by Christians is superior to, and founded upon
more evident truth t on, any otter; th>t the gods of he Tartars
ard the idols L0r31rr‘u in their houses were only evil Spirits,
and that they and the geogle of the East in general were under
an error in reverencing them as divinities, and that if they
would prove this, he ELd a under him would become Christians
and the Church's liegelnen.

The Great Yhan, however, was probably more interested in the advanced

technolo y which these fies .rners possessed, and the possibilities of

Christianity as a force for holdintr tOtether his elupire, than in the
. . . . . . 19

Christian faith as a strictly religious matter. Gregory K sent two

men with the Folos, but the party had aotten only as far as armenia

when, upon learning of awarf re ahead of them, the two would-be

missionaries bec e is r ul of der er and returned to the U01y land.

 

1?

18
The Travels f T‘rco T010, ed. Tunnel ’ovroL frOI I1rsden's

translation Sen Tori, 1927‘, Irolo ue, cha :ter 2, also Book 11,
chapter 6.

1?

Yann, XV, 190-85; Lee, I, 70.

 

 

Teonardo Olschli, 1*rco Polo's Precursors (haltiuore, 1943),

 

Innocent V, Hadrian V, and John :LI to etne; Spent less than a
year on the papal throne. Ficholas III (1277-80) ordered his lehate
to make preparations touaid the est: blism ent of a bishogric :mong
the Cumans at Yilcov, as the bishopric firegory I: hid founded had been

. 20

destroyed in the Ton ol invasions. "icziolas also co .ended the
Trovincial of the Chntgrian "ranciSCans to send gore 1’ssiorzr1es to
the Cumans. ”0 ever hicholas WLS ”r1u1rily 11te1ested in a cruSade,
and for thi" re;s_n refrirandez 1lfonso K for entering into truces
with Tuslins. The e hasaies raiCn the Ton ols sent to the Test
durinr these ye1rs t" seek alliances anainst the Tuslirs were coolly
received and evasively answered by both pepes and kinJS. A party of
FrenCiSCans whicli Iicholas sent to the C-reit Lhe n :inarently never

21
reached their destination. his successors, Lartin IV'(lZSl—85) and

fienorius I? (lBCB-eC‘ 7) re ised monegr for crus1des and sient it i1

h,

other hrojests. ”bnorius, however, sent clergy tho had co hand of
eastern languag—s to Paris, to study theolo;y in nrenara tion 1or

.0 - ' ... 7.. 22 17- ~ 9710 o ,1- 1 n 1- _
ioreig11 11s51ionnry “or“. 1icholas If (line-,2) sent John or ionte
Corvino and some fellOK firLACiscans to the fireat ihin 1.:ith letters

1

v. 1". ‘1’. -n ‘
13111011. 3,1101. ,1

<1

ery diploga ic attitude toward the schi

as well as toxard the Yhan. “Urin; Iicholis' poatificute, diplor :tic

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embassies were exch1nged with lrghun Than, and v1:eio:;ries set

 

 

 

 

 

 

-~. - r- I‘. ’H . J -'~11.. ‘. n "u r _ l:
fte Liens, .~e11r1n 113 114.3n, 'pp. .20, ,,3.
21 .L‘ “' ' 1 "m ' .L" '1 1 W .L ' 4. '
Cattit' .11 tte ‘* ' 1 tie : GWLV; a1” ’193UJIC: C1 1&2 ietul. citices
-- g-.. _ ~-'~ -— — ’w’
. :‘ - -, r 1 ", r '1 ..
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Ox
\0

. " > - '- -. ‘. h -“‘/" 4" ‘ h "I“ .‘ "‘. V ' "x. 17'. . - , 1
SeLestiue f (l:?4), Loss “or oLLy live Lent s, receiueo ?Uuos

Zull's ootfir Le;siva uiQQiLnflry :1 L, but hid notlflf to further

L“ _J
mléfilun vorL. Tolijcoo VITI (l294-1303) ngs en a; u Gur'hg his
poLtific:te with FLilip I? of ?raLce, LLo “sisuict TI (1,03-04) was
3150 ULsLle to a"7;;6 to .issions. “ut Clemeit \f (1305-14) resioLdec

to an a teal for Lalo fro» Jofin of Touts CorviLo by leing Lim

ircnbishop sLd Fgrtiarch of the East and serdiu; Rig seven suLirujan

biSLOps, of thf oLly three errived in PeLing. TLe Council of

‘L/ O

Vienne, which w-s 3:1d during Cle:.e ent's pontifiCLte, esta ished

five schools for education is oriental languages. John XIII (1316-34)

sent nany missiOLaries, generally Franci80ius end TVomitist-#1.;

tWrOUfhout the East. T reover, he organiser the e stern missions,

creating bishoorics sLd srchbishoprics in Persia, greenia, fleorgia,

and Yipohak (southern Russia), and allottina the northern hglf of

Asia to the care of the Trenciscuns and the southern oortion to the

TOLiiwic his Bensdict FTI (1334-42) sent John of Tarignolli th11 others

. . 25

to the East, in “esporse to an eLnassy from tie Great Tlisn. Clemen
(1342—52) ageirently did Wotnir; for Jiss inns, out during the

pontificdte o: Innocent VI (1352—62) John of Tiriigolli returned with

the Fhsn's letter r3;UBStlL5 Lore Lis.ionurks. The poye aske' the

Eta miscan Cheptsr-ienursl for action on this resu st, but received

I‘.

none. Urban 7 (1362-70) sent some missioLiries to tLe Lst, but
26

tLere is no eviCence that th y ever rLac hed Peking.

 

/

2
3.2.11.1” .1.: II, 97, -Ltiya, p. 25]..

25 -
atiya, py. 254-55; Iann, XVII, 98; IemLens,
pp. 42—43.

26, -,
I 3.1111, .L‘III’ 10‘2-04.

 

70

Clearly the papal rissionary method was to seek quick conversion
of the Fuelin peeple throu h conversion of their leaders, and to
establish church control by the nasty erection of bishoprics. The
papal correspondence indiCates that the popes, like Francis and lull,
expected the Tusliys to be easily converted. Then this did not happen,
the popes were nonplused and were unable to devise a satisfactory
missionary pro:?am. The pepes also failed to discern that the pro-
fessed desire for union with Rene on the part of schismatics and
Yongols w~s really a device to inCUCe the pepes to 3ive military aid
against enemies. Then such aid failed to materialize, the desire for
union disappeared.2’7

From the foregoing sketch of papal activity connected with
missions in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, it is clear that
the pOpes were more interested in mission work in the Far East and
among the Tartars than in mission work among the Fuslins nearer them,
Such an emphasis fits perfectly with the papal emphasis upon the
crusade; the popes saw the Inslins as enemies to be externinated
rather than as heathen to be converted, and to saintein crusading
enthusiasm it was necessary to continue to imp oss upon Hestern
EurOpe the idea that the Luslims were enemies. Atiya finds three
main aims in the papal policy of the later Fiddle Ages: the popes
hoped to convert the Tengols and bring Peking and Persia within the
fold of the Ronan Catholic Church; the popes hoped that conversion

of the Foneols would eliminate the danger the Yongols posed to Testern

 

lltaner, pp. 230-33.

71

Europe; and the popes hOped to obtain united action between the

28
EurOpesns and the Yongols to crush the Fuelin.ranluh enpire.
Lllied with ty-ese aims were the spasnodic at‘e Itts at reunion of
Tastern and Vestern Christianity, and pith the v1; riou schismatic
groups in the 318 t, in the hopes that a united Christian front could
be presented a air st Isiah. This passion for unitv also helps to
explain the pan I dislike of the tolerance sh wn to Tus line in S
and Sicily. The best wav to have reli ious unity was to eliminate
the dissenting eleients, which the popes sou ht to co by rev -t€d
pressures upon the toler ent Spanish rulers and : eds ric ' (II, and by

cruSados against t;e L tter aid other Ciss enters, such as the Cathari.

Is Throop eayS, fro; the papal point of view "nothing see were inner-
Q
/

book, the Th‘dl pressuret pon Sure; for this relifious unity produced
further Eisunity.
sol

The pepes, Tomever, Cid Jot justify their actio l; on the

(n
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basis of expediency; 0 nor law the 4130 a Tujor fnctor in their thinking.

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his subject in considerable Cetiil, and in
so doing has shed so e li;ht on the levelistic bases for $48 papal
a:p“0aca to missio;s. First it is to be noted that the crushdes

were not, in the eyes of the cinoni ists s, the ideal may of afflrflllg

 

.. A , J ,u v‘ - v‘ ‘ . . ' ‘fl ~ - fig. . . , fl'- _‘J— .3... .3.) .. 1‘ . 7
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tiih flush fgrour :itl the experiets. Whey frefcrrec subtler net:

sore of IhiCh mcvle reveieys Le terred the aet;o* Oi in;iltr;tic .

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rissions. Tens the c Loniete, axon; th—w.?o:e ILLCCCnt I7, hold that
rieeionmries fibé otFer repel refresertutives rust be cllomed to enter

. .. -. . .fl ,~... - -, . 1 ,w V.,.__~ ..
aid FOVB freely 1n yon—74*Jst1an constriee, ulu refuegl to 5110: free

305, If the pore 3.3 uweble to ~ire t: runieggent, 4e could use the
secular err to do so. ?ut such power oyly referreq to tee lea ul

co genes of tad gcpe to Lon-Thristiees; it did rot irclude or injiy
tie ri ht to cougel ion-Serisoieus to empre'e tee 3;“ietieu feitL.

Ty tge Sege legic, entrance to Christian countries W45 denied to
'Usligs, n;o were in error and

nor-Juristien eiiseuries, eagecielly

__- ,...e ,7 ,.,. A 4.1 , -_. .
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v3. 124-23.

the eh,eror's fUnCCiJLS then the engeror Lgs uheble to do so; therefore

1 w

the Pete Lgd the riilt to attehjt to regain all lords for erly held by

he T‘ol' flood. Eere his the iuristic basis
a

7-1. ‘ *“‘ " J". "~ ‘ ' 7 r‘ 1 . '1‘.-;‘ ~‘ ‘ ' o it . . ‘ “_. ‘r‘ ".‘n fr, I. C' . "
lie uCAt fiUJQUTOu hes thet-er the ?UC8 co ;“ c l,d r ”LL'JAIlotldd

—

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lends ,hicl dgu lever bbeh uhcer enlistian rule. ihooceht If held ufldt
-V',. ' r. - ,-' -‘ .. r, .— ,-‘- _r .. I 4-1 . 4— -\ q "I — k-i . y. . . ‘. . .'< '... - . - q '- - -: — fl. -
this could Let be cohe, 9nd whet ,osseQSioh of Gerbils luhdb f iliioels

is ecce t Lle uhless t sir acts ie:e such goss.ssiOh sinful. ?ut

-
a

r "‘ ”. "‘ 1" ’. L 4- \ ‘3‘. | "“ .' ' I 1. " '0 . ‘1 ". 7-K ’" . a , . . f- ". \ " l 1v" . I“ ~ . .11 ~.
'Ootibusl', Locale: caholist o: twe ,erioo, slid tl,c c3 Shrist n_c had
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J
;.y o; e cohpronise between these txo teldries uds echieved
by later caregists. It was agreed thet force should get be employed to

subjujete these pejeu countries to Christian rule, but that they should
be men over bv the efforts of tissionery activity, that is, by tegceful
4

penetration." Couever, if the right of entry was refused, then force

C

\N

could be used.

The canonistic arguments, like papal activities, treated missions
as a means to some other end, rather thu‘ es en ?Ld in itself. Pepes
in the earher Fiddle lges had considered missions one of the chief ends

of papal activity; in the thirteenth century the outlook has changed.

Fence it is startlihr to find a king, Iouis IX, corcerned with the

U

salvation of the souls of the Tongols end the Tusligs and seniing

 

2
3 Ullmsnn, pp. 126-28.

apUllrann, pp. 129-31.

34
ITllill’iIlfl, p. 131’ 132, II. 10

74

missions to them for the purpose of converting them to the Christian
faith, while the ropes were concerned with military alliances and
crusades}5 Tuch of the chanre is attributable to the fact thet the
Church was now an accented societal institution, rather than, as in
an earlier period (before 1000), one which was fighting for its
existence. Conse uently the Church was concerned with its paintenence
more than with its gessage. In addition the popes, having attained a
degree of tenporal suprenacy, fell prey to the L$DY problers of a

tenporal sovereign, and freuuently had too little time to ;ive to

Spiritual c.ncerns.

 

3Elohn of Joinville, Whe life of 1 . louis, tr. Rene Hague (Yew
York, 1955), chapters aixj-I-iv, 97157-35, 491-92. For missions in
the earlier Fiddle Ages, see Richard 3. dullivar, "Zhe Tapacy and
Yissionary lctivity in the Early fiddle Ages," iediaevel studies,

Kill (1955) . 46-106.

75

CfigPTBl VI

CCY’JLK’SI GIT
Frey the preceding y Ves it is evident that there were weny
factors tortin: to eti_ulate ”lSSlOLUry activity tow rd the Iuslins
in tLe thirte nth ;:d fourte nth centuries. 3everel of these factors
were in tie historichl situation of the ti 8. Internal dissersion
and Christi n resistlzce hid halted tne Infillu e gire's enjansion during
a

the ei “Lei; century grid Le, dlll‘lll._" t‘1e s1.1cceed.'-1:..; centuries,

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eleventh century recovery was suffic' y advanced for Testern Europe
to be in a nilitarr counterattac: against Isle . Fugin; the twelfth

.Vulu“ f contact uith I‘

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*-

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century, the ‘t an encourlged the develognent

of trade, the increase of lezrning, end the "routh of tolerance in

”estern Turope, ell of tlich were important in mission work. The

missionaries overstod frOa bases 11 the fondaci, the EurOpeon Merchant

 

quarters, in the tort cities of .frica erd the Year East, while

Missioniries to the Tongols east of the ngck ?ea vere aided by contact
’ 1 r ‘ _ V f 4. 1 W w 1 o L - o

nit; enoese Morel HUS. ine emnaasis on tie intellectual exoOSition

of t‘e Christian frith, uhich is etidencefi in the tort of Ct. “orinic

and tPe Ligsior_ry prceirardists as wall as the “r? 1 letters to

Tusli: suit L7, ans 1 natural outerLth of incre~sed lcirnii;. ;rd

F

tie rise are sore c oi tolerates anon; the nerle of Testern jurors

 

Te -ons, ;eiccrr issioren, po. 51-52. Else here (9. ¢9) Le lens
S“YS: "Tie Lahl our fi;rist:n nuchs nit Cer junafi e Cos randels."
e 1 3i;: of .isoion work in Tunis, :ifir;s that: *Fie
”andel war hi‘r ZlG such sonst idler der 30hritt_lcner der Iissionen."
T

 

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helred to decre so fiterest in crusil

" ' ‘1’! . "v ‘ ‘ \V .- 1' '0 '- I ' '~ ' . ‘ ' 4'1“ '3 ‘.-' . '- ‘ J" . ’ J‘ " W

leoluLS ”Q ; -clwi oi ceglir 11th b'b Tuclits. Tu is interestil
_‘ ‘ __ .-< v _qo _ _ ‘ |_\ ‘ ' Aa_. o - ‘ : _‘

to ;3Culree 0r D e il silicelce oi bl” iuu l. coutriuttlou to t'e

'11! ~ . 0 _ 4— O '. O __. r: ’_-‘ .‘ 7 D "1 d. ‘ '_-_ a- ‘ ,'.‘, 0 . _ D? '1‘ ‘ - 4.1.: "v") ‘. i _ W I“
vhllouluu ilqaiduwrf irtcrest. Omlglc Rio lull, soul ,yohlqrflb,

-»r . V .- 4-,w I” - -: 4-3 ' _- . r. ~ . z ' .‘. "i -. "- 7.~..rfi a ' .. - r a
were tell sceuuirtct 14b} fusli s. ,rgtcis' lut.cr Ugo tall—Ergveluu
' ,. - , *1 ,. - - 7 . .‘t 3 ‘. ‘1'- .. .. , _ . par—n," ., _ “1 .. : —. _ , -‘
ll- DOhL/Llefu ._‘I';J..Ce “-3338 J Lit-ll. 1114.1.U.UJ..LC8 92.10 p blank.” cud Hl'cygclb Hub

1

,... .. ,i I f" .V _ ’7'? 0 -. '1 .,—.. 3 Z; ‘.| i‘ 'L‘ . J- , 1", , _,. g ‘m ' ‘ --.,
cousiuerele 1 lgLGmCLu t3 the bruLUcLUhro ,uo be;

(i)

ii'muuimfhwrmm

{ )

u—P H _ '1

olcliu of lor. i;c Tuouas Louisgs (reg up in ’uslir-
iujluerced soutucri Itily; the letter atteuded the Vniversity of Naples

,1 l 1- ”a . fl . _ _. '_,. ._r p. ,., - 1'“ '\-.-~ 7 -_ ‘,- ,- J _r! , .
t'Llel‘d .1 Udall-no 1.6.96 \J.‘.. v-3 .LACUlt‘) . QC UI‘ - 50.2.- thud. l.a,.l‘olllu.3 OJ. .1.-).‘118.

. - ~n .. . ‘ . -: - Ir: 0‘ ' 4-1“. - 1’ a 1" — ?‘r. C‘ . x1 . ‘1 ‘ , _
were so well uc‘ollrteu thd use “or” or tee tusliu Luilosopner Averrocs

tlut both were accused of being fiverroists. Such corSiderltions :re
merely circumstgrti 1, however, and CuhrOt be aiduced as definite
proof chit Christian uiESiChS mere fostered by fuelim thou;ht and influence.
‘rother Tuslir—tinged factor in missionury work nus later redievel
nysticism. The significance of visions in the lives of “oninic, Francis,
and ?emon Iull hos been noted. Tysticism was a keynote of Francis! life,
while lull has fre_ueutly received more corsider.tion as a rystic than
as a philosorher. is rystic'sm stressed the union of tlo individual
with God, it heleed to blur distinctions bet: on reli ions and led
the believer to feel confident tl;t he cum lewd urotuer to the emie
uysticel exyerierce.

ya
L—

-ut it was necessary for individual fer<

J

to utilise the VurlQUS

D
a

factors in ectull gissicncry work. Recluse tley sou/ht to do so,

Francis and Fomiric ere axon" tne favorite heroes of church history.

)

U."

ole pores, notably Grejory K, Innocent IV, and John XIII, aided the

77

nissionary effort by sending letters to nor—Christiin rulers,
maintaining an or;anisational structure to facilitate fissionary

q

Operations, an. stinulatirg zeal for mission work. find of course
there are the nu erous individuals tho did particular service in
particular lands. It is very important to note that the leaders in
the peaceful missionary nork-—Francis, Tominic, and Ramon Lull—-uere
convinced trat they were led by God into this activity, and that the
leading of God was their primary motivation.

Iany of the factors uhich aided missionary work, however, also
served to hinder it. Trade did not always aid mission work, as in
the case of the two FranciSCans who were ejected from Tunis by
Christian merchants. The intellectual emphasis in Christianity,
which viewed Islam as a hostile dogmatic system.rather than a vital
faith, frequently hindered the conversion of the Yuslim to Christianity.
Religious tolerance soretimes beCame religious indifference and then
deterred mission work. Tysticism often led missionaries and popes
to be unrealistiCully Optimistic concerning the rrOSpects of converting
the Yuslims, and prevented the development of more concrete progr ms
of missionary activity.

An important factor in missionary work is the nethod used by the
missionary. anortunately, raterials for the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries are too scanty to discuss missionary nethocolOJy in other than

general terms. Towever Pertold 3puler, in discussing "Iran and Islam,"

 

Addison, The Christi
at length the hindrance of the inte'

 

leunens, Voids“ iesionen, p. 103.

 

"The forei ign reli'ion gay succeed in convincini the lending personality

'the second

:2.

or the nrincipal groun of the truth of its messe e," an

'1

denier of conversion is by may 0: a m to lullVl uals or roups,

H '
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uhicn leS over the ezole peoale not throu1h the leadiig classes but

*1

through the sociall; i11erior ones." e conclxdos t3.t the conversion
of Iran to Isl m age 1ot effec ted ‘sy ei the: of these two re othods 0, but
by a dialere t one, whicn added ". . . spiritUality and a pissionary
ideal to the social, financial, end culturdl inducements lehiing
tower? the chu: e of reli ion. Tb these tere added, lest but not
least, :hysic- :1 force, terror, and death, before tue tkole Iranian
rsonle embraced Isl: ." The firs getfio;, “:Ller notes, yields a

la? e nroporticn of 1ooyle who co form out xrdly only. Tet“od two

re tires greater e;ortion for the rise onary reli‘io; and frenter

.n 1 1 '~ _.. .'- 1: -‘_ \ - '. _--. ”1.. .n .. . 4. .—
s critice (000 Lee on t‘e he :ssit' of re 1 ti ‘ uoq oi the Cblulrv)

’- e ' J-I —'.~2 , v~ -\ 4"— C ’t 1 ? ”'7‘ " . ' ' lJ‘. "V ' ',- A'
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Von ol E; Ls, zero cle.r 1y Ltili lLi tLO oi t 938 cépro;cL;s.
-_I O ‘ ' O .‘ ‘ _ .- _fi 0 I " -. . lu'_ _ . o ‘ p
TluSluh1TJG; oh tie field a3.so u: ed mnthOd ens, uS tre conversion cl

1 .. ‘.V',-° .., _.- , .-‘ -. , " ..'-.~.. 4-' -.
ta: Tunls an Sgif'” ns:ne4 aid the his3utru1ors o

-_ _ ' .“ _..
.1111. 181C. ch £1.10...

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ertold 3 :uler , "Iran 11d Islam," in .;o ieru
., ’ . ’ n 1 1' VU - ' .- 0 C—:
”1;, 1e;01r 75 (,i3 ri , 1954), he. 47-4o, ,y.

‘ ‘3rx .1 ‘ 1' 1"” ‘1' '5 ‘1 ‘, ,‘ "fl. 1 FT 1 -" 1 .‘ l_ fi 1 ‘ ,2.) "1.... A" ’2 .1", '. ’ f2 ‘
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‘. uq ‘: ‘1 ‘ |\‘“‘.-4 ' ‘ -= .- .- - 1 - ““ —' .‘~-. ~ ‘ ‘h‘ . r 1 T'l' . If. .1 ‘1 .. \

, 1.15).“,J... .13 UCCLsJ-.L QM .1.—'3. 3. ”fund ‘.u-LQl‘i‘J ~J-.r.l. u.) .. .LJHQ -10.:-u -. UJ..L. U..VL.L..L. 0011 v.10].
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uniqwr. 1.,C LL... Lu' ‘~-LL-~JU, 1123 1.11 U‘L_.AA.J.;, :..J.uJ..Lv , 9,113.1. L11-“ “0.1“, -_..;IILI,

. _ .L.‘ ... . 1. .1.. _. ‘,_° 1 . q ‘ .. ,1” .. ,‘ ’T'Lv ', -_v, ' 3,. ”.0 ' ‘ V.‘
UJ.‘ u1-.L Uupil U136; U]. L a _. o .1. L1. . UI'U «CO gain 1. haul S g 1.. LLC.. :3. out U1 01.1. (.1111.—

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stngQS is outiiis; in Syuicr's third “etioc. :b t1

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JOJ—J. U1.

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ugon Juristiun secs shy, tLich “My hive been Q1ined by force,
for LUCCé‘o
zigipeslin; to I’usli1; le-;c1e1-s to c':;~..1i__;e
iusli 5. Isle; Lid 3 l1u zhich gunished
aoost.s; hf deit , 11d this low, ri idl"e nforced during the Tiodle
_ges, considerably esseued the possibility of converting Tuslims to

/

O

Chriisti1tity. TLC logs of the YlnéCOh of Iorusileu with the fall of

(D
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Li:

Acre in 1291 degrivod ti 1issioniries of t sir Dose of orero-

tiors, waile tse Zunored Years' Jar 1s France era the str1fe between

Pop e John £11.I anu ; 1eror Louis IJ oiverted attertion uLd enerQy away

from the “issions“y entergrise.7 But the overly o M1.istic elief in
the case with which toe Tusligs could be converted, and the conseluont
failure to estiblisa a systelatic “i-sion ry piss tith permanent hission
work in the non-Christisn lands also contributed to failure. Koreover

the popes, anxious to extend the area of the Church's pomer, erected

 

iltaner, p. 1?; ?Uber, pL. 256-58.

bishoprics and the Erin work of hierarchical or 3snization without
rerard for t17e actual number of Christians in the or . the result

:as the dove;rd1ce or an or snized nis sioniry I. ork which the in reality
all but nonexisteht, bein3 instead spasrodic and haphazard, composed of
few missionaries and alhost no indi~enous leadership.8 A further hin-
drance was the 11csiondr1es' igxflor1nce of the lun3ua3e of the lands in
nhich they worked; the continued insistence upon the need for lun3uage
schools is proof that linguistic ability was a problem. During the
fourteenth century deny of the lesser Yongol khuns uere converted to
ISlam, and their 11nds thus became less accessible to Christian

10
ss'oneries. The Black Death of 1349, which Lilled betw en on e-half

.— l

in

P.

and two-thirds of the EranciSCens, use esgecially Severe amon3 hission—
aries. Clement VI stated on Lurch 14, 1349, that only three Ioninice

. , fl , 11 f
priests were left in all of ger81a. such wholesale losses of
personnel Caused the orders to ad¢it new members carelessly, and these

a 12 -- a V

new neuoers la czed n-o810nary zeal and dediCstion. [ith the overthrow
of the Ton3ols by the King dynasty in 1368, any hoge of firefl1t iss ion.1ry
successes Cifle to an end. The greut missi n1ry effort had spent 1ts
force, and future e1;er3 tic: s would profit frog its nwi t1zes rather

J—’ .-. . 1 4'1~-1 A rv. ‘F‘
ohm“ ltb ouCCuougoo

 

 

flt13“51: ?- 250$ Tittle, artic Ole in Sq UriC e ioticv l .ibtorY:
VI, 754; T muons, [rungisfigner;i: eicnen, p. o4.

llT

 

 

 

81

Fri nry source .xteriqls do not Cenl directly zitn tfie f ctors

' to: rd t“e Tuslius,

but r tfier snugly erecific e; Vfles -rd illuatr tiers of such f ctors.
Fistory frow the ve1r 1235 t£_1273. tr. J.1.

-1 .1 - 1 . -111 or 1. -. . 11 11 1.11 1 --fl, .1,
:klub, 3 vols. (non1oy, 15);) Cont111s sc.t1ereo ulbu of 111or1gt1on

1 - -L ’ '7‘ . I - - ~ 1‘ .' . .~‘fi - I: '- - . - v, -. -1 -u. 1 5' 1 ‘ . , 1‘
1pr L1 Q, ng'tbr‘J. ,LiO , 33' ._,O;.]-L‘JL. :8 1.11. .;_11k: ;- LIL]. but. 011 '13-)..1‘11‘0 1 knell. -o .
P '1“ ‘ 1 "- v . ‘1 -. -, "'. '3 ' ‘ 1'1 . 7- _"I . 4": P 1 r I: ”p v.“ 1 “AT“ -. .‘1
not-~r or- 131 provides sucn 1 1or. t1mn “no esceci1lly 111oros

"1'!

1n understurtin: of the 1nfluence of Joechin of giore 1Lon: the

 

 

 

 

sti: n4 usli: rel1tiors in -icilv and the olv 1.1rd is gei ed Prom

lie ‘r1v1l of 1011 Junafr. tr. 3.3.3. Broadhurst (Iondon, 1952)-

 

 

Ciristia1—fiuslim rel tions in t1e “oly Tund are also illumineted in

0 I -1- I I w -
‘4 1 - 1' -- r3 "1 1 -1 r v \ —‘ 1-1 — - ~1 4" 1' P'- c‘. I
-L \- .h... J- :2- j-~J ll ‘1 .A. a \ 1 .1 J J 4.-.. t 9 ejL _ \l k... k J. U: 3 Jr‘l1i'_ _deb:
—— cu..— _

 

 

 

 

 

 

1 Christian View e1 tge Iioly- and conditions i“ ,ivon by I;c;ues de

Vitry's letters, edited by R. REhricht, "hrieie des Fecouus von Titrieco,"

 

1‘. n _. 1“ a _r‘ J] Irv-O ‘ ’ __ “ 1 O i J_ . -7—f--r “I [‘1 A
neitsc1311t 1ur ire _. esCu:c«ue, 11f (11¢4), 97-llo.

pr1es. Tee tr 5 cf Ldor1c of :QICBLCLG one Jenn
, .1 (-1-. : n 7" . 't‘fi "_I 1 f) ldl. 4‘ ’41:”! v. I: 15 i - ..‘_ 'h . A r" 4".” ’3 - . . 1“, '3 ‘ -) '\ -
( 4.41. 1 1.1. .1 ac, .u L/U VOL 1rQ1.. 1.....Lu (hurled 0.; UNA. u]. .v’ “lb L»;

in Fenry Yule's t1 o copiously 7111110t1'1 e6 Jolu: es, “11:32: 1311:,- the 7.3;

 

( D
10

_-. _ . . . -_‘_., ~.- , r — w. ~1, ~- 0
Conto poo rie: “P T loo £010, e3. Tunnel To roff (-ou fori, l92o)

 

 

contains Ofloric's account, 1101' 11th the journuls of Iohn of Fian

'illien of Rubruck. 1 co yeri;on of Toiroff's Odoric
tith YUle's reveuls tint tLe ior er hes oritteé c;ny of the paSSages
deulirv with Cdoric's religious work; thus his tre t ent of John and

?illiun i3 susoect. Horton tely 3 better edition of Tillin.'s travels

exists, the well-e;notuted The Iouriey of "illi¢d of Quoruof to the

 

 

Castar1 Tirts, tr. e'd ed. ?illian 7. Re k11L l (IonCon, 1900). Venroff's

 

edition of fine ¢r1vels 1 Farce 7010 (the Venetian), re71seu from fersden's

 

 

a,

tiinsl1tion ( .e1. Vork, 1926), is in modern 313lish gnu evidences sound
SCLOlarShip; however Tenry YUle's edition of Terco F010 is still
definitive. :13 2:331:23. Louis Elmo}; Juh'mlle, tr. Pena Hague
from text edited by? Walis de Yailly Yen York, 1955) gives insight
into Iouis Ii's LOt ives for sending fiilliam of Rubruck to the Yongol
Great Than.

Other prixury sources are the writers who urged uissionery activity.
rm

1ne Cous lojus f

- .

Refer Bacon, tr. Robert B. ?urke, 2 vols. (Ihilodelphia,

1928) stresses the :hilosopnicml bases of11ssionery attack, and urges

language training for missionaries. Pierre Dubois, Whe ?ecovery of the

 

Voly 11nd, tr. ”alt? er I. :randt (Yew Verk,1950) outlines a conrlete
nissionery sche e as a part of a plan to make the French king the

greatest of all kin3s. Brendt's introductory notes are very useful,

especially in exrle i.1n 313 the op ere tion 0: iroie,unod activity in the

 

thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. luroilius of iiiua: The Tefender

 

of Peace, tr. Alan Gerirth, 2 vols. (Lev? Yorlg 1936) is well done.

Voluhe two is the trensletion volume one is an exnosition of medieVel
3

s phy and contains an

Iverroi81 in tte olitiCul

*6

LJ I
(3

Tonerchy end Three :olit ml

 

q

/

l 54) gives the greet poet's

C‘
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i

pecielly helpful treetnent of

.0
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thought 0 that time. Fante,

_etters, tr. Tonold Ticholl (flew Ybrk,

mg,
.1. ‘4

desl lotions between church

cusses how universal pegce way Lest be obtained.

 

 

 

The V'C1on ,f Tilliin concerning Piers the Plow on in Three Parallel
Texts to ether Tit‘n Richard the Redeless by ”illiim Zenglard, ed.

 

 

7. Sheet, 2 vols. (London, 1924) plicss much enphssis (in Piers

k

.54

e Plowman) upon the need of converting the Tusliy

‘

T :18

works, t best treat ent of late redievsl

y is Eerthold titerer, T'ie *o1131:;n3r-issionen oes

 

 

l}. Jshrhunderss (Tubelschuerdt, 1924), in uhich 2 large section is
1evoted to Fueli- LlVSlQCS. ltuner also discusses the Lissiongry

- A“... .n ° ' . 2 4-1 - ~ ’u' ‘ ,. » ~‘ - ~ ,
ideas OJ. T“on-.1111c :11 1 1e early “ohmic 13. I11 113 sorclumon, he Cesls

. o _ .1.-l . 0‘ o r." . _o 3 ’HO 1 ‘_ o a 3* fl _ o o, ‘ n ‘7',
ultin e .omnicln rel.__:tio.ns ....1th tbe T'rmcrsc is, 1.17 th +3148 «ethocas
N - h D . -' . - v ' 'N“! . ‘ n . .., 1 "l - 5

11d TJS'ltO 01 1“(13.10.11 .1ssiohs. The ori inel sources ire used

 

 

 

 

 

e1tensivoly, o d t7e bibliogrujhv thhou h urcriticil is exh1ustive.
also Kory ueeful s 'ennlird 'e..ens, iii'*ei.en‘izeioaen fies “oft—
1ittel lters (-fi;st:r in 'estf., 1019) :hich 3e ls nith rot” “r tciecin
xii “o;i1ie n Jiseioh ,orh '“is tr: t ent of.uise'o;s to fuelin 11ndo
is Lnfortunibel; iele; tee to e seven—f ~e gggen ix. Iem;ets too his
thorothl; sifted t.e sources, e: cites some Fr1nci3011 EOUlCdu not
ueeu by ‘"t1rer. Ie 115' “1e ~7rarsis‘: 1e: £:_"l. 11150, 1. Teil,

his “ruhzishiner :Tf €e~ ifcr: 137E—lfr2 (ifinster in gestf., l925}
deuls Only incidenthllj Lit; Lissiohary norr. In fieschieh e Cer

 

1- .‘.,.._- 1‘1. - , -._.°-. .1., I- .31-... :
.'-I'r_.11..;'.a.L-J. $-13 l'ULiye'l911cu. \. 1111.11.01? _..-.1

includes

- «- N
. .8110

 

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L, _QI.J'- LJL‘LK/A. L2) ‘. -. .43.}. _zr.‘ ]\./__ 1.10 114. CI _.. U.’ .U1-Uk) .3..... _ uix U. _ .'. ,‘:.\..A J-.Z . J 6.1 U11 4.1.
T , . .. l - .. ., . - ‘ .. : 4-,, u‘ a '7 .v— .._,_. . .9 . --‘ : - .a — _._ '

.16 u U-;b 1-311 - u.-.JC.J.L l'CDJD _..-uv qu J.\_LCUVLLJ .-_..‘)u;..:...._._ L413 11 uOn'uluu.

4.3 .3. .. .°_ ‘ 1 .3 - . 71- _. 31.1,. J. V" _ . ,__‘ 1-1- ' . 4. . L- , .fi - _-.:. _. n ' . .1.. ,_, ._‘o _.,*,_ .3
01 but; . ..l_.‘;u1ci.. .1; p-1ul‘uLa. . 16.1.16. «1. 4001} u IkUK:L;J-G uuu, _, _ lo uOI‘y Cu. Lulu
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.L- “111:1 c- .um;ile;, :u , .01. II, 111, chuceiit Asirs Li 1; ,oru :Ltj'

__ U *

 

 

 

 

(Lew _.orl:, 193;) relics cl. 0:: cuirel: upon 7.3.193 :Q4d ,,1t'_;,.er for
his t"37tifilt of liter mediele nissions. James T. _udison, The

Christian 1;;rovcfi to the losler (Jew York, 942) discusses briefly

 

1‘ a: 1 - r' n 'I '4 V ~._"- -. . 'v rq ‘ ‘- ,‘ I. "‘ 5’1 . 1",
the history 91 .issionlrj ei‘forts t0‘51;rd Tusllfls, and eh.:ssises the

tleoretic l as Cbtu of such uncrolcncs. Ruphiel I. Euber, fl Iccu ented

 

fistory of tie Transisc n Order: 1182-1517 (“ila uzee ,1944) is a

f’ 'I

r4

H

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P

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"27‘
E':)

th orou :hly docu.ented tor‘ ml ful iL_or;a tion. TUber,
ho.1ever, is extre sly biased a ainst the Spirituuls and thus fails to

treut them at sufficient length. Georgina R. GelO:"citb, The Constitution

 

of the “omiDijn Order: 1216 to 1560 (Lunchester, Eng., 1925) deals with

 

changes in the order's constitution and little elsJ. R.F. Bennett, 2E3.
Ls_rly 1oniric :ns (sunbridge, Eng., 1937) helpfully discusses many
aspects of the lifie of the surly Dominicans, but his references to
forei n missionury activity depend upon gltuner. HTnose tuo bool (8 taken
tOgether do not, however, give the full picture of 'he Tominicen order
as 31*uber does for tb 1e Franciscans. 1 helpful but brief survey of the

Dominicans is P. landOLnet, "Preachers, Order of," in _Ae Catholic

 

Encyclopedia (Neu'York, 1911), III, pp. 354-70. The early work of both
orders is briefly sunmarized in 1.33 Little, "The KendiCsnt Orders,“

in C ambrid'o 1L"edievul ?istory, x , pp. 727-62.

 

In biographies, Bede Jarrett, life of 3t. Po ‘ ic (Kestginster,‘fd.,

 

is competent but certainly not definitive. Teul Sabatier, Life of St.

Co
\11

., tr. loui“e 3. Lou;hton (Zen Ybrk, 1394) is the

X 11
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Francis. Torace K. Tenn, The Lives of the Totes

 

”1 519 ;: S, 1015 371-1111 (Zor don, 1925) uses sources well

H.
L.
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a I

to wive e bri 81 yet gccurete sue gry of the iLUOTtlut events in such
H10 ti ic te; hogever his treqt.BLt of panel actives srd ettitudes is

solenLLt srperfic Ll. On quon iull, Grief, populur, and inaccurate

C1
‘—

he I’osler s

"A ‘- in :7 . ,ll 1w '3'...,_.,
5341‘.“ D ~‘j’ .113 J . «.1../:41 .

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(Yew York and loudon, 1902). Robert E. 3 eer, Sore ” But Te_ders iL

 

the Torld Tove rt ( e..‘YOrk, 1911) bases his chapter on T111 unon a

 

critiCel regdinv of Ynemer. The definitive account of lull's life

. gllison Peers, 7uxou lull: a “iotiurhy (London, 1929).

 

 

eers, those field 1; liter; uru, develoos his portr it of Tull fron

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sens works on the CIlSMCLj con.uin inch in:orm;tion about LiSJiCnLrv

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the stte_rts of fire orr H( 271—7é) to or unise 1 cruSsce. ITrOOp

one of the fuctors

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Jquo, ,ue .1.A0u1 e" tfle Jrueaaers (Lew YerL, 193)) ulSLhuoeS TULQULULS

 

 

between crusaders aid Fueliqs in the Foly lard. Cu the citrifiC1Lce

o” the crusades for missionary york the fellcrii; Lrticles in voluhe V

of the Cu hrid;e Tedier l Vietory give the e sential facts in brief

coprass: Tilliim B. Etevehson, "The First Crushde," pp. 265-99;
-':erid_3 ihgsiord, "The 71 gdom of Jerusileh, 1099-1291,"

pp. 300-19; and 3.3. Passent, "The Tffects of the Crusades unon Teetern

Euroee," pp. 320-33.

On Christian—Tuslig.reletions in Eyein, Tafiel 7ltubira, I QiStery

1

of Spanisn Civilisation, tr. :. Vblker (Eew Yerk, 1930) is a scholarly

 

. . . ., . H . / .
treatment With much emphe31s on Luslim.cu1tur11 contrioutions. Americo

Castro, {he Structure of gggnish history, tr. Edmund L. King (Princeton,

 

1954) gives a full tredthent of the philosoghiCel and literary influence

of the Luslims upon Spain. Borer B. Lerrimin, The Rise of the SpuniSh

 

 

Empire in the Old World .nd the Lew, Vbl. I, Ehe Liddle “gee (new YOrK,

 

 

1918), contains nothin; not in either altamira or Castro. Lenry Charles
Lee, £_H'story g£_the lpquisition i£_52ein, T01. I (flew Ybrk, 190e)
traces the rise end fell of Christian tolerance tow;rd huslims in Spain,
but exhibits undue hostility tOWurd the Church.

Concerning Islam and its Spread, the best work is Themes Walker

Lrnold, The Preaching of Islam: 3 History of the Fropuvution of the

JD

 

Fuslie Fuith, 2nd ed. (Lshore, 1950) which de ls extensively with
the ,uran and the neture of Isllm. Arnold wns among the first to
shoh thet ISLim sprend pencenhly rather than by the use of the sword.
A modern treetneut of ISlum, eSpecinlly helpful for its penetratiOn

into huslin doctrines, is lejid Khudduri, War and ?esce in the Law of

 

Islegy 2nd ed. (Baltimore, 1955). Philip K. hitti, history o£_the

hrabs fron the Earliest Tihes to_the Present, 6th ed. (London, 1956)

 

is the standard-history of the grab people.

Ebr medievs1.mysticism.and Joachismu Ehile Gebhert, Tystics and

 

Heretics in Itely at the End of the Lioule ;ges, tr. Edward F. yulme

 

(Iordon, 922) is a scholarly, useful account. fivelyn Underhill,

Jacopone da Todi, Feet and hystic l?29-13©6: A Spiritual Piogrephy

 

(London and Toronto, 1919) illuminates both the nnture of medieval
mysticism nnd the work of the Spiritual Franciscans.

Among more specinlised studies, Halter Ullmsnn, ledieVal Pepnlism:

 

The Politic:1 Theories 2: the IedieVal Canonists (Lohdon, 1949) is

 

most valuable for its studied exposition of puyal policies as influenced

by cunon lnu. Ieongrdo Olschki, anco Polo's Precursors (Baltimore, 1943

 

indie tes the Kongol reasons for seeming to be interested in Rowan
Christianitya—reesons of which the popes were unnw:re. Chgrles H.
Huskins, The Hormnns in_3uropean Historx_(Boston and Raw York, 1915)
supplies informstion concerning the Norman religious policy in
southern Italy and Sicily.

A useful general work is Henri Pirenne, Nohummed and Charlemagne,

 

tr. Bernard hiall from the 10th French edition (London, 1954) in which

Pirenne describes how Uestern EurOpe Wes disrupted by the ruslim

85

expansion and how Testern Europe recovered from this disruption. Eirenne
reasons that the luslim capture of the Western hediterrnnesn, by prec-
tiCelly eliminating Western EurOpean sea trade, forced Uestern Europe

to develop an economic, social, and culturul system apart from contact
with the cultured East. The "Pirenne thesis" also dominates his é;

Pistory of EurOpe from the Invasions tg_the XVI Century, tr. Bernard

 

 

Niall (new York, 1939) which, 31though interesting and accurate, leeks
annotations which mould render it more veluuble. Kaurice De Wulf, A

history of ledieVul Ehilosophy, tr. Zrnest C. Tecsenfer from the 5th

 

?renC1 edition, 2 vols. (tendon, 1926) is a succinct summary of the

important contributions of various medievelp_iloeor1er Qobert
erllquIt, The V Pin- of Vuvsnity, 2nd ed. (Zondon, 1923) is hostile

 

 

to the Church ;Pfl Littri butesx :Ln3r of t‘e intellec m*e1 nnd reli ious
developesnts of the Tidcle ages to inelim influence. Forever the
book has almost no references, aid 9riffnu1t hiheelf is e privitely
e: no wt d sur eon rather then a trained historian, thus his Lork must
be used with entrewe Cdution.

To view the Lissim ry york of the later ii dle Hues in the lipht

1

of eurlie tissiongry e:°forts, the followin; nrticlos b; Ricnurd E.

1

A Compxrutiv e 3tud v of Bustern and .e; tern Ie- h

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; igsionury sctivity; nnd "The C_rclin inn Tissio:_ry hrd the T1) n,"

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Prif %u3t and 1 cursory re;oin€ of Thoygs Aguirws, and 13 ne;rly valueless.
Gore orticles on the crusefes are also h31p1u_

of the mission ry notivity. Dina C. Tinro wives in broad outline

”Tue fiestern Attitude Toward Islim auxin; the 1eriod of the drus-des,"

Specu1ufl, VI (1931), 329-43. Ielpfu1 for understiniifir the Qusic

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l‘CuJ.C/1i.:xle Oi t..‘.b Cl‘rlunuud _..b 1 uiLL‘O'S analysis: (xi Irvin's bIJ“bUn, "111

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RI (190 ), 231- 42. George 3. +1.11Lf regnorts on lulgh Fiver, an early

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Cruz de,’ 1:32;, 11 (19 47), 162-33. "riticisi of tne

 

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