.u.-

\

 

 

ATTITUDE CHANGES OBSERVED IN ADC MOTHERS
ATTENDING HOME AND FAMILY LIFE CLASSES

By

Joan P. Bowker

A PROBLEM

Submitted to
Michigan State Uhiversity
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE
College of Home Economics

1966

THEQ‘E’

ACKNOWLEDGHINTS

The writer wishes to thank Dean Jeannette Lee and
Dr. Alice Thorpe for their help in the formulation and pro.

eentation of this prdblem.
The writer also wishes to thank Mrs. Alfreda McGuire

and flies Frances Jackoboice of Grand Rapids for their aid

during the course of the research.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page

MRODUCTION.................... 1
REVIEW 0’ TH! LITERATURE e e e e e . . e e . . . . e 5

HIIHOD'OP RISIARCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
BIBLIOGRARHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
APPINDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

iii

INTRODUCTION

In 1965 the program called ADC (Aid to Dependent
Children) was providing financial aid to children in nearly
a million American families.1 In 1959 payments were made to
two and a quarter million children in three quarters of a
million families. About three and a half children of every
hundred were receiving aid in 1959 compared to two and a
half per hundred in 1948. Most of the families are in need
because of the absence from.the home of the father due to
death. disability. detention, or desertion.2 As the numbers
of aided families continues to grow, a large pr0portion of
the energies of the social work profession. in terms of money
and man hours is devoted to aid to families with dependent
children.3

The increasing size of this caseload in the nation.
the increasing incidence of illegitimacy. neglect of children,
and other symptoms of social problems among ADC families has
led to a concern about effective methods of helping these
families overcome their problems.

One fresh approach to the situation was to work with

 

1Paul Glasser and Elizabeth Navarre. ”Structural

PrOblems of the AFDC Families,‘ reprinted from gogrnal of
Egcial Issues, XXI. no. 1. p. 14.

2Kathryn D. Goodwin et a;.. ADC: Prgblem and gromise

(Chicago: American Public Welfare Association, 1960),pp. 6-7-9.
3from Henry Miller, “Characteristics of AFDC Families,“

§ocial Sgggige Rexiew. XXXIX (Dec., 1965). pp. 399-409. as

abstracted in PHRA. I (March-April. 1966). Abstract 68.

 

2
these mmlti-problem.fsmdlies through multi-discipline. group
methods. The U. 8. Department of Health. Education, and wol-
fare issued a booklet describing and encouraging the use of
this method.1 With the advent of the federal anti-poverty
programxmany programs are being aimed at rehabilitation of
the prdblem-and-poverty—haunted family. Programs for ADC
mothers are more and more often aimed at breaking through
the depression. isolation. and immObilization the women
often exhibit. The problem is beginning to be seen as one of
stopping a waste of human resources as increasing evidence
indicates that both the one-parent family structure and poverty
are being transmitted from one generation to the next.2

In the fall of 1960. the Kent County Department of
Social'Welfare Family Aid and Service unit began the first
series of Home and Family Life classes in Grand Rapids.3 In
1962 the program had been expanded to a series of twelve lec-
tures-discussions, with half of the classes being taught by
the home economist of the COOperative Extension Service of
Kent County and.Michigan State University.

Other lecturers were from the Grand Rapids Department
of Public Recreation, Grand Rapids Health Department. Grand
Rapids Public Museum. Kent County Health Department, Grand
Rapids Board of Education. and Grand Rapids urban League.

The lectures dealt with housing. health, food, money

 

1Gladys White et al., m r v n Home d am L f
(Washington D. C.: U. S. Dept. of Health, Education, and
Welfar.p May, 1962) e

2Glasser and Navarre. Op. cit.. p. 14.

3The information on these classes was made available
from the files of the Kent County Department of Social wel-
fare in Grand Rapids, Michigan.

3
management. recreation. family relationships and planning
for the future. The classes were planned to provide factual
information of course. but another aim was to build the con-
fidence of the women in their own abilities to handle their
own problems. Providing time and refreshments for a coffee
break was an attempt to allow the women to make friends.
relax. and practice neglected social skills.

Informal evaluations of the series were made by the
mothers. teachers. and caseworkers. .They indicated a feel-
ing that the classes had been successful in teaching the
women some new ways of handling their problems, reinforcing
confidence in their own abilities. and giving them a sense
of place in the community. Caseworkers reported some indi-
vidual improvements for women who had taken the course (e.g..
no housing complaints against any of the women during the
course). Though these presumed changes were small. the hope
is that changesaccomplished in one area of life may in turn
affect other areas.

Studies testing these impressions of success are
rare. It would seem reasonable to attempt to check howwell
the expressed goals of these rehabilitative efforts are being
met.

A study attempting to measure attitudes and attitude
changes of ADC mothers in these classes might also contribute
to an understanding of this segment of the pepulation. Henry
Miller comments that there is little real information describ—
ing what such families are like. Perhaps the most important
characteristics of AFDC families. from a professional point
of view. are their values. goals. attitudes. and child rear-
ing practices. At present family life data on these families

are practically non~existent.

‘h

1Henry Miller. Op, cit.

 

4

Home economists have a stake in this problem as they
work with other disciplines to meet the challenge of helping
to create a stable. healthy family life where the odds
against it are great. Home economists may be the only ones
who see these families as families. rather than as cases to
be psychoanalyzed. financially aided. or medically examined.
This study was begun as a very modest effort to add to the

basic understandings from which we can go forward.

9113-... 3-:--e.___ns_ A

 

 

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

There is probably no typical ADC family. but in the
773.000 families receiving aid in 1960. studies revealed
certain characteristics. Goodwin says that three out of
five ADC families are white. Most of the others are Negro.
The typical family is broken by estrangement of the parents.
and the mother is the parent remaining in 70%.of the homes.
In about 19% of the homes. the father is present but physi-
cally or mentally incapacitated. Forty percent of the fami-
lies live in cities of 50.000 or more. with more than two-
thirds living in towns of more than 2.500. The average
family has been receiving aid for about two years. Twenty
percent of the families receive assistance because the father
was not married to the mother.1

Pixel and Wiltse reported on the outstanding charac-
teristics of ADC clients studied in a pilot project in San
Francisco in 1958 and 1959. Forty-three heads of households
judged to be representative of the ADC caseload as a whole
were compared educationally:

Less than 8th grade........... 7
L353 than 12..................12
Completed high school.........12
Some college.................. 4
Some vocational education..... 6

More than half had worked. mostly housework. About half had
health prOblems severe enough to interfere with normal func-

tioning. In the area of social and psycholoqical

 

1Kathryn D. Goodwin et al.. ADC: Problem and Promise

(Chicago: American Public welfare Association. 1960). pp. 5-7-9.
5

 

6

characteristics the authors report a “history of deprivation"
of many ADC parents. “A large proportion were the children
of homes broken by death or desertion: many were born out of
'wedlock: a surprising number spent many years in orphanages
and foster homes. with all the emotional deprivation this
experience connotes: extreme poverty is characteristic of
many more childhood backgrounds."1

A pilot project. sponsored by the Detroit urban League
in sceperation with the Merrill-Palmer School and Wayne County
Bureau of Social Aid in 1960. was carried out with thirty
Negro mothers (80%.of ADC clients in Detroit are Negro).
Half of the women were separated from their husbands. six
had never married. five were widowed. three were divorced.
and three were married (husbands were in hospitals or penal
institutions). A study of birthplaces showed that over 80%
of the group came from rural or semi-rural communities.
which “presented so many problems of adjustment to some mem-
bers of the group initially that even years later this ina-
bility to adjust to an urban community remained manifested.“
Their education and work experience were similar to that
reported in the San Francisco study.2

The Pine School Project was initiated at the univer-
sity of Iowa in 1957. The home economist working with lowb
income women reported that they were lonely. ostracized

women who wished they were not so isolated.3

1I'bid.. PP. 23-24-25.

26. Nelson Smith. "The ADC Strengthening Family Life
Series (A Pilot Project) Sponsored by the Detroit urban League
in COOperation with the Merrill-Palmer School and Wayne County
Bureau of Social Aid.“ May. 1960. pp. 6-8. Mimeographed.

3Gladys 0. White et al.. Emproving Home and gamily
_Li§g (washington D. C.s U. S. Dept. of Health. Education. and

Welfare. May. 1962). p. 20.

 

 

7

Wiltse and Pixel. in the San Francisco study. also
report that clients revealed in interviews a combination of
depression. isolation. and immObilization accompanied by
health problems. They felt guilty about being on relief.
declassed. and without status.1

The caseload of one city may show specific differ-
ences from.that of another city. but the studies show that
the families share many disabling characteristics. Bradley
Buell's study of one community's services includes the db-
servation. “We have seen that the residual dependency load
results from constellations of disabilities. the net result
of which is to destroy the family's ability to produce in-
come. Uhderstanding is growing that the cause of much
behavior disorder is rooted in the family incompetence."2

Many studies of ADC families have concentrated on
demographic data. which fulfilled the needs of a program
once aimed primarily at financial support of distressed fami-
lies. However. as Glasser and Navarre pointed out. ”If
poverty and one-parent family structure tend to go together.
providing increases in financial assistance alone may not be
sufficient to help parents and children in the present and
future generation to become financially independent of wel-
fare funds."3 Federal funds are now available for rehabilita-
tive efforts. Glasser and Navarre state that they know of
no program explicitly aimed at overcoming some of the conse-

quences of the one-parent family structure. They echo Henry

 

lGoodwin'gt_gl.. p. 27.

ZBradley Buell and associates. Community Planning for
Human §ervices (New'Yorkc Columbia university Press. 1952).
pp. 413-414.

3Glasser and Navarre. 02. cit.. p. 15.

 

8

‘Hiller's comment in pointing out that little attention has
been paid to family structure or patterns of behavior. They
report that in trying to formulate a special service program
for families in the AFDC program in Detroit they quickly
found that they needed to know more about the families' prob-
lems and their origins.1 Their study indicated that the
mothers saw the scarcity of money as their major problem.
They felt helpless about their situation. but knew of no way
out of it. and were unaware that they might influence their
circumstances by calling on resources at their disposal.2
They found the women they studied were similar to the ones
described by Rainwater and associates in Workiggman's 31 g.
The lowbincome woman tends to regard herself as acted upon
rather than acting. She has a great fear of loneliness and
a pervasive anxiety about the future. These feelings may
well be increased in the ADC mother who has experienced loss
of husband and great economic deprivation. Somewhat unex-
pectedly. the mothers interviewed by Glasser and Navarre
tended not to mention marital problems. although all had
experienced separation. divorce. or desertion. Their social
and affectional needs and feelings of responsibility tended
to concentrate on the children. toward whom they were typi-
cally both overprotective and extremely permissive.3 Their
life style might be summed up as “passive.“

Two complementary techniques are being tried with
multi-problem families such as these. One is using an inter-
disciplinary team of workers: the other is working with the

 

1Paul Glasser and Elizabeth Navarre. ”The Problems

of Families in the AFDC Program.“ reprinted from Children.
xxx (July-August. 1965). P. 2.

zzbgd" p. 3.
3

Me ' pp. 6'7 e

’ __~_'_ h'L' .

u L—* L_ ( I‘mfl'se‘

.C-"L

 

clients in a group setting.

Joesph P. Anderson reports. “Increasing attention is
'being given to common efforts which will facilitate the ad-
justment of people one to another. to other groups. and to
the changing larger society.

'The deveIOpment of a constructive and mutually pro-
ductive cooperative relationship with other disciplines
represents another significant trend. The need and respon-
sibility for interprofessional cOOperation springs from the
fact that life is too complex to permit any one profession
alone to meet the wide variety of demands requiring special
competence."1

Juanita Luck Cogan defines social group work:

"Social group work provides the actual group experience in
which positive social relationships may be formed in the
achievement of group purposes which aid individuals in their
social maturation---. Recent deve10pments---include exten-
sion of group work into new settings-—-where the group worker
is a member of an interdisciplinary treatment teameu-aimed

at helping-n-socially disabled individuals and groups."2

Edgar F. Borgatta reviews research relevant to group
theory and says that the most pOpular theory is that a member
who has a sense of belonging to a group will be subject to
coercive influences of that group. Mutual attraction is re-
lated to mutual influence. and conformity is related to co-
hesiveness of the group. Research tends to support the
theory and also points up the tendency for conformity to go
in the direction of the majority. Persons may be willing to

 

1Joseph P. Anderson. ”Social Work Status and Trends.“
Social Work gear Book. 1960 ed. Russell H. Kurtz (Albany:
BOYd Printing C00. InCel 1960). Ppe 64-71e

ZMe ' Ppe 541‘547e

 

 

10
Oppose one or two others but respond maximally to pressure
for conformity from groups of three or more.

The assumption behind.work attempted with ADC mothers
is that some change is necessary in their life style other
than simple accumulation of more money. How group work might
affect them is described by Alan F. Klein. “The group seems
to meet certain psychological needs. such as the development
of independence. the identification of social roles. the
development of social skills and attitudes that are acceptable
to one's peers and to the larger society. To do as others
require is a value in our society. and it has‘become a value
in our group services. Much that is published in group dy-
namics seems to be based upon conformity and conformity as a
value toward which the group strives. Since attitudes and
selfvimages follow roles. changes in positions and status
will alter the attitudes and behaviors of individuals. On
this point Seymour Lieberman. reporting on an interesting
piece of research. states that pe0ple who occupy a role tend
to acquire a set of attitudes which are consistent with the
eXpectations of that role. As the position changes. the atti-
tudes go along with it."2

This present study. in attempting to measure atti-
tudes. assumes the view that attitudes reveal a person‘s view
of his own status or position. and.by extension. that atti-
tudes are predictive of actions.

The definition of attitude which supports this belief

is widespread through the literature. Remmers expresses it

 

1Edgar F. Borgatta. "What Social Science Says About
Groups.“ ocial welfare ForumI 1952 (New York: Columbia uni-
versity Press. 1957). pp. 233—234.

2Alan F. Klein. “Individual Change Through Group Ex-

perience.” §ocial welfare Forum. 1259 (New York: Columbia
University Press. 1959). pp. 136-152.

 

11

most concisely as I'an affectively toned idea or group of
ideas predisposing the organism to action with reference to
specific attitude Objects.“1

Kuhn and.HcPartland. the authors of the test used in
this study. explain their attitude-action orientation in
these terms: ”One of many designations of the self has been
as attitudes. This conceptualization is most consistent
with Head's view of the self as an object which is in most
respects like all other objects and with this further view
that an object is a plan of action (an attitude). If. as
we suppose. human behavior is organized and direcgg . and
if. as we further suppose. the organization and direction
are supplied by the individual's a ti des toward h self.
it ought to be of crucial significance---to be able to iden-
tify and measure self--attitudes."2

The writings and research cited in this review of the
literature have presented a picture of the typical ADC family
as a group with multiple problems of deprivation and lack of
skills for overcoming these problems. Expert opinion has
been cited that here is a problem for interdisciplinary co-
0peration. Specifically mentioned in the literature are
home economists. public health nurses. and social workers.
Some of the expected results of belonging to a group have
been reviewed. Theoretically. it seems possible to give the
ADC mother a new frame of reference. and a sense of’belong-
ing to a group that will give her a better view of her status

or position. Supported by the group she may also have a

*A‘

1H. H. Remmers. gntroduction to Opinion and Attitude

_fleasurement (New York: Harper Brothers. 1954). p. vii.

2Manfred M. Kuhn and Thomas S. McFartland. “An Empiri-
cal Investigation of Self-Attitudes.“ American Sociological
.522122. 19 (February. 1954). p. 68.

 

12
chance to develOp socially acceptable skills so that she may
begin to utilize her own strengths in dealing with her life
situation.

The hoped-for lasting value of such experiences is
explained by Helen 8. Easter in I'E'amily Centered Services
Through ADC“: 'The mother who learns how to keep her house
clean has learned much more than this. She has also learned
how to go about something in a planned and orderly fashion.
Even more important. she has learned how it feels to be suc-
cessful. One small success can often provide sufficient in-
centive and energy for her to go ahead with the help of the
workers or independently. to handle more complicated aspects
of her situation constructively. Big problems may not en-
tirely disappear. and prObably will not. but the mother's
successful management of several small problems. of which
all big problems are composed. will contribute materially to
a better way of life for her family. One constructive measure
is the widening of the horizon of the client so that he can
see that even though he may be in serious trouble there are
some choices still left Open to him. he can still move inde-
pendently. he still has personal resources which he can use.
Successful accomplishment in even small but tangible activi-
ties is self-generating. and can provide the impetus for the
mother to move ahead in relation to other problems needing
solution."l

Glasser and Navarre sum up these hopeful aims briefly.
"The prdblem areas are so interrelated that intervention in
any one can affect the others if it is planned from an all—

encompassing perspective."2

—__.__

1Soc a Welfar orum 958 (New‘York: Columbia Ubi-
versity Press. 1958). pp. 158-159-161.

2Glasser and Navarre. Op. cit.. p. 9.

 

"maze-31in;

METHOD OF RESEARCH

This study was planned as exploratory research to
gain insight about women who are single parents in the home.
of a low income level. and receiving welfare aid. The
Objective of the study was to gain an understanding of the
images. defined as attitudes. a group of ADC mothers have
of themselves. children. and families. A specific Objective
was to discover any changes in the attitudes the women held
after they had attended ten sessions of a course in Home and
Family Life.

The testing method was the “Twenty Questions Test“
developed by Kuhn and McPartland to directly test attitudes.1
A questionnaire was to be filled out by the women at the be-
ginning of the first class session. and an identical question~
naire at the beginning of the eleventh class session. Three
questions were to be answered: “Who am 1?". “What is a child?".
and “What is a family?".2 The women were asked to write down
the first 10 to 20 words or phrases that came to mind in re-
sponse to each question.

Most class sessions were tape recorded. The observer
also made notes each week of her personal Observations about
the individual women and her comments on each class period.
This material'was then examined to see if relationships could

be found between less formal Observations and the test results.

 

1This test is described in detail in the Kuhn and
McPartland article cited earlier.

2A sample copy of the questionnaire will be found in
the appendix.

13

14

All of the women attending the full series of lec-
tures were tested. Fifty women were chosen by their case-
workers to attend. The women were from the ADC rolls. They
‘were similar in having at least one child. having low income
levels. and in being a single parent in the home. They were
dissimilar in educational level attained. race. age. and the
number of children they had. Some were chosen for the class
because the caseworkers thought they were managing well and
would contribute to the class. Some were asked to attend
because they were managing very poorly and the caseworkers
thought they needed much help.

The sample. finally. consisted of twenty-four women
who attended the full series of classes. Dropouts were due
to illness. new employment. difficulties in providing for care
of the children. and other unexplained reasons.

The plan for analyzing the data was to examine the
original test for common patterns of response. The same
analysis was made for the retest. They were then compared

for likenesses and differences.

FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS

This study was an observation of women attending a
series of lectures concerning home and family life. All of
the women were ADC recipients. They were divided into two
groups. Fourteen women met in the morning and ten in the
afternoon.

The morning group met in a community house in a pre—
dominantly Negro neighborhood. The members of this group
were mostly Negro. The final sample from.this group con-

4 WW mum

sisted of thirteen Negro women and one white woman. The

ages of the women ranged from 40 years to 19. Educational
level varied from two years of business college to fifth
grade. Numbers of children at home ranged from eleven to
one.

The afternoon group met at the YWCA in the downtown
section of the city. Of this group seven were white and
three were Negro. The oldest woman in this group was 45 and
the youngest 26. They had anywhere from 1.1/2 years of col-
legs to a seventh grade education. Numbers of children at
home ranged from seven to one.

All of these women were invited to attend the classes
personally by their caseworkers and again by letter. Both
morning and afternoon classes heard the same lecture-discus-
sions‘with minor variations introduced.by the women as they
joined in the discussions.

A coffee break was held midway in each two hour ses-
sion. Refreshments were provided by 5 89rV1°9 organization
and by the home economist attempting to illustrate the use

15

16

of surplus or low-cost foods.

The lectures concerned child-raising. recreation.
housing. nutrition. health. money management. and education.1

The test instrument chosen to discover attitudes of
the women'before and after the series of lectures was the
“Twenty Questions Test.“ This was a sheet of paper headed
by the question ‘Who Am 1?". followed by twenty blank lines.
0n the reverse of the paper were two questions. ”What Is a

Child?" and “What Is a Family?'.

r A so!“
i

The test papers were handed out by the instructor as
soon as each group had assembled. The women were given oral
instructions to answer the questions quickly any way they
wanted to and not to worry about spelling or anything else.

Other questions were answered as carefully as possible to

 

avoid “leading“ the women in any way. The same procedure
‘was followed for the retest. Almost all of the women were
compliant and unquestioning about the test. Only one person
complained that it had a “psychiatric look about it."

The “Who am.I?' test data can be analyzed in many
ways. The first analysis made Was a simple tabulation of

the total number of responses.

 

Merging Afternoon _Tota;
pretest post test pretest post test pretest post test
70 85 58 44 128 129

 

The scores seem to indicate that the morning and
afternoon classes were responding differently.
The next analysis of these same reaponses was to dis-

criminate between two types of responses. Kuhn and McPart~
land describe them as consensual and subconsensual. The

1A schedule and description of the classes is con-
tained in the appendix.

1?
terms objective and subjective might describe these two types
also. A consensual response would'be 'woman.’ 'mother.‘ or
other objectively verifiable term. A subconsensual response
would be “pretty woman. " 'good mother.“ or other terms which
could only be verified in a subjective. evaluative way. The
consensual response represents a person's anchoring in the
real world. his role image. his attitude toward himself in
the world. A comparison of numbers of consensual and sub-

consensual responses was made. Consensual responses are

 

 

 

 

 

 

identified‘by‘g. and subconsensual responses by.§. 5w
Amine We W
Apfetest post test pretest post test pretest post test i
g. s. c. s. c. fis. c. s. c. s. c. .s.
56 14 69 16 39 19 42 2 95 33 111 1a

~ 5

The consensual responses increased. more for the
morning group than for the afternoon group. The noticeable
fact about the afternoon group was the drop in subconsensual
responses.

The next step in sorting the data into a meaningful
pattern was to identify the most often used reaponses. More
than fifty different consensual responses were made by the
women. All those with more than two mentions were tabulated
for frequency of response.

The responses showing the most increase in frequency
of use on the post test compared to the pretest were “mother."
“friend." “homemaker.“ and “teacher.“ The increased use of
“friend“ and ”teacher“ on the post test was attributable mostly
to the Negro women.1 Only half of the women in the morning

 

1The increased use of the response “friend” by the
Negro women was a surprise. and perhaps illustrates the pit-
falls of informal evaluations. The observer's notes and

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

MI mm: mm—
er 0 t rn n
52ther 7 8 l5 l2 2 2;
some _ a a s -4 9 e 8
M Q L.___.__l 4 2 7
:gacher 0 2 2 4 3 7
omen lL ; 3 3 2 5
name j;__ 3 6 _;g 4 §__
gave children 3 0 3 _*_ 4; _ws_ .4; 4
. rse ,; l 2 __1 __;g 4
gousekeeggg Q. 2 2 2 fly _Ak~ A 3
Housewife J; J; 3 ; l 2 .
29cm: l o J; 3 o 3 M
£90k ;L_ 2 3 g. (j; 3 1
fife L L 3 L L 2 ;‘
Wor ; o l 2 o 2 ;~ I?
sac; L or i 2 o 2....
ggdy 3 0 3 leg 0 l
Father ‘_3 ___ 0 3 lg 0 _;__

 

A '-‘-».-‘$ “

 

class used the word 'mother' on the first test. All but two
used it on the retest. The term 'homemaker' is not commonly
used by lower—class women. The increased frequency of reaponse
seems to indicate. whatever understanding the women may have
had of the term. that they were attentive to what the lecturer
thought was important.

Finally, a check was made to count the number of
women who showed increased consensual responses, decreased

consensual responses, or showed no change.

 

conversations with the lecturers after each class session
emphasized continuing disappointment over the lack of friend-
liness of the morning class compared to the afternoon class.
Perhaps we were seeing a response of the women in the after-
noon class to the lecturer as well as to each other: while in
the morning class the women were mostly not able to identify
With the white authority figures. Their outreach efforts
‘were possibly only to each other and the observer was not
saphisticated enough to see it.

 

.l-Hufl‘ luv- '0 _
r, .. .

1'

F

 

l9

 

 

c s s

M 2.- L...
eftgrnggn - ;§ 4;. 2
gotal figs. 7 .§____.

 

More women expzessed an increase in consensual images
than expressed fewer or did not change. Since we have de-
fined these consensual terms as anchors in the society or
real world, we will call those women who increased their
responses "successes“ in terms of one of the aims of the
class. Proportionately. a few more successes occurred in
the morning class than in the afternoon. Two-thirds of the
women of the whole sample were successful in the sense we have
described.

There were some noticeable relationships between be-
havior in class and successful responses. Two women who
showed strikingly improved responses brought to class items
they had made to show what they could do. One of them gave
a party for the class at her home and the other made gifts
for the home economist. social worker in charge. and the
observer. Two other “successful" women described to the
class how reluctant they had been to come to the first lec-
ture and how they had become so interested that they hated
to miss even one session. One of these women had the highest
educational level of the entire sample and the other the lowb
est, which was one indication that success was not related
to education. Another successful woman remarked that the
class made her feel for the first time that she really was

1
someone.

 

1unfortunately, it was not until the tester was thor-
oughly familiar with the data that this technique of predict-
ing success or failure and then checking the predictions
against the data suggested itself.

E" A—P y , )2“.

:2 ‘1 0123’. M‘ 23-91: .‘nfii. : mic

20

Thoee‘who showed no change were not a surprise. They
sees. they sat. they rarely spoke even when spoken to. The
body‘was present. but apparently not the spirit.

Some of those with decreased responses presented a
puzzle. A search of the tape recordings and notes on the
class sessions provided material for some guesses about fac-
tors Operating to inhibit these women.

One of them was painfully ill with gouty arthritis
toward the end of the series. She was also the one who had
complained of the psychiatric look of the test and handed
both tests'back with comments that she'd'better quit before
she said too much or said something fantastic. Prdbably this
is an indication of deep and severe prOblems, quite outside
the sc0pe of this type of group.

Three of the other "failures” were the only ones of
the entire sample whose responses included the terms “warden.“
"judge.' or ”lawyer.” Again this hints at problems too com-
Plicated to respond to a simple approach.

Another of the "failures'I gave a small feeling of
confidence in the test instrument. She was originally listed
among those showing increased responses. However, the weekly
notes on her said. “sullen.“ "surly,” 'uncommunicative and
unc00perative.” A Check of the seating chart for the retest,
and a check of the questionnaire of the woman beside whom.she
was sitting. showed beyond a doubt that she had copied the

items on the retest.
No eXplanation suggests itself for the remainder of

the ”failures.“
The subconsensual responses to ”Who am 17"will not be
treated here extensively. The first set was so random as not

to be amenable to any summation.

The subconsensual responses on the retest were made

 

21

aheost exclusively‘by the Negro women. The responses were
aheost all alike in expressions of love for the self and for
others. and expressions of affection and happiness in vari-
ouster-Ls.1

1n summery. the question “Who Am I?" seemed to
elicit responses tending to show that some changes of atti-
tude did occur during. and‘because of the series of lectures.
and that most of the changes tended to be in a positive
direction.

The second question of the test was "What is a

child?‘. It‘was h0ped that this question would elicit a

fib‘iw ~ A 5*.
- v

response showing the mother’s views of her relationship with
the child.

 

‘ .}“5W‘1 litmus-a- _ .

There were fewer total responses than for the first
question. either indicating lessening interest in the test
or greater difficulty in thinking of an object other than
oneself.

Only a few observations can be offered after attempts
at analysis of the responses.

The word "love'I recurred frequently in answer to the

queation. It was used more often in the morning groups

 

 

Morning Afternoon Total
pretest post test pretest post test pretest post test
10 8 2 12 12 10

m;

m

1The racial difference that shows up here leads one
to speculate. There are many possibilities. One is that the
White woman is able to express her feelings through her roles.
When she writes “mother” she assumes the world accepts the
fact that she probably is a good. loving mother. The Negro
women may feel more inhibited by societal. discriminatory
judgements and must therefore express her roles in a more
subjective way. She may feel she must ‘prove' she is a
good. loving mother by writing it just that way. It might
make an interesting prdblem for researdh.

22

Children were also described as gifts of’God,1 as
the most important part of a family, what keeps a family
together. and, most poignantly. as ’The only thing you can
call your own.‘ The responses suggest that whatever prob-
lems there are do not necessarily lie in lack of love for
the child.

Another analysis made was to determine the frequency

of use of negative terms in answer to the question.

Frequency of occurrence of negative terms:

It"! I».- «Law-3“.”

 

 

Morning Afternoon *w Total ?
pretest post test pretestflfpost test pretest—Fpost test ‘
10 2 2 1 12 W 3

 

 

The drop in the use of negative terms (e.g. mean.
pest. nuisance) by the Negro women may indicate that they had
found ways of coping with or accepting these feelings. or
perhaps that they were echoing the lecturer's positive View
of children.

The data were examined for evidence of the mothers'
recognition of the children's needs. The same concept might
be eXpressed as the mothers' recognition of their responsi-

bilities to the children.

Frequency of "Needs“ reSponses:

 

 

Morning; Afternoon Total
pretest post test pretest post test pretest post test
16 20 1 5 17 25

 

 

1This response may be taken as an expression of joy
in children, religious conviction. or passive resignation
about family size.

23

There was a slight increase in this type of response
in both groups. The more noticeable fact is the racial dif-
ferentiation of the responses. The Negro mothers made their
responses in the form “a child needs,“ or "a mother must--
for the child“ more often than the white women. This may
indicate only that the Negro women are more accustomed to
dealing with ideas in a subjective manner and the white women
more accustomed to concrete, objective use of language be-
cause of cultural factors. It should be remembered that the
Negro women made more subjective responses to the question
“Who am I?“ too. This may be a factor tending to obscure
basic agreement between the two groups. Two other guesses
about the different responses might be made. One is that
the Negro family in America has historically had a matriar-
chal structure. This may tend to make the women more accus-
tomed to accepting the responsibilities devolving on the
head of the household, while the white women are still not
accepting of the loss of husband and its implications. Or
we might take the data flatly at face value and say that
Negro women are more aware of the needs of the children than
the white women. This in turn suggests the thought that Negro
children are more threatened by the society and "need” more
from protective adults.

It is of interest to note that all statements were
in terms of psychological needs. There were no statements
indicating that a child is someone to cook for. buy clothes
for, or keep house for.

In summary. the question “What is a child?" elicited
items which suggested that change accomplished during the lee...
ture series was in the direction of lessening negative con-
cepts of children.

The last test question "What is a family?” got the

 

4’1- ...._.r. .__.r- ans-”w - ._ a
A e
a

24

fewest responses. This may indicate fatigue or disinterest
in the test or the question. Analysis of the data seems to
suggest. however._that the responses were few'because the
women found it a difficult question to answer.

Illustrative of this is the response of one mother
(who was regarded as successful based on her responses to
“who am.1?'). On the first test she made no answer to the
question. On the retest her response was, “A person'have
more than herself to take care.’ This is a good response
in itself but hardly comprehensive.

Analysis of the test and retest data showed a static
quality in this area. Numbers of answers did not increase
markedly, and the similarity of answers from first test to
second was noticeable.

That the question did not necessarily suggest to
them.the families they themselves are a part of is suggested
by the fact that on the first test three women defined a
family as having a father, husband, or man in it. On the
retest. the number had increased to five making this sort
of reaponse. This suggests that their image of themselves
as being part of a family unit (that is socially acceptable
even if not socially comfortable) is not strong and was not
successfully reinforced in class.

The majority of items were expressed in psychologi-
cal terms. They apparently understood the work of the
family as meeting emotional needs. Even the expression
“working together“ was most often used in a context suggest-
ing emotionally supportive aid rather than physical help.
Only one response specifically mentioned physical family

needs: 'to keep house for.”

25

 

 

 

s s most fr er I

Protest Post test
Love in family 7 7
understanding 5 5
fibrking together 5 ~ ll 5

 

However one interprets the use of these terms. it
seems apparent that concepts of the family did not change
as a result of the series of lectures.1

There were only two negative terms used in answer to
the question. One was a I'family disagrees'I (on the first
test, the response was not repeated). The other was “a
family fights. for and against.“ This response was made on
the retest by one of the ”failure“ mothers who had described
her memories of Christmas for the class: that was when her
husband used to start to put up the tree. and then they would
fight about it and he would stomp out of the house, leaving
her and the children to do the job. Now'that the husband was
gone she had a cousin who was keeping up the “custom.“ She
was the only woman who described or alluded to any marital
prdblems at all.2

The only other deviation from the very positive tone
of answers to the question were the more neutral words “prob-

lems'. and “sometimes confusion“ used by a ”successful“ mother.

1The women seemed to answer the first two questions
in fairly personal terms so it seems unlikely that they would
assume this question was about what other families are like.
This is a possibility. But it only suggests that they cannot
face what their own families are like.

2Glasser and Navarre, as mentioned earlier, also found
the mothers they studied did not mention marital problems.

 

26
In view of the fact that all of these women had
broken marital relationships. the answers indicate that this
is not an area they are willing to explore or share.
An examination of all the responses to the question
“What is a family?“ reveals no basis for thinking that any
change of attitude in this area took place during the lee-

ture series.

The evidence of the test seems to indicate that about
two-thirds of the women who completed the course showod posi-
tive changes in attitude. These women who made simple in-
creases in numbers of consensual responses can be thought of
as showing improvement in self-image. It might be hoped
that increased awareness of who they are will lead to in-
creased awareness of whatever strengths they may possess.

The chief reinforcement for the group seemed to come
in the image of themselves as 'mothers.‘ Since this is
probably the chief role that society expects of them. and
what the child needs most. this was a most important result.

Two other reSponses that increased slightly in the
group were “teacher“ and ”homemaker.“ Both of these con-
cepts imply action and responsibility and are valuable images
for the women to have of themselves.

On the other side of the ledger are the almost one-
third of the women who showed a decrease in number of re-
sponses. A study might well be devoted to these women in an
effort to uncover the factors that make them feel even less
status after attending classes.

With the exception of the apparent lessening of nega-
tive concepts of children. the tests do not reveal that
changes took place in ideas about children and families. If
the test results are not completely misleading. this is a

27

most disappointing result of the courses. If it is true
that little or no change took place. more work is needed
to determine how best to communicate in these crucial areas.

The test instrument chosen seems to have revealed
some facts that can be at least partially validated by Obser-
vation of behavior. However. it is recognized that differ-
ently worded questions (e.g. ”What is my child like?‘) might
have brought forth information quite different in nature
and import. A different arrangement of the questions. such
as allowing a separate sheet for each one. might have sug-
gested subtly that more answers were expected about children
and the family. Different test instruments and follow-up
procedures to check on observable behavioral changes would
all be valuable in this area.

Several references have been made in the analysis
of the data to apparent racial differences of response. This
might suggest that really much more investigation should be
made of possible subcultural differences which would suggest
other methods of working more successfully with these families.

Differences between middle class lecturers and lower
class students might also be classed as subcultural. and
amenable to further study. Differences of expectations.
language. all the implications of the phrase “life style.“
may all be involved in whethercnm experiencessuccess or

failure.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

gogks

Buell. Bradley. and associates. ommun ann n fo
Human figgzicgg. New'York: Columbia university Press.
1952.

Goodwin. Kathryn D.. gt al. r and Prom 80.

Chicago: American Public Welfare Association. 1960.

Kurtz. Russell H. (ed.). Social WOrk Year Book 60.
Albany: Boyd Printing Co.. Inc.. 1960.

Remmers. H. H. ntroduction to n on and t tude easure-
ment. New'York: Harper Brothers. 1954.

Social welfare Eorgm. New York: Columbia university Press.

1957.

Social Welfare Egrum. New York: Columbia University Press.
1958.

§ocia;‘Welfare Forum. New York: Columbia University Press.
1959.

White. Gladys, at ale ImEIOVing E01118 and Fami;! Lifee
‘Washington D.C.: U.8. Department of Health. Education.

and welfare. May. 1962.

Art c s and P r' d‘ca s

Glasser. Paul. and Navarre. Elizabeth. “The Problems of
'Families in the AFDC Program.“ Children. XII (July-
August. 1965). reprint.

. “Structural Prdblems of the AFDC Families.“ Journal
of §ocial Issues. XXI. no. 1. reprint.

Kuhn. Manfred.fl.. and McPartland. Thomas S. "An Empirical

Investigation of Self-Attitudes.“ American fiociolggica;

R v'ew. XIX (February. 1954). 68—76.

 

28

29
.Hiller. Henry. “Characteristics of AFDC Families.” Sgcia;

mm. mm (Dec.. 1965). 399—409.
:- rc 8

Files of the Kent County Department of Social Welfare. Grand
Rapids. Michigan.

Smith. Nelson 6. “The ADC Strengthening Family Life Series
(A Pilot Project) Sponsored by the Detroit urban League
in COOperation with the Merrill-Palmer School and Wayne
County Bureau of Social Aid.“ May. 1960. .Mimeographed.

APPENDIX

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LY F SES

D TAND G AND Y‘NG R CH LD
Instructor: Kent County Home Economics Extension Service.
Michigan State university COOperative Extension Service.

HOW DO I LQOK TQ MY QHILQEEE

Instructors Home Economics Agent

FUN ON_A §H0§ STRLEG (Public Recreational Facilities)
Instructors Director. G.R. Department of Public Recreation

m ON A SHOE seams (Family Activities)
Instructor: General Supervisor. Grand Rapids Department
of Public Recreation

EON 20 £55; A §09§E A gong

Instructor: Housing Inspector. Grand Rapids Health
Department

Lfil'fi TOQB QUR‘MUSEQE

Instructors Supervisor of Children's Activities. Grand
Rapids Public Museum

EAIIEQLFOR HEALTH AND HAPPINESS
Instructor: Home Economics Agent

THREE SQUARE MEALS A DAY

Instructor: Home Economics Agent

HEALIE! WAYS MAKE HAPPY DAYS

Instructor: Assistant Director of Nurses in Grand Rapids
and Kent County Health Department

HOW TO LIEE BETTER W123 WHAT YOU HAVE * Class I

Instructor: Home Economics Agent

HOW BETT R.W TH T U V - Class II
Instructor: Home Economics Agent

PLANNING F03 THE FUTURE AND GRADUATION

Instructors: Director of Industrial Arts and Vocational
Education. Grand Rapids Board of Education: Director
of Community Services. Grand Rapids urban League

32

 

AICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES

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2' 1. It. 1.!" H! II A; II. I
31293 03196 31 1

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I

III

UREAN CULTURAL EVQLUTEON:
HTHS AN HESTORECAL @‘EMP’ECTEVE

 

103
022

 

Thesis. for the Degree of Mamr of Urban Planning

 

MICHEGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

Clificrd Richardson Bragdon

196:5”;

 

 

 

 

“5.515

 

 

 

ABSTRACT
URBAN CULTURAL EVOLUTION

AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
by Clifford Richardson Bragdon

Our present day city represents a product of cultural evolution. Cities
embody and transmit culture, since they are meaningful expressions created
by mankind to fulfill certain needs. Culture in itself represents the sum of man's
values, knowledge, and other meaningful symbols expressed by his social
institutions and artifacts .

There are two significant characteristics of culture affecting city form-
ation and evolution. One major feature is that culture can be accumulated,
transmitted, and as a result, differentiates or expands over time . Secondly, it
consists of non-material components, such as man's values, meanings and goals,
while also having a material component consisting of physical objects or arti-
facts. These cultural components are inseparable, and together they portray
the history of man .

As a consequence, the various urban cultures appearing almost since man's
beginning, depict varying degrees of development, which are referred to in
this thesis as levels of awarerless. Every awareness level has certain modes of
perceiving, or cultural subsystems which man has employed to understand life.
These modes , so to speak, have been his senses, both materially and non-

materially .

Clifford Richardson Bragdon

Within the history of the western world, four cities have been chosen
to depict this evolutionary development. Each city type, including the
Greek city-state or polis, the medieval, the paleotechnic or industrial
revolutionary city, and our present city, represent the possession of different
awareness levels with specific modes. Urban man in each city-type has had
distinct artifacts, which have expressed a particular urban form.

Certain modes have predominated in urban culture. The pre-industrial
culture possessed lower awareness levels, but comprehensively viewed life
through synthetic and symbolic modes. Since urban industrialization, the
less comprehensively based analytic and practical modes have contributed in
segmenting urban life, although a higher awareness level has been obtained.

It is the purpose of this thesis to explore the material and non-material
components of urban form as they have evolved through time . Our present
day city lacks cultural balance since two modes are dominating man's aware-
ness level . The remaining two modes, synthetic and symbolic, found during
the pre-industrial time are greatly suppressed today.

The writer bel ives that by understanding more completely what our
city has inherited, and what it expresses, a more desirable city can be
constructed. Urban planning offers probany the greatest potential in the
comprehension of these many cultural aspects. This goal can be reached only
when the profession understands that man's artifactual forms are spatial ex-

pressions of cultural modes of perceiving with representative institutions.

Clifford Richardson Bragdon
The urban planner can act as the problem stater and clarifier, showing
the various public and private pol icy makers how they can have more desirable
cities. Man's present cultural resources can only be more fully utilized by

the successful integration of all his institutions and modes of perceiving.

URBAN CULTURAL EVOLUTION:

AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

BY

Clifford Richardson Bragdon

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF URBAN PLANNING

School of Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture

I965

 

0U

I try

2f," '

 

 

Let us not forget that the man of today is a civilized
being, the inheritor of a great legacy of thought, art, and
faith, accumulated in the course of over five millennia of
cultural civilization. Let us not offer him, therefore, a
standard of life based on mere survival, but one great enough
to satisfy his culture. We must live by an idea that satisfies
the exigencies of civilized existence and not merely those
of material subsistence.

Irvin Lazzlo

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to make acknowledgment to the imaginative and successful
partners, Ruth and Emmet Layton, who introduced me to, and fostered my
interest in, urban planning.

To the School of Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture of Michigan
State University I am grateful for the opportunity to learn from outstanding

teachers. In particular, I would like to thank Professor Sanford Farness who

directed, counselled and encouraged me so thoughtfully.

My special acknowledgment to Mrs. Ruthe Kombrink for her invaluable
assistance in the preparation of this thesis for the press.

Thanks, also, to Denny Neilson for his help in the selection and pro-
cessing of the photographs used .

The intangible, but nonetheless real help called inspiration was
provided in ample measure by Sarah Jane Vaughn.

No acknowledgment would be complete without reccgnition of parental

cooperation, without which it is difficult to have, much less plan, a

career .

Clifford Richardson Bragdon

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................. ii.
LIST OF FIGURES..................... .................. vii.
CHAPTER ,

I. INTRODUCTION ................................ I
Framework ................................... 5

Greek City State ........................... 8

Medieval City .............................. 9

Paleotechnic City ........................... ll

Present City ................................ l6

Purpose ...................................... 18
Limitations ................................... l9

ll . THE GREEK CITY STATE .......................... 21
Form Shapers .................................. 25
Artifactual Forms .............................. 28
Geomorphology ............................. 28

Acropolis .................................. 29

Agora ..................................... 29

Intellectual Growth ......................... 30

Local Market Economy ........................ 31

Illustrative Summary ............................ 33

 

III I.
ll Ill.. lllllllll. l.l{ll4llll[lll lll:
‘ III (II lllllll~lllllllll .

 

CHAPTER PAG E

III . THE MEDIEVAL CITY .............................. 35
Form Shapers .................................. 37
Town Form .................................. 42
Related Form Shaper Influences ............... 45
Artifactual Form ............................... 49
Space .................................... 50
Scale and Movement ........................ 53
Market Place ............................... 55
Medieval Guild .............................. 57
University ..................... I ............. 59
Conclusion ................................... 6i
Illustrative Summary ........................... 62
IV. PALEOTECHNIC CITY ............................ 65
Paleotechnic Sketch ............................ 66
Institutional Perspective ........................ 72
Cultural Subsystems: Institutional Form Shapers . . . . 75
Analytic ................................... 75
Synthetic ................................... 77
Symbolic .................................. 79
Practical .................................. 8]

CHAPTER PAGE

lV. Cultural Subsystems: Institutional Forms ........... 83
Analytic ................................... 83

Synthetic .................................. 85

Symbolic ................................... 86

Practical ................................... 88

Illustrative Summary ........................... 91

V. THE PRESENT CITY ............................... 94
Institutional Framework ........................ 95
Definitions ................................ 97

Values ................................. 97

Goals ................................. 97

Methods ................................ 97

Dialecticism ............................ 98

Artifact ................................ 99

Examples of Institutional Dysfunctioning ......... IOO
Inter-Institutional Dysfunctioning ............. IOO
Inner-Institutional Dysfunctioning ............ 104
Relationship of Economics to Government ...... .. 105

Relationship of Economics to the Artistic
Institution ............................... 106
Relationship of Economics to the Health

Institution .............................. 108

CHAPTER

V. Summary of Institutional Dysfunctioning ..........
Urban Scale: Institutional Origins ..............
Aesthetics ................................

Congestion ...............................

Health ...................................

Illustrative Summary ..........................

VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Step One: Education

Step Two: Investigation .......................
Step Three: Suggestion ........................
FOOTNOTES

BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................

vi.

PAGE
IIO
III
II3
I15
Il8
I23

'I 26

I28

I29

I30

I39

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE
I. The three characteristics of the definition of culture
as viewed in an historical continuum .......... 3
2. The four principal levels of awareness occurring in
the process of urban cultural evolution ........ 4
3. The urban cultural framework of city types: their
representative level of awareness, and dominant-
subordinate modes of perceiving ............ 7
4. The mythical level of awareness represented by the
Greek city-state .......................... 9
5. The intellectual level of awareness represented by
the medieval city ......................... ll
6. Comparative pre-industrial and expanded industrial
urban cultures with their modes of perceiving . . l4
7. The self-conscious level of awareness represented
by the paleotechnic city ................... l6
8. Present urban cultural dysfunction represented by
dominating individual consciousness in practical
and analytical modes of perceiving ........... I7
9. The extended self-conscious level of awareness
represented by the present city ............... l8

vii.

 

 

FIGURE PAGE

TO. Dominant and subordinate levels of awareness

influencing the pol is ....................... 23
II . Urban artifactual forms and form shapers prevalent

within the polis ........................... 33
I2. The Greek city-state and its archetypical form . . . . 34
I3. Urban form shapers prevalent within the medieval

city ...................................... 62
I4. Urban artifactual forms prevalent within the medieval

city ....................................... 62
I5. Pre-industrial collective consciousness. An ordered,

but not rigid, urban development .............. 63
I6. Medieval modes of perceiving as expressed by the

dominating ecclesiastical focal point . .. ....... 63
I7. Medieval enclosure of physically defined meaningful

artifactual forms ........................... 63
l8. Analytical industrial cultural subsystem and principal

institutions ................................ 73
I9. Synthetic industrial cultural subsystem and principal

institutions ................................ 73
20. Symbolic industrial cultural subsystem and principal

institutions ................................ 74

viii.

FIGURE

2I.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

3I.

Practical industrial cultural subsystem and principal

institutions ................................

Urban form shapers prevalent within the pal eotechnic

Urban artifactual forms prevalent within the paleo-

technic city ...............................

An entrepreneur's industrial Utopia. Suppressing

symbolic-synthetic perceiving by emphasizing

practical-analytic modes ....................

The emergence of a new urban focal point, industrial

manufacturing, dominating paleotechnic man

Industrial individual consciousness. The appearance

of competitive form shapers and artifactual forms .

Principal institutional components of each industrial

cultural subsystem ..........................

Urban form shapers prevalent within the present city .

Urban artifactual forms prevalent within the present

Reduction of the health and aesthetic institutions with

emphasis upon economic institutional values .....

Maximizing individual self-consciousness, resulting in

physically meaningless urban expression

ix.

PAG E

74

91

9I

92

92

92

96

I23

I23

l24

I24

FIGURE PAGE
32 The present city. Our disrupted urban pattern with
multiple, but independent, artifactual forms

and form shapers .......................... 124

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Our present day city represents a product of cultural evolution. Cities
embody and transmit culture, since they are meaningful expressions created by
mankind to fulfill certain needs. Throughout city history a few prominent needs
have included shelter, protection, and exchange. Culture itself is the sum of
values or interests, knowledge and other meaningful symbols created by mankind
and expressed by his social institutions, customs and artifacts, or tools. I There
are, however, several characteristics of culture that should be examined in
regard to city formation and evolution .2

I. Transmission

Culture is a learning process, symbolically meaningful, originating with
man's values and knowledge . Succeeding generations add to the accumulated
knowledge in their lifetime, and pass it on through the language and tools they
have inherited, improved upon, or created. The city itself, is a carrier of
culture, depicting man's most meaningful past and present.

2. Accumulation

Cultural evolution is also an accumulative process, since man is capable
of retaining and developing transmitted culture . As centuries have elapsed, the
two primary aSpects of culture, material and non-material ,have enlarged. Non-
material values , such as knowledge and language, become meaningful when they

are associated with material obiects, such as artifacts or tools. Time, for example,

I

2

has little meaning for us today until it is associated with some material way of
measurement. It is understood because we have artifacts that include watches,
time clocks and calendars which give it a physical expression.

3. Differentiation

In early urban cultures man viewed life very simply, though due to man's
ability to accumulate and transmit culture in many ways urban life has expanded
in succeeding generations. Initially, knowledge and the meaning of life were
portrayed chiefly through nature, because life involved the satisfaction of
biological needs. Nature clothed, fed, and protected man . The artifact of time
in early urban civilizations, as an example, was the rising and setting of the sun.
Only later came the sundial . All artifacts were closely connected to nature.

During later urban cultures man began to realize life was more complex.
Nature could be shaped and, to an extent controlled, by man. In addition to the
biological, there slowly developed Spiritual, social, economic, and psychological
needs because of man's growing awareness of what life meant. Our pictorial image
of life grew to include discursive or written imagery, which began to reflect the
process of logic. Cultural differentiation became apparent with the expansion of
human knowledge. In contrast to the earliest stages of human existence, then,
material and non-material culture grew, offering more avenues for understanding.

In an effort to view these three cultural characteristics comprehensively,
Figure I appearing on Page 3, indicates their inter-relatedness. The ability of the
human being to communicate, hence transmit culture physically through symbols
has enabled later man. to have the opportunity to improve his existence. Our

capacity for retaining transmitted culture by accumulation, in turn,has given

3

man different urban perspectives because of cultural differentiation.

TRANSMISSION 4.37.9962.

ACCUMULATION O
/
\

DIFFERENTIATION

ll";

\ f
M... .8." “ll ‘ ‘0' ‘ 9

TIME B.C. _ )

AoDo

 

Figure I . The three characteristics of the definition of culture as viewed in
an historical continuum.

To understand cultural evolution more completely, especially in regard to several
key terms advanced in the following "Framework" section of this thesis, Figure 2
is offered. The term "level of awareness" is defined as a stage of cultural achievement.
It is this writer's contention that four different levels have appeared in the urban
development of western culture. These include, the mythic, intellectual, self-conscious,
and the-extended self-conscious levels of cultural awareness. Certain civilizations fit
these various levels, although it would be erroneous to say all our-cities can be con-
veniently placed in one of these four levels. A more important observation is that:

I . Cities in history differ from the standpoint of cultural compostion.

4

2 . The more modern day cities have inherited a larger collection of

material and non-material cultural aspects than earlier ones.

A second term presented is "mode of perceiving" . Modes are simply subsystems
of culture that are subordinate to the prevailing level of awareness. They represent
various ways individuals of each respective urban culture view their lives. Cities
are shaped by these modes, since they indicate the predominant values the urban

populus possess and the artifacts associated with people's values.

LEVEL OF
AWARENESS
MODES OF /
PERCEIVING '\"'

\

I Q l
cmes .0... H ‘9"! ‘ .n . j,

 

Mythic Intellectual Self-Conscious Extended Slf-
Level Level Level Conscious Level

TIME ’
B .C . A .D .

Figure 2. The four principal levels of awareness occuring in the process
urban cultural evolution.

FRAMEWORK

Within the'history of the western world, four cities have been chosen to
depict this evolutionary development of urban culture . Each city-type chosen,
which includes the Greek city-state, the medieval, paleotechnic and present
city, represent the possession of different cultural levels of awareness, with
specific modes of perceiving. Urban man in each city-type has had distinct
values, knowledge and meanings physically represented by distinct artifacts,
which have expressed a particular urban form.

Urban form, however, should not be interpreted to mean only physical
shapes such as road networks, residential settlements, and other manmade features.
Form also includes the social structure of the urban culture, its prevailing Spirit
and atmosphere. This term, therefore, is a union of both material and non-material
cultural objects.

The distinct values, meanings and knowledge found in these urban cultures
are referred to in each succeeding chapter as form shapers. Form shapers are non-
material, since they themselves are not physical . The objects of material culture
are referred to as artifacts. Artifacts represent physical expressions of non-
material values, knowledge and meanings shared by man in his culture. Each
physical expression is called an artifactual form. Form shapers and artifactual forms
work together to create distinct urban settlement patterns. In our present culture,
for instance, man's values and knowledge expressing a desire for movement has
become meaningful through such artifactual forms as the automobile, jet aircraft,
subways, elevators, and other similar objects. Though this is just one example, there

is a whole interrelated network of form shapers and artifactual forms that depict each

distinct city type.

As suggested earlier, both form shapers and artifactual forms of culture have
evolved over time. Each city type described inthis thesis (pol is, medieval,
paleotechnic and present cities) evoke different levels of awareness. In other words,o
form shaper, consisting of certain needs, values and knowledge represented by
certain artifactual forms differ within each urban culture. Since the pol is had a
different set of form shapers and forms than our present city, man perceived urban
life differently. Today's urban level of awareness expresses four modes of perceiving.
Only certain modes appeared in these earlier cities, whereas later all of them became
evident. Some modes have become subordinate to others.

These modes of perceiving, which are ways urban man views his existence,
include: symbolic, synthetic, analytic, and practical. Figure 3, appearing on
Page 7, describes urban cultural evolution by relating the specific stage of cultural
awareness with its characteristic modes of perceiving to exemplify city types. The
symbolic mode of perceiving has produced visual aspects of culture, such as art,
music, and architecture . Synthetic perceiving embodies religion and philosophy,
whereas analytical perceiving is associated with science. Practical modes of
perceiving, common today, relate to technique. The institutions of economics and
government are two examples.

Certain modes have predominated in each culture. Early urban man, for
instance, lived in a pre-scientific level of awareness that expressed mainly symbolic
and synthetic perceiving . Synthetic perceiving described the whole life. It related
man to his universe or cosmos. The experience of synthetic perceiving, especially

° 0 o c or o . 3
m our most ancrent cultures comprehensrvely described rational and emotlonal activity.

7
MODES OF PERCEIVI NG

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CITY TYPE LEVEL OF AWARENESS

Symbolic

Pol is or 1 Mythic Level .Synthetic
Greek City- State

Synthetic

Medieval Intellectual Symbol ic

Level
Analytic
Analytic

 

 

 
 
  

 

 

  

 

 

 
 

 

 
 
 

Pal eotechnic [ Sell-fgs‘gnscious Practical
Synthetic
Symbol ic
Practical
Extended
Present Sel f- Conscious Analytic
Symbol ic
Synthetic

Figure 3. Urban cultural framework of city types: their respective level of
awareness, and dominant-subordinate modes of perceiving .

8

The world of pictorial symbols reinforced the meaning and‘understanding in
man's early synthetic development.

It is only later that an analytic or scientific mode began to predominate,
evolving from synthetic understanding. Analytic perceiving, in contrast to the
more comprehensive notions associated with synthetic perceiving, viewed man in
his constituent parts. This method was based upon only rational and objective
reasoning.4 Reinforcing this later mode was, again, symbolic perceiving, but
its boundaries were now to include mainly discursive or written imagery,‘ with
pictorial imagery reduced.

Let us now turn to these four city types and describe their principal levels
of awareness, and how the form shapers and artifactual forms, instituted by man,
has created distinctive cultural patterns. Although a brief discussion appears
below covering eachcity type, one chapter is devoted to each city.

A. Greek City-State

Commonly known as the pol is,, the Greek city-state depicts urban form for
200 years of Greek history, from approximately 600 to 400 B.C . During this time
man viewed life as a combined symbol ic-synthetic level of awareness, dominated
however by the former. Described in Chapter II, Greek culture was symbolic
‘ because man's form shapers were expressed pictorially. There appeared strong
visual. communication. At the same time, synthetic perceiving existed. It was
synthetic in the sense that a rel igion or faith, and philosophy, existed with the
artifactual form of nature. This pre-Christian culture relied extensively upon

the gods of nature to direct man's life, and to give understanding to everything

around him.

9

In Greek culture this combined symbol ic-synthetic awareness is frequently
called myth. Nothing was unknown to Greek man because myth could describe
all aspects of polis life. As a consequence, mythic form shapers such as
sacrificial rites, ancestry worship, idolatry and other rituals gave meaning to
man's artifactual forms. His temples, palaces, houses of government and residences
with their hearths were mythically perceived. Forms of the pol is conveyed
immediate symbolic-synthetic meanings, values and knowledge. Symbolic and
synthetic perceiving worked together. Life for the Greek man was simple to
interpret, because there was only one level of awareness involved. Analytical
ways of perceiving through science also began, but its cumulative effect upon
the Greek city-state was not significant at this time. Science wasbeing
formulated, but it was being fashioned as a philosophy and little application

existed .

Symbol ic

MYTHICAL S th f,
GREEK CITY-STATE LEVEL yn e IC

 

 

Figure 4. The mythical level of awareness represented by the Greek city-
state or pol is.

8. Medieval City
from 600 to I400 A.D .

Medieval history spans approximately eight centuries,

The medieval city form with its inherent cultural values, needs and knowledge,

I .Ilvli ‘Il.| ll,[[ l.[l|f|\[r( l

.f I‘lll ‘ll‘ 1“

IO

described in Chapter III, generally appeared during the latter half of this period.
During these 800 years man's principal mode of perceiving was the synthetic.
Christianity guided and shaped western cultures form. In contrast to the polis
culture, synthetic perceiving dominated, while symbolic perceiving receded.

Offering the monasteries as a refuge, the Church was the sole inheritor
of'Graeco-Roman culture. A religious awareness was a complete awareness for
the medevial city man. Anything culturally meaningful was perceived simply,
through the synthetic

Commenting on this synthetic condition of medieval culture, Ervin Laszlo
suggests that

The individual had only to believe in a doctrine which was

offered everywhere, among the learned as among the Simple,

to obtain what was held to be the full truth. He then re-

ceived a fully comprehensible, satisfactory picture of the

world, with God as the supreme ruler and source of all

things, and man as the centre and finest expression of his

culture.

Also by this time symbolic perceiving was now both pictorial and written.
This meant architecture, music, art, which are principally pictorial, had discursive
or written counterparts. Prose, poetry, and other written meanings enlarged the
symbolic mode. Because the synthetic dominated, most symbolic perceiving under
this Christian influence was expressed through the synthetic . Church art, music,
and poetry were the prevailing uses of the symbolic.

The later medieval city represents an intellectual or logical spirit, since
man began to communicate and exchange ideas both in a pictorial and discursive

way. Consequently, another subordinate mode, existing along with symbolic

perceiving, was the analytic. Science, or the analytic mode of perception, was

 

sanctioned by the Church, and its influence upon urban culture was not felt directly
until the renaissance. Even if the Church did not completely govern the medieval
city, canon law and sacred custom largely influenced material aspects of culture .
Medieval royalty that headed these western countries justified their authority

through the "divine right of kings" doctrine.

 

Synthetic

MEDIEVAL CITY INTELLECTUAL
LEVEL

 

Symbol ic

 

 

Analytic

Figure 5. The intellectual level of awareness represented by the medieval
city.

C. Paleotechnic City

The paleotechnic city represents the foundation for man's present urban
culture. Until the time of the paleotechnic city his level of awareness was unified
or collective. Cultural differentiation had evolved, but man's life was still
satisfactorily expressed collectively, not individually. Polis life was perceived
mythically and medieval city life relied upon the church and royalty for direction.
Oftentimes described as pre-industrial cultures, the values, meanings, and body of
knowledge man possessed in the pol is and medieval cities were shared. Form shapers
and artifactual forms were communal, although different roles did exist. These city

economies were very local ones, and the satisfaction of just basic needs was all that

I2

recognized, therefore desired.7 Wealth was not rigidly interpreted as monetary
gain, but rather just one quality depicting man. Fulfillment of the pre-industrial
life meant participation of both man's body and Spirit, for the destiny of man's
future was the same for all . The fear of the unknown was mutually shared by all
mankind.

Pre-industrial artifactual forms reflect this collective way of perceiving.
Nearly all these pre-industrial cities were encircled by walls, giving man a
feeling of mutual containment and safety. Constructed for defense purposes these
walls united men against a commonly shared enemy. Land and its ownership was
another artifactual form. Medieval land in these cities was either leased directly
from the crown, or it was held by a few royal subjects, or the church . Later in
this period cities received charters, exempting them from complete land control
by the crown or church. Most city inhabitants were faced with a common land
ownership situation . Local industry usually combined medieval man's place of
residence with his place of work. Characteristic, also, in the polis, the economy
of the pre-industrial cultures first served the immediate family needs.

Even the individual '5 most basic needs were communally offered. The
water supply for each town's residents was available from a few mutually accessible
fountains and water holes. Personal bathing, when performed, was done at the
few local both houses. Family clothes washing meant a gathering of many women
in mutual areas. Within these pre-industrial cultures little distinction appeared
between public and private activity in later contrast. Police protection, as an
example, now considered a public responsibility, was shared by all the city's male

residents. They took turns guarding the city against the evil lurking beyond the

T-‘A ___ - a“: — _ .-. =_...— m...,.__. “m. . _ ,

I3
city walls .

All this began to change as the renaissance city developed, and gave way
to the industrializing culture of the mid-eighteenth century. The paleotechnic
city, described in Chapter IV, began in England and lasted approximately I50
years. Man's cities no longer were collectively seen, because urban culture had
advanced to a new level of awareness. The pre-industrial collective culture, gave
birth to an industrial culture where man became free and independent. A
collective mode of consciousness yielded to a mode of self-consciousness.
Fragmentation and specialization arose with this level of cultural awareness,
which had accumulated but differentiated knowledge .

There were new modes of perceiving, and the previous ones enlarged. A
major addition was man accepting the analytic perception of science . The
Copemi'cum concept of the universe meant that the earth, hence mankind, was no
longer center of the universe. Earth similar to other planets now revolved around
the sun, therefore man became an observer, rather than the one observed. Analytic
perceiving utilized the scientific method, which meant man observed with his
external senses. This mode of perceiving suggested to man that he should believe
only what he observes, that which is physically evident. Combining with this, was
the practical mode of perceiving. Practical perceiving embodied the viewpoint
that man's cultural values, needs, and knowledge should be applied for achieving
a definite human purpose rather than a divine or mythic one. Inventions, for
instance, represent the combination of analytic and practical ways of perceiving .

To the individual of this industrial culture, the analytic and practical modes

of perceiving are more beneficial to his own well-being, rather than the more

l4
collective synthetic and symbolic forms. The satisfaction of needs slowly began
to be interpreted in terms of material or personal well-being, satisfied by

accumulating monetary wealth . This could only be achieved by competing with

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

fellow men .
PRE-INDUSTRIAL URBAN CULTURE l INDUSTRIAL URBAN CULTURE
Analytic .
Perception I scuence
Symbolic .
Perception . eCOhOleICS
_ Practical government
Perception technology
health
Synthetic
Perception ,. 4 art
Symbolic music
Perception architecture
literature
religion
Synthetic .
Perception philosophy
ethic-legal

 

 

 

Figure 6. Comparative pre-industrial and expanded industrial urban cultures
with their modes of perceiving.

I5

The collective culture changed in two ways when the pre-industrial city
became a part of history.

I . There was no longer one acceptable perspective, in which all man's
modes of perceiving focused upon a collective or shared purpose. By cultural
transmission, accumulation, and differentiation, new levels of awareness were
achieved; absorbing and reducing these earlier levels, under the influence of
analytical and practical perceiving.

2. Each method of perceiving, with the advancement of man's knowledge,
values, and needs, became institutionalized . These four ways of perceiving that
compose culture are separated into many institutions as shown in Figure Six, Page
I4.

Institutions became subcultural modes of perceiving, accepted by a group
of individuals who share an accepted set of values or interest, goals and knowledge.
Each institutions composed of individuals, performs certain roles or activities. It
also is characterized by some organizational structure, and expresses artifactual
forms.

The paleotechnic culture then, was guided by a set of certain institutions
which represented two modes. Economics and technology composing the practical,
and science representing the analytic mode, now directed paleotechnic city life.
Synthetic and symbolic modes of perceiving, in turn, were reduced in significance.
This is attributed to the individually competitive industrial culture common with
analytic and practical modes, as opposed to the earlier collective pre-industrial

cultures where synthetic and symbolic structured urban life.

 

 
  
 

 

analytical
PALEOTECHNIC CITY ELF-CONSC] GUS practical
LEVEL synthetic

 

symbolic

Figure 7. The self-conscious level of awareness represented by the paleotechnic
city.

D. Present City

Our existing urban culture is just an extension of the paleotechnic culture.
Further cultural differentiation and specialization has occured, however, among
the institutions, causing man to become less aware of his modes of perceiving, or
subcultural system. This is happening, since each of these institutions, with its
specific group of individuals, is expanding its body of knowledge, and meaningful
expressions in light of the institution's own set of values and goals. One example
of this trend relates to communication. First, it is becoming more and more
difficult to understand the specific jargon each institution uses to express itself.
Secondly, common words among our culture quite frequently have different visual
and discursive meanings within each institution.

Chapter VI, The Present City, discusses how man's existing urban culture
has further compartmentalized life. Now his institutions are becoming larger, more

self-directive, and uncoordinated, each one pursuing its own values, and goals

l7
which inhibits a collective urban perspective. These consequences are examined
within this chapter by focusing upon man's present urban problems and how these
urban problems have certain institutional origins. A second viewpoint presents
the major institutions found in each cultural subsystem or mode of perceiving, and
how man is using particular institutions at the expense of others, resulting in
certain urban problems.

The concept of dysfunction is introduced to describe our presently im-
balanced urban culture, where man's present awareness level has escalated
practical and analytic modes, and with this domination has suppressed synthetic
and symbolic modes of perceiving. Group consciousness, strongly a part of pre-
industrial culture, has yield to individual consciousness of our industrial urban
culture. Institutional fragmentation has reinforced this division between
individual and collective awareness by reducing each mode of perceiving into

further compartmental ization .

 
   
   

GROUP INDIVIDUAL

CONSCIOUSNESS CONSCIOUSNESS
Practical
Analytical

  

PRESENT
URBAN CULTURE

 

Synthetic
Symbolic

T

Figure 8. Present urban cultural dysfunction represented by dominating
individual consciousness in practical and analytical modes of perceiving.

I 'l 1‘ .llll‘ [ {1! [.I (I‘ll... ‘Il‘ (~{lfl‘.‘k [(t l. {~.((.l llH J“! ‘II I. .H‘. 1'.Ia ,l ‘2 l HI 1" (lf .7

T8
The desire to understand life's complexities in a comprehensive way is
severely handicapped . Problems affecting our present cities persist in such an
undesirable situation. Urban forms, and the supporting institutions man has
come to accept perpetuate both positive and negative characteristics. No
one mode of perceiving can satisfy all man's needs. Dysfunction shall continue

until there is a reunion of all four cultural modes.

 

 

 

practical ‘
EXTENDED .
PRESENT CITY SELF-CONSCIOUS _ analyhcal
LEVEL symbolic
synthetic

Figure 9. The extended self-conscious level of awareness
represented by the present city.

PURPOSE

It is this writer's contention that by examining the dynamics of urban
cultural evolution, a theory of urban form is possible. Forms of our past and
present cities must be rejoined with the cultural values or interests, goals and
knowledge man has used to produce these settlement patterns. For the most part,

we have come to accept only the physical expressions of culture, discarding

actually important cultural values behind urban physical form. Until both artifactual

I9

form and form shapers are envisioned as one, a valuable dimension will remain
missing, hampering the understanding of urban culture. By realizing what has
produced form, presently undesirable patterns can be altered to better satisfy man's
needs.

Also, we wish totrace urban development from the standpoint of its levels
of awareness and the various modes that existed as urban man has progressed. Since
man has the ability to accumulate, transmit, and differentiate culture, it is a
continuous job to assure that these cultural modes, with their various institutions be
considered in constructing the most habitable cities.

The purpose of this thesis will be achieved by:

I . Describing the evolutionary process of urban culture, and how each
city type is a part of a growing historical continuum.

2. Describing man's cultural artifacts or tools found within each city
type, and how these cities physically represent certain needs, values and
knowledge man possesses. At the conclusion of each chapter an illustrative
summary will appear.

3. Suggesting, in the conclusion, a comprehensive way to describe
existing urban functioning by associating man's needs, values and knowledge
with his physical expressions and artifacts constituting material culture.
LIMITATIONS

There are certain limitations the reader should realize regarding the scope

of this thesis. The following are a few major limitations apparent .

I. This description of urban cultural evolution involves only the western culture

20

2. Dysfunction, although a part of every awareness level, hence common
among all city types, is examined only in the present because the existing city
is our prevailing concern . History cannot be changed, but man's present can.

3. A great reliance has been placed by this writer upon historical scholars
in tracing urban cultural evolution. At times the reader may'bel ieve that some of
these historical accounts are removed from the urban question. Throughout, an
attempt has been made to concentrate upon urban history, but frequently a minor
digression is purposely made to reflect urban-rural contrast.

4. No attempt has been made to depict more than a general city type
for each recognized level of awareness. This writer realizes variations in these
cultural levels are common and all cities do not fit the types described. To take
into account the minor discrepancies would be beyond the scope of this thesis.

5. In developing this general theory, the significant contributions of
many individuals of historical note througl'out history are not described. It is
recognized by this writer that their contributions were substantial in every level of
awareness throughout the development of urban culture.

6. To avoid continual reference to the fact that persons composing each
city type have created cultural modes and institutions, usually terms, such as
culture, institution, and form are presented alone.

7. Except for a few suggestions on how to relate this urban theory to
our existing cities, this thesis is exploratory in nature. It is an attempt to develop
a theory of urban form and culture, but not, at this time, to develop a practical

and detailde way to apply it to the process of urban planning.

CHAPTER II .
THE GREEK CITY-STATE

It seems quite natural to modern man to accept his urban spatial form and
his present form shapers, creating settlement patterns as always existing. Our
seemingly ordered universe has , however, evolved from a mythmaking consciousness.
Recognizable urban patterns depicted by man's artifacts have only gradually evolved
from myth . This mythic level of awareness dominated the pre-Summarian cultures.
Man's life had meaning only pictorially. By combining sets of pictorial images,
understanding and communication was possible. During the Graeco-Roman
civilization this level of awareness also prevailed.

Mythic thinking described by Ernst Cassier as an immediate appearance, or
0:5 purely presentation , embodied within the imagination, was the predecessor of
linguistic conception.8 The world of visual sense impression was being transferred
into a world of ideas and meaning by language . Language takes us from a complete
mythmaking level of human mentality to the level of logical thought and conception
of facts. This transformation meant another dimension was added to the way man
perceived his existence .

Greek culture reflected this transition. Mythic perceiving characterized
by pictorial or presentational imagery, and intellectual perceiving characterized
by written. or discursive imagery began to build a body of cultural knowledge in the
polis. In order to capture the cultural flavor that existed we must regress to a time

where lower levels of awareness prevailed. The present historian cannot accurately

2I

l l I II III. I l l' | l l l l l .l l I
I: l l I II I. l I III I l‘ [ (

22

recreate the past in terms of present cultural developments without removing the
present modes that were absent in earlier cultural levels. Alfred Zimmern aptly
relates this need to culturally regress in his work, The Greek Commonwealth.

It is easy to think 'away railroads and telegraphs and gasworks
and tea and advertisements and bananas. But we must peel

off for more than this. We must imagine house without drains,
beds without sheets or springs, rooms as cold, or as hot, as the
open air, only draughtier, meals that begin and ended with
pudding, and cities that could neither boast gentry nor
millionaires. We must learn to tell the time without watches,
to cross rivers without bridges and seas without a compass, to
fasten our clothes with two pins instead of rows of buttons, or
wear our shoes or sandals without stockings, to warm ourselves
over a pot of ashes, to judge open-air plays or lawsuits on a
cold winters' morning, to study poetry without books, geography
without maps, and politics without newspapers. In a word we
must learn to be civilized without being comfortable. Or rather
we must learn to enjoy the society of people for whom comfort
meant something very different from motor-cars and arm-chairs,
who, although or because they lived plainly and austerely and
sat at a table of life without expecting any dessert, saw more of
the use and beauty and goodness of the few things which were
vouchsafed them. . .their minds, their bodies, and nature outside
and around them .

These cultural levels of awareness in which we view our cities have been
categorized by a noted social philosopher as stages of participation. “The
extrasensory relation between man and phenomena" that Owen Barfield defines
as participation, begins by being an activity essentially communal or social .
Originally participation took place in rites and initiating ceremonies where a
collective mental state of extreme emotional intensity was exhibited. Culture at
this point is undifferentiated . This is a pre-mythic stage. The first cultural
development is from active participation where the individual feels he is totem,
to collective representations of totemic life where the individual feels ancestors

were the totem .

23

Greek culture is where this first collective representation appears. Important
for us to remember in visualizing Greek culture and, later, more pertinent, the
Greek pol is, is the constant interplay between two levels of awareness, myth and
intellectual . Evident within all these artifactual representations of the pol is will

be these dialectical forces depicted below .

DIALETICAL LEVELS OF AWARENESS

I \

 

  

MYTHI WARENESS INTELLECT‘L. AWARENESS
symbolic mode analytic mode

synthetic mode

Figure I0. Dominate and subordinate levels of awareness influencing
the polis.

Lewis Mumford, considered by many to be the leading contemporary urban

I2

historian, has accurately captured this polis cultural conflict.

Between the sixth and fourth centuries, B.C., the Greek cities
found themselves in the throes of two severe conflicts: first,
an attempt to define the limits of law and justice and mutual
aid, as against the claims of hearth and kindred (mythic);
second, not unrelated to this, an effort to free the intellect
itself through logic, mathematics, and rational morality from
the savage presentations of the unconscious.

24

Even though these two levels are partially depicted as opposing forces,
with myth dominating intellectual awareness, together they formulated the
Grecian sphere of knowledge, values, and goals. Common to any emergent
process, compromising and re-defining occured, which in turn adjusted man's
artifactual patterns. Examining this as an historical continuum as culture
approached the renaissance and paleotechnic periods, these two levels became
more divergent. Mythic awareness, which viewed man's world as a whole
since he was a part of a cosmology, contrasted with intellectual awareness
whereby the scientific mode examined man himself, thus dividing him into
smaller observable units.

Jacques Ellul who has developed a theory of western culture in terms
of technological evolution, believes that the Greeks though they were the first
culture to have coherent intellectual awareness, did not emerge because of the
domineering mythic level of awareness. Four less theoretical reasons have been
given to explain this characteristic .

I . Greek conception of life scorned material needs and the improvement
of practical life (possible by advancing analytical and practical mode of perception).

2. It held contemplation to be the only reason for intellectual activity.

3. Greek culture refused the use of power because it represented an
aspect of brute force and implied a want of moderation.

4. Grecian man respected all natural things.

The mythic level of awareness produced a group consciousness. There was
expressed between man and nature an inner experience, repressing the outer

experience of man as an entity; dissociated from nature as found in the intellectual

25

awareness level . Life therefore was inspired by the gods of nature, with the
human being attempting to follow this pattern in his life. Modes of both
symbolic and synthetic perceiving reinforced mythic awareness. Artifactual
form in turn was mythically perceived. The home within the polis is a good
example of the mythic. Fashioned in a cosmogony, the roof of a dwelling
appeared to Greek man as a celestial vault, and its four walls corresponded
to the directions of cosmic space. Let us now turn to a fuller inquiry of both
the form shapers and the physically produced artifactual forms associated with

this prevailing awareness level .

FORM SHAPERS

Man's triumphant expression as a creative force of the universe was
born of the principal form Shaper associated with the symbolic and synthetic
spirit. Divine guidance was represented by ancestral worship , since the
ancient city was a union based on the worship of a shared god. '4 Sacred
rituals where members renewed their committment by re-identifying themselves
with a common source of strength and energy were communally performed before
their protective deity. Feelings and emotions as physical expressions of values
predominated .

Cults, composed of common worshippers, or phratry were divinities
superior in scale to households. '5 Household authority was subject to customs,
rites, and later more formalized laws, based on a hierarchal order of pre-
Christian myth. The priest of the hearth with its hereditary succession provided

constant rule, subject to no other social power. Religious relics were divinely

26
identified, since the city's welfare depended upon the preservation of its kings.
Their loss or destruction would bring disaster to the community. Divine rule
having indisoluble bonds of association entered all aSpects of community
activity. Ancient codes of the cities were merely a collection of rites,
liturgical directions and prayers joined with certain legislative regulations. '6
The city represented a confederation of patriarchal households obliged to
respect religion and a civic independence. Formal regulation was minimal,
since it was based on tradition. The king, priest of the hearth, had no great
need for either army or treasury. Sacrifices to the temple provided adequate
revenue, though at a later date obligatory tithing became common .

By the eighth century B.C., hereditary kingship was dying out as
struggles for power occurred among the mortal keepers of the key . Omnipotence
became attached to earthliness. Fustel de Coulanges believes this transition
was founded in the dichotomy of religious myth where two religious forms
existed. Gods were founded both in physical nature and the human soul .'
Omnipotence became attached to worldliness; gods of the human soul . This
was due to the potential power of the I eaders of existing phratry or united tribes
could wield.

The authority of the monarchy became displaced . Tyrannical individuals
wielding the power of force rather than civil disobedience were followed by

I
Greek ol igarchies. Within another brief time span democracy arose from a
series of extensions of power. Government had now arrived as a separate and

distinct form shaper. No longer was its position an appendage to a monarchy

steeped only in sacred myth . A series of political pronouncements decidely

27

reshaped the infant polis, and it appears that a higher mode of Symbolic perceiving
appeared. This utilized both pictorial and discursive modes of symbolic per-
ception. Originating then from this mythic background the civil-political laws
of Solon and afterward Cleisthenes reflected an advancing level of awareness. '8

Prior oligarchical arrangements, with the landed aristocracy retaining
all its inherent privileges, were removed by .the Code of Salon. Ethnical and
territorial unity included both a moral and material condition of political
equality. Restrictions appeared upon previous mythic circumstances, embracing
such changes as the phraty's demise, by physically intermixing these cults.
Demes or political districts were substituted and each polis was equally divided
into geographical units. Living associations were now made along a non-paternal
basis, but each deme had its own assembly, which included sending representatives
to the pol is council . Representation for common people came, making Greek life

. I9

more group COhSCIOUS .

What had been born was the free citizen. Land became freed and no longer
Was it uncompromisin’gly tied to paternal authority. Each inhabitant's social
class was determined by the assessment of this re-distributed land. Significant
of nature's influence upon the pol is was the regulation that social class position
was solely determined by the number of bushels yielded in a harvest.20 All
obligations and rights were fixed in proportion to their assessment. Non-citizens
or slaves, did exist however, having no class status. Their task was to provide
the manual labor necessary to manage the land owned by the free citizens.

Absolute property in Graeco-Roman cultures was still attached to the soil .

It would be a mistake to assume that because of the mounting transition

28
the pol is was losing its mythic communicative ability. As the next area discusses,
artifacts as symbolic forms of a culture are not replaced immediately by analytic
perceiving. Forms are more physically enduring than form shapers, so, therefore,
the transition was a slow one. Common needs of food, shelter and defense
although begun to be discursively perceived through written language having
definite regulations, was still dominated by mythic thinking. Deeply grounded
in sacred and immutable ritual of togetherness, the polis, was continually
reinforced by physically expressed meanings. Pol is citizenry collectively
worshipped and governed, with the acropol is giving optimal meaning to their

existence.

ARTIFACTUAL FORMS

What the artifact has represented within the pre-industrial cultures
varies distinguishably from that of later history. Considering the former period,
the artifact coexisted with nature, possessing a communication system where both
symbolic and synthetic perceiving were mutually translatable.

Geomorphol ogj

 

This environmental consciousness was interwoven into the polis. The
original settlement patterns for the polis remained somewhat in their natural
order. Geographically narrowed spaces produced a marked unification of this

2]
city type, along with its strategic positioning in an undulating terrain. In
many cases the sea served as a safety valve, and later a source for commercial

transaction. Existing climatic conditions favored an open, or outdoor life.

This reinforced man's communion with nature .. Many other elements of nature

29
molded the polis, but rather than Grecian man opposing such conditions, meaning
was derived from this association. Natural scale was a key expression since the
activity of Greek man was to be in harmony with the gods of nature.

Acropolis

The temple with an adjoining palace commanded the highest portion of
the land. This latter artifact (palace) housed the deity which guarded these cult
worshippers. It seems that the kings, priests, of the hearth, and later arcons
were the mortal agents communicating with the gods. Any structure of import
within the acropolis or the polis itself, was positioned so it could be in close
spiritual contact, both by means of natural elevation and through means of physical
construction . Within the pol is' early development this area described as the citadel
and later the acropolis, was the unrivalled seat of both power and protection.
Mythic awareness was therefore fortified by symbolic perceiving .

For the inhabitants that lived at its protective base, the acropolis was an
imposing scale. As time passed intellectual izing brought about additional insight
into the mythic level of awareness. Since myth became slowly displaced by
intellect, many earlier artifacts were transformed. Nature became imposed upon .
The wall began to encircle the hearth of every pol is. Man started to focus more
completely upon other mortal beings, rather than only nature. New functions
occured in the pol is.

beers

Meaningful activity previously beyond the reach of most persons associated
with the acropol is slowly was transferred to a more common level, the agora. In

time the agora became the center of a new civic life and a redistributed scale

30
resulted. E. A. Gutkind and Lewis Mumford both tend to believe that the pol is
itself became the symbolic expression of the ideal structure of society. This
substantiates the statement that intellect or man himself was beginning to reflect
upon his culture, rather than being manipulated solely by nature, and myth .

Intellectual Growth

 

The previously induced natural scale began to incorporate more thought
processes of man . Introduced by Hippodameus was order of city life not found in
nature, but rather in the cosmic structure. This represents a shift from symbolic
perceiving, to synthetic perceiving, characterizing the medieval urban culture.

A maior way of communication, the road, which had earlier adapted to natural
contours, became less restrictive. As the city state colonized, their new found
territories were laid out in grid fashion. Even in the original polis changes
occured. A good example is the symbolic change in the temple's role, which had
now begun to decentralize with numerous demic temples available to the
worshippers. Where previously the road network adapted to the siting of each
temple, now these buildings became the more expendable.2

Pre-existing artifacts, reflecting symbolic perceiving, were not abandoned.
Their physical location and scale continued to command symbolic respect. The
town hall or prytaneion, where governmental functions transpired, retained many
of the earlier functions of both the acropolis and temple.23 Though a shift in
authority became evident, from the temple to the town hall, these artifactual forms
remained in close proximity.

The cosmic world had roots in both symbolic and synthetic perceiving, which

also involved mythic and intellectual awareness. Civic and religious artifacts were

 

3i
similarly patterned, and there was no principal difference in their exterior appear-
ances. Since intellectual awareness was introduced through mythic awareness,
strongly attached to nature, human scale in the polis was still preserved. There
must have been some recognition of the capacities of human settlement because the
scale of activity in the polis never produced a population in excess of 50, 000.24
Colonization occured more than iust by "coincidence" when the polis population
neared this figure. Some crude indicator of density may have existed, since
the polis area, somewhat rectangular to square in shape was similar. In any case,
distance, which meant a ten-minute walking time, and scale were handled on a
pedestrian basis.

Local Market Economy

 

The agora began to be the characteristic image of the intellectual spirit
of an aristocracy and democracy, still mythically interpreted. A free translation
of agora suggests its original function was as a public way where free citizen
activity existed. In time, though, the agora's purposes expanded. This traditional
meeting place for civic interests was also being shared increasingly by merchants,
with their enlarged market operations. Because of a growing population with
limited land resources, exchange of staple items necessary for the city-state
inhabitants was common. Colonization was a significant factor in the function of
the agora. Water routes became a new artifactual focus, being used for both
exchange and war . Staple goods represented the largest segment of their economy.
Scholars in Greek city history have referred to this as a household economy. This
economy, therefore, was very pastoral . . . even though this polis has been

described as a city life. Commenting on the Greek farmer, and the common

32
economic philosophy, Zimmeryn states,

He did not want to grow rich. He worked on the land for a

livelihood and for his city, not in hope of high prices and

an ultimate fortune. His obiect was to provide for his

household and, if need be, to help to provide also for the

community; but he had no thought of amassing wealth. . .

If a Greek citizen owned what seemed a disproportionately

large amount of the land of the community, the public

opinion of the market-place clamoured that it should be

taken away from him and redivided.

Mercantile facilities, sometimes operated by polis citizens, were more
usually operated by those who were denied the privilege of pol is citizenship.
Wealth was considered suspect. Personal monetary gain was not a part of their
collective world. This more contemporary characteristic was limited by the

. . 27
Greek conception of the city-state as the best form of socral communion.
Little if any reference is ever made regarding economic qUestions.

In retrospect, the pol is, emerged from and rose above nature, both
symbolically and synthetically. The mythic level of awareness was supplemented
by intellectual reasoning, or logic, which gave man a more self-directing purpose.
The analytic mode of science was a further extension of intellectualism. Grecian
culture was slowly divorcing itself from the bonds of the unknown and the natural
order. As a result, symbolic perceiving, which dominated this mythic stage,
was to have less meaning when man began to examine himself; a separation of man
and the cosmos. Before this time came, however, the evolutionary process of
culture slowed down in the medieval period. Mythic consciousness was to remarn
in control up to the renaissance. The maior medieval difference was that synthetic

perceiving due to the wide acceptance of Christianity took the place of symbolic

perceiving dominating the polis. Intellectualism with its discursive reasoning was

33

enlarging, but it was still subordinate in the medieval culture.

ILLUSTRATIVE SUMMARY

\ l \
\/ \

/\\
::{ Acropol IS k
\

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Residence I’
I, T ’
j \ "Economics" ,’
Templ e- ~ ~
Sanctuary I ‘__

 

 

Household —— "

0 FORM SHAPERS

:3 ARTI FACTUAL FORMS

 

Figure ll . Urban artifactual forms and form shapers prevalent within
the polis.

 

 

 

 

 

     

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

.3
E
+'
l0
or
wall or W
natural
3W W .IL \V/ enclosure
W 3N-
»v v ”’0 *4
W M!
W V )4
25 3-“ Miles:
IPOPULATION I, AREA WALKING TIME
City I I0,000 City lsq mi City l 20 minutes
[State I 50,000 llState J625 sq. miJ State [480 minutes

 

 

 

Figure l2. The Greek city-state and its archetypical form.

 

CHAPTER III .

THE MEDIEVAL CITY

Whereas there were many distinctive aspects of the Roman civilization,
the Graeco-Roman culture represents one principle cultural type. Both the
previously described form shapers and their artifactual forms portrayed an
awareness level common among the two civilizations. With the sixth century
rapidly approaching, however, "the lifeblood was ebbing from the opened
veins of Rome and the hands that once grasped an empire could no longer keep
any part of it securely in their hold". 8 Significant changes began to show
in culture. Under two unrecognizable conditions, E. A. GUtkind' labels as the
Christian hierarchy and the still pagan spirit of the people, conflict, unrest
and competition was in evidence.29 Symbolic perceiving and mythic aware-
ness were being replaced by synthetic perceiving, and a greater intellectual
awareness was to appear at the end of the medieval .

Barbarous invasions of the Roman Empire within southern and western
Europe caused a serious regression of earlier city life.30 In time the destruction
involved their entire Mediterranean holdings. Every frontier became untenable
and immigrant tribes from Ireland to the Sahara played some part in dismembering
the Latin leviathan. With the Splintering of the Mediterranean into divergent
units, unified rule was displaced by Islamic, Byzantium, and Germanic segments.

City life retreated with the advent of decentralization and provincial ism.

Resistance to imperialism was now commonplace. With this resulting breakup,

35

‘I‘lll

36

and out of the muddled circumstances arose the heir apparent, the Church,
to grasp the "reigns" of power. Medieval culture was not harmonious though.
As R. W. Southern states in W "the survivals
of barbaric codes of law iostl ed with varying mixtures of Roman law, local
custom, and violence, and besides all this there was a maze of Church law,
through which every bishop had to find his way as best he could. "32

Although the detailing and accurate accounting is being left in the
historians' hands, summarily speaking these "five centuries of violence,
paralysis and uncertainty in Europe had created a profound desire for security.3:3
Contrary to more popular opinion, the unfolding of the dark ages was a unique
contribution in this evolutionary process of settlement forms. It is suggested by
Brian Hackett that the medieval saga significantly passes beyond the stage of
remote urban and rural development described in the Greek city state.
Beginning was a "form of communal protection where insecurity of the time
caused man to seek safety under his powerful fellow-men, surrendering some
liberty in exchange. "34 Certainly this statement reasonablyexplains the
formation again of an urban living situation, though this time distinguishably
separate from the hinterland.

A word of caution is necessary here because the city as a self-sustaining
entity, as these introductory comments reveal, did not appear in early medieval
history. These developments took place later on. This fact should be remembered,

because the balance of the chapter will describe conditions leading to the re-

 

37

introduction of city habitation found in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

FORM SHAPERS

The principal survivor of the Graeco-Roman culture was a more
intellectual level of awareness, seen through the synthetic world of reality.
Even though the initiator of town development became the primary iuris-
diction of new kingships, possessing, in theory, military and civil authority,
the Christian spirit brought about a subtle inheritor whose influence was to
grow through the centuries. The monastic order seemed to be at the outset a
collective refuse for previous culture. Mumford proposes that the monastery

operationally resembled the pol is. It proved to be:

an association, or rather, a close brotherhood of likeminded
people, not coming together iust for occasional ceremonies,
but for permanent cohabitation, in an effort to achieve an
earth a Christian life, addressed solely and singlemindedly
to the service of God ..... Here was the nodal point of a new
kind of religious culture. This culture sought to transcend the
limitations of earlier civilizations, by withdrawing from their
typical institutions; in principle it denied property, prestige,
and power. Those who accepted poverty as a form of I ife
reduced the whole physical apparatus for bodily sustenét ce
and ennobled work by making it a moral obligation.

Literacy, knowledge of iurisprudence and related cultural traditions
were somewhat monopolistricall y housed in these monastic retreats. Gradually
the monastery, with its ordered internal existence, in sharp contrast to chaotic
times of barbarism, began to promote itself.

It was in the monastery that the books of the classic literature

were transferred from crumbling papyrus to tough parchment; it

was here that the Latin language was spoken in daily conversation,
and escaped some to the diversification and mutual unintelligibility

['l‘l~Ill l.fI‘l.|T.'I I! .I.

38

of Italian, Spanish, French, Romanian, and their countless

regional dialects and village variants; it was here in the

Benedictine Abbeys at least, that the advanced practices of

Roman agriculture and Greek medicine were maintained,

with a corresponding rise in productivity and health.36

During Charlemagne's rule, secular authority was dominant on a
national level, but the spread of Christianity was being furthered by granting
land privileges to the clergy. Municipal detailing, organization, and often
the case administration, was left in the Church's hands. Several interesting
contrasts arose. The Church, being independent from the state by this time,
had its own organization in western and central Europe. The Pope's sphere
of activity dealt with high pol flies; and, through monastery organization, this
influence became national in character.37 In contrast was the tendency of
feudalism to separate society, since feudalism related to non-urban living
patterns.

The landed noble class, although serving under the king, operated with
maximum latitude, each having personal gain their primary objective. No longer
was the market fixed upon trading between the different medieval countries or
states. The so-called household economy Zimmeryn has earlier referred to in
the pol is, became associated again with the soil itself. Foreign markets, which
had played a large role in the late Graeco-Roman colonization effort, became
fragmented and localized. Since landed property was all that existed, agri-

culture was the ma ior activity. The landed proprietor became the medieval state '5

executioner. Property which had earlier been in the hands of Greek free farmers,

39
and citizens disappeared, and were now subject to hereditary tenures.

Large estates then kept on being more and more generally

in evidence after the period of invasions. The favor which
the kings showed the Church was an additional factor in

this development, and the religious fervor of the aristocracy
had this effect. Monasteries, whose numbers multiplied with
such remarkable rapidity after the seventh century, were
receiving boutiful gifts of land. Everywhere ecclesiastical
demesnes were mixed up together, uniting not only cultivated
ground, but woods, heaths and waste-lands.

Importing of slaves to operate the land, and in return gaining protection,
was the principal market trade. Although previous Roman cities became trading
graveyards, they still persisted. Another factor contributing to the strength of
the synthetic mode was that the majority of Roman cities were based upon
diocesan boundaries. The bishops during medieval times could assert great city
influence, but cities didn't lend themselves to the more rural feudal system .

The state, on its part, in exercising administrative powers could

contribute in no way to the continued existence of the Roman

cities. The counts, to whom the supervision of these cities was

entrusted, did not settle down in any fixed position . They were

constantly traveling about their districts in order to preside over

judicial assemblies, to levy taxes, and to raise troops. The

centers of their agministration were not their places of residence
but their persons. 9

By the tenth century barbaric invasions had subsided somewhat. Most
cleared land was occupied by some feudal settlement form, and all of Europe:
was unified in Christian belief. Most social historians and scholars believe this
marks the turning point in a downward trend of earlier medieval disunity.4o

Decentralization, for numerous reasons, was altered. City form began to be

seen in a more favorable light, with the churches becoming rallying points for

 

40

expressing dissatisfactions. Mumford, questioning revived trade as an effect,
rather than a cause, attributes this change to increasing population advances
and the Church's activity.

As the barbarian populations of northern and central Europe

became amenable to Christianity, lured more perhaps by its

dazzling myths and superstitions than its insights into the

human condition, the part played by the Church continued to

increase. The protection offered by the Bishops rival led that

of the feudal counts, and the expansion of the Church's own

economic power, as a land-holding proprietor, through

purchase and pious bequests, gave him a position that even

kings had to respect. In making the most of these conditions

of distress and opportunity, the monastic orders served as

pioneers: in fact, they led the whole urban advance,

offering sanctuary to the refugees and hospitable shelter to
the weary traveller, building bridges, and establishing markets.

4I

This medieval city as a new source of freedom was received with mixed
emotions by the monks and the feudal lords. The monasteries, due to their
religious position and geographical location, were unable to enter the growing
world of the town. Despite their mutual Christian interests, the earthly re-
sponsibilities that the monastery had been performing for some five centuries
were now being displaced. More importantly was the fact that numerous
monastery functions inherited from the Roman age were soon to be differentiated
and given to many form shapers. As time elapsed the city was slowly giving
rebirth to a body of knowledge the Roman Empire had possessed. These preserved
historical accounts, with their inherent cultural meanings and expressions, had

been read, copied, and'learned by those connected to the monasteries. This was

the principal way knowledge was transmitted.

4I

Technics and art also flourished, and it appears that here was the
intellectuals' major outlet. New form shapers were soon to leave their
monastic home, and assert themselves in time as separate shaping entities.
A significant one, the educational role, was to be only temporarily housed
within the city's cathedrals. These transfers definitely affected the
monasteries' influence, strengthening the bishop's position in these growing
cities, although the monastery in particular began to dissipate. Their
characteristics and influence through the tenth century can be summarized as
follows:

I. Prevented an overwhelming domination of lay lords,
oftentimes entering secular matters.

2. The Church was the principal land owner in EurOpe.

3. Monasteries were virtually alone in providing education,
aiding the poor, and providing medical services.

4. Chief preserver of learning in Western Europe.

Although this synthetic mode overshadowed medieval life, symbolic
perceiving was an integral part of the medieval world. This enabled progress
in architectural design and in standards of construction, through a wide range
of ecclesiastical buildings.42 Also being altered were the roles and functions
of nobility. The feudal lords began to expand their manoral holdings to include
urban revenues from rents, taxes and other revenue producing devices, as
payments for certain rights given to these urban dwellers. Towns began to be

founded as territorial policy, with due consideration of their military location

42
at this time. Generally speaking, there were three types of towns being
founded or occupied.

Town Form

Initially, most common was settlement living on the remains of earlier
Roman cities. In spite of meager populations, this proved to be the prevailing
town form that survived over five hundred barbaric years. Clergy or some
church representative were the overseers, delving, at times, into both sacred
and secular matters. A key to their survival includes the walls that fortified
most of these earlier Roman towns, beside the disinterests in cities or towns as
a vital portion of the rural type of feudal system, and the divine sanctity
granted by the kingships.

Another town or city form evolved as a natural product of the medieval
social conditions. These can be generally classified as the free cities which
gradually won a position outside of the feudal system . Charters were granted
which gave the citizenry the right to elect both a council and magistrate for
handling municipal regulations. But as found in both Spain and France, the
crown appointed a governor who re ceived the usual tribute, and controlled the
police and fortified places in these cities. Municipal regulation and administra-
tion was slowly being eased out of the feudal systems' hands, but revenue was
being given to the crown or lord for this limited freedom. A new social structure

was being created and patterned somewhat after the city-state.

43

The earliest medieval artisans were, like the agricultural
laborers, serfs, but one step above the true slave. Step
by step these artisans organized themselves into guilds
which dealt with the feudal lord as a body; and by
combining these artisan guilds with associations of
merchants, gradually local communal organizations were
perfected, independent of feudal power.44

The city was trying to regain its position once held within the pol is,
in fact even more assertive, since it wanted to be separated from any rural
influence. Mythic association, especially in relation with nature, was to
become more distant in this new medieval city form.

By fighting, by bargaining, by outright purchase or by some
combination of these means the towns won the right to hold
a regular market, the right to be subject to special market
law, the right to coin money and establish weights and
measures, the right of citizens to be tried in their local
courts, local laws and ordinances, and not least, as before
noted, the right to bear arms. These powers, which had
once been pre-empted by the citadel, now belonged to the
city, and each citizen bore a responsibility for exercising
them.

The third and final town development form involved new sites '
established by the lords and princes as merely strategic fortifications. By
having a settlement containing a sizeable military garrison, the problems of
the feudal lord enlisting the citizens aid, when needed, was somewhat lessened .
Commenting on Central Europe's situation at this time, E. A. Gutkind states:

In the twelfth century the interests of the feudal lords in the

foundation of new towns had mainly been economic. This

changed when the state developed intoa territorial and more

homogeneous unit covering large and contiguous territories. . .
Emperor Frederick Barbarossa initiated this trend by building
numerous fortified castles, which he garrisoned with imperial

44

vassals. Other princes and feudals followed. . .numerous

new towns had come into being that had grown up around

the. fortified castles and which had gradually increased in

size, functions, and importance. Some of these new

places became centers for administrative tasks; others

became residence-l ike places especially for the ecclesias-

tical lords, who were more inclined to efgabl ish a permanent

residence than the restless feudal lords.

Although there were three basic origins of medieval town settlement,
these distinctions melded into one principal type by the I3th—I4th centuries.
Some kind of freedom became available to the citizenry inhabiting the city,
but this varied in both time and country. The end result was, however, the
freeing of the serf from the soil, and establishing some level of citizenship.

This urbanizing process which ultimately broke up the feudal system
has been classically described by Sir Henry Maine as the shifting from the
status to the contractual way of living. Status, previously associated with
structural laws of society that tied medieval men to the land, began to be re-
defined as a social contract between the landed proprietor (king, lord and
Church) and these new city dwellers. Analogous with this contract was the
city charter, freeing, to varying degrees, the townspeople from the earlier
feudal bonds.

Until now we have discussed the principal form shapers and their role
in molding town form, and the pressure exerted by population growth. Other

factors evoking new city patterns should also be mentioned. These relate to

the influence of more than a single form shaper.

45

Related Form Shaper Influences

 

Spoken of earlier was the security the wall offered to the town. This
was a two-way process, because not only did this fortification give the
inhabitants protection and formidably challenge an aggressor, it also produced
a feeling of containment and orderliness from the inside. In discussing the
County of Anjou, located in France, R. W. Southern indicates the necessity
for,and the roleof, fortification. Speaking of the tenth and eleventh centuries,
this period representsz. . .

. . . .An age of serious, expansive wars waged by well-

organized and strongly fortified territorial lords. The

confused warfare, haphazard battles and obscure acts of

force had turned scattered and precarious rights into a

complex but geographically compact and mil itaril im-

pregnable association, dependent on the count.

With regard to the city's role and its respected walls, acting as a bastion
of formidable proportions, another passage from this book is helpful to the reader.

The inexpugnable fortress solved at once the problem of

defense and of government. . .they made loyalty easy. The

battles were more speculative. . .brilliant gambles based on

the solid capital of defensive positions. It was a time when

he who committed himself to open battle, committed his

fortune to the winds. But the reward of successful enterprise

was great.

As indicator of the significance of defense and security is found in viewing
the first municipal budgets that started to appear midway in the eleventh century.
Distinctions began to be made between private and public wants and desires

as medieval law evolved. In France, as in the Italian cities, most public

projects involved military construction in either wall, ramparts or similar

46

defense measures; with some concern for street work.49 Wall extensions which
were common as late as the nineteenth century, assisted in protecting the
growing populations.

Another form shaper influence assisting city growth was the political
unification of such areas as Normandy, Flanders, Aguitine, and Brandenburg.5o
Those territories that had weak defenses now were a part of stronger and
larger fortifications. A semblance of armed peace existed. These forces now
faced each other on equal footing. It appears as though a "continuity of
government was being re-established", internal town matters were of greater
import since barbaric invasions had been quelled, and the western Christian
world engendered unity . 5'

Similarly important was the land reclamation process which steadily
opened up the virgin forests to town development. This was due to the
desirability of establishing fortified towns for military and trading purposes,
beside the substantial population growth. Also participating in these clearance
efforts were the monastic orders, since they had major land holdings. They,
too, desired their citadels, regionally dispersed, as a means of extending
medieval authority.

The revival of trade is considered by many historians as the primary
impetus for medieval town growth. Again, as suggested previously, trade in

itself did not trigger the surge in urban settlement, but rather was characteristic

of it. More meaningful are the social phenomena that kindled this interest.

47

Affecting trade to a considerable degree were the Crusades. These Crusades
opened the sleepy eyes of the West to the advanced culture of the East. First
stimulated by the necessity of constructing and equipping ships for such
voyages, the Italian port towns heavily benefited. On the Mediterranean,
as result of this western exposure, a European maritime and commercial
enterprise was created .52

Port cities with international trading as a characteristic were developed
and expanded. In time "established commercial ports in the new Latin
principalities in Syria, by degrees supplanted the Greek traders in Constantinople,
and developed trade with China via the Black Sea, the Russian rivers, and also
with the East India spice islands through Alexandria." 53 Trade and commerce

affecting town size, was in turn shaped by the Crusades. The Church as a form

shaper was the basis for this chain reaction. As summarized in The Rise of the

 

Medieval Town, “the eccumenical church provided the leadership and

 

capitalization that lifted a localist and partly autarkic society out of itself

. . . "54

and sent It forward In the world about rt.
To recapitulate, the medieval cities began to swell primarily because

of their walled security, natural population increases, political unification with

armed peace, land clearance, and trade revival in conjunction with the Crusades.

Although these conditions satisfactorily characterize the twelfth century medieval

city-state, one additional form shaper influence appeared. Intellectual thinking,

although under the dominant synthetic influence, did enlarge through science

48
and its basic application. Man began to rediscover that nature itself could
be useful to achieve a more satisfactory medieval life. Appearing in Ih_e_

City In History, the author states,

 

during this period the dispersed technical advances and
suggestions of other civilizations were brought together,
and the process of invention and experimental adaption
went a t a slowly accelerating pace . Most of the key
inventions necessary to universal ize the machine were
promoted during this period; there is scarcely an element
in the paleotechnic period that did not exist as a germ,
often as an embryo, frequently as an independent beings
in the ectechnic phase, (includes the medieval period).
Though there are some exceptions, technique was applied narrowly
during most of the medieval period due to its provincialisrn and relative isolation .
Middle age comfort was not conceived of as it is today. To the medieval man
it was a feeling of moral and aesthetic order. Space itself was the primary element
. . . 56 ,
of comfort, so everything depended on proportions, material, and form. Symbolic
perceiving in a pictorial sense still prevailed over discursive symbolism. Therefore,
exactness of the written word found then little cultivation. More than ever before,
however, industrial culture was not far in the offing. During this time "the
diminished use of human beings as prime movers, and the separation of the
production of energy from its application and immediate control " slowly became
O O 57 O O O O O '
vrsrble. The envrronment itself came to be envrsroned as a helpful and to man s
adaptiveness, rather than just a companion. Wind and water were now tapped.

Grinding grain, pumping water, beside numerous other applications of water

power became possible with the water mill . The wind, being an even more

49

adaptive element, assisted the wind mill in its flexibility of location. Re-
claiming inundated land was one of its most significant applications.58

The modern machine derived its initial form with the advent of temporal
order and the clock, according to Lewis Mumford . Since the synthetic mode
of perceiving dominated, the Church was the first to use temporal knowledge.
"The application of quantitative methods of thought to the study of nature had
its first manifestation in the regular measurement of time; and the new
mechanical conception of time arose in part out of the monastery. "59

Even though intellectual awareness expanded because of cultural
accumulation, the influence of analytic perceiving was slight during the

medieval stage of culture. Most intellectual medieval achievements were

based upon synthetic or religious sanctioning-

ARTIFACTUAL FORM

During the middle ages urban artifactual form attained its maximum
peak of meaning with the delicate balancing of both pictorial and discursive
symbolism. Previously, within such ancient cultures as Summaria, Mesopotamia,
and evidenced partially later in the pol is, pictorial expression was the basic
mode of symbolic perceiving, hence communicative meaning. The medieval
period evolved incorporating the more verbal or discursive processes found in
logic and philosophy, bringing about a greater level of awareness and meaning
to the town's inhabitants. New form shapers began also to slowly make an

impression upon cultural urban forms. Although still symbolically collective,

ll.'|‘[.l it‘ll.“ 1.1.1" I‘lfl l li\c ll\(.[. 'I‘ I. fill

rllldll‘f illll. lrlll'IIIdl‘nu {( l||

50
urban living now was becoming definable in more terms than simple pictorial
imagery. Ethical-legal meanings for an example, were added to urban space,
which explained social organization in another dimension.

These meanings of urban activity depicted by prevailing artifactual
form now gradually enjoyed this shared awareness of both mythical and
intellectual stages of culture . Buildings as expressions of artifactual form
became both spatial edifices of divine dedication and reference points for
social organization and activity.‘60 No longer were all governmental and
religious structures found in the Greek polis, identically designed. Two
examples of changing forms were the guilds, as the artifactual expressions of
trade, and the town hall, artifactually expressing an allegiance to the semi-
autonomy of local government.

In contrast to remarks concerning the pol is, which were purposely not
separated earlier, medieval forms became more divisible. Before we delve
into these specific artifactual examples of form, let us attempt to gain an insight
into the accompanying spatial-temporal order that was changing.

Err-2

The world of forms remained realistic and tangible as medieval man
worked, lived and moved about. Dial eticism began to emerge between the
mainstay of their Christian existence, transcendental space expressed by Church
activity, and a growing earthly awareness of town activity, strongly suggested

by the encircling wall . A different sense of space developed with this formal

5l

enclosure. Although this has been discussed earlier in part, some repetition is
wart hwhile. For one example, the direct association with nature was less
apparent. No longer did these rural qualities dominate, since both as a'physical
expression, as an activity, nature was greatly reduced. This included city
landscaping, verdant open areas, as well as urban farming and cultivation.
Nature did give some direction to town space, an effect not overwhelmingly
observable in the later industrial urban cultures.

Despite these characteristic changes which began to transform the city
into a more self-sustaining entity, vertical spatial competition through the
use of building form, 'was not yet present. Even as regulation developed from
custom to formal law, there was never a point in medieval history where the
written vertical regulation of spaces occured. Pictorial and later discursive
use of space centered around synthetic symbols and their shared values. Divine
space reigned .

The highest object in the city was the church spire which

pointed toward heaven and dominated all the lesser

buildings, as the church dominated hopes and fears. Space

was divided arbitrarily to represent the seven virtues or

the twelve apostles or the ten commandments or the trinity.

Without constant symbolic reference to the fables and myths

of Christianity, the rationale of medieval space would

collapse .

Medieval culture, due to its accumulation, and transmission, began to
differentiate. Although town form was then dominated by ecclesiastical buildings

and the fortified castles, as life became "richer and as culture became more

diverse, special buildings were required for special purposes."62 It is

52

misleading to presume that medieval life was a sea of anonymity outside of these
imposing structures, expressing the two domineering form shapers. Space still
was very communal, with a prevailing unity, but having intriguing variation
dotting the city environment. In a sense there was a communicative process
between the inhabitants and the city form. These forms offered a complete
vocabulary of meaning, giving direction to their way of life. In turn, meaning
was derived because these artifactual forms were an integral portion of life's
meaning. Variation of space was evident therefore, but a greater theme of
unity was symbolically discernable . Spatial unity and harmony was a characteristic.

The voluntary and instinctive union of the individual and general
will and the emerging of personal consciousness and group
consciousness created a language of form and social responsibility
that guaranteed an inescapable framework of cultural certainty
and made deviation from aesthetic norms impossible. In other
words, medieval culture was a complex and all-embracing
oneness that endowed every work of art with the same spirit. . .
individual buildings merged into one grand harmonious whole .
They formed a unity of spontaneity by the sheer fact of their
existence.

The key to spatial unity, hence the unifier of medieval urban life, was the synthetic
image of the church. Carl Troesdoson remarking upon this overall form shaper

states,

. . .the sky, the sun, the clouds, the surrounding plains, the bare
or wooded mountain, age-old forces established in the regime

of the seasons, by the nature of the work done in the country,

its trade, peace, war and food---all took forms little by little

in the profile of the nave and of the towers and in the projections
which distributed light and shadow on the monument.

53

Scale and Movement

 

Because group consciousness was interwoven throughout these form
shapers, scale continued to be manageable. In agreement with Aristotle's
belief that evil is the form of unlimited activity, scale was still based upon
pedestrian movement. Outside of castles, churches, and the wall, few
structures were over two stories in height. Professor D. S. Brown seems to
have captured this intimacy of movement in her description of a pedestrian
communicating with artifactual form.

An aimless walker or a shopper receives a very fine grain of

staccato stimuli. He can perceive the detail all around him,

but at the same time encompass within his vision the broader

range and scale of the larger environment. The walker who

is going somewhere finds orientation and pleasure in the

combination of small beats into larger and larger. He senses

first the quiet tip-tip-tip of railing of balustrade, intimately

related to his own scale. This is picked up by the larger beat

of porch and portico, then enlarged by the passing of individual

town houses, into a frggt boom-boom, linking him with the scale

of street and traffic.

Foot oriented movement enabled the perceiver to contemplate in a
deliberate manner his interrelationship with urban form. Aiding in this
intimate medieval scale was the fact that most cities of this period had popu-
lations under 5,000 persons. Since this scale was not only physically
relatable, but also mentally inseparable, complete meaning was ascertained in
the medieval city. Street widths in residential areas were based upon the

passage of a poles length, approximately fifteen feet. Sidewalks were not

necessary as we view their function today, because traffic was not classified

54
to any degree . There were no other access routes than those marked by major
entries through walled gates into these towns. Usually gate entrances ranged
in number from one to four. All other movement was indirect, few larger spaces
existed . Let us again turn to a source that has attempted to recreate this
innermost medieval scale .

Imagine yourself at the gateway to a northern European

medieval town . Entering on foot you leave sun and green

for the deep shadow and restriction of the stone archway

and emerge on the other side with a feeling of having

truly arrived. From here a road rises and gently curves;

lines of gables appear above the blocked ground view,

leading the eye upward toward the church steeple. Along

it houses crowd for space, walling the line of movement.

Their hanging upper stories further restrict the street, so

that along its length there is no great variety or contrast

of space but rather a gentle modulation of one shape into

another . The scale is even and human .

A final aspect of scale and movement to consider is its communicative relation-
ship to the way or street. The street, per se, was not only used as a transporter,
but equally important, as a social link. Personal contact provided the principal
means of communication, with the street acting as the frame of reference for
social exchange.

Let us now attempt to convey the role of these emerging artifactual forms
as they were molded and defined by the form shapers. Since considerable time
was previously spent describing the two major shapers of form, it is now worth-
while to focus upon the infant artifactual forms. In just a short while these infant

forms were to blossom into full grown independent artifacts, rather than a part

of an earlier collective framework . Institutions, each with definable purposes,

55

were to jointly arise with new forms, but for now little differentiation was

apparent .

Market Place

 

The market place as a distinctive urban form grew in direct proportions
to the evolving influence of the economic form shaper stimulated by the earlier
Crusades. During early medieval times commerce had retreated to the manorial
way of life, nearly tradeless and self-sustaining. In this infant stage, therefore,
it had no permanent home, for the market place was part and parcel of the
itinerant merchants. Similar to the polis culture, the merchants socially
represented the lowest rung in society, neither serfs nor free citizens. As time
passed and their wares received a favorable and growing audience with the
landed nobility, a more permanent physical arrangement developed for the
landless merchant. Areas were set aside initially along the few linking routes,
but in close proximity to the walls of the castles, villages or towns for both
protection and shelter.

Advancing their permanency were the fairs and traveling markets, the
reawakening world influenced by the Crusades, and large urban growth. This
latter aspect enabled the emerging city to operate under a different set of
social structure, which gave meaning to the merchant and commercial function.
The converging routes where merchant traffic either came into contact with
these settlements, or effected their creation, enlargements along the roadways

resulted. Slowly, market streets having varying degrees of commercial activity

56
offered an opportunity for an exchange of goods.

A spatial activity and an artifactual form began to manifest itself. In
time the market streets were enlarged to handle related functions. In the
more populated medieval cities there were areas approaching block size for
such purposes. With the feudal systems'decline, and the growing reliance
upon a city existence, market activity correspondingly grew, weaving itself
into this urbanizing community fabric. The market place had been reborn, but
it was now cast in a new light.

At the market square, where several routes converged, guilds, market
halls, inns and neighboring homes defined its boundaries. Viewing through
this enclosed area the medieval townSpeople could gain a perspective of their
roles and functions within their communal settlement. Visible from the square's
arcades, as from most any point in the city, sat the "great Gothic Church,’ its
stature accentuated by the narrowness of the space around it like an eagle in
a canary's cage."6

Certain rudimentary semblances of municipal services existed in the
market place and their related squares. These squares were like an oasis and
gathering point for communal intercourse. They created a breathing space in
the high density living areas. A major item was the water source serving these
residences. Fountains and the like had many purposes, both functional, pro-
viding water for the townspeople, and non-functional , as a meeting place.

Medieval city form was paradoxical in the sense that it was symbolically

 

I.E‘l‘t.l"l I
l.4lll[l.lll I I
I l lAlll. [.(Il‘llllll

57
integrated, while at the same time strains of separate activity asserted them-
selves. The facades of these individual buildings varied as they enclosed the
market place, but there were numerous unifying elements. Included was a
fairly consistent vertical scale, usually ranging from one to three stories,
arcades uniting these separate structures. There was a common treatment of
the contained apen space. An inseparable artifactual form was also making

its presence known . This was the medieval guild.

Medieval Guild

 

Characteristic of medieval life was close association with fellow man,
for security was based upon it. We have looked at two of the principal unifying
bodies in this society. Both the noble and the peasant were allied to the
feudal system, while monk and clergy existed in the church organization.
Completing this community band were the townspeople who gained brotherhood
through the guild. These three social systems, feudal, church and guild were
smaller parts of a total medieval environment. Today we have a tendency to
describe this seemingly clear separation as a social order which was actually not
as stratified as it might seem. Man constantly interacted in all three, although
the Church was the most universal . The guild for example, was always
religiously aligned, usually being a fraternal organization under a patron saint.69
GUilds themselves heavily contributed to the Church, being a by-product of the
synthetic. Quite frequently the guild gave men, material and monetary donations

70

for Church construction.

58

It has been falsely assumed that the guild system was connected only
with economic activity of city life. Many functions were blended together
historically, because municipal direction was not always in the hands of a
specific council or administration. Depending upon both the European country,
(be it Spain, France, Germany or Italy) and the time, (tenth to the fourteenth
century) the director of urban medieval government varied . Paris is a good
example of guild domination .

During the thirteenth century the Paris water merchant's

guild was granted important powers, and until the middle

of the fourteenth century the provost of the merchants

had under his control the administration of the principal

municipal affairs. . .the fortifications, gate57 night watch,

streets, wharves, bridges and water supply.

The guild manifested itself in two organization types. First was the
merchant guild which had the most encompassing function, generally directing
the city's economic life. This generally included "regulating the conditions of
sale, protecting the consumer from extortion, and honest craftsmen from unfair
competition", beside protecting these local markets from any external infl uences.72
The craftsmen guilds were associations of skilled workmen banded together to
maintain a high level of craftsmanship and production . Guided by the masters
of the craft, the underlings, both journeymen and apprentices, worked and
studied to achieve this excellence .

Their influence was very much in evidence, not only in the physical

presence of the guild halls located at the market place, but also, either

formally, representing the municipal corporation, or informally, through the

59

province of their membership, guided city form . Since municipal government,
both administrative and regulative was not established until late in the
middle ages, guide lines for direction were in the form shapers' hands. The
town hall had not completely jelled as the municipal representative. Building,
housing, fire and police controls were loosely defined, principally unwritten .
Constraints and limitations were imposed by traditions, with little differentiation
between public and private. Public revenues, being extremely limited, had
a negligible effect upon community development and improvement. Construction
technique was in the jurisdiction of craftsmen guilds and, therefore, they
controlled and designed municipal projects, as well as private efforts. It is
difficult to assess the guilds' importance because their role varied so, but it
is accurate to say urban artifactual form strongly reflected their influence.

University

The development of medieval education did not have its origin solely
with the church, although under their patronage monasteries, cathedrals, and
collegiate schools provided the strongest influence in the medieval society.
Two other educational form shapers had an effect during this time, but their
appeal was less encompassing. Under the feudal system children of noble
birth were properly instructed in both the arts of combat and chivalry within
the purview of the lord's castle. As the town developed, these reborn centers
of population undertook the task of training "sons of yeomen, of merchants,

and of craftsmen in schools which were associated with charitable endowments,

60
such as those of chantries and guilds. "73 More Specialized training was
found in the guild apprenticeship system .

It is quite evident that the process of learning varied widely, de-
pending upon one's lot in life. Some type of educational exposure was
possible, at least within the cities. Municipal responsibility had not,
however, developed at this point, since all inhabitants were a part of an
association, brotherhood, or social organization satisfying their needs.

Common schools did not begin to operate until the end of the medieval
period, but even then this venture was cooperatively sponsored . A fixed body
of knowledge did not exist. Discursive knowledge up until the thirteenth
century consisted of a few hand scribed documents accomplished through the
monastic orders. Pictorial perceiving or at best verbalizing, prevailed over
the written word . Knowledge and practicality were inseparable. The word
universitas was a term utilized by all guilds during the twelfth century.74
In later centuries the university began to withdraw from city activities, and
in time was separated from a body of synthetic knowledge with scientific
undertones. Furthering this advance was the separation of the universities
from the bias which the "Church naturally gave to the knowledge it nurtured. "75

This now fairly independent form shaper offered the broadest education available,
"comprising all seven liberal arts evident in the Roman culture, grammar,
rhetoric, logic, beside arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music—."76 The

independent university grew very slowly. The twelfth and thirteenth centuries

6I
had 5,000 and I0,000 students respectively.
By the fourteenth century, with the invention of printing, knowledge
began to be diffused into the hands of an expanded audience. This form
shaper now had come into its own. No longer was it completely under the

wing of the earlier domineering form shapers.

CONCLUSION

With the passing of the medieval world an entire level of awareness was
to be gradually abandoned. Replacing it was a new awareness level nutured
during the renaissance and cultivated thereafter. This mutation became
expressive in many a5pects of man's experience, and in time it was to pervade
all society. The individual was being born out of the collective womb of
culture , which had existed since the first urban settlements.

It is misleading to imply, however, that this change was immediate. The
collectivity of the two principal form shapers, the church and kingship, was
having its influence reduced with the rise of the quasi-independent city, as we
observed in the later medieval stages. The seat of cultural activity gradually
shifted and expanded. New terms must be introduced to aptly describe these
different cultural components.

Form shapers seemed appropriate for describing the medieval world, be-
cause of the reliance upon pictorial symbolic perceiving, and the domination
of just two major cultural components. With the rise of discursive or verbal

symbolic perceiving, and individual awareness replacing collective awareness,

62
self-asserting, more semi-autonomous social organizations developed. These
we will call social institutions. Due to cultural transmission, accumulation,
and differentiation, social institutions were collectively represented since
they gpossessed shared opinions, but these institutions gave meaning and
direction to specific aspects of the more complex renaissance world. No

longer was society perceived only through the eyes of the church and nobility.

ILLUSTRATIVE SUMMARY

‘ Irma:
w PAPACY

Em

 

W
Figure I3. Urban form shapers :prevqlenf; within the medieval city.

W

CHURCH

 

Figure I4. Urban artifactual forms prevalent within the medieval city.

 

Figure I5. Pre-industrial collective
consciousness. An ordered, but ceiving as expressed by the domi-
not rigid, urban development. nating ecclesiastical focal point.

 

Figure I7. Medieval enclosure of physically defined and meaningful
artifactual forms.

64

The medieval artifactual forms were principally molded by two dominant
form shapers, nobility and the Church . Figure I3 indicates their sphere of
influence and how they nutured the infant form shapers, which as future centuries
passed were to grow and become somewhat independent of nobility and Church .

The following illustration, Figure I4, translates the influence and social
composition of each form shaper into a physical expression found within the
medieval city. Again the artifactual counterparts of the two major form shapers
significantly influenced the medieval environment. All other forms were sub-
ordinate to both the castle and church . There was emerging a semi-autonomous
form, expressed by the city, with the establishment of local government (town
hall) and the guilds with their associations.

Despite some expression of independent form, the figures contained on
page 63 indicate a strong collective image. These various urban artifacts such
as the church, castle and local market place, were all physically confined to
an easily identifiable space . This urban area was delimited by the wall, having
a select number of gates providing access to and from the city. A feeling of
independence and the unexpected was possible however, because synthetic and
symbolic modes offered irregular patterns of movement and placement of buildings.
Rigid geometric patterns and urban spaces were to be found later in history when

the analytical and practical modes were to dominate man's way of thinking.

CHAPTER IV.

PALEOTECHNIC CITY

The provincially constructed medieval world, now transformed by social
order following the Black Death, national consolidation (resulting from the
Hundred Year's War) and cultural advancements with such inventions as printing
and the compass, was inherited by the renaissance. A new world began, bringing
a different level of awareness to man's reason for existence. This interim represented
a graying of the white medieval, succeeded by the onrushing sooty industrial
revolution . Renaissance man was offered the tools to create the paleotechnic city.

Preparatory to any notable alteration in a cultures system is a desire for
change, evidenced by opposing philosophies and ideas. Apparent at the outset
and developed as the renaissance progressed was this necessary conflict. Medieval
containment both in body and spirit had reached its endurable limits. The time
was ripe for a significant cultural shift. Knowledge became redefined in terms
of the analytic mode of perceiving. Earth and man's previous central position,
advanced in Grecianytimes was supplanted by a heliocentric universe . The helio-
centric concept reduced the role of earth to the position of another planet
revolving around the sun. .

A new focal point emerged . The human being now was an observer. No
longer was the concept of the Aristotelian universe in vogue. This new level of
awareness brought with it, through cultural differentiation, the age of science,

77

astronomy, and mathematics, replacing the non-analytic world of myth.

65

-:__=‘

66

As these fresh ideas and conceptions found an audience this new awareness
level fused into an acceptable discursive language . Suzanne Longer has broadly
captured the essence of an arising cultural shift which we find here being pre-
pared in the kitchens of the renaissance for an enlarging and hungry industrial
culture.

The formation of experience which is contained within the

intellectual horizon of an age and a society is determined,

not so much by events and desires, as by the basic concepts

at people's disposal for analyzing and #gcribing their

adventures to therr own understanding.

Before any time is spent analyzing the characteristics of the paleotechnic
city, we should qualify those remarks that examined the changes enabling its
creation. The modification of man's psyche, between the medieval and
renaissance cultures, leading to the industrial cultures, represents an intricate
social process. It has been concisely described here, but with the full realization
that both brevity and simplification reduces historical accuracy.
PALEOTECHNIC SKETCH

The paleotechnic age, spanning approximately one century in England,
is typified by a prevailing coal and iron economy. This term, paleotechnic,
was initially coined by Sir Patrick Geddes, but subsequently enlarged by Lewis
Mumford. Even the latter's usage seems narrowly defined in certain instances,
for we will shortly see that technology is just one aspect of the cultural world

in the late eighteenth century. In actuality its significance is not limited to

what many historians erroneously believe to be a mere technological period

67

which mechanically harnessed man's resources. Another school has typed this
evolution as a shift from a pre-market to a market economy, but again, due to
present day interpretation of economics, its meaning falls short. These two
cultural explanations are actually characteristics of this time period.

The key themes the paleotechnic age subscribed to were freedom,
independence, and the individual will to pursue what each person desired.
This seemingly humanitarian concept pervaded all activity in spirit, but
unfort unately not in practice. Replacing the two domineering medieval form
shapers was a potentially freer world greedily absorbed by the enterpriser.
Urban settlements growing in area and location were principally guided by
bankers, industrialists, and mechanical inventors; both good and bad. Informal
controls essential only to pecuniary successes, reigned supreme, however.
Secular regulation, what little existed, was construed in terms of protecting
profit.

Needless to say, in time the landless, ignorant, but economically
dependent working group serving the machine, would become disenchanted with
their station in life . Counteracting any dichotomy between the haves and the have
nots was also a growing middle class with small industrial operations, beside a
"new alignment of forces between country and country which tended to undermine
the international ism of capital and disrupt the unity of the proletariatl'79 One
final point in this regard was the division of labor necessitated by factory operations.

Skilled craftsmen and workers, with the knowledge of a total process were un-

68
essential to the success of production . Segmented and unskilled operations began
to persist. There was little concern for anyone comprehending this factory
process, outside of the entrepreneur.
Likewise, urban settlements expressed this contradiction of freedom but
yet containment vis-a-vis specialization . With the rise of nationalization the
pal eotechnic city politically operated upon three principles:

I . Abolition of the guilds and the creation of a state of
permanent insecurity for the working class.

2. Establishment of the open market for labor and the
sale of goods.

3. Maintenance of foreign dependencies as a source of
raw materials necessary to the new industries, and as
a ready market to absorb the surplus of mechanized
industry.80
With the development of new sources for power, man's hinterland was
. . . 8I . .
opened up to massrve urban explortatron . No area was rnvrolably held.
The dictates of nature in terms of wind and water became expendable. When-
ever a potential mineral deposit was discovered the enterprisers were not far
behind. Coal and iron were their interests, with great wealth their aim. First
the steam pump, followed shortly by the steam engine, enabled these persons
to establish the necessary power for mining or factory operations. Within
England, for example, the power loom completely revamped the textile process.
Labor, now being a minor problem since skills were unnecessary, attracted a

large migration for employment. Many other developments ensued, but important

here is the great flexibility possible in factory location. With the major

69

prerequisite being a desire for wealth, these potentially profitable resources
"seemingly”beckoned. The environment was treated as a tool of man's caprice.
Little concern was held for planned development of either the city, or equally
important, the resources extracted. After all, they were inexhaustible.

Demography played a major role in developing urban agglomerations,
especially in conjunction with the on-going reforms that altered the lands'
use. Up to I800, no century in England had experienced more than a one
million population increase. The nineteenth century brought an unprecedented
three million rise in England's overall population. Despite some disagreement
as to the predominant cause, birth rate versus the death rate, natural increase
was a major characteristic. In actuality there was a combination involving both
gains through the birth rate, and a decrease in the'deatb'ftate- More germaine to
our investigation is a concomitant shift in the rural-urban distribution. The
number of rural inhabitants in I770 accounted for nearly forty percent of
England's total population, but by l84l this amount had been reduced to twenty-
six percent.82 Significant population movements were not only based upon
country to city or town shifts, but also from foreign sources. Migrations were
continually occurring, since additional manpower was needed to satisfy manu-
facturing requirements. In just a ten year span, from I850 to I860, over one-
half mill ion Irish were transported from their homeland to become "the dregs

of the labor market. "83

70

While mechanical developments transformed the manufacturing picture,
a similar revolution was changing the agrarian economy and associated
patterns of land ownership. England's open field system, with common grounds,
did not satisfactorily meet the requirements for larger scale cultivation methods,
which the newfangled agricultural machines offered. The earlier enclosure
system was revived. It legally sanctioned the accumulation of small farm
properties into immense holdings. Land ownership became concentrated in the
hands of a few . In England and Wales a mere five thousand landlords owned
over one half the total area .

These holdings not only included arable land, but even large park,
conservation and forested areas. Ruthless speculation ran rampant. Land
quickly was subdivided into farms averaging three hundred acres or more, which
were rented or leased to tenants.85 Despite gains from enlisting mechanized
techniques, which geometrically increased agricultural production making
England a major producer, considerable hardship was incurred. Most peasants,
now landless, had little choice of movement. Where at one time these peasants
had the privileges of using common grounds for livestock grazing and living,
this opportunity no longer existed. Their opportunities were either to become
workers for the tenant farmer or landowner, or move to the cities and towns.
This latter course was most chosen . This significantly affected the high rate of

population influx to urban environments.

7I
Summarily speaking, this historical period of urban culture represents
three main phases which altered settlement form:
I . The revolutionary changes in the technical methods of
manufacturing, transportation, and the communication

of information .

2. The rise of the factory system, viewed as a new method
for the organization and the discipline of labor.

3. The general economic, social, political and cultural

effects of the new technologgl and the factory system
upon Western crvrl rzatron .

Suggested by this third phase is the entry into a different realm of per-
ceiving the urban environment. Up until this moment the collective world of
reality had not lent itself to contemporary institutional classification methods.

As observed in these past cities, historically their cultures operated by a group
consciousness. Their breadth of knowledge and experience were equated to

lesser levels of awareness, however. Urban vocabularies were understood through
mainly physical eXpressions. Pre-institutions, which have been called throughout
form shapers, guided these earlier urban cultures through a meaningful, communal
living experience.

With this brief sketch, it is evident that the paleotechnic culture indicated
a new level of awareness. The collective pre-industrial cultures finally gave
birth to the industrial cultures after more than thirty centuries. Self-consciousness,
where the individual derived personal meaning by way of personal activity, was a

typical industrial culture characteristic. Man began to consider himself the sole

72
director of his destiny, rather than directed by a group spirit or commonly held
purpose which was vividly expressed in both the pol is and medieval cities. As
indicated earlier, a major reason for this development was that man had the
ability to accumulate cultural knowledge.

Symbolic and synthetic modes of perceiving no longer directed analytic
and practical perceiving. All four of these modes, which we will refer to in
the future as cultural subsystems, became separate individual entities. The
knowledge industrial culture possessed could no longer be envisioned as a whole,
Analytic and practical perceiving, in contrast to symbolic and synthetic
perceiving, encouraged compartmentalizing, because its methods involve
examining the parts of knowledge and emphasizes its physical aspects.87 Through
the process of cultural differentiation these four cultural subsystems further
divided into many institutions, each with a more restricted scope.

INSTITUTIONAL PERSPECTIVE

E. DeRoberty offers a framework for classifying institutions and their
relation to cultural subsystems which is extremely useful in viewing the paleo-
technic city.88 With only a slight expansion this outline captures the substance
of institutional meaning, which can be utilized to explain the remaining,
industrial city typologies. For our immediate needs let us focus upon De

Roberty's classification in order that it be used to describe all four modes that

finally appeared with the paleotechnic culture.

73

MOD E OF PERCEIVI NG
or

CULTURAL SUBSYSTEM INSTITUTION(S)

 

 

 

Science

 

 

 

ANALYTICAL

 

 

 

Figurel8.Analytical industrial cultural subsystem and principal
institution .

This is comprised of hypothetical, non-dogmatic thought, common to
the world of science. Scientific thought involves empirical research with the

truth of external senses being its goal .

 

Religion :l

SYNTHETIC Philoso'phy j

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ethic-legal _j

Figure I9.‘Synthetic industrial cultural subsystem and principal
institutions .

Synthetic or apodeictical thought is allied to religion, whose goal is
the truth of our inner senses found by contemplation, and with philosophy,

which seeks the truth of reason by rational thought. The ethic-legal

74
institution is theoretically a combination of religion and philosophy, or at

least is based upon them, having a goal of justice.

MOD E OF PERCEIVI NG

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

or INSTITUTIONS
C LTURAL SUBSYSTEM
U Art J
Music
SYMBOLIC
Architecture

 

 

 

 

Literature j

Figure20.Symbolic industrial cultural subsystem and principal
institutions .

Contained within this cUltural subsystem of symbolic or aesthetic thought
lies the expressiveness of form . The arts embody those areas where composition

and design are uppermost in their method .

 

_ «Economics ' I

Government 3

  
 

 

 

  

 

PRACTICAL

 

 

 

 

FigureZI Practical industrial cultural subsystem and principal
institutions .

Practical or applied thought indicates, an the basis of knowledge what

ought to be done to achieve a definite purpose.

75

These four cultural subsystems combine to depict a’total picture of

western man's industrial culture. Institutions are formulated from these sub-

systems, once their established patterns of acting are fixed. Within the
paleo technic culture direction was strongly dominated by two subsystems,
the analytic and practical . The symbolic and synthetic were repressed, while
analytic thought operated mainly for advancing practical knowledge. The
practical world began to develop an ingrained institutional pattern, inherited
by our present century. The institution of technology, cooperating with science.
and economics produced the pattern for paleotechnic culture.

Numerous other observations are possible, but rather than attempting
to be too comprehensive, hence vague, a more detailed look at each cultural
subsystem will be rewarding to the observer of the paleotechnic city. These

systems, each with its own institutions will again be rejoined when we consider

the subsystems artifactual counterparts.
CULTURAL SUBSYSTEMS: INSTITUTIONAL FORM SHAPERS

Analytic: Institution of Science

Adopting the Copernican conception of the universe typified a major
alteration in man's previous levels of awareness. Life was comprehensively
reconstructed for this age of inquiry, and scientific thought began opening the
culture to a vocabulary of literalness. Still protected under the Church's

covenant, seventeenth century scientists were, however, devout; this included

89

such men as Galileo, Descartes, Leibnitz, Newton and Pascal .

76

More important than the renaissance itself were the new empirical principles

that began to abound . In W three key aspects are offered

as the essence of physical science.

I. The elimination of qualities, and the reduction of the
complex to the simple by paying attention only to those
aspects of events which could be weighted, measured,
or counted, and to the particular kind of space-time
sequence that could be controlled and repeated.

2. The concentration upon the outer world, and the
elimination or neutralization of the observer (man) as
respects the data'Wi'thvl/hich he works.

3. The isolation, limitation of the field which includes the
specialization of interests and the subdivision of labor.

Pure scientific method, originating with the renaissance, was applied in the
time of the paleotechnic city by systematizing, classifying, and unifying thought.
Science had given birth to modern invention. This latter consequence, not un-
common even in the pre-industrial cultures, greatly expanded during the industrial
revolution . Invention beginning as one expression of science, by applying
Descartes and Cartesian theory to the paleotechnic mind, transformed invention
into the essence of science.

Mechanization, invention and profit were all intermingled. The establish-

ment of England's Royal Society, with the conspicuous exclusion of the humanities,

certainly indicates that science had arrived. Now with a particular body of

knowledge, having accomplishments in physical terms, the subsystem of analytic

perceiving was heavily utilized .

 

77

Synthetic: Institutions of Philosophy and Rel igigt

The synthetic cultural subsystem, greatly reduced now that other subsystems
were profitably used, was in search of a way for man to regain a less material
perspective. These vestigial shackles of synthetic perceiving, binding the common
man, were removed by "industrial enlightenment. "

Immediately preceding the paleotechnic culture was the mercantile move-
ment whose goals included state unification along with increased state or national
power. Any individual activity was regulated if thereby the power of the state
could be strengthened. Their objective included two aspects. First was

strengthening the crown by removing authority from geographically scattered,

semi-autonomous nobles. This included:
I . Abol ishment of tolls.
2. Establishment of production and trade .

3. Regulation of both internal and external aspects of trade,
and the internal aspects of industry.

4. Central government for the formerly independent towns
and cities.

The remaining scheme was the use of the doctrine of laissez-faire which
utilized military power and economic self-sufficiency. In principle this doctrine
found a welcome home within the paleotechnic culture, although the founding
fathers of economic liberalism expanded it to fit their needs. This philosophy

incorporated those principles reflected in analytic perceiving and the natural

laws guiding the universe .

78
They were convinced that the perfection of all human social
i'n'stitutiOns could be best realized by letting them freely conform
to this natural order, a condition which they believed would most
certainly be brought about under a regime of unlimited competition.
If man refrained from legislation and any attempt to control
economic processes by artificial means, then God and His natural
order would have full sway. One reason for human unhappiness
and prevailing misery, was the operation of a large number of
archaic and restrictive laws, which being statutory and unnatural,

were holding back the free dominion of natural law in the affairs
of men.

The natural order of objects which Newton and other devised to describe
pre-arranged universe suggested that man had the task of only having to observe,
not to direct. Mankind, no longer .the center of our: cosmology, must'respe‘ct- the
relationship of existing heavenly bodies. Again we can easily detect an inter-
relatedness of belief systems that was giving a mental and physical form to this
culture .

Scientific awareness found within the analytic made now was the dominant
theme, and the synthetic mode was subordinate to it. An excellent example of
the growing influence of the practical made over the synthetic is found in this

passage from Man's Worldly Goods.

 

In a society where the object of work was merely to make an
adequate living for yourself and family, the Church could
denounce profiteers; but in a society in which the primary
object of work was to make profit, then the Church had to
sing a different tune. And if the Catholic Church, geared to
a feudal-handicraft economy in which the craftsmen worked
merely to make a profit, then the Protestant Church could--
and did. The Protestant split into many sects, but in all of
them, in varying degrees, the capitalist interested in
acquisition could find comfort.

79

The church as an institution was readjusting, following the Protestant
Reformation. Church doctrine no longer was masked under a Pope Gregory,
hence its influence upon cultural activities changed. Canon law flourishing in
the medieval city was being digested and transformed in the more mundane
Anglo-American law .95 For religion to be properly understood in a more secular
world it had to be redefined and stated.

Scientific inquiry developing within the seventeenth century church had
now asserted itself in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as an independent
mode of perceiving . This followed the previous path of the university, which had
sought refuge during infancy beneath the Church's dominion . The church remained,
but with a changed role. Within these paleotechnic cities the only possible relief
for the oppressed working class was the oasis of the church.

Symbol ic: Institutions of the Arts

 

Symbolic or artistic perceiving reacted in varying ways to the reduction of
the sensate. Artists, writers, poets, design-builders, composers, all perceiving
the industrial culture's effect upon the city, could only portray bleakness. A
repulsiveness was shared by these aestheticians and humanists.

The more extreme artistic revolt against the industrialization process turned
toward socialistic doctrines. Utopian principles supported a retreat from these
aesthetically barren cities and towns to the more pastoral sites. Some ‘. more
socially equitable living arrangements were suggested to replace the horribly

stratified city .

80

Other reactions were more passive, but in viewing these urban conditions
all aestheticians and humanists were vocal . Following along with the scientific
way of observing, the symbolic mode made its feelings known. Charles Dickens,
among the literary figures, was an outspoken critic protesting these unsavory
industrial conditions.

He saw about him the miserable factory towns, the unSpeakable

conditions in the mines, the long hours of labor, insufficient

wages, and the ruthless oppression of women and children .

His whole personality was revol ted by these products of laissez-

faire and the new capitalism. 9

Many artists either changed their style to accommodate the paleotechnic
city or they fled to capture the naturalistic landscape which their countryside still
offered. J. W. Turner, leaving nature subjects, painted the true city with its
characteristic fog, smoke and unnatural lights. Turner, Mumford commented,,

. . .painted a hymn to the wonder of light, such a hymn as a

blind man might sing on his finding his eyesight, a paean to

light emerging from night and fog and smoke and the con-

quering world. It was the lack of 597' lack of color. . . .

starvation within industrial towns
Others, such as Van Gogh, left this depressing visual scene in time to depict the
full color of the French landscape. Impressionism found the hinterland more akin
to their taste, with the richness of greens and blues so absent within the city.

Architect—builders were more susceptible to the paleotechnic influences
of economics. Their contacts were with the enterprisers reaping the wealth of

these times, which included possessing large land holdings. These designers turned

their backs to the city, if for no other reason than their wealthy clients preferred

8I
to have estates built far away from this urban misery. A waiting and ready market
beckoned the enterpriser because the newer middle class also desired the benefits
of better living. As a result, the majority of planning was done in areas outside
98

these cities, using earlier architectural styles as a design base.

Practical: Institutions of Economics, Technology

 

The social process transforming first England, and subsequently other
countries to a practical, more openly competitive culture, certainly gave strong
direction to economic and technological institutions.99 During their emergence
the local market system was also changing. No longer did "wealth followr power"
because in the paleotechnic culture "power followed weal th". One way to explain
the development of the economic institution is from the production standpoint.
Briefly let us slip back to medieval thinking, and bring this one aspect of the
market system up to the industrial revolution.'00

The early medieval culture was characterized by a familiar market. First
locally operated, the household or family system had hand produced things for
their own needs. Beginning at the same time, but continuing throughout the middle
ages, was the guild system. The workers owned, at this point, both the raw
materials on which they worked and the tools. They sold their product of labor,
but not labor itself. Within this second phase the market was usually small but
stable .

The third phase was the putting-out system, in which home production

remained . The master still owned his tools, but now he was dependent upon the

82
entrepreneur. This person was a middleman, who made the master become a piece-
work wage-earner. Labor was becoming separated from the means of production.
The fourth phase is referred to as the factory system. This was the backbone of
the paleotechnic economy. Here, production for an increasingly expanding and
fluctuating market was now carried on outside the home, in employer's buildings
and under strict supervision . Workers in this phase lose their independence,
since they own neither the raw materials nor the tools. Skill becomes a more
manual operation. as the machine takes over the majority of the creative or
productive portion.

Laissez-faire philosophy encouraged by the state expressly caters to an
advancing practical and mechanistic mode of perceiving. Technology joining
with capitalistic thinking, had begun to improve greatly the general lot of man,
but there were many side effects. Directly observable for the world to behold was
England's growing stature under this nationalistic scheme . Large amounts of
capital, despite the fact it might be unequally distributed, and sometimes unwisely
used, became an all encompassing power . Every effort was made to keep this
winning combination .

Beside the already discussed enclosure acts, other formal laws were now
inflicted by this central authority. Many examples are available, but we will
draw only upon a few . The national izing of inventions by establishing the patent
process encouraged practical ideas. Inventions at this time thus became similar

to licenses to operate a franchise. With the chances to gain wealth, it was no

83
wonder man used both the analytic and practical modes of perceiving and their
institutions. Mechanization was a new thing to the paleotechnic culture. It

now created intellectual excitement. The Gentlemen's Magazine announced

 

I02

to its readers it would keep abreast of every invention introduced to England.

Another example was the role of communication in expanding the
horizons of the market. Except for London, prior to mechanization's impetus,
municipal governments were granted charters only as closed corporations, and as
such, were still handicapped in making other than purely local decisions. From
the standpoint of municipal improvements, unless it related directly to advancing
local industry, the local city government had no authority. Road networks were,
at best, inadequate . An emphasis was placed upon only waterway improvements,
especially in seaport towns. This meant industry could achieve an international
market, so, therefore, canal and river networks were dredged and enlarged. As
the technics of the steam pump and iron advanced, an entirely new transportation
network began to open up .

Technology, advanced by science and economic thinking, stimulated the
building of a large, mechanized, and highly productive system.

Cultural Subsystems: Institutional Forms

 

Analytic
The analytic mode of perceiving involved purely objective reality.
Subjective perceiving with its inherent value judgements and personal opinions,

for the scientific eye, belonged to the cultures of the past. After all, pre-

 

84
scientific perceiving had lent itself to physical and mental containment, whereas
the emerging machine was testimony to an unparalleled achievement. Mechaniza-
tion actually was becoming a natural extension of the empiricist's view . In fact,
it was a mere non-partial observer, because, with the machine, preconceptions
couldn't exist.

Intellectual ism covetously grasped theologic of science as a new awareness
level developed. The intellectual group found this association both intriguing
and remunerative. This objectivity brought with it a different vocabulary, having
space, time, mass, motion, and quantity as its tools. Its artifacts were numerous
in the urbanscape, for all meaningful activity had to function with this vocabulary
to enjoy any understanding.

Actually, the purview of science was even larger, for its scientific method
entered all facets of industrial living and thinking. Hertzler contends that this
changing mode of perceiving brought about a "forced liaison of science as a
body of knowledge and science as a set of utilitarian and technological techniques. "'03
One brief example of the entrepreneur's use of this analytic mode is found with
the residential development connected with many industries. Quite frequently
the industrialist provided housing for his workers which was mechanically ordered,
devoid of any social spontaneity and with little concern for health standards. One
room per family, regardless of its size, seemed to be all that was necessary.

Quite often this housing would be enclosed by a high wall, thus reducing

the amount of light, but, more importantly, the distractions. These quarters,

85

Mumford remarks, "with their closely calculated number of cubic feet of air
and window space, out off from sight of grass and flowers by the dusty paved
courts. . .could not have been more adequately designed if the sole object of
the building were punishment. "'04

Ironically, associated with this deplorable housing situation, was a
growing scientific tribute to man and his ability to arise above the lower
animal . The factory was a major productive achievement, but not without
human costs.

Synthetic

The changing role of the religious institution was directly affected by
industrialization and the new distribution of population. As mentioned earlier,
church appeal kindled the workers hopes with a strong interest in humanitarian
principles missing in the workers' dreary, factory environment. Church
building, especially with interests in these depressing areas, was a beginning
counter revolution of social service. Their immediate concern in creating a
better moral order resulted in the construction of some two hundred churches,
many in these high density industrial pockets.'os The Church Building Society
was founded to provide such grants to handle this growing, but also shifting,
population demand. Nonconformist churches led the earlier drive, but the
Church of England redesigned their dioceses to serve these human needs more
completely. Before the Ecclesiastical Commission met during the I830's,

church siting and placement remained haphazard, without little coordination. '06

86

A second artifactual expression was the church and its belated interest
in forming voluntary school building associations. For the most part, established
universities were backed by the solvent middle and upper classes, but little
was provided for the less fortunate group of society. '07 In time, a nationaliza-
tion of the schools was to gain approval of Parliament, but generally the
paleotechnic culture offered little educational opportunity for the underprivileged.
The church strove for a more equitable distribution of educational facilities.

Pecuniary interests strongly shaped city form, either by building
improvements or new construction. Private trusts with a philanthropic backing
still had to show a profit before they would consider aiding any disadvantaged
area or group. Consequently, the most needy received little private investment
consideration. The church was similarly affected, because the congregations
needing a sanctuary the most possessed the least amount of money to build a
structure. This problem was handled fairly competently by the church, although
at times church architecture suffered. Despite these limitations of design, this
church architecture being oftentimes called debased gothic, the synthetic
institutions were slowly readjusting to their new role which included creating
a better urbanscape by expressing social concern.

Symbolic

The visual products of the symbolic institutions were far more evident in
the country, where a wealthy renaissance group had spent their leisure. Such

places as Bath and Brighton were a few exceptional efforts. Geometric extension

 

87
of the urbanscape was the order of the day. Grid development was utilized for
many reasons. These included:

I . Ease of Development - this was the least complicated,

allowing economic maximization
by the entrepreneur.

2. Orderl iness - in many instances this rejected the
natural land conditions, but it
represented an image of the
scientifically perceived universe.

Fronting upon the streets were facades similar to the renaissance scheme,
continuous, but monotonous. Urban regulation was still in its infant stages, custom
or makeshift laws dominated building development. Generally, cities constructed
two story housing to serve the factory worker's needs, including basement units.
Water, privately supplied to these cramped dwellings, was found only in units
below ground level due to costs and technological problems.

Other town types existed, beside the industrial ghettos we have been
concentrating upon . These resort towns, and some new company developments
were far superior to the established cities. One major reason was the cheapness
of the land for enterpriser, as well as the closer association with a more natural
environment.

Even in the non-industrial sections of the older cities, due to a different
housing market, more spacious residences were built. Within these less financially
restrictive sections, open space areas, courts, breaks in the facades, and a few
public buildings appeared . The results were mixed, however. Accounting for at

least a portion of this problem was a notable cleavage between symbolic and applied

modes of perceiving that left the urbanscape confused. Brian Hackett notes:

88

Architects were too deeply involved reviving and arguing about

the conventions of earlier civilizations and of different countries;

while engineers were too busy applying the new technjcbues to new

systems of communication and the ancillary buildings. 8

It takes little imagination to realize how this division hindered any meaning-
ful understanding for the paleotechnic man. Commenting further, Hackett remarks:

. . .it meant that the great mass of physical development was left

to unqualified persons. It was the cause for the lack of con-

temporary architecture, though the engineers came very near to

it when the very size and nature of some projects broyaést to life

a design which grew from construction and function .

The symbolic mode of perceiving which had been a major aspect of pre-
industrial culture, like the synthetic mode, was changed in the paleotechnic culture.
Artistic expressions were becoming heavily tainted by practical flavoring. Before
describing this practical mode, the changing skyline reflected a symbolic realigning
of previous institutional beliefs. This is captured in the following quotation:

An appearance in the city skyline was reversed for the expressions

of religious faith, military power, civic authority, and/or cultural

activity. . .ill mannered for ordinary buildings of life, to detract

from the dominance of the cathedral, castle, city hall, and art

gallery. ' '0

Practical

The perpetuation of practical artifacts was attributable to municipal constraint
inflicted by an autocracy, while at the same time encouraging private economic
objectives. In England, the closed corporation was the prevailing form of municipal
government. Their charters had been granted during the eighteenth century. The

closed corporation, consisting of "local and often hereditary cliques and family

connections, were masters of the situation."'' " These so-called municipal

89
governments advanced the personal economic interests of its members at a considerable
loss to any community development or improvement. Very frequently the members
of the closed corporation were self-elected and for life terms. Some relief was
given to the growing communities from complete municipal corruption by special
appeal to Parliament for legislation in the area of some municipal improvements.
This included the granting of specific revenues by Parliament covering "paving,
lighting, cleaning streets, and establishing a body of night-watchmen."“2 lt is
very evident that existing municipal establishment cared little for reform, for fear
of losing an enviable economic position.

Appearing toward the end of the paleotechnic city was the passage of the
Municipal Corporation Act. The political and economic inbreeding process was to
come to an end; controlled trading, monopolies, exemptions and restrictions were
to be seen in light of more humanitarian necessities. During the l840's investiga-
tions were begun regarding the conditions of overcrowding. Health laws evolved
from a concern for the water supply, lack of open areas, common lodging-houses,
and public bath places.

The earliest municipal regulations attempted to better these maladies, but
not the investigation of their cause. Reform had to begin somewhere, so the purely
economic motives didn't remain throughout this time.

One last area of the practical mode of perceiving giving form to the paleo-

technic city, was the self-regulating limits of technology. There are many examples

in this area, but a few will illustrate the impact of technology upon city form.

90

Factory agglomeration

Steam, the maior source of factory power coupled with the machine
itself, operated most efficiently in conce ntrations close to the
supply. Textile manufacturing plants congregated u5ually within

a one quarter mile area to use this steam to drive their power looms
effectively. There were many economic benefits derived from the
grouping together of machine operations from a profit standpoint.
Residential settlements housing these workers were nestled close to
these plants.

Location of urban settlements

The inability to develop settlements within many countries was the
lack of favorable water transportation, inadequate resources to
operate the power engines for factory production, and/or the fact
that the early locomotives couldn't climb over two percent grades.
The absence of iust one of these factors many times meant that urban
development wouldn’t occur. Industrial development was nearly
always the major factor for new paleotechnic settlements.

Building scale

Buildings very rarely reached over four stories, excepting church
spires, and the newest intruder, the factory chimney. Even if
aesthetic sense was not considered, technical limits restrained building
height. It was only with the later inventions of structural steel or

reinforced concrete that this barrier was removed. If the industrial

9I

enterpriser had had his way, workers would have lived
in even more cramped quarters.

ILLUSTRATIVE SUMMARY

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Military
Local
Gov't.
Law
Science-
Technology NATIONAL
. GOV'T.
[EM ECONOMICS Health
LSocial Servicefi-fi
Aesthetié]
Figure 22. Urban form shapers prevalent within the paleotechnic city.
Law

Residence _

 

     
 

Natural Law
Environment Enforcement

 

 

 

 

 

 

‘ I Business I
Area Muncipal
' ~ . Improvement
Trans rtatron ,
Churchl . I)?
Facrlrtres

 

 

 

 

H05pita n4-

Figure 23. Urban artifactual forms prevalent within the paleotechnic city.

92

 

Figure 24. An entrepreneur's industrial Figure 25. The emergence of a new
utopia. Suppressing symbol ic-synthetic urban focal point, industrial
perceiving by emphasizing practical- manufacturing, dominating pal eo-
analytic modes. technic culture.

 

‘-~". 4
v“
.

Figure 26. Industrial individual consciousness. The appearance of
competitive form shapers and artifactual forms.

93

The paleotechnic city is significant because it expressed individual
awareness, found with the rise of our industrialized urban culture. No longer
was it necessary for man to solely rely upon fellow man. Our present day
institutions were beginning to become independent of these earlier collective
modes of perceiving .

Analytic and practical perceiving, as dominant modes, began to
separate man from his cosmology, which meant the microscoping of life.
Figure 22 indicates the increase of form shapers over the two previously de-
scribed urban cultures. New dominant form shapers also arose, which in turn
physically reconstructed the meaning of the city. The expanded number of
artifactual forms became less interrelated, (Figure 23), with more individualistic
obiectives.

The three figures found on page 92 are a testimony to maximum self-
interests, with no regard for what had been culturally inherited. With the
supreme desire for amassing individual wealth, by interpreting analytic per-
ceiving through purely practical perceiving, the urbanscape became rigid and
sterile. Industrial entrepreneurs weakly attempted to keep their ties with the
synthetic (Figure 24), but the geometric rigidity found in communal living was
intolerable. There now appeared new urban artifacts, no longer sacredly pre-
served in space, but rather competing for it (Figure 25). Chimneys, smoke-
stacks, and uncontrolled building scales began to appear. Urban order was

no longer possible, if it was a deterrent to economic and industrial growth.

 

I‘l‘l‘.nllll"l :lIIIIIITi ll...’ ..l .l

CHAPTER V .

PRESENT CITY

The industrializing countries of the past century were preparing for the
foundation for our present level of urban awareness. Paleotechnic changes in
men's values, goals, and motivations began to reorder his modes of perceiving
institutions and their artifacts. Our paleotechnic culture, so to speak, provided
the spectacl es to view and give form to the present. By inheriting this cultural
framework, and the values structuring it, many similarities are common to both
the paleotechnic and present city. These similarities are included: Compart-
mentalization of human values and goals into four, interrelated, but independent
cultural subsystems or modes of perceiving.

This statement doesn't presume to imply that before paleotechnic culture
there was a single mode of perceiving. What it does mean, however, is that
preindustrial culture perceived a universal image, with subordinate parts
contributing to a common or shared understanding. A good example of this group
consciousness was the position of the synthetic cultural subsystem, and its role in
medieval life.

The city then received its direction from the holy order and church doctrine,
but not by abandoning all other cultural subsystems. The remaining three subsystems
were subordinate, but not separate, parts of synthetic perceiving. They reinforced
and unified the synthetic. This is more clear when we leak at the artifacts of each

subsystem during the medieval culture.

94

95

l . Symbolic Subsystem: Church architecture, music and art
all portrayed the divine; there was very little non-sacred
expression .

2. Practical Subsystem: Canon law sanctioned secular activity,
and many times operated within it semi-automatically.
Universities, guilds, and early hospitals were at least
partially supported by the church.

3. Analytic Subsystem: Although this aspect of the middle ages
was least in evidence, most early science was carried out
with the approval of the church .

In contrast to this, the paleotechnic culture began to differentiate, develop-
ing separate, self-maintained subsystems for perceiving city life. Collective wants,
needs, and desires grew as man's realm of knowledge grew . No longer could urban
life be perceived through one subsystem. Replacing collective thinking and per-
ceiving were now four independent subsystems. Not only did cultural differentiation
and accumulation bring about the division of urban life, but each subsystem develop-
ed a set of institutions (Consult Figure 6. ). These institutions expressing parts
of the larger subsystem now had their specialized attitudes and values, beside
artifacts.

Generally, the remaining portion of this chapter will treat this institutional
area and the physical expressions composing the present city's perception.
INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK

The first task here is to define the terms of this institutional framework,

 

96

found on this page under Figure 27 Several examples will be given to

make clear to the reader how these present day institutions function, and

physically express themselves in our cities.

 

       
 
    
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HMode of Perceivin
Institution Value Goal Method Dialecticism
'ationa ity- mi 0 . Subjective
ANALY'HCAL Quantification Eternal Empirrcism vs.
Senses Objective
TrUil‘ 0f . Self-actualization
Religion Communion Inner Contemplation vs .
Senses Transcendence
Truth Sel f-knowl edge
SYNTHETIC Philosophy Thought of Rational Thought vs.
Reason Transcendence
Ethic-legal Security Justice Judgement Right vs. Order
' Design Sel f- express ion
SYMBOLIC Arts Empathy Beauty and vs.
. Composition Orderl i ness
Calculation of Competition
Economics Exchange Welfare Costs and vs.
Benefits Collectivism
Invention Non-systematic
PRACTICAL Technology Technique Efficiency and vs. ~
Design Systematic
L iberty Freedom
Government Representation and Bargaining vs.
Equal ity Authority
Exploitation
Health Continuity Fitness Diagnosis vs.
I Conservation

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 27. Principal institutional components of each industrial

cultural subsystem

97
Definitions:

I . Values - Values are simply interests achieved through association
with an object. Institutions are formulated by individual '5 values
or interests sharing a mutual need. A value in itself is not
observable until it is attached to some object, then it becomes an
artifact. The religious institutions value of communion becomes
meaningful to the perceiver when it is attached to an object. . .
the church as an example. Institutions possess more than a single
value, but, hopefully, those values expressed in this framework
represent the institutions' principal ones.

2. Goals - Goals represent the aims or objectives of a value each
institution possesses. This goal establishes a definite purpose for
that value to achieve. Considering economics as an institution,
its major value is exchange, such as goods or services. The goal
of economic value is welfare, interpreted today as personal well
being through the maximization of profit.

3. Method - A method is a way or manner of doing something.
Applying that meaning to this framework . . .a method is a manner
of achieving an institutional value by fulfilling its goal . Science,
with its value of rationality and quantification has adopted a method
of empiricism to achieve its goal of truth of man's external (senses.
The implications of each institutional method is physically significant,

since this indicates how the institution perceives the city.

98

For every institution there is a different way of viewing the
city. The scientist perceives the city. empirically, while the
economist weighs the city in terms of economic benefits as opposed
to its costs. While the scientist perceives the city objectively, the
artistic institution views the city subjectively through the im-
pressions of the artisan's mind.

Dialecticism- Dialecticism is a term denoting the polarities of
institutional values common to man. All objects and values are
characterized by both stability and transformation . Radhakamal
Mukerjee remarks that "man's values correspondingly alternate
between the immediate and the eternal, the changeful and the
enduring, the existential and the transcendent. "' '3 All
institutional values are inherently dialectic. Institutional govern-
ment with its value of representation can be expressed in terms of
freedom or control; depending upon man's interpretation of the aims
or goals of his values, and the method used by this institution to
achieve them .

Most institutions, although having this dialectic characteristic,
do not emphasize either polar extreme. The institution of health,
for example, represents a compromise between exploitation and
conservation. This potential polarity always prevails, because only

out of conflict and resolution comes change. This change, however,

can be a positive or negative; growth or decay.

IIJIIII‘

99

5. Artifact - The tangible objects of institutions are the artifacts.
They represent physical expressions of institutional values and
goals. These artifacts, however, are continually interpreted
through the eyes of the institutional beholder. When goals and
values of an institution change, the artifact is "re-perceived" .

Until now this chapter has emphasized the cultural similarities between the
paleotechnic and present city, and subsequent institutional components which
compose urban patterns of form. Let us examine how man's institutions as a result
of cultural accumulation and differentiation have brought about an imbalanced
urban culture. The term dysfunction is used to describe the disbalance that exists
in our present city.

Certain institutions dominate the way man perceives the city, which con-
sequently has reduced other institutional viewpoints and meanings. (Consult
Figure 27_ , page96 ). Institutional dysfunction or disbalance has resulted in the
many urban problems which man now faces. The two remaining sections of this
chapter are an inquiry into institutional urban patterns.

First, are examples of institutional dysfunctioning in our cities, with its
effects upon urban form . This writer has suggested two types of institutional
dysfunctioning. Inter-institutional dysfunctioning occurs when man tries to perceive
all city activity through a set of interrelated institutions. Inner-institutional

dysfunctioning is caused by one domineering institution that discards all other

institutional infl uences .

Following these examples of institutional dysfunctioning will be the second

l00

section. This will involve the analysis of an existing urban characteristic, by
tracing it to its institutional origins. This analysis does not presume to have
isolated all relevant factors, but it is intended to open up a meaningful area
to explore more fully at a later date.
EXAMPLES OF INSTITUTIONAL DYSFUNCTIONING

Inter-Institutional Dysfunctioning: Science and Technology

Our twentieth century city, through a nearly inseparable bond of science
and technology has become one of the primary examples of cooperating institutions.
Appearing seemingly innocent, this inter-institutional union is gaining an ex-
panding influence in the sphere of cultural activity. It is continually being
reinforced by other practical institutions of government and economics. This
scientific-technological institution is reordering the values, goals and artifacts
found among the remaining institutions therefore. Mechanization and automation
of our modern life is a by-product.

The domain of these institutions is growing and, according to Mukerjee:

. .combine to produce a civilization that is characterized by

deadening triumph of the machine and organization over man,

and of the means over the needs, the instrumental ities over the

intricacies of life. Social segmentation and facti’onal ization

of human work, life and mind transformed man without being

aware of it. Implicit in this transformation lie all the deep

oppositions between the constraint of autonomous, external

forces and circlumstances and the creativeness and adventure
of human life.

From the standpoint of science, modern man can no longer conceive of it without
its technical outcome. Science, states Jacques Ellul, has become an element of

technique with an appeal for scientific utilitarianism. The separation of science

IOI

and application is no longer discernible. Technological fundamentals previously

characterizing this institution have also changed. In the past, technology was

a distinctive part of culture, for there was little standardization, and virtually

no competition. Therefore, few comparisons were made in regard to the best

way of doing something. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, two urban

shaping characteristics, science and technology were developing, though mainly

separately . This is not true today . Presently there are at least three relevant

scientific-technological characteristics shaping the urban forms in our culture.

They include rationality, artificiality, and autonomy.

I.

II5

Rationality

This includes the systematization, division of labor, and
creation of standards of functioning. Rationality reduces
the method employed to achieve the goal of the institutional
value to a logical perspective. lrrationality, or an interest
in the unexplainable, would cease to have meaning if this
were carried to an extreme. Symbolic and synthetic cultural
subsystems find little or no part to play in urban life with
only rational perceiving. Their artifacts must reflect a
rational awareness, else their meaning is reduced. An extreme
example of artifactual dysfunctioning would be technological
obsolescence. This is where the artifact no longer embodies
any technological meaning to the perceiver. Churches

partially represent this today when their congregations resettle,

102
or shift, although economic thinking plays a larger role.
Subscribing completely, this rationality doctrine

could remove museums from the urbanscape along with
churches and libraries, for they represent both the past
and the unknown. Non-rational awareness or subjectivity
does not lend itself to any technological understanding.
To become accepted, many institutions that are subjective

in nature are trying the more objective approach. The
computerization of art, and music are two very recent
examples.

Artificiality

Hopefully, the discussion of the paleotechnic city and the
transformation from the medieval city has indicated this
Subordination of the natural world which is constantly
becoming more artificial or withdrawn from nature. Air
conditioning is a copy of a natural process, but it has

been improved upon. Temperature is stabilized, at a
logically determined level for the most efficient operation.
Nature's deficiencies are overcome .

More related to the field of urban planning is the plight

of nature's last expression in man's artificially created road
system, the median strip. The accepted technological im-

provements in the vehicles that make them wider, swiften

I03
are enormous space eaters that have reduced nature's touch
to the sanity of safe movement. Medians must go; after all,
they hinder technological progress!
Autonomy
Self-direction is probably the greatest danger an institution
faces. Institutions do have an enduring quality about them
since they normally outlive the individual founders. A check,
though, does exist. By definition, institutions are accepted
expressions of human values, with acquired goals, methods,
and artifacts determined by its members. ' '6 Carried to an
extreme, however, the process of automation, which steadily
reduces the number of initiators of change (man himself),
could theoretically, approach one hundred percent efficiency.
However, little initiative, the seed of growth, would be
possible in a completely "technisized" culture.

Max Lerner cites an example of this automated process
with his discussion of a continuous flow operation in a chemical
plant. In Ohio, during this past decade, on entire napalm
plant began operation with four persons per shift. A newspaper
commenting on this development stated that it missed one
hundred percent automation by a hair.

To a degree, the urban planner incorporates this self-

directing characteristic in his use of population projection

l04
techniques. He employs techniques of population fore-
casting that are quite often self-fulfill ing prophecies for
growth . Urban growth is usually construed as only a
”8
positive factor, thus becoming self-directive.
Inner-Institutional Dysfunctioning: Economics
Economics is being defined in the way man presently interprets it. The
economic method (Consult Figure 27. , page 96) uses a procedure which
calculates man's life in terms of its practical, usually immediate, costs versus its
benefits. Economic goals of welfare, emphasize Lmaximi'zation'of.profit,
although welfare could have other meanings. Probably the best way to view the
influence of economics is by examining a few subordinate institutions and the
manner they economically express themselves in our cities.
Scott Greer states that economics observes the city as a "matrix of locations
0 o a ‘ "I l9 0 .
for firms. . .a necessary translation of a national economy Into space. This
indicates an immediate interpretation of city artifactual form in terms of economic
worth and its tangible return. Going further, he remarks that the city is envisioned
as an economic unit or super firm.
It is based upon relations between importers and exporters,
contractors and subcontractors (with the household as the
smallest firm) all involved in an import-export business
(consumption-production). . .the city is seen as a center of
production, trade and distribution, whose basic units are
economic organizations .
The definition of a park in the eyes of a real estate developer could very well

be thought of as a productive but unconsumed economic unit. In this sense, every-

thing valued becomes a part of the market. A truly free enterprise system, which

I05
the paleotechnic culture represented, could result in a universal interpretation of
all man's artifacts as marketable items; his churches, schools, transportation and
communication networks.
I . Relationship of Economics to Government
The Government Accounting Office, the so-called congressional
watchdogs, spend considerable time determining the economic
merits and feasibility of federal programs being carried out by
the executive branch. Their major concern is the economic
accountability of any executive operation, whatever it might
be. No program which involves the expenditure of federal
government funds is immune to their review, as long as the
legislative body requests them to investigate . Although this
control is part of the check and balance between the legis-
Iature that approves the funds, and the executive that spends
what has been approved, the problem is that everything is
coldly perceived in terms of financial return. There is a
continual effort to balance objectively the economic costs
with its economic benefits, despite the intent of the Congress
in approving the appropriation .
A case in point is the GAO's review of a federal govern-
ment housing program in a California community, which review
recommended the withdrawal of aid due to its lack of economic

feasibility . A disgruntled congressman from that state,

l06
questioning their methods of economic evaluation, pointed
out that, although the GAO had over 2, I00 professional
men there was not one engineer, architect or urban planner;
just 2, 000 accountants and I00 lawyers. Commenting, he
stated, "we are given the two-dimensional world of the
adding machine and told to make from it the three-dimensional
world of the value judgement. . .this can lead to only one con-
clusion: that public housing would be completely institution-
alized, and that every breadth of imaginative design would
2I

be withdrawn . "1

His remarks contained in The Heart of Our Cities gives a

 

vivid picture of the domain of economic thinking in the govern-
mental process. Further remarks show that present economic

perceiving of this type is found in numerous other governmental

operations .

The government in regard to economic accounting, reaches
conclusions without an architect, engineering conclusions
without an engineer, aesthetic and historical conclusions
without a planner. It arrogates architecture, aesthetics,
engineering conclusions without competence. There seems
to be not a trace of thought in their minds, yet it seems to me
they bring to all projects the built-in conviction of a lifetime
that accountancy is the primary value . . .To some degree we
have become sacred talismen . . .We need not fear for our
country when we are putting up great buildings of imaginative
design . We need fear for ourselves when we stop doing so.

Relationship of Economics to the Artistic Institution

The staunchly economic minded Fortune Magazine within a year

 

I07
or so, has begun to raise some questions concerning the
application of narrowly conceived economic interests and
its effects upon artifactual forms in our cities. Self-
criticism has begun to suggest that the economic interests
might be creating "economies of ugliness. "

The economic rationale that demands the maximum use
of land and urban space to make an investment profitable
certainly has had its effect upon curtailing architectural
creativity and original design. Commenting upon building
developments in New York City the president of one con-
struction firm has said,

The difference in cost between an aesthetically pleasing
building and an ordinary one is nominal, since structurally

and mechanically most buildings are, or should be, pretty
nearly equal. In a $15 mill ion office building. . .one to 123
two percent is all that is needed to give a feeling of quality.

The author of this article questions the accepted economic
rationale business and financial leaders sometimes employ when
they talk about impracticalness of low building density and less
than total lot coverage necessary to return any profit on their
building investment. In support, he illustrates this by the leniency
of federal tax laws that neutralize this economic contention.

A builder plans to erect a building that will cost $6 million.
$I million representing the land and $5 million the building.
In theory, he can obtain mortgage financing for only two-thirds

of that amount, or $4 million. He will have little difficulty '
obtaining considerably more, but for the sake of this illustration

I08

figure his equity at $2 million. Though his equity is only

$2 million (or less), the New York builder can depreciate

the entire $5 million cost of the building at an accelerated
rate, getting $250, 000 in tax-free cash flow back the first
year. Even if rental income falls short of expectations, the
builder enjoys a comfortable cushion. The speculative
builder usually expects to get his money back in about seven
years. When he has used up his depreciation he may sell the
building to a syndicate at an inflated price, which becomes
the basis for another profitable ride aboard the accelerated-
depreciation gimmick . The structure is less important as a
building than as a tax shelter. '24

No where has the influence of economics been greater than upon
man's health institution. Suppressing'the'hea'lth institution, with
its goal of environmental fitness, is the economic goal of maximiz-
ing individual profit. Since man under this economic influence
frequently perceives his environment in a consumptive manner,
from the health standpoint, exploitation rather than conservation
is emphasized. A dysfunction results because the values of
environmental health are quite often sacrificed for economic
values. Let us briefly examine one aspect of health.

Relationship of Economics to the Health Institution

OUr entire water environment system of lakes, rivers, streams,

and groundwater offers an irresistabl e temptation to the economics
of industrialization. Many industries rely heavily upon water in
their manufacturing processes. For instance, it requires 50, 000
gallons of water to produce a ton of paper, over 300,000 gallons

to produce one ton of aluminum, and one ton of synthetic rubber

requires 600, 000 gallons of water. The water demands for industrial

l09
purposes have grown from a little over one-third in I900
to one-half of all water use in I960, with projection to
I980 of two-thirds of this overall total. '25 Not only has
water use grown in industrial production, but also in the
disposal of industrial wastes injurious to the health
institutions' goals.

One form of water pollution has resulted because
industrial wastes have been improperly handled. Self-imposed
controls by industry, associated with the water environment,
have been few because of costs which would reduce profit
margins. Because of this unprofitable aspect, few, if any,
benefits can be gained through industrial water pollution control.

Law imposed upon industry is only partially successful.
Many industries, for example, find it a great deal easier to pay
a minor fine than to install the necessary equipment for solving
the problem they have created. Many I egal penalties are more
extensions of economic thinking, where small money payments
satisfy the community on a temporary basis, rather than squarely
facing the problem in solving pollution abatement. Consequently,
our water bodies in many cities represent open sewers, transmitting
toxic industrial wastes to other populated areas. Entire ecological
chains are being altered but, unfortunately, the greatest fatalities

are among the lower animal and plant worlds.

HQ
The greatest industrial pollution danger comes from the
synthetic products introduced by chemical operations. Danger
from detergents, pesticides, herbicides, pharmaceuticals, fuels,
plastics and radioactive materials have not been physiologically
determined by man as yet. Therefore, the health dangers are
presently unknown. Water may also be a transmitter of virus,

I26

but again, knowledge is inadequate.

It seems that as long as the institution of health is inter-
preted solely by the institution of economics in which industry
plays a vital role, environmental health will continue to operate
dysfunctionally with unhealthy exploitation replacing a much
l27
needed, conserved, health envirnonment.

Summary of Institutional Dysfunction ing

These previous examples of institutional dysfunctioning indicate that by
accepting values and goals of certain institutions, necessarily represses other
institutional perceptions. A combined scientific-technological institution
emphasizing objective and systematic values, in turn, has reduced subjective and
non-systematic perception. Realms of artistic, religious, and philosophical institu-
tions become reduced in significance with the larger acceptance of the scientific-
technological institution, for their values, goals and method conflict. Religion,
with goals to achieve the truth of man's internal inner senses, and art, desiring

to achieve the goal of beauty by empathy, conflict with science whose goal is

only truth of external or physically observable senses, and technology that desires

only efficiency. (Consult Figure 27. , page 96).

III

Economic perceiving that stresses economic benefits in relation to economic
costs, and maximizes individual profit has left its impact upon the institutions of
art and health. Economic perceiving can reduce design, since the artisan is
allowed a limited budget and time to produce a saleable product, be it a building,
a sculpture, a painting, etc. Health is pe'ceived as an exploitable commodity.
Experts, swayed by purely economic reasoning of costs rather than possible social
benefits, conclude that the removal of pollution from our environment, thus
restoring a more healthful environment, is presently entirely out of the question
due to the economic costs involved.

Both examples of institutional dysfunctioning (inner and inter-institutional)
have been presented to show their influence upon shaping the characteristics of
our urban culture. There is a second and final perspective contained in the re-
maining section of this chapter, that possibly gives greater insight into the
characteristics of urban society in light of their institutional origins. The urban
characteristics of scale will be used to illustrate the institutional relationships
affecting it. The reason for this choice is that scale is probably one of the most
recognized features of urban culture today. Three aspects will be discussed con-
cerning urban scale. They are aesthetics, congestion, and health.

URBAN SCALE: INSTITUTIONAL ORIGINS

Scale is recanized as a major: characteristic of urban settlement. Slightly
more than two hundred agglomerations contain 70% of all inhabitants living within
the United States. Many of the larger agglomerations have a very high population

density, twenty—five of the largest urban settlements accounting for nearly 40%

II
IIIIII
it‘lllll

IIZ
of the entire U.S. population. '28 This scale represents a dominant group of
certain institutional values which in turn means other institutions have either
been ignored or reduced in importance Concent'ation, high density and large-
scale organization cancel out decentralization, low density, and small-scale
organization. Certain needs are being fulfilled with urban man's present
choice, but at the same time other needs are not being satisfactorily met.

Although, generally, massive urban concentrations offer diverse cultural
amenities, such as libraries, museums, legitimate theatre, large consumer selection,
numerous employment opportunities, and expanded municipal services. many dys-
functional aspects begin to appear. This includes a loss of individual identity,
higher incidence of health problems, congestion, increased crime and more
bureaucratic organization .

Three institutions in particular, science-technology, government and
economics dominate the urban scene, intensifying this urban scale. By this very
act other institutional values, expressed in religion, health and the arts, are
being reduced in significance. The problem is becoming a more distressing one
as cities grow, because, in total, these institutional conflicts and resolutions
have created mammoth cities no one individual or single institution ever planned.
To date, there is no comprehensive institution yet devised by man that reflects
all the values and goals that are necessary for expressing all these institutions
that presently exist. In man's pre-indusrrial cultures, in direct contrast, life
was perceived collectively under the direction of a mutually accepted set of

values expressed by an integrated sacred-secular world. This no longer exists.

T l3

Single institutions have, each with their respective values and goals,
produced an expression in urban space. Three examples that indicate problems
associated with urban scale are presented below. Emphasis here is upon
mentioning each problem and offering an institutional interpretation.

Aesthetics

Urban aesthetics have become part of economic production and con-
sumption. Design, under these prevailing conditions can become a mere tool
used by economics to maximize profit in a spatial sense. Built-in obsolescence,
vital to any well operated business, has been similarly applied to our Skylines.

The consequences will be devastating if we do not challenge many
economically contrived artifacts that are testimonies to economic frugality. Many
questions are never asked in the realm of aesthetics. The general public never
questions urban aesthetics for who should'know better than the experts? The
question is who are these experts shaping urban design, what qualification and
values do they possess?

Many times private economically oriented enterprise groups that construct
the major share of our urban skyline, and whose values-goals are to reap the
highest financial return possible, control in turn the aesthetic quality. Those
persons professionally concerned with aesthetics have to operate under these un-
favorable conditions of competitive economics. The architect is a forgotten person
many times in this economic environment. This economic alliance includes the
land speculator who owns the land, but minimally maintains it, while waiting for

land values to pyramid. The building developer: seeks to squeeze every possible

T l4
bit of rentable space out of the building's four walls. The financial houses must
assure themselves that this is a proper investment. This means that the develop-
ment must be in a desirable area, bringing the highest return. Otherwise,
financiers will turn their attentions to more profitable ventures. The engineer-
builder, to maximize his profit, employs the cheapest materials and the most
efficient time saving methods consistent with labor union restrictions. it is
only after all these economic interests have been satisfied, and expressed, that

. .. . . . . ,,l29
the architect can come along and wrap up l'l'tlS burldlng m a facade.

There are also other interests relating to aesthetics beyond the economic
institutional constraints. Institutional values maintained by government complete
this spatial blueprint of form by enacting legal controls. Dialetical values of
individual freedom and group control aesthetically come into play with building
and zoning laws. This polarity which tries to allow freedom for private enterprise
to obtain and satify its goals and values, and at the same time protect the general
public is a difficult task for the government. A good case in point are existing
building codes.

The building codes are devised not only to protect the public

against the hazards of poor construction, fire, crowding, and

insufficient sanitation. Most of them also protect our re-

actionary building-trade unions and building products

manufacturers against the technological advances of the

twentieth century. They are written and upheld not to give

us economical, well-functioning buildings but giant feather-

beds of brick and stone.

Zoning, also, tries to satisfy these opposites of individual and group values.

Group controls appear with separating land use types into segmented districts,

utilization of set backs, height limits, yard requirements, density and lot coverage.

115

Individual freedoms expressed in zoning involve the choice of location within
these districts, but with the ability to appeal for special consideration, or
variance. Individual appeals are always the reasons given for economic hard-
ship, but little concern is ever shown for aesthetic hardship where an innovative
design is handicapped. From the aesthetic viewpoint little creativeness is
found in the zoning ordinance. Rigid geometrical patterns and rectangular
buildings result from the yard requirements and lot coverage interpreted in terms
of only economic profit since many private developers maximize developable
space permitted under zoning. Little economic justification is needed for giving
up any more space than the minimum imposed by zoning when land prices in
New York City, for instance, range as high as $400 per square foot. 13]

Congestion

Another maior dysfunctional aspect gripping our cities is movement within
urban space. Movement in itself represents a vital aspect of survival, since man
must work, shop, reside and recreate. Problems have arisen from the choice of
movement the urban dweller uses. His overwhelming choice is the largest space
eater yet devised by modern man, the automobile. As an indicator of man's
affluence, vehicular statistics are quite impressive in this country. Of all
registered vehicles in the world, which includes cars, trucks, and busses, as of
January 1, T965 the United States proudly possesses 5T .3%, or 86,3T T,O‘OO

T32

vehicles. This statistic would be relatively harmless if our population was

fairly dispersed throughout the country. The fact is, man has settled in a few

urban places, bringing his automobile and a maze of concrete and asphalt along.

TT6
Space for movement is highly restricted, especially in our central cities.
How restricted is it? Well, these eighty-six million vehicles amount to T68, 000
, T33 . . . . , . .
square miles of space. This is difficult to grasp so lets break this down into
more understandable units. This vehicular space is equivalent to 500 New York
cities in land area, or ,more land area than all T30 U.S. cities with a population
. . T34 . . . .
of TO0,000 inhabitants. If all these vehicles had one Single destination,
packed bumper to bumper, and door to door, the space needed to accommodate
these vehicles would be nearly equivalent in size to the state of California, or
the country of Germany.

There are other modes of movement that would be less congestive in our
urban areas, but seem unacceptable to the commuters' desire for speed, convenience,
and price. The Highway Research Board announced at their annual convention
recently, "almost 70 percent of all workers living in places having a population
of TO0,000 or more persons have public transportation available within two blocks
. . "T35
of their homes; almost three-fourths of these workers drive to work .

As a result of this "choice" cities are becoming conveyances for vehicular
movement. With this choice the general public has accepted:

T . Traffic accidents, amounting to 50,000 fatalities annually.

2. Exhaust emissions, which contribute significantly to urban
health problems.

3. Disrupted spatial patterns. In the City of Los Angel es over
one-half of the land is devoted to transportation uses, in-
cluding parking area .

Behind this dysfunctional picture are institutional values asserting themselves

spatially through individuals composing institutions, and their artifacts. Car

TT7

manufacturers have successfully portrayed the automobile's image of status, bigness,
personal convenience, luxury and design through advertising to the consumer;
all of course for profit. The private prfit motive is essential to a balanced culture
and to the creating of private initiative, but should not exist without deference
to urban needs. The public may accept the fact that four auto companies control
the car market, and therefore compete semi-monopolistically. 136 But the fact
is, safety is generally a minor factor in car design; economical compact cars
have grown to the size of their larger parents; power increases are mostly needless
and obsolescence is being increased (manufacturers are trying to press for a law
exempting them from supplying repair parts for longer than five years.138 As a
result of these conditions some members of the consuming public should begin to
wonder.

The bigger the better is becoming a way of life, as exemplified by a recent
two-page color advertisement appearing in several national magazines. . ."Since
it isn't price what's the difference between a Chrysler and the smaller car"?"l39
Well, the difference is vital urban space that is being indiscriminantly reduced
with complex road networks designed by highway engineers whose principal
concern is an "efficient" transportation system; efficiency that neglects to
integrate the sculptural form of the transportation system to that of the land and
environment; efficiency which has been separated from other choices of movement;
and efficiency that enables the engineer to consider the highway system as the

basic planning unit. In the wake of this concrete are left potentially more

desirable methods for movement such as the rail and/or tube system, which can

TT8
at least compliment highway travel for variety, safety, yes, even greater speed
and comfort. What little is left of the present urban form could therefore be
left alone to enrich our lives through history, tradition and non-transportation
type artifacts .

The institution of government, combining with law, could enact or
stimulate a better balanced transportation program . Goverment on at least a
federal level would have to alter their values which now reflect individual
transportation freedom rather than group transportation control . Our entire
interstate system of highways is a federal effort which encourages vehicular
travel . With a change in institutional values reflecting a group concern for
movement, there is no reason a subsidy for a commuter system could not be
arranged, since, like the interstate highway network, "defense" could be given
as the maior reason .

If not a better balanced transportation system, what is the alternative?
Whereas past city images gave meaning to the dweller with the acropolis, agora
and the intricate handling of pedestrian spaces found within the medieval square,
modern man will have a new image; the bland, non-human, multi-level highway

interchange with eighteen cloverleafs.

Health

 

Health is an increasing problem as our cities grow in scale. Although
some health aspects were discussed earlier in the thesis, there are other related
aspects of this dysfunction. Medical personnel and some social scientists are

beginning to uncover significant evidence of affected urban diseases. The

T19
Department of Health, Education and Welfare have issued warnings regarding
increasing populations and concentration found within our urban areas, and
their effects upon the environment. There are two maior areas where environ-
mental health is an apparent problem .
T . As our air, water and land resources are fixed, increasing
populations decrease the quality of each of these basic
necessities available to the individual .
2 . With the increasing amounts of waste products concentrated
in areas with growing populations, the relative effects of
these wastes on man are increasing at an ever expanding
rate. '40
Certain studies are now being conducted to examine the causal factors
that produce a higher incidence of cancer among urban versus rural inhabitants.
Despite the fact that cigarette smoking is a maior contributor to lung cancer,
air pollution plays a supporting role. It has been discovered that exposure to
polluted air in many of the world's largest industrialized cities can be equivalent
to consuming over two packages of cigarettes daily. Over an eleven-fold
increase in fatal deaths from lung cancer among nan-smokers in the 50-69 age
bracket appears in cities with over 50,000 population as opposed to our rural
T4T . . . . . .
areas. In general, respiratory ailments eXISl' at a higher rate in congested
cities (higher incidence of pneumonia, bronchitis, and emphysema), but the
, T42
results have not been concluswe .
To date, some one hundred pollutants are now typed. These can be

identified as solid pollutants (soot, flyash, dust, dirt) and a large array of

gaseous pollutants (sulphur dioxide, nitrogen dioxide and hydrocarbons). The

T20
contributors of pollutancy are mainly combustible or burning processes such as
incinerators, furnaces, motor vehicles, aircraft, power plants, factories, steel
mills, oil refineries, and chemical refineries. In New York, for instance,
solid pollutants amount to seventy-three tons per square mile, per month. '43
Chicago is iust a "few" tons less. Coal combustion is the largest contaminant
of this sol id pollutant variety.

Gaseous pollutants less visible except when mixed with sol id matter are
at least equally toxic. Refineries, factories, and automobiles represent the
greatest menace in this category. In Los Angeles, after imposing anti-pollution
ordinances upon industrial operations and refuse burning, some drop in smog
resulted, but not a significant amount. It was only through the elimination of
other possible sources of pollution that automobile emissions was recognized as
the largest single contributor. . .the gasoline engine, at best, is an inefficient,
fuel burner.

Further research appears to indicate that the automobile, in this par-
ticular geographical region, contributes four times as many pollutants to the

T44
city's air as all other sources combined. Probably the most critical health
consideration relative to air pollution is air quality. The picture is not a pleasant
one in our urban areas, if Los Angeles can be considered an indicator of the
future. Health officials there believe that if all new cars were ideally fitted
with smog control devices, "pollutant levels in T975 will still be nearly three
145 ‘

times the T940 level " of air quality.

Air pollution has been aptly described as "everyone's lack of concern

 

T2T

mixed in our cities'atmospheres!" Man's institutional value systems which

 

act today semi-autonomously, each with its own narrowed interest and per-
spective, have directed our highly populated cities down the path of poor
environmental health. Institutional unawareness and indifference are responsible.
Unawareness exists because of independent institutional values, goals and methods
for perceiving. Indifference is the result of the ease in which fines can be
substituted for correcting the dysfunction, problems of litigation, and the difficulty
of accumulating substantative evidence to effectively assess existing problems.
More subtle health dysfunctions, several of which were discussed at the
American Medical Association's Congress on Environmental Health Problems, are
being correlated to urban living. Three studies cited at this meeting suggested:

I . City dwellers are deprived of adequate rest because of
tension caused by noises around them.

2. City congestion and the fuming cars that rule city
streets discourage walking and exercise, and thus
encourage a high cholestoral level .

3. Slums, freeway congestion and overcrowding in cities
may have serious psychological effects, ranging from
jittery nerves and tensions to actual mental illness and
criminal paranoia.

All three examples have some merit, and should definitely be further
researched for the sake of restoring a healthier urban environment. Example
two will be briefly commented upon to enlarge the reader's awareness.

From the standpoint of "self-propulsion", man is turning into an immobil-

ized urbanite. Today he heavily relies upon the conveniences of science-

technology offered by economic and government institutions for most movement. . .

T22

also many occupations allow us to be immobile while we work . Anatomically
speaking, urban living and our daily activities require mostly our eyes, ears,
mouth, fingers, and brains, "the rest of the musculature falls into disuse and
tends to atrophy."'48 Drs. Hans Kraus and Wilhelm Raab are leading pro-
fessionals studying in this area. They have remarked, "In our civilized cities
we lead the lives of caged animals, . . .no opportunity to move, no chance to
respond to outside irritations." Commenting further these men contend, "there
is growing evidence today that the absence of physical activity plays a signifi-
cant role in the occurrence of the maior chronic diseases of our time.""i'9

Health is a prime requisite in our urban culture. Without it satisfactorily
fulfilled, a maior indicator of dysfunction occurs. This institution, fortunately
for the fitness and continuity of urban man, is recognized as necessary to
satisfying a balanced urban environment; values and goals. It is one of the last
checks indicating an imbalanced urban life, but as long as this institutional method
of perceiving (diagnosis) is accepted and encouraged, health can aid in restoring

a better balance to the other institutional value systems.

 

T23

ILLUSTRATIVE SUMMARY

SCI ENC E- tote-Local

 

TECHNOLOGY Government
Law I
NATIONAL
ECONOMICS GOVERNMENT Welfare l

 

 

 

 

 

. , ' Health
Aesthetics ' Socml I

Services

 

 

 

 

 

    

 

 

 

Education

 

 

 

Military ,

Religion

 

 

f

Figure 28. Urban form shapers prevalent within the present city.

 

‘ college- 7

professional A university
services

' TRANSPORTATION

Fhospital . o \‘

FACILITIES

 

 

   
    

 

 

law military

Figure 29. Urban artifactual forms prevalent within the present city.

T24

    

 

Figure 30. Reduction of the health and MOXlMlZan individual self-
aesthetic institutions with the emphasis consciousness, resulting in physically
upon economic institutional values. meaningless urban expression.

 

.’.‘i’\. . .. ‘ q‘x .J

. "urll-nfwrf‘; t“?-
"’ - .95 .a . ,
. I I o ''''''

‘..- \u

s
(>“

‘4'. . 2 t
T . A V
', ’.<2\ _\\‘ ‘
..

Figure 32. The present city. Our disrupted urban pattern with multiple,
but independent artifactual forms and form shapers.

T25

The present day city is an extension of its predecessor, the paleotechnic.
Since the collective awareness has diminished with the rise of industrial culture,
the concomittant expansion of institutional forms and shapers has impaired man's
ability to comprehend urban culture.

Our prevailing urban form shapers are continually growing, with new ones
being added as culture expands. With growth comes autonomy under our present
extended self-conscious level of awareness. Both figures 28 and 29 indicate a
growing complexity over the previous awareness levels.

Those illustrations contained on the preceding page physically summarize
the impact of independent institutuonal form shapers, basically representing
practical and analytical modes of perceiving. Industrial development and manu-
facturing is the principal concern of economics, while at the same time aesthetics
and urban health are sadly being pushed to the back of our minds. Every con-
ceivable type of pollution is occuring, to some varying degree of intensity, but
man's present level of awareness doesn't comprehend its severity .(Figure .30).

The physical image of urban form is decomposing, under this ever in-
creasing idea of self-consciousness. Automobile transportation for instance,
that maximizes individual movement, is destroying the earlier collective image
which the city represented (Figure 3T ). Under these prevailing conditions,
our urban areas can only become sprawling, imageless leviathons (Figure 32).
Only with the reintroduction of a collective awareness, where all four modes
of culture can be more or less represented, will a meaningful urban culture

reappear.

CHAPTER VI .

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

It is painfully obvious that our present urban culture needs better attention.
To a degree, narrowed institutional perspectives, each with its own established
values, goals and artifacts, have produced dysfunctional cities. Certain institu-
tions have dominated other institutions, suppressing their perspectives. An
imbalance has resulted because analytical and practical modes of perceiving today
are asserting themselves over synthetic and symbolic modes. Only a partial city
therefore exists.

What is needed is a perspective that will return a more balanced value
system to our city, thus removing several dysfunctional aspects. Many lessons can
be gained by re-examining our pre-industrial cultures which, although they had
lower levels of awareness because not all modes of perceiving existed, still enioyed
an integrated and whole life . This was successfully achieved because man mutually
shared values, needs, and artifacts with little concern for onlypersonal well-being.
Despite the fact that there are many differences between pre-industrial and industrial
urban cultures, a maior item being the scale of urban living, there are still many
similar needs and values man shares which have been responsible for City formation.
Unless we rediscover these reasons that originally banded mankind together in
cities, we are in danger of letting our present level of awareness reaffirm our present
cultural imbalance . This could further advance practical analytic modes of per-
ceiving urban life which examine only detailed parts of man's existence. Synthetic

and symbolic perceiving could restore the relationship of man to his universe, giving

T26

T27

mankind a needed comprehensive view of urban culture and its direction. This
could result in a new level of awareness which would be of benefit both to
individual and collective man. Cities would be renewed in a more meaningful
way, and man could rediscover the symbolic and synthetic expressions associated
with his artifacts. The condition of "agnosia" where man is unable to derive
either meaning or understanding from his urban artifacts would become in-
significant, since the impersonal aspects of science, technology and economics
would again reflect artistic and religious expression. '50

The initial step involves educating at least one group of responsible
indivduals to perceive urban culture in its totality. This means two fundamental
urban cultural concepts should be comprehended. First, urban culture has evolved
with different stages of cities representing varying levels of awareness. Each
awareness level consists of certain modes of perceiving with these modes containing
different values, goals, knowledge, and artifacts. It should also be known, in this
regard, that by cultural accumulation, transmission, and differentiation, man has
expressed through urban culture certain value preferences which has caused certain
modes to dominate others. This has become especially apparent in our industrial
cultures where self-consciousness has replaced group consciousness found in pre-
industrial cultures. Secondly, this educated group of individuals must understand
that each level of awareness has particular modes of perceiving, with institutions
expressing both non-material and material culture.

They should realize urban artifactual forms representing material culture

are produced by values, goals, and needs of non-material culture involving these

T28
modes of perceiving. In other words, spatial form physically depicts non-physical
values,:-go'als.dnd needs. 'They'are in-Separable...

Urban planning offers probably the greatest potential in comprehending
these many aspects of urban culture because this profession deals with both physical
and non-physical parts of culture. Unfortunately, however, planning, as it is
presently interpreted, has dissassociated, in part, man's artifacts from his values.

It has done well in comprehending physical expression vis-a-vis land use surveying,
settlement distribution, and transportation relationships, but little time has been
spent analyzing the cultural values and institutions producing such urban form.
Once the profession of urban planning begins to perceive man's urban artifactual
forms as spatial expressions of institutional values rather than as separate entities,

a maior obstacle will be overcome. Although the scope of this thesis, and this
writer's present interest, does not include a detailed account of ways for the
practicing urban planner to correct this discrepancy, a new group of analytic tools

IST

are essential . The second step will indicate a method of institutional-arti-
factual analysis that could be explored.

After overcoming the educational hurdle we could then proceed to this
next step. This involves an investigation of city dysfunctioning in terms of its
selected problem areas. Each problem area would be analyzed by the various
institutional values and goals germaine to the problem . By viewing each Specific
problem in light of all the institutions affecting it, one institutional viewpoint

will not be allowed to dominate. In turn, some relative scale could be established

showing approximate relationship of each institution to the urban problem. Once

T29

this method was applied to each problem, an overall pattern would be; evident: ..
These problems seen as a whole express an entire network of cultural values.
This leads us into the last step, or step three. Here the urban planner
could suggest to his client a combination of institutional value systems designed
to alleviate these problems. Alternative combinations presented by the planner
would indicate other solutions to the problem, expressing, however, different
values and artifacts. A total urban expression could be constructed by matching
the inherent artifacts to the institutional values. These institutional combinations
could indicate a better urban cultural balance for two reasons:
I . A wider perspective would be offered to man's urban problems.
Greater unity could possibly reappear, since each institution
would be seen as a part of a network of institutions composing
urban culture; rather than each institution being considered
an entity unto itself.
2 . The chances of a better balanced urban perspective would be
possible. Since many problems exist in our cities that are due
to the dominance of the two cultural subsystems, the analytic
and practical, the solution of these problems could restore
the suppressed symbolic and synthetic institutions. Once'again,
as found in the pre-industrial cultures, a greater cultural
balance could result.
Urban planning plays an essential role in this process. The planner can
act as the problem stater and also clarifier, showing the various public and
private policy makers how they can construct a more desirable city in the future.

Man's resent cultural resources can be more fully utilized by the successful
p

integration of all his institutions and modes of perceiving.

FOOTNOTES

CHAPTER I

' J . O . Hertzler, American Social Institutions (New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, T962), p. 583.

 

William Tarr and Bruce Watson, The Social Sciences in American

Civilization (New York: Wiley and Sons, T964), pp. 8T-83.

 

3 Ervin Laszlo, Essential Society: An Ontological Reconstruction
(Netherland: The Hague, T963), p. 72.

4 l_l3i_d., p. 73.

5 Jacques, Ellul, The Technological Socie1y(New Yo'rk: Knopf,
T964), p. 29.

6 Laszlo, op. _c_i_t., p. T33.

7 Karl Polanyi, The Trade and Market (New York: Free Press of
Glencoe, T957),'p. 70.

CHAPTER II

Ernst Cassirer, Language and Myth (New York: Harper and Brothers,

1946), p. 30.

9 Alfred Zimmern, The Greek Commonwealth (London: Oxford
University Press, T930), p. 2T5.

'0 Owen Barfield, Saving the Appearances

ll lbid., p. 48.

'2 Lewis Mumford, The City in Histo_ry (New York: Harcourt, Brace
and World, T96T), p. T78.

‘3 Ellul, 93. 93:, pp. 29—30.

130

T3I

'4 William H. Desmond, Magic, Myth and Money (New York:
Free Press of Glencoe, T963), p. 30.

I5

 

3311., p. I27.

'6 Fustel de Coulanges, The Ancient City (Boston: Little, Brown
and Co., T90T), p. T75.

‘7 Ibid., p. 174.

Gustave Glotz, The Greek City and its Institutions (New York:
Knopf, T90T), p. 39.

'9 lbid., p. 48.

20 Ibid., p. 54.

2' Victor Ehrenberg, The Greek State (New York: Barnes and Noble,
T963), p. ,

22 Konstantninos Doxiadas, "Historic Approaches to New Towns, "

Ekistics, XII (November, T964), p. 360.

23 Mumford, o_p_. 93., p. 144.

24 It is of general agreement among the authorities .on the Greek City-
State that their population never amounted to over 50, 000 inhabitants during

this time. See G. Glotz, K. Doxiadas, and W. W. Fowler.

25 Mumford, o_p. 99, p. 139.
26 Zimmern, op. c_i_t_., p. 23T.

27 Ehrenberg, .‘E' c_i_t., p. 32.

CHAPTER III

28 Mumford, 9_p_. 93., p. 243.

29 E. A. Gutkind, Urban Development in Central Europe (New York:
Free Press of Glencoe, T962), p. 72.

T32

30 John A. Fairlie, Municipal Administration (New York: MacMillan
Company, I908), p. T9.

3' John H. Mundy and Peter Reisenberg, The Medieval Town (Toronto:
Van Norstand, T958), pp. 2T-22.

32 R. W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven:
Yale University Press, T953), p. T5.

33 Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (New York: Harcourt, Brace
and Company, T938).

 

34 Brian Hackett, Man, Society and Environment (London: Percival,

T950), p. 7.

35 Mumford, Culture of Cities, op. c_it., p. 246.

36 lbid., p. 247.

37 Hackett, 3p. _c_i_t., p. 96.

38 Henri Pirenne, Medieval Cities (Princeton, Princeton University

Press, I939), p. 44.

39 1pm., p. 62.

40 See Chapter Four, Medieval Cities (H. Pirenne) and Chapter Three,
The Medieval Town (J. Mundy and P. Reisenberg).

 

4' Mumford, City in History, op. 31., p. 253.
42 Hackett, 93.91., p. 111.
43 EL, p. 96.

44 Fairlie, op. c_it., p. 2T.

45 Mumford, City in History, _c_>_p_. £i_t3, p. 263.
46 Gutkind, 9p. 93_., p. 162.

47 Southern, 9_p_. c_i_t., pp. 9T-92.

48 _l_b_i_d_., p. 90.

49 Fairlie, op. _c_i_t., pp. 23’26-

I33

 

50 Mumford, Culture of Cities, op. cit., p. T8.
5' Southern, fl. Ell" p. 93.
52 . .
Mundy and Reisenberg, 2p. c_it., p. 29.
53 Fairlie, 93.91., pp. 20-21.
54

Mundy and Reisenberg, £3. £1

55 Lewis Mumford, Technics and Civilization (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and Company, T933), p. TTT .

56 Ellul, 3.919, p. 65.

57

Mumford, Technics and Civilization, a. c_it., p. TT2.

58 lbid., pp. 112-118.

59 lbid., p. 12.

60 See Chapter Eleven, Symbols and Sociefly and Chapter Thirteen,

S_aving the Appearances.
6' Mumford, Technics and Civilization, 9.9: _c_i_t., p. T8.

62 Hackett, 3p. £i_t., p. III.

‘53 Gutkind, 9p. c_it., p. 168.

64 Carl B. Troedsson, Architecture, Urbanism and. Sadie-Political
Developments in Our Western Culture (Goteborg: ScandinaVIan UniverSIty

$61.5, 1964), pp. 70-71.

65 Denise Scott Brown, "The Meaningful City, " American Institute

of Architects Journal, XLIII (January, T965), p. 3T.
66 Troedsson, _op. c_it., p. 37.
67 Brown, 9993,, p. 31.
68 _l_b£l., p. 28.

69 Troedsson, o_p. _c_i_t., p. 68-

I34

70 gig” pp. 69-70.

 

7' Fairlie, 3.69., p.26.

72 . . .
Mumford, Culture ofCities, op. c1t., p. 29.

73

Hackett, 33’ c_it., p. TTO.

74 Mumford, City in History, g. (313., p. 275.

75 Hackett, 23.51., p. I09.
76 lbid.
CHAPTER IV

77 Gutkind, 9p. 93., pp. 34-37.

78 Susanne K. Longer, Philosophy in a New Key (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, I957), p. 25.

79 Mumford, Technics and Civilization, 93’ c_it., p. T89.

80 Mumford, Culture of Cities, op. Si"! p. T45.

8' 19313, p. 140.

82 Leo Huberman, Man's Worldly Goods (New York: Harper and
Brothers, T936), p. T88.

83 Arthur Korn, History Builds the Town (London: Lund and
Humphries, T953), p. 67.

84 George M. Modlin and Frank T. DeVyver, Development of
Economic Socieiy (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, T937), p. 203.

 

85 _'_bl_d-

86 Harry E. Barnes, An Economic History of the Western World
(New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, I937), p. 294.

87 This dichotomy has been described by the late Jewish philosopher,
Martin Buber, by his l'I-Thou" and I'l-lt" concept of soc1ety.

I35

88 Pitriam Sorok in, Cortemporary Sociological Theories, (New
York: Harper and Brothers, I928), pp. 448-449.

89 Mumford, [Ehnics and Civilization, op. cit., p. IIO.

9° lbid., p. 46.

9‘ £39., p. n.

92 Modlin and DeVyver, £8. £i_t., p. I57.

93 Barnes, E‘ £i_t., p. 4T9.

94 Huberman, _o_E. £_i_t., p. I76.

95 See Anglo-American Law, by Charles Kinnone, for a factual,

legalistic accounting.

96 Barnes, 93. £i_t., p. 43I.

97 Mumford, Technics and Civilization, £2. £_it_., p. 200.

98 Hackett, 99.93., p. 2H.

99 Most of the examples drawn upon in this chapter concern industrial-

ization within England and its urban impact.

TOO See The Corporation in the Emergent American Society, written
by W. Lloyd Warner, for a concise description of the emergence of economics.

10] Robert L. Heilbroner, Making of Economic Society (New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, I962), Chapter 2.

I02 Mumford: Technics and Civilization,_c_>_9. ELL: P- 2T8-

103 Hertzler, £8. £33., p. 203-

104 Mumford, Cullut‘e 0i Cities,_9_f3- Elf" P- 180'

‘05 Geoffrey Martin, The Town: A Visual History of Britain (London:
Longacre Press, I96I), p. 76.

‘06 I_l3i_d., p. 77.

'07 Hackett, 2E2. Elf-.3 p. 242.

I36
'08 £393, p. 270.
‘09 lbid., p. 270—271.

”0 Arthur Ling, "Skyscrapers and Their Siting in Cities, " Town
_Pl_anning Review, XLl (April, I963), p. I4.

III

 

 

Fairlie, £3. El' p. 55.

”2 £i9., p. 56.

CHAPTER V

”3 Radhakamal Mukeriee, The Dimensions of Values (London:
Macmillan and Company, I963), p. 75.

“4 Radhakamal Mukerjee, The Sickness of Civilization (New York:
Allied Publishers, Ltd., I964), p. I9.

“5 Ellul, 93° cit., pp. 78-I33.

_—

Hé Hertzler, fl. £i_t., pp. 74-76-

”7 Hendrick Ruitenberg (ed.) Dilemma of Organizational Society
(New York: Dutton, I963), p. 80.

II8 Sanford Forness, Mon-Environment Problems in an Urban Age

Proceedings of the Conference on Natural Resources sponsored by the
Cooperative Extension Service and the Conservation Foundation of New.
York. Prepared by the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Publication

4T0, I963.

II9 Scotf Greer, The Emerging City (New York: Free Press of
Glencoe, T962), p. 7.

‘20 MEL, pp. 7-8.
12] Victor Gruen, The Heart of Our Cities (New York: Simon and

 

Schuster, I964), pp. IO9-IIO.

122 L579-

I37
‘23 Richard J. Whalen, "A City Destroying Itself," Fortune,
XXXVI (September, I964), p. I20.

‘24 933$, p. I22.

125 Lewis Herber, Crisis in the Cities (New Jersey: Prentice-
Hall, I965), PP. 92-93.

‘26 _Ibli” p. 96.
‘27 See Chapter Thirteen, Social Costs of Business Enterprise, by
William Kapp.

‘28 United States Bureau of Census, Statistical AbSTFOCI 0f the
United States: I964 (Washington: Government Printing Office, I964),

pp. I4-I5.

 

‘29 Wolf Van Eckardt "The Age of Anti-Architecture, " Saturday
Review, XLVIII (January 23, I965), p. 20.

'30 £9., p.22.

13] Whalen, l_l33<_:l., p. II9.

132 Automotive International Data, news release Ma)’, T965:

‘33 This estimated figure for vehicular space is based upon the .
overall average automobile dimensions. The present automobile IS equw-

alent to I25 square feet in area.
'34 U.S. Bureau of Census, l_0£. _c_it.
135 American Society of Planning Officials Newsletter (April, I965),

p. 32.

‘36 Paul Goodman, "Decentralization," Dissent, XII (Winter, I964),
p. 399.

‘37 David Klein and William Hedden, "The Prospectus for Safer Autos,I
Consumer Report, XXX (April, I965).

I38

 

Goodman, Ioc. c_ii.

‘39 This advertisement appeared in several large circulation magazines,
See April 2I, I965 issue of Look Magazine.

I38

140 Herber, 38' £i_t., p. 2].

'4‘ Ibid., p.75.

142 939., pp. 63-65.

‘43 Whalen, £2. £i_t_., p. II8.

144 C. W. Griffin, Jr., "America's Airborne Garbage," Saturday
Review, XLVIII (May 22, I965), p. 32.

145 M-

]46 Whalen, £3. c_it., p. I20.

147 American Medical Association, Congress on Environmental Health

Problems. Cleveland, T965.

‘48 Herber, £3. c_it., p. I54.
I49
Ibid., pp. I54-I56.
CHAPTER VI
I50

Brown, £_p_. c_i3., p. 29.

15] Paul-Henry Chombart DeLauwe, "The Social Sciences, Urbanism
and Planning, " International Journal of Comparative Sociology, IV
(March, I963).

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