YHE DEVELOPMENT OF
PLANNING POUCY

Thesis for the Degree of NM]. P.

MICHIGAN STATE umvmsm
WILLIAM A. BREHM, JR.
1973 -

 

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ABSTRACT

THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLICY PLANNING

By
William A. Brehm, Jr.

{is~ Policy planning has evolved in urban planning theory over
the past fifteen to twenty years. Policy planning has been
advanced as the means to make traditional, technical planning more
effective. Policy development is the first step in the comprehen-
sive planning process. Community goals must be evaluated, and
policies determined prior to the development and implementation of
any concrete plans for specific action.

The purpose of policy planning is to provide a framework
within which conflicts can be resolved and new policy developed.
The policy framework consists of generating alternatives, analyzing
the diverse goals of the participants in the process, understanding
the political process, and full citizen participation.

The role of the planner in this process is changing.
Earlier planners are traditionalists in contrast to the new norma-
tive planners.

\
In order that the theoretical aspects of policy develop-

K\.
ment and their relationships to the decision-making process be more

William A. Brehm, Jr.

completely understood, a review of the case of Meridian Township,
Ingham County, Michigan is undertaken. Meridian is a suburban,
Michigan township located in the Lansing metropolitan area. The
group dynamics, the motivations, and the politics involved in this
real-life situation provide a helpful context for understanding the

""x

process through which a policy plan is developed;:]

There is a great need for further research in the area
of policy planning and decision making. In particular a method
for measuring the successful implementation of policy is needed.
This thesis presents a foundation for that further research and

refinement of the theory of urban policy planning.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF PLANNING POLICY

By

William A. Brehm, Jr.

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER IN URBAN PLANNING

Department of Urban Planning
and Landscape Architecture

1973

p'i' ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The preparation of this thesis was aided through the
efforts of many people. First, I would like to thank my advisor,
Donn L. Anderson, whose suggestions on organization and content
were very helpful in making this a rewarding learning experience.

Also, the thoughtful review of this thesis by Don
Bradley, was most helpful and appreciated for its thoroughness.
All those involved in the planning process in Meridian Charter
Township contributed in some way to my understanding of the
practical application of planning theory.

Finally, I would like to thank Trish, Laura, and Bill
who put up with the necessary isolation and my preoccupation

during the time needed for this undertaking.

11

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . ........ . . . . . . 1
I. THEORY OF POLICY PLANNING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

Definitions . . . . . . . . . . ..... . ..... 5
The Planning Process . . . . . . ..... . . . . . . ll
Historical Background . . . ..... . ....... 17

Goal Formulation and Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
The Case for Policy Planning . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Smmmy .. ... ... ... ... ... ..... . 38

II. PRACTICE OF POLICY PLANNING . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

Methods and Approaches ............. . . . 40
Content of the Plan . ..... . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Citizen Participation . . . . ..... . . . . . . . 55
Policy Planning and Politics . . . ........ . . 62
The Role of the Planner . . . . . ..... . . . . . 68
Swmmy .. ... ... ... ... ..... . ... 72

III. POLICY PLANNING IN THE CHARTER TOWNSHIP OF
MERIDIAN, INGHAM COUNTY, MICHIGAN . . . . . . . . . . 75

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... . . . . 75
Historical Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8l
Insights into the Approach . . . . . . . . . ..... 87

Content of the Plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lOO

Chapter Page

IV. A BROADER PERSPECTIVE: LESSONS FOR PLANNERS
(ANDOTHERS)..................... 102

Opportunities for Further Research . . . . . . . . . . 103
Epilogue for Meridian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
What of the Future? . . . . ..... . . . . . . . . 108

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... . . . . . 109

iv

INTRODUCTION

’6'

‘ _._..

i

E The use of policy planning in urban planning is relatively

“\_*4/,
new. Prior to 1970, the term did not exist in the index of the Journal
of the American Institute of Planners--the key source of academic
planning discussion. Prior to 1970, discussion revolved around
goals and values, subjects more general than policies. Policy
planning, however, has evolved in urban planning theory over the
past fifteen to twenty years. Goodman points out that, "the
policies plan has been advanced as the mechanism to make technical
planning, which is the process of translating policy into specific

plans and proposals, more effective."]/

The problem to be discussedhih this thesis recognizes
that there is a continuing need to reevaluate the application of
planning techniques. There also exists a continuing need to refine
planning techniques, particularly in light of the fact that planning
: is not yet a precise science. Therefore, the problem to be
addressed here will be the application of policy planning. This
will be accomplished through a review of the literature pertinent

to the topic and through a review of a specific example of the

policy planning process in action. The example to be reviewed

 

1William I. Goodman, ed., Principles and Practice of
Urban Plannin (Washington, D.C.: International City Managers'
“Association, 968), p. 335.

will be the process as it occurred in Meridian Charter Township,
Ingham County, Michigan, in l969-l970.

Meridian Township is a suburban community. Much of the
major policy planning which has occurred in the last ten years
has been done on a regional, metropolitan, or major city basis.

The sector of urbanizing or urbanized areas which has the greatest
need for policy plan is likely the suburb. Suburban areas must
daily face the onslaught of rapid development and population
mobility which can drastically change the physical, social, and
cultural environment of the communities involved.

Governments possess a wide range of tools for exercis-
ing control over the rate, direction, magnitude, and quality of
urban growth. When unaware of the policy planning concept, govern-
ments develop and use policies which are implicit in their actions
and usually unwritten. Such policies are usually understood and
respected by those persons, particularly elected officials, who
function within the political and administrative areas of local
government. The policies plan "brings such implicit policies
into the open. It assures that these policies are determined
through democratic processes. It puts these policies on record
and fixes responsibility for them on the council."2

Policy may consist of many elements. The two most

obvious aspects of policy which relate to control of urban development

 

2T. J. Kent, Jr., The Urban General Plan (San Francisco:
Chandler Publishing Company, 1964), p. 66.

 

are adopted or unadopted standards and ordinances. Standards
governing construction of sewers, buildings, water systems, and
similar facilities are policies of a kind. In a similar fashion,
zoning ordinances, which are implementation tools, are specific
interpretations of policy. The policy to be discussed in this
thesis will be of a more general nature. It will be the aspect
of planning which serves to tie together the vague values and
goals of a community with the specific, detailed devices which
are designed to bring about those goals.

The approach which will be used will first introduce
the reader to the basic theory and definitions of policy planning
and its several elements. It will discuss the process of goal
formulation and show how policy planning can aid in that process.~
The valuable uses of policies in a planning framework will be
discussed. With this information as background, the second
section of the thesis will present various aspects of the practice
of policy planning. This chapter will review methods and approaches
to policy planning, the proper content of such plans, the role of
citizen participation, the role of politics, and the role of the
planner in the practice of policy planning.

The review of the actual practice of policy planning,
specifically the development of the plan, will focus on the experi-
ence of Meridian Charter Township. The thesis will review the
historical background of planning, the technical elements of the
preparation of the plan, as well as present insights into the

political process from which the plan was derived.

Recognizing the scope of the subject, concentration will
attempt to focus on the elements of policy plan development as
seen as a total process. Undoubtedly, it may be possible for others
to elaborate on specific aspects of the process, however, that is
not the goal of this thesis. It is hoped that in the course of
this study it will be possible to identify areas where additional
study would be valuable. The paper will attempt to do that and

report in the concluding chapter.

CHAPTER I

THEORY OF POLICY PLANNING

This chapter will consist of a review of the basic con-
cepts of policy planning. It will attempt to define terms, and
describe the planning process and the role played by policy in
that process. It will review the historical development of the
policy planning concept. It is felt that a thorough review of
the methods of goal formulation will be helpful in understanding
the position of policy development in the planning process.
Finally, a case is presented for the use of policy planning which
emphasizes its values to the successful completion of the planning

process.

Definitions

There are several basic words which must be defined in
order to provide an understandable and consistent discussion
throughout the balance of this thesis. The terms which will
follow can be defined in a variety of ways, and they have been by
numerous professionals in the planning field. This review will
attempt to present the generally agreed upon meanings, as well as
any substantially different interpretations of the same word which

may appear to be significant.

As it shall be used in this thesis, the word 9921 means:
A general statement of a desired end which reflects inherent human
values.

Within the context of this definition of goals, the word
value means relative worth, utility, or importance. Goals are
generally considered the beginning point in the planning process.
They can be totally utopian and idealistic, and determined prior to
any comprehensive analysis of a system; in which case, they are
known as peremptory goals, and function as measures of choice in
the alternative testing process. In the traditional planning pro-
cess, goals are determined after a thorough analysis of facts,
problems, and trends affecting the system; these are known as
3

meliorative goals.

Goals can be viewed as they function within a system.

One goal may appear as superior to an alternative goal
when they both are measured against a higher value; however,
the alternative may appear as a better means of satisfying a
system-wide set of ends. This suggests that goals can be
compared in terms of both their intrinsic and their instru-
mental worth. Values exist in a hierarchy.

Morris Hill presents a definition of requisites which is

 

helpful in understanding the complexity of goals. Requisite is

defined as "a category of values that are not specific goals of

 

3Earl Marvin Blecher, "Goals, Values, and the Planning
Process"10 (Unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State University,
1964 p.

4Paul Davidoff and Thomas A. Reiner, "A Choice Theory of
Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXVIII
(May, l962), p. 107.

plans but enable the planner and decision-maker to set guidelines."5

Requisties aid in establishing the hierarchy among goals. Examples
of requisites include:
Feasibility: can existing fiscal, legal, political, and

and social conditions facilitate the execution of the
plan?

 

Immediacy: refers to priority to be assigned to the
execution of the planned facility, given the existing
political and social conditions.

Interdependence: refers to significant interaction

between the sector under consideration and any other
sector.

Requisites are constraints which define the system or context within
which we operate. They might be thought of as taboos. In any case,
they constitute those "higher values" of which we spoke earlier.
A clear and concise definition of 291151 is, "A policy is
a course of action adopted and pursued in attaining goals or achiev-
ing objectives."7
A second acceptable definition is suggested by Jerrold

Allaire, as "those necessary steps, put into words, that amplify

and implement broad community goals and relate them to

 

5Morris Hill, "A Goals Evaluation Matrix for Evaluating
Alternative Plans," Journal of the American Institute of Planners,
XXXIV (January, 1968), p. 22.

61bid., p. 22.

7William I. Goodman, Ed., Principles and Practice of
Urban Planning (Washington, D. C.: International City Manager's
Association, l968), p. 335.

'short-range' decisions, specific recommendations, and detailed

regulations."8

Allaire suggests that a hierarchy of problem-solving
consists of orders which move from the general to the specific.
The first order in the hierarchy is the goal, the second order
is the policy or objective, and the third order is the action

statement or standard.

The policies set the broad framework for action and form
the basis upon which more detailed development decisions are
made. They are a connective link between general goals and
specific recommendations.

A policy should be a measurable target, whose success or
failure can be evaluated in terms of actions taken in the pursuit
of goals. Policies can be designed as broad, strategic directions,
or as implementing and tactical guidelines.

Chapin describes policies as guides that governing bodies

I'develop to achieve consistency of action. In a similar vein,

Nelson states,

‘

. . .policies are normally used to alleviate the time-consuming
task of deciding upon frequently arising problems and issues;
they standardize the decision-making process for those types

of problems which do not demand special attention. Policies
thus free the decision-makers for problems which necessitate
more deliberation due to their complexity or uniqueness.

8Jerrold R. Allaire, Polic Statements: Guides to Decision-
. making (Chicago: American Society of Planning Officials, 1961), p. 5.
9Goodman, op. cit., p. 331.

10F. Stuart Chapin, Jr., "Taking Stock of Techniques for
Shaping Urban Growth," Journal of the American Institute of Planners,
XXIX (May, 1963), p. 80.

1]Stephen Craig Nelson, "The Policy Approach in Urban and
Regional Planning," (Unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State
University, 1964), p. 3.

 

The act of adopting a standard constitutes the establish-
ment of policy. An appropriate definition of standard is a criterion
established by general agreement for use as a basis of comparison in
measuring needs in relation to the attainment of some level of per-
formance. 1A standard applicable to the practice of urban planning
might consist of a particular number of acres of land per person
needed for a certain use which is determined by the community to be
an acceptable minimum level for a livable environment.

In regard to a definition of policy plan, Chapin says,

Some view these policies plans as something akin to a
statement of general principles for planning, and they are
thus formulated before plans are developed. Others consider
them to be embodied in the plans themselves, and when a plan
is officially adopted, the proposals contained in the plan
become official urban land use policies. Still a third usage
considers them to be statements of the directions in which
the urban area should move in order to achieve the objectives
of, and implement the proposals contained in, a plan. 2

For purposes of this analysis, the term policy plan is
defined as, "a set of general statements that define the direction
and character of future development and set forth actions necessary
to attain the desired development."13

Herbert Gans presents a more comprehensive definition in

his book, People and Plans. He says,

I would define goal-oriented planning as developing programs
or means to allocate limited resources in order to achieve

 

12F. Stuart Chapin, Jr., Urban Land Use Planning (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1965), p. 349.

13Goodman, op. cit., p. 331.

TO

the goals of the community (and its members) ranked in order
of priority. The crucial elements in this definition are
goals, the programs to achieve them, the consequences of
achieving these, especially cost in relation to resources,
and the criteria of ordering goals and programs in the
priority of those to be achieved first, or later, and those
to be given up.

Other definitions or explanations of policy planning in-
clude Henry Fagin's idea that a policy plan is one "which is com-
prehensive with respect to time, space, and money; and which brings
physical, social, and economic considerations into a common focus."15
Finally, Goodman suggests, "A policies plan is a statement of the
general intentions of the city and thereby serves as a guide to
day-to-day decision-making on the part of public officials, adminis-
trators, and citizens." And, "The policies plan is the statement of
the desired end, and the desired coordination will be achieved if
all agencies concerned with development will act in accordance with
the principles set forth in a policies plan."16

No thesis in the field of city, regional, or urban plan-
ning would be complete without an effort to define urban planning,
Two definitions are particularly appropriate to the philosophies of

planning contained in this thesis. First, "Urban planning is a

method to appraise, anticipate, and direct human behavior in the

 

14Herbert J. Gans, People and Plans: Essays on Urban
Problems and Solutions (New YorEE Basic Books, Inc., 1968),
pp. 79-80.

 

15Goodman, op. cit., p. 347.

15113111., pp. 331-334.

11

development of urban areas."17

Second, "The total city planning
process of which land—use planning is but one part, involves a
continuing program of deriving, organizing, and presenting a com-
prehensive plan for the development and renewal of (the city) . . .
The plans must be economically feasible, and must promote the common
good, and at the same time (must) preserve the rights and interests

of the individual."]8

The Planning Process

2’

I A typical approach to problem-solving and sometimes plan-

"19 This

ning is What Lindblom calls "disjointed-incrementalism.
basically involves making limited, short-term decisions on problems
as they occur. This is crisis planning. "Rarely do cities formulate
an overall policy framework that is capable of anticipating change
and guiding decisions toward community needs and wants."20 However,
when they do, they are doing policy planning.

The traditional approach to conducting planning which

consists of preparing background studies, analyzing community needs

 

17Frederick H. Bair, Jr., Planning Cities: Selected
Writings on Principles and Practice, Ed._by Virginia Curtis (Chicago:
American Society of Planning Officials, 1970), p. 56.

18Alan A. Altshuler, The CityiPlanning Process: A Politi-
cal Analysis (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1965),
p. 304.

19Robert T. Daland, "Public Administration and Urban Policy,‘I
in UrbangResearch and Policy Planning, Ed. Leo F. Schnore and Henry
Fagin (Beverly Hills, California: Sage Publications, 1967), p. 514.

20Goodman, op. cit., p. 335.

12

in terms of people, then converting numbers of people to acres of
land use, and applying universal standards to determine a plan has
its shortcomings. Goodman points out that such planning tends to

over-simplify the process. He says,

. . .it focuses on two-dimensional, physical plans; it is more
concerned with quantitative problems (is the park large
enough?) than with the performance of the system (are the
public's leisure needs being satisfied?); and produces a
static end product without determining how the city gets from
'here' to 'there.'21

The new direction of planning, says Goodman, is normative
planning. This is understanding the elements that describe "where

are we going" and "how do we get there." He says,

Normative planning is the activity of establishing rational
or reasonable ends. It involves determinations concerning the
objectives or ends which will guide subsequent actions. It
involves decisions concerning the scope and content of action,
decisions which must be ultimately based on an established
values system. Normative planning develops the broad, general
basis for action, whereas technical planning is concerned with
specific established purpose; and the procedures to be employed
in achieving these purposes. 2

The policies plan can justifiably be described by placing
it within the framework of the planning process. It is for this
reason that this review of that process is presented.

The generally recognized steps in the planning process
include the following:

1. Define the Problem: finding the right question,

setting objectives, determining the rules that will
limit the ultimate solution.

 

21 22

Ibid., P. 329.

Ibid., P. 330.

3.
4.

13

Policy Making: establishing general directions;

 

propositiBn, formulation, and adoption.

The Plan: is the design for action.

The Program: or schedule of action.

 

Translating these steps into "planningese" results in the following

steps in the planning process:

1.

4.

5.

Research and analysis (population, economy, land use,
etc.).

The Policies Plan (goals and objectives).

The general_plan (long-term programs--land use, trans-
portation, and’community facilities).

Short—term implementation (zoning, capital improvements
program, etc.177

Action (funding, enforcement, renewal, etc.).

Davidoff and Reiner, define planning as the process for

determining appropriate future action. They say,

The choices which thus constitute the planning process are
made at three levels: first, the selection of ends and
criteria; second, the identification of a set of alternatives
consistent with these general prescriptives, and the selection
of a desired alternative; and third, guidance of action toward
determined ends.23

In other words, the planning process has three steps: value formula-

tion, means identification, and effectuation.

Chapin expresses an explanation which might be termed

traditional.

He says:

Although there can be many variations in the way they are
grouped and presented, in general the basic elements of the

 

23Davidoff and Reiner, op. cit., p. 103.

14

study will include the following: A statement of local objec-
tives; a discussion of existing trends in the use, nonuse, and
misuse of land; a presentation of future land use requirements
including a statement of the principles to be followed and the
assumptions made; a description of each sketch land use plan
among the alternatives presented; and the identification of
proposals involved and policies implied in each. In a later
stage in the progression of planning studies in which a general
land use plan and transportation plan emerges, the content of
this type of report includes recommendations for the implemen-
tation of the plan.24

The steps in the planning process according to Chapin are, therefore:
1. Determine Objectives (goals).

2. Background Studies: analysis and determination of
community needs, assumptions.

3. Alternative Physical Plans Presented.

4. Alternatives Analyzed: implied policies explained.

While this traditional approach expresses a concern for
community goals, it bears only slight resemblance to the policy
planning process as we have and will present it. Gans defines

"goal-oriented planning" and says,

The crucial elements in this definition are oals, the ro rams
to achieve them, the consequences of achieving t ese, especiaily
cost in relation to resources, and the criteria of ordering

goals and programs in the priority of these to be achieved

first, or later, or to be given up.25 (Emphasis added by author.)

This is a definition of "normative" planning as Goodman has defined
it. This is a process of establishing rational or reasonable ends.
As can be seen there are definite contrasts in the traditional

approach and the policy-process approach to planning.

 

24Chapin, op. cit., p. 359.

25Gans, op. cit., pp. 79-80.

15

It is apparent that the theory of the planning process
is in transition throughout time. An approach to policy planning
which has evolved out of traditional planning, and this method is
probably the most commonly used among urban planners at this time.
includes the following steps:

1. Preparation of Background Studies.

2. Analysis and Synthesis of Information and Presenta-
tion of Alternatives.

3. Development of Policy Plan (goals, policies, actions).

4. Development of Comprehensive Plan (physical).

5. Implementation.

A theory of the planning process which appears to be
evolving at this time is one which rejects the notion that background
studies are necessary in order to understand community problems
prior to determination of goals. Davidoff and Reiner say that objec-

tives (goals) should be defined before research is done. They say,

Facts by themselves will not suggest what would be good or
what should be preferred. To illustrate this point, a factual
survey of housing conditions in a given area would not give
rise to a value judgment or goal in the absence of an attitude
about the way people ought to live in residential structures.26

This statement clearly illustrates the fact that planners have tradi-
tionally operated to a great extent on their intuition and have many
times made "educated—guesses." There is obviously a need to refine
the planning process and attempt to make it more scientific. If we
can define our objectives at the outset, much time might potentially

be saved which might be otherwise spent on unnecessary studies.

 

260avidoff and Reiner, op. cit., p. 111.

16

Frederick Bair says,

The first step in preparing a plan should not be immersion in
basic studies, but careful preparation of a statement of major
development objectives and policies. A great deal of planning
begins as a complex organization of detailed information with-
out much thought as to what the information is to be used for.
This accounts for many of the thick planning documents with
thin conclusions which were often obvious before the data was
compiled and analyzed at great expense.27

Planning is evolving, and properly so, in the opinion of this author,
away from an emphasis on physical plans and solutions to an emphasis
on policy and goals. Planning is seen as a process which coordinates
a series of related actions and decisions and which moves toward the
accomplishment of goals. These goals are the basis for all planning
and the planning process.

(“HIJ

\\ How does policy planning fit into the planning process?
It is the stage at which primary purposes and objectives of the
planning process are decided upon. It is the stage when directions
for action and guidelines for that action are determined. It is
broad in scope from the general to the specific, but it does not
become involved with specific land use locational recommendations.
Policy planning is the framework around which all other aspects of
the planning process must revolve. It consists of goals, and
methods to accomplish those goals. The policy plan is used as a

roadmap in the development of a physical plan, and as a guideline

for operational decision-making.

 

27Bair, op. cit., p. 19.

17

Policy planning consists of discovering alternative
choices, analyzing the consequences of each alternative, and

finally choosing the best alternative.; It is the process of goal

formulation which can be an extremely broad task.

It involves determination through research and political
methods--including citizen participation, of the goals sought
by various sectors of the population, philosophical-political
evaluation of alternatives, choice among alternatives, and
their translation into operationally feasible objectives

which can then be fed back into the political process. Con-
versely, planners who work for nongovernmental agency, private,
or special interest groups will formulate and operationalize
the goals of their clients and, of course, criticize the

goals of the particular establishments they oppose.

Generally speaking, the planning process, or any problem-
solving process for that matter, moves through three steps:
determination of goals, determination of means to accomplish those
goals, and actions using a particular means to accomplish the

desired goals.
Historical Background

Many planners currently see their profession in a state of
transition from physical planning to a new discipline of social
science combining social, economic, and physical approaches to

problem-solving. Chapin states,

At the outset, it might be observed that while goals of planning
have been at the forefront of planning thought since the early
literature on utopia, only in relatively recent times has the
identification of goals been made an integral part of the

 

28Herbert J. Gans, "The Need for Planners Trained in Policy
Formulation," in Urban Planning in Transition, by E. Erber, Ed. (New
York: Grossman, 1970), p. 224.

18

technical work of planning. This spotlighting of goals bids
well to be a characteristic of the sixties, not alone in
planning, but pervading many fields.29

Herbert Gans presents a concise history of urban planning
in the United States which provides valuable insights into the
evolution of planning and the growth in importance of and demand

for goals.

City planning grew up as a movement of upper-middle class
eastern reformers who were upset by the arrival of the European
immigrants and the squalor of their existance in urban slums
and the threat which these immigrants, and urban-industrial
society generally, represented to the social, cultural, and
political dominance the reformers had enjoyed in small-town
agrarian America. These early planners did not concern them-
selves much with explicit goals; they were a movement with
missionary fervor to developing programs calling for a change
in the physical environment, for they believed that physical
change would bring about social change.

As reform groups and businessmen gave city planning in-
creasing support, it became a profession. Its physical empha-
sis naturally attracted architects, landscape architects, and
engineers; these developing planning tools that were based to
a considerable extent on the beliefs which the movement had
accepted. Thus, they made master plans which assumed that
once land-use arrangements had been ordered "comprehensively,"
the social and economic structure of the community would also
change.

In its brief history, planning has developed from a
missionary movement to a profession based on the beliefs of
that movement, but with a strongly architectural and engineer-
ing emphasis. In terms of the approach I have outlined,
planning in its next phase would be a profession resembling
in many ways the discipline of an applied social science. An
art in formulating its special synthesis of these data.30

 

29F. Stuart Chapin, Jr., "Foundations of Urban Planning,"
In Urban Life and Form, Ed., by Werner Hirsh (New York: Holt,
Reinhart and Winston, Inc., 1963), p. 225.

30Herbert J. Gans, People and Plans: Essays on Urban
Problems and Solutions (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1968), pp.
80-82.

19

Another aspect of the historical evolution of planning is
the way in which planners functioned within the decision-making
system. Early planning seemed to perceive a division of labor
which suggested that the "long-range, general and comprehensive"
aspects of planning should be conceptually and organizationally

separated from the "daily, the detailed, and the partial."

Pursuant to the stress on this kind of separation, many
planners a generation ago justified a deliberate insulation
of their brand of planning from the daily hurly-burly of
politics, for any real responsibility for the steps from here
to there, from a recognition of fine grain determinants of
general policy, and from a close involvement and two-way
interaction with the other planners working at different
scales and in the specialized functions.31

Perhaps this was because, as Fagin puts it, "As late as the 1950's,
planners were still working predominantly by rule-of—thumb, with
mountains of assumptions backed by mole hills of solid knowledge."32
The essence of the traditional approach to planning has
been to view the city as a large design project. Planning accord-
ing to this view, "is the process of forming a picture of a future
physical pattern and developing the control measures that are

33 This planning was

needed to move the community toward the goal."
not continuous except in the sense that new specific recommendations

were made every now and then. This planning completed a

 

31Henry Fagin, "The Evolving Philosophy of Urban Planning,"
in Urban Research and Poligy Planning, Ed. by Leo F. Schnore, and
Henry Fagin (Beverly Hills, California: Sage Publications, 1967),
pp. 316-317.

32Ibid., p. 324.

33Goodman, op. cit., p. 328.

20

decision-making process rather than beginning it. The traditional
urbanist approach still lingers on in the federal "701" urban plan-
ning assistance program.

Martin Meyerson, in 1956, spoke to the issue of needed
changes in the concept and practice of planning. He pointed out
in an article titled "Building the Middle Range Bridge for Compre-
hensive Planning" that the scope of planning was expanding and was
beginning to be exposed to new concepts. He said, there are new
functions and responsibilities which, if not performed by planners,
will be performed by someone else. He suggested the following
functions of the planner:

1. Central Intelligence Function

2. Pulse—Taking Function

3. Policy Clarification Function

4. Detailed Development Plan Function

5. Feed-Back Review Function-~"a role which brings plan-
ning and policy closer together."3

Meyerson in particular points out the conflicting values in society,
and the resultant competition which results. He suggests that while
competition is expressed and settled through politics, planning can

play a role in the development and analysis of alternative policies.
The predictions made in Meyerson's article have come true, and plan-
ning has at least begun the transition out of its historical role

of urban designer.

 

34Martin Meyerson, "Building the Middle Range Bridge for
Comprehensive Planning," Journal of the American Institute of
Planners, XXII (March, 1956), p. 60.

21

The evolving thought is that,

. .while the planner in our particular area of community
development is properly concerned with physical programs, the
physical plan must on the one hand be the reflection of per-
tinent social, fiscal, and economic policy and, on the other

1 hand, must be an interacting influence in the making of social,
fiscal, and economic plans. 5

‘ ('Undoubtedly the evolution of the mass media of communica-
tions in this country has done much to change the attitudes and
awareness of people. People have become more aware of the social
costs of projects "that disrupted neighborhoods, uprooted families
and long-standing businesses, destroyed treasured views of favorite

buildings and harbors and hills."36

In fact, people have become as
concerned about the gain or loss of intangible values as they had
been about the potentially positive or negative economic impact of
development. Meyerson had called for improvements in the planning
process because he felt it had failed "to translate the remote goal-
oriented master plan into meaningful and operative goal-action
statements for decision-making within and without the government."37
As planners began to realize that the problems of society
were becoming more complex, they could see the growing importance
and need for nonphysical and program planning techniques of coordina-

tion. As a result, the scope of planning has expanded significantly

 

35Frederick T. Aschman, "The Policy Plan in the Planning
Program," PLANNING 1963 (Chicago: American Society of Planning
Officials, 1963), p. 110.

 

36Fagin, op. cit., p. 328.

37Meyerson, op. cit., p. 61.

22

in recent years. As Fagin puts it,

There is room in the philosophy of planning for elements
of urban life best handled by sponteneity, others by the com-
petitive market, others by a pricing mechanism used more exten-
sively for governmental services, and still others by non-
governmental voluntary cooperative action.38

The beginnings of a recognition that the refinement of
planning to a science is necessary if it is to be an effective

process were expressed by Lichfield in 1960, when he said,

. . .because planning is so subjective it is difficult to be
rational in the process, that is, to move by reason toward

the optimum in attainment of goals. To assist in this it is
necessary, as has been recognized [by Meyerson], to analyze

the implications (consequences) of plans, policies, or actions,
and of alternatives. Since goals cannot be reached without

the use of resources, the analysis should bring out the impli-
cations in benefits (services) that would accrue to the
community and the cost (resources) at which they would be
bought.3

It must not be overlooked, however, that Lichfield, like many planners
today, was attempting to apply economic values to intangible and sub-
jective artifacts and states—of-being.

It has been pointed out that in the past, projections of
trends were accepted as expressions of "anticipated change" and thus,
have been used as though they were established community policies

40

regarding growth. This situation is possibly a reason for the

 

38Fagin, op. cit., p. 319.

39Nathaniel Lichfield, "Cost-Benefit Analysis in City Plan-
ning," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXVI (November,
1960), p. 273.

40Warren Kahle, "Planning Techniques Related to Urban
Growth and their Municipal Policy Implications" (Unpublished Master's
thesis, Michigan State University, 1966), p. 98.

23

insistence by some planners that the formulation of goals come
before the conducting of background studies.

While traditional planning had its beneficial points,
contemporary planning must be practiced in a completely different
political and social environment. This will require restructuring
of government responsibilities. "Thus, the scope of planning

becomes coterminus with the scope of governmental program develop-

ment."41

We would be remiss not to notice the motivation for the
change in planning and development organization in the politi-
cal sense. Where reorganization has occurred, in most cases
it has not been the municipal executive, typically the strong
mayor. It is because urban politics have become development
politics that urban planning goals hava changed, and in their
turn, organization for urban planning. 2

‘\

Tin the past many Planning programs have ignored DOquy

——_\

\‘ .--

r ..- ..-

planning. It was not because the theoretical need to define objec-
tives was not recognized. Rather, the planning practitioners and
their employerslthe public bodies)were unable to resolve the various
differences of groups and individuals in defining the public interest.
And, through such definition establish a set of operational community
goals. Policy planning must be an on-going process. Refinement and
adjustments must be constantly made if policy is to be effectivei;f

Some of the issues noted by Goodman, which once resolved will signal

the end of the present transitional process in planning are:

 

4lFagin, op. cit., p. 315.

4zDaland, op. cit., p. 518.

24

1. How to encourage citizen interest in the shape of the
community 10 to 20 years in the future?
2. What role does the planner play in defining goals?

3. How can conflicts between competing interest groups
be resolved?

4. Is it possible for a community to move beyond a local
legislator's concept of the public interest?

5. Can it be assumed that legislators will make decisions
that contribute to the accomplishment of long-range
objectives, even when the decisions are in conflict
with more immediate demands?

6. Is it possible to define development objectives and

once they have been defined can they be applied in a
meaningful way?43

Traditional methods in planning have reflected the client-
architect relationship to a great extent; they have been oriented
to a single-purpose, single-site type solution. This is in sharp
contrast to more recent thinking concerning the need for true compre-
hensiveness in planning policy development. Most issues concerning
a particular goal can now be analyzed (to some extent) through the
use of computer programs and matrix algebra.

Every action throughout the system with which the planner
is working, and with which he is trying to bring about certain
actions or changes, has a reaction somewhere else within the system.
The successful planner today must have a thorough understanding of
all elements of the system and their relationships to each other.
The policy which will stand the severest tests, therefore, is that

which is totally comprehensive.

 

43Goodman, op. cit., p. 327.

25

If we can assume that the transition to a new style of
policy planning is well along, what does the immediate future hold

in store? Alan Kravitz offers some interesting thoughts:

As we enter into the late sixties, we must enter into a
post-advocacy age. The challenge is no longer what to plan
or whom to plan for. The vital question has become who should
plan and how should they go about it. It has ceased to be a
matter of planning as programming or the selection of detailed
courses of action. It is now a matter of control, a question
of who should control the future.

For me it is clear: all men must share equally in
authority over the future. Thus, the question has become one
of how can all men gain the authority or power to participate
equally in the planning of the future?

Planners have failed to include goals and values within
the scope of their rationalistic planning. They neglect the
normative side of planning, the establishment of goals and
values, the making of social choices. They have retreated
into the myth of public interest when no process exists in
the society for the democratic establishment of structuring
of goals and values. If you infer from this statement that
I do not accept the results of political activity as "democra-
tic" you do so correctly.

American planning is the child of a political tradition
that includes reformism, liberalism, and representative demo-
cracy, and of an intellectual tradition that extends from
pragmatism through operationalism and behavioralism. These
have a place in a utopia where all the issues of equity, all
the questions of value, have been resolved, where a process
for resolution of the "public interest" exists. The gross
inequalities, the injustices, and the lack of effective demo-
cratic processes demand that we go beyond "advocacy and plural-
ism" to participation. This is our challenge. If we wish to
take our option, if we want to avoid violent revolution, we
must succeed in this radicalization.

 

44A1an s. Kravitz, "Advocacy and Beyond," PLANNING 1968
(Chicago: American Society of Planning Officials, 1968), p. 42.

 

26

Goal Formulation and Policy

Determination of goals in the decision-making process is
essentially an effort to conceptualize the values and goals of a
community. It is the action taken by citizens, planners, and
politicians to identify, examine, or promote specific ideas, values,
or beliefs. In urban policy development, the formulation of goals
generally encompasses human, economic, governmental, and physical
policies. Inherent in these categories are such elements as environ-
ment, transportation, housing, and other specific urban development
and management concerns.

The objectives of traditional planning, which continue as
basic to the planning philosophies of today include such abstract
goals as convenience, order, efficiency, economy, and beauty. This
thesis has defined goal as a general statement of a desired end
which reflects inherent human values. The definition of requisites
as guidelines which aid in determining goals can be clearly seen
as applying those values of the establishment within which planners
are functioning. While requisites are generally not "inherent human
values" they do represent the value structure of the participants in
the planning process. Requisites are constraints, often more well
defined than are basic values, which define the system or context
within which planners operate.

"Values may be expressed as moral statements, or as state-

ments of preference, of criteria, or of ends--more particularly

27

45 Davidoff and Reiner provide some helpful formulations of

goals."
these types of value statements:
Moral Statement: X ought to be Y
Statement of Preference: X is preferred to Y
Statements of Ends or Goals: X is the end state sought

Statements of Criteria: When confronted with a choice
between X and Y, apply rule M.

Precise values are difficult to define and therefore to
comprehend. Since the decision makers cannot generally verify their
interpretations of values, sometimes known as the public interest,
their goal should be to increase assurance that the choice was at
least reasonable, or more reasonable than an alternative. Some
methods of identifying values, often used by planners include:
market analyses, public opinion polls, anthropological surveys,
public hearings, interviews with informed leaders, newspaper and
press content analyses, studies of current and past laws, studies
of current and past administrative behavior, and studies of current
and past budgets.

iPolicy planning and goal formulation are essential if we
are to avoid the incremental or competitive approach to problem
solving. If, through the development of policy;decision makers
are able to get a few steps ahead of the crises which are continually
presenting themselves, decision making and planning will become far

‘more orderly and coherent. (Problem solving is generally carried out
.1 " “

_L_

45Davidoff and Reiner, op. cit., p. 107.

28

in two ways. The decision makers can carry out, "a pervasive war
of coordinating a great multiplicity of interacting things," or
they can compromise through the political process, which has its
limitations. However, "we are capable occasionally of an act of
intuition, in which we conceive a new way of putting things together
that solves simultaneously." There are obviously many viable alter-
natives not just one "right" answer. "Policy is arrived at success-
fully by the refinement of several generations of alternatives, each
new set base: on further knowledge than was available earlier."46
1LN6rmative planning is generally done by elected officials
and their appointed administrators. Goodman seems to suggest that
the policies planning process has more to offer than the conven-

tional planning process because it offers a time for deeper citizen

input into the decision-making process by allowing public debate of

the means to the ends.\pPplicy planning is made for today's
"activist" citizens who, in contrast to the citizens of a few years

ago, actually want to participate in the public debate of govern-

mental decision making: (

f";

The development of general goals should result from the
interaction of three groups: 1) the public and its voluntary
organizations, 2) government as expressed by the elected repre-
sentatives, and 3) techajcal aides and consultants who staff
urban planning offices.

Goals will invariably reflect the values of their makers.

 

46
47

Fagin, op. cit., p. 324.
Goodman, op. cit., p. 330.

29

In a bureaucratic system every agency and individual has
his own interpretation of the goal and movement toward goals can
easily vary "off course" from what was originally intended by the

decision makers.

Programmatic means are general and in their application to
specific areas or individuals may cause injustice. A whole
program may be jeopardized where such injustice is sufficiently
grave. Variance procedures, for example, represent explicit
recognition of the need to apply equity in certain specific
cigcumgtances, yet variances may cumulatively thwart program

en 5.

‘It is obvious that decision outcomes reflect the values,
goals, and interests of those individuals or groups who possess the
most resources, occupy a favorable position in the decision-making
structure, are the most capable at negotiating decision outcomes,
and have the capacity for developing the best tactics and methods
. of influencing behavior. It is for this reason, as Bolan points
out, that "an appointed body whose accountability is somewhat
obscure is more prone to action than an elected body whose mandate

is continually challenged at the pens."49

Public officials aware of the interest of their constituents
and recognizing the potential impact of major development
decisions, can 80 longer permit planning to exist outside
their purview.5

 

48

49Richard S. Bolan, "Community Decision Behavior: The
Culture of Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Planners,
35 (September, 1969), p. 305.

50

Davidoff and Reiner, op. cit., p. 113.

Goodman, op. cit., p. 333.

30

The planning commissioner or the planner must remember the sources

of authority which.are needed to establish policy in specific areas.

If he views the planning process as something larger than his
own contribution, then the problem is complicated for he must
then require higher goals which he has no authority to set,
goals which will pgpvide the purpose for his land use and
Circulation plans.

The point which the author is attempting to make is that
policy conflicts are settled through negotiation and political bar-
gaining. Eventually, urban policies evolve from compromises among
groups with the necessary power and energy to persuade other par-
ticipants in the policy-making process of the desirability of a
particular course of action.

The increased public involvement in planning points up
the existence of a variety of life styles and value systems in
society today. Note particular variations among differing social
and economic groups. The obvious factors influencing value systems
are race, income, occupation, political affiliation, present life
style (urban, suburban, rural), education, and age.

II; addition, there are special interest groups with vary-
ing values and goals concerning the development processEZZThe
development decisions which must be influenced in order to affect

the process are unique to each group and its perceived goals in the

process, "the household by basic needs and preferences, the

 

5'lRobert C. Young, "Goals and Goal Setting," Journal of
the American Institute of Planners, XXXII (March, 1966), p. 84.

31

developer-entrepreneur by the profit motive, the predevelopment
landowner by a mixture of pecuniary and personal motives."52
Both Davidoff and Fagin, in particular, have called for
greater citizen involvement in the planning process itself. While
Davidoff's ideas on advocacy and pluralism are well known, Fagin
says, "Intelligent choice about public policy would be aided if
different political, social, and economic interests produced city
plans. Plural plans rather than single agency plans should be
presented to the public," politicising the planning process.53
Altshuler gives the planners a bit more responsibility
when he states that the planners will be able to develop truly
comprehensive plans if they "understand every important goal of
each of society's members." Obviously a monumental, if not impos-
sible task. It is usually difficult to get these, often informal,

groups to surface without a crisis affecting them immediately at

hand. Altshuler also points out,

. . .the abstract discussion of goals could seldom seem suf-
ficiently immediate to spur them to organize and choose repre-
sentatives. Even if the planners [in his case study] had been
able to handle all the complexity of life, they would not have
found laymen willing or able to evaluate their work.5

 

52Goodman, op. cit., p. 331.

53Fagin, op. cit., p. 328.

54Alan A. Altshuler, "The Goals of Comprehensive Planning,
Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXI (August, 1965),
pp. 189-190.

32

In any case,

. .it is necessary to decide whose goals are to be implemented,
whose are to be set aside, and, where possible, whether con-
flicting goals can be combined in some way so that as many as
possible are achieved. More often, however, conflicting goals
force the community and its decision-makers to choices which
will aid one interest at the expense of another.

The goals adopted for a community must win support through
the democratic political process. They cannot be goals of only the
planners and not the people. If planners are to be successful in
determining goals, or at least generating alternatives, they must
develop methods of evaluating the goals and plans of all individuals
and groups in society. It can be assumed that these groups and
individuals will be developing plans either through advocacy or
the opening up of the decision-making process to plural plans. In
that process the planner, as a partner of the decision maker, must

be the arbitrator of plural plans.

The market and political bargaining processes depend on
the assumptions that only individuals have goals, that these
normally conflict, and that the mysteries of bargaining yield
the best results possible for men. The planner cannot rely
on a hypothetical invisible hand; he must validate his claim
to arbitrate, whereas the bargainer must only validate his
claim to negotiate. Planners cannot claim to arbitrate on the
basis of their own views of the public interest. If there are
important conflicts of interest in a society that cannot be
resolved to the advantage of all parties, then planners require
the guidance of a strong political arbitrator.5

 

55Gans, op. cit., p. 81.

56Alan A. Altshuler, The City PlanningyProcess: A Politi-
cal Analysis (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1965),
pp. 314-15.

33

Since choice permeates the whole planning sequence, a
clear notion of the ways in which choices are made, and of
the ends pursued, must lie at the heart of the planner's
task.57Explication of all such determinants reduces arbitrari-
ness.

Robert Young suggests that the steps in the establishment
of goals should consist of:

1. Establishment of the Perimeter of Concern: How will
action affect which sectors of the community?

 

2. Establishment of the Range of Choice: Choosing from
the infinite number of possible goals those which are
most satisfactory.

3. Examination of the Relationships of Goals: To arrive
at the best set of goals, understanding relationships
is necessary.

 

4. Relative Evaluation of Goals or Sets of Goals: Atti-
tude surveys; assigning relative values to goals.58

In addition, Davidoff and Reiner suggest that, "the final product
of the value formulation stage of planning should be alternative

sets of objectively measurable goals and criteria."59

This process
prevents arbitrariness, it helps to recognize whether ends are
achievable, and in some cases, it is necessary to break down goals
into objectively measurable ends in order to give precise directions
to the implementors.

T. J. Kent adds that, during the plan evaluation stage of

the decision-making process, the governing body

 

57Davidoff and Reiner, op. cit., p. 103.

58Young, op. cit., pp. 82-84.

59Davidoff and Reiner, op. cit., p. 111.

34

. . .should study the proposed plan thoroughly, devote work
sessions to it, and conduct formal hearings on it. During

this period the proposed plan should be distributed to the

citizens and to all private, civic and governmental groups

and agencies active in community affairs.6

It must be remembered that values are personal. Institu-
tions do not hold values. Suggestions that "the township" or some
other governmental jurisdiction entity believes this or that cannot
be either proved or disproved. Neither can a group "interest" be
defined since individuals within the group may belong to other
groups having conflicting values with the first. If the "interest"
of a group is identified, it may frequently represent a majority

view of only the individuals in that group.

It has recently become fashionable for some politicians
to conduct well-publicised quests for consensual, nonopera-
tional general goals. It is a rare politician indeed, how-
ever, who leads his constgtuents in formulating positive
operational social goals.

The Case for Policy Planning

. _,

”741%;The practical advantages of policy planning are many.
As has been noted, many policies employed by communities are un-
written "rules-of-thumb" or generally applied standards or precedents.
Similar to the development of case law, accepted policies can evolve
into positions of great respect and wide acceptance. The essential

value of policy planning is the act of conducting that planning

 

60T. J. Kent, Jr., The\Urban General Plan (San Francisco:
Chandler Publishing Co., 1964), p1 68.

6‘Aitshuier, op. cit., p. 322.

35

itself. The mere fact of taking time to put policy down into words
gives decision makers an opportunity to think about those rules
upon which their decisions are based. They are aids to rationale
thinking.

Policies have other values as well. A few basic quali-
ties and values have been expressed by several writers in the
planning field quite consistently. These characteristics of policy
planning are presented in an attempt to show the great value and
useful qualities of these planning tools.

As an aid toppublic understandingpand participation,
policy plans clearly expose the issues surrounding the achievement
of proposed community goals or programs. The general pattern of
citizen involvement is for interest to focus on one current issue
for a short time, and then on another, and so on. The presentation
of the policy plan affords citizens to view all local policy issues
in context with each other, as well as, in context with the pressing
issues of the moment. As Goodman puts it, "Policies planning enables
the public to see the relationship between the general and the
specific."62

Policy planning provides consistency_in the planning and

 

decision-making process. Arbitrary decision making is minimized
through the adoption of clear policies. In addition, careful
review of a comprehensive set of policies should eliminate incon-

sistencies or conflicting goals. Consistency implies stability in

 

62Goodman, op. cit., p. 333.

36

the decision-making process which enhances the credibility of the
process itself. Physical changes in the environment which require
reevaluation of traditional physical plans need not render the
policy plan obsolete. An error in a population projection, for
example, will not normally affect the basic principles or relation-

ships which are established in the policy plan. Nelson says,

Policies provide a useful tool for making planning a
continuous decision process. They set a framework within
which continuity and efficiency can be increased over longer
periods of time and development.

The third advantage of policy planning is efficiency.
When a growing community is frequently confronted with problems of
a recurrent nature, clearly stated policies may reduce the amount
of time spent by decision makers on similar issues. Policies
standardize the decision-making process to some extent, and thus
free decision makers to deal with problems requiring more thought
due to their complexity or uniqueness. Robert Bolan reviews this

point with an illustration of how policies function. He says,

The ideological content of a proposal for change will
influence the decision outcome. If there is little conflict
over basic values implicit in a proposal, then it is hypothe-
sized that there will be a greater tendency toward positive
action. However, should a proposal seriously conflict with
widelg4held values, then there will be a tendency for rejec-
tion.

As we have noted earlier, the role of the planner in

government is, and has, changed in recent years. While once a pure

 

63Nelson, op. cit., p. 4.

64Bolan, op. cit., p. 307.

37

technician, the planner must now function to coordinate a variety
of administrative entities. A further value of policy planning is,

therefore, coordination. The policy plan creates a single frame-

 

work within which all governmental departments and agencies may
act in concert on development proposals. Planners are increasingly
involved in interdisciplinary decision making in which consistent
policies are invaluable.

As a guide to decision making and review, the policy plan
"can be useful as a guide to legislative bodies responsible for
adopting land use controls, and to the courts which must judge the
reasonableness of the legislation and the fairness of its administra-
tion."65 Policy planning provides the elected official with an
opportunity to provide direction to the administration of programs
which often evolve into policies by themselves.

Aschman suggests that the policy plan lends itself to the

 

review process more readily than the conventional plan. He points
out that it "can periodically or even continuously be subjected to
legislative discussion and public reexamination."66

The importance of public policy in the development process
cannot be overlooked. Development decisions are made in the context

of basically two factors which are socio-economic and public policy,

according to Edward Kaiser and Shirley Weiss.67 Property
65

 

Goodman, op. cit., p. 332.

66Aschman, op. cit., p. 110.

67Edward J. Kaiser and Shirley F. Weiss, "Public Policy and
the Residential Development Process," Journal of the American Insti-
tpte of Planners, 36 (January, 1970), p. 32.

38

characteristics are determined to be physical (topography, soils,
etc.), locational (accessibility to employment, etc.), and insti-
tutional (zoning, etc.). The development process is dynamic;
property characteristics can change throughout the development
process. The influence of public policy on private decision
making is profound, even though policy influence is often indirect.
For example, the quality of a neighborhood depends to a great
extent on how that neighborhood developed, and will develop in the
future. Therefore, public policy in the areas of land use and
design are vitally important to the long-term character of a

community.

Summar

Chapter one has presented a review of the basic concepts
of policy planning and the theory of policy planning and decision
making. Policy moves from the general to the specific, and must
be understood within a context of values, goals, and policy. Policy
is a course of action adopted and pursued in attaining goals or
achieving objectives.

Traditional planning is gradually giving way to normative
planning or policy-oriented planning. The policy-planning process
has three steps: Value formulation, Means identification, and
Effectuation. An evolving theory of planning holds that background
studies are not necessary prior to determining goals. Planning is
moving away from an emphasis on physical plans and solutions to an

emphasis on policy and goals. Historically, goals have received

39

attention, but only recently has any amount of emphasis been placed
on their use. The essence of the traditional approach to planning
has been to view the city as a large design project. Meyerson was
one of the early planners to see an expanding role of planning into
politics and policy.

Policy planning plays a major role in the process of goal
formulation. Precise values are difficult to define and, therefore,
comprehend. Goals will invariably reflect the values of their
makers. Goals are formulated through negotiation and the political
process.

The values of policy planning can be expressed in several
ways. These include: (1) As an aid to clear thinking, (2) as an
aid to public understanding and participation, (3) for consistency,
(4) for efficiency, (5) to improve coordination, and (6) as a guide

to decision making and review.

CHAPTER II
PRACTICE OF POLICY PLANNING

This chapter will consist of a review of the ways in
which policy planning is applied in the developmental decision-
making process. It will review the application of policy planning
and the basic approaches used. It will present ideas concerning
the proper content of the policy plan. The role of citizen involve-
ment in the planning process, particularly as it may relate to
policy will be discussed. Carrying the concept of citizen partici-
pation one step further, a review of the effect of politics on the
policy planning process is valuable to a thorough understanding of
the concept. Finally, a review of the role of the planner in the

practice of policy planning will be conducted.
Methods and Approaches

Basic to an understanding of the approaches to policy
development is the realization that different people have different
ideas about what policy planning should be or should accomplish.
Most policy planners generally agree that the objective of policy
planning is to bring diverse goals, values, and policies together
in some sort of framework in which conflicts can be resolved, and

new policies can be developed as necessary.

40

41

Goodman presents three methods or ideas as to how a
policy plan should function. He suggest: (l) as a replacement
for the general plan, (2) as a technique for guiding urban develop-
ment, and (3) as a method of expanding the scope and authority of
planning.68

This thesis has reviewed in earlier sections the differ-

ences in traditional planning and policy planning. As Bolan expresses
it,

It is hypothesized that planning which deals with the
immediate, focuses on means, and deals only with highly selec-
tive and narrowiystrategic:information is more likely to guide
or direct action than planning which looks to a long-term

horizon, is goal-oriented, and focuses on comprehensive and
complex systems of information.69

It may be recognized that the present state of the art of policy
planning leads one to the same conclusion as Bolan. However, this
present weakness of the approach should not lead us to abandon it
but rather to strengthen it. The success of the ways in which
policy planning is applied will be the key to refinement of the
process.

The most apparent level at which the transition between
traditional planning methods and policy planning is occurring is

\the political process. Herbert Gans comments,

I suspect that political decision makers may already use
an approach similar to the one I am suggesting. What one
might call their 'political benefit-cost accounting' is not

 

68Goodman, op. cit., p. 339.

69Bolan, op. cit., p. 306.

42

altogether different from goal-oriented planning, even though
politicians make their decisions without explicitly formulat-
ing goals, determining what programs will best achieve their
goals, or measuring the benefits and costs of alternative
programs.

This statement depicts what Gans believes should be incorporated
into the policy plan. In addition, there is an example, though
perhaps a crude one, of how policy is derived, and by implication,
how formalizing the process through planning could aid in the
decision-making process. Whether or not policy planning can be
refined to accomplish this goal is unknown. This uncertainty is
particularly acute if Rondinelli's premise is accepted that,
"Policy making is an inherently political rather than a delibera-
tive process."71
The attitudes of the constituents of the planning process

often shape policy to an extent which prevents consideration of a

full range of alternatives. For example, as Bair cautions,

It is only fair to warn you that there will be vigorous and
often vicious opposition to anything proposed for the suburban
residential environment which involves any kind of housing but
single-family getached residences on large lots in conventional
subdivisions.7

In general, the power structure of suburbia is embracing the status

quo.

 

70Gans, op. cit., p. 83.

7lDennis A. Rondinelli, "Urban Planning as Policy Analysis:

Management of Urban Change," Journal of the American Institute of
Planners, 39 (January, 1973), p. 13.

728air, op. cit., p. 10.

43

Rafsky and others have suggested that the best approach
to policy planning is based upon the development of alternative
choices. "The presentation of the planning program to the consumer
should be done by posing of alternative strategies which clearly in-
dicate the consequences of following a particular line of action

toward a stated goal."73

Therefore, a structure emerges which
moves from the general to the specific, from goals to lines of
action.

On the other extreme, an approach more closely allied
with the traditional concepts of planning, is suggested by Charles
Harr: "The plan should state the goals-~the desirable maximum
density of people per acre; the question of how to arrange them

should be left to the implementing regulation."74

Policy planning
does not get involved with implementation specifically. However,
through the lines of action, the steps in implementing policy are
carefully structured.

Policy planning is, as stated earlier, in a state of

transition.

Whenever a problem or an opportunity arises, planners
today tend to look for the best combination of decision by
competition and decision by policy--of spontaneous and rela-
tively free bargaiping and of coordinative, structure-
imposing planning. 5

 

73William A. Rafsky, "Checkpoints for Evaluating the
Planning Program," Planning 1969 (Chicago: American Society of
Planning Officials, 1969), p. 79.

74Goodman, op. cit., p. 341.

75Fagin, op. cit., p. 321.

44

Planners must be conscious of political realities. This idea will
be discussed later.

In the development process which planning and planning
policy are called to affect, "it is the moving and investment
decisions by individuals and organizations that must be influenced
if public actions and policies are to effect changes in the urban
spatial structure."76 This goal is basic to what urban planning
policy should seek to accomplish. This is consistent with the
land use traditions of planning.

Discussed earlier in this paper were ideas concerning
what policy consists of in a range from values to actual mapping
of desired future conditions. Policy planning seems to emphasize

the values end of the scale. However, as Loeks notes,

We have failed to come clean on our view of the future, that
is between the futuristic or utopian view on the one hand and
the incremental or pragmatic on the other. Both are needed,
one to loosen our minds and set broad directions, the other
to determine immediately how to get from here to there. How-
ever, because we have not come clean on this, people view us
as being in an ivory tower, but locked in its basement. It is
too bad because the practice of good planning is enlightened
pragmatism in its best sense. We needn't be apologetic or
defensive about the ivory tower hangup.

Policy is developed and implemented through a highly com-
plex structure of public and private groups and individuals, in

which there is both formal and informal delegation of responsibility

 

76

77C. David Loeks, "Underlying Causes of the Reconcilia-
tion Problem," Planning_l968 (Chicago: American Society of Plan-
ning Officials, T968), p. 54.

Kaiser and Weiss, op. cit., p. 37.

45

and power. The number of possible alternative solutions or poli-
cies is infinite. Acceptable alternatives are derived through the
application of requisites in the political process. While tradi-
tional planning suggests a systematic approach to the analysis of

alternatives in order to make intelligent choices,

. .in reality, the choice of alternative means is dictated
by the possibilities evolving from political interaction
rather than from deliberative, a priori design and analysis.
Alternatives are gradually invented out of compromises among
participants with different perceptions of the problem,
interests, and criteria.78

Rondinelli presents a list of the processes of policy-
making interaction. It includes, (1) tacit coordination and adap-
tive adjustment, (2) obtaining mutual consent, (3) reciprocal
exchange, (4) bargaining and negotiation, (5) intermediation, (6)
incentive and inducement, and (7) cooptation and coalition-building.
These terms describe facets of the policy-development process and
are methods through which policy can be derived.79

Policy which is developed by an appointed body, such as‘a
planning commission, whose accountability is somewhat obscure is
more likely to consist of bold and specific lines of action than is
that of an elected body whose mandate is periodically challenged at
the polls. However, the likelihood of the adoption of policy which

will be implemented is vastly increased when it is derived through

the political process.

 

78Rondinelli, op. cit., p. 17.

791bid., p. 20.

46

Chapin places great responsibility on the shoulders of

the planner to affect the decision-making process when he says,

Clearly the effectiveness of policies as a means for shaping
urban growth is dependent on whether such a framework be-
comes a recognized basis of coordinated action by all levels
of gogernment in policy decisions related to urban develop-
ment.

The effectiveness of policy planning is, as has been
suggested, a political question. The desire of planners to open
up the process and invite citizen participation reflects the grow-
ing awareness of planners that politics is participatory democracy
in our society. Planning should be designed to reflect the values
of the many, not only the values of those in power. The value of
the planner is coordinative in the policy-making process. Planners

must recognize that

. .Each participant in policy formulation and implementation
has limited evaluation capacity. Policy planning is done
under conditions of uncertainty, risk, incomplete information,
and partial ignorance of the situation in which problems
evolve, the resources of interested groups, and the effec-
tiveness of proposed solutions.81

The structure of government is critically important to the

effectiveness of policy planning.

A highly competent and stable bureaucracy is more likely to
produce positive influences on decision outcomes than those
environments where bureaucracy is lacking or is relatively

 

80F. Stuart Chapin, Jr., "Taking Stock of Techniques for
Shaping Urban Growth," Journal of the American Institute of Planners,
XXIX (May, 1963), p. 81.

81Rondinelli, op. cit., p. 18.

47

incompetent. A corollary hypothesis would be a structure with
a highly articulated and respected hierarchy is more likely 50
produce positive action than a structure with no hierarchy.8

In a similar light, the character of the community can
strongly influence the effectiveness of policy. "A populace rela-
tively free of long-standing traditions is more prone to action than
a mature, settled, and tradition-laden community."83

The formats of policy plans reflect the philosophies of
the planners who created them. As has been noted, several variations
have been used. A brief review of these approaches can be of some
value.

The policy plan prepared by Dade County, Florida, is
traditional in approach. It first presents background information
containing basic facts and trends. It then presents several "key
objectives" which, according to our definition, constitute goals.
These are followed by five basic policies of a vague and general
character. Alternative plans are presented; however , they are
graphically portrayed and constitute only degrees of the same alter-
native, sprawl.

The Howard County, Maryland, policy plan is certainly a
technician's idea of planning policy. It simply states the generally

accepted standards for planning urban development and terms them

 

82Bolan, op. cit., p. 305.

83Ibid., p. 305.

48

policies. This thesis makes a distinction between standards and
policy in definitions.

The report, Selecting_Policies for Metropolitan Growth,
prepared for the Minneapolis area, provides concise, written alter—
native development policies for evaluation by the public. In the

introduction to the report, they state,

The Metropolitan Development Guide will include similar maps
and sketches, but as an illustration of development goals
rather than prescriptions. The prescriptions come in the
policies designed to pursue the development goals and thg
recommended programs designed to carry out the policies. 4

The Comppehensive Plan of Chicago pays lip service to
policies and goals; however, it is basically a graphic plan
accompanied by some descriptive text.

The policies developed by the National Capital Planning
Commission for Washington, D.C. are organized into two areas. First,
following an introduction of problems, potentials, and trends, and
general goals, policies for specific areas of concern are presented.
These policies are termed "basic" and "specific" and are for such
things as: residential areas, recreation, and institutions.
Secondly, the plan presents policies for specific, geographically
defined planning districts. Generally speaking, however, the
policies are again descriptions of graphic plans which are presented

in the report.

 

84The Joint Program: An Inter-Agency Land Use-Transportation
Planning Program for the Twin Cities Metropolitan Area, Selecting
Policies for Metropolitan Growth (Minneapolis: The Joint rogram,
1967), p. 10.

49

The Plan prepared for Santa Ana, California, has one of
the better organizational schemes of plans which we reviewed. Issues
and impacts are first reviewed. Next, ten basic "policies" are
presented, each followed with additional information concerning
background and rationale for proposing the goals. The goals are
presented by area of concern, not geography, and are followed by
"Programs" which are designed to implement the goals. The final
section of the report entitled "Recommended Actions and Next Steps"
is directed at specific governments and agencies and suggests
actions which must be taken by these groups in order to implement
the plan. Since this plan, prepared in 1971, is the most recent
of those plans reviewed, this suggests that perhaps the art of
policy planning is evolving and becoming refined, at least by way
of technical presentation.

Finally, the policies plan prepared for the Central
Connecticut Planning Region is organized in a most effective manner.
The plan first presents a basic goal for all planning, and then
several sub-goals organized by "functional" areas. The planners
who prepared the plan have devised a standard form for presentation
of each policy. The form includes such information as: a policy
name, the statement of the policy, a code which relates the policy
to functional area (it may affect more than one) and to ”component"
areas, which include‘management, financial, human, and physical, a
priority, and schedules time of action on the policy, and, the
geographic area affected as well as the specific organization(s) to

take action. This approach is an exceptionally coherent method

50

which constitutes a major step in refinement of a method in the
field of policy planning. The balance of the report utilizes the
above-described information in such a manner that each concerned
agency can plot their progress toward implementation of policy
and can, most likely, evaluate the reasons for failure of the
policy far more easily than can those using a more traditional
format.

This section on methods and approaches has attempted to
illustrate that policy problems are complex, and the action of
policy planning must be designed to reflect that complexity if it
is to be effective. There are a wide variety of approaches to
policy planning. Systematic evaluation of policy is complicated
by the difficulty in determining real policy output. Policy formu-

lation is a political process in which planners can play a role.
Content of the Plan

Henry Fagin's definition of policy planning is an appro-
priate one with which to introduce a discussion of the content of
the policy plan. Fagin says that a policy plan is "comprehensive
with respect to time, space, and money; and . . . brings physical,

85 This

social, and economic considerations into common focus."
definition encompasses most elements of community with which the
planner might possibly be concerned. If read liberally, it can be

taken to include anything. This definition is appropriate to our

 

85Goodman, op. cit., p. 347.

51

needs, since it seems that planners do like to include almost any-
thing in the preparation of a policy plan.

The policy plan is generally composed of three levels of
policy. The first level or general policy deals with alternatives
for development, rates of growth, character, levels of service,
intensity of development, and generally statements that say "we
would like. . . ." Level-one policy deals with the question of
"where do we want to go?" The second level of policy deals with
the ways to reach level-one goals. These are implementing policies,
which are specific design proposals or action recommendations. The
third level of policy is the means, or method by which policy is
achieved. These are also implementing policies, but are detailed
and easily translated into specific design proposals or action
recommendations.86

When a planner begins to prepare a policy plan, the first
step which must be taken is to gather together the existing policies
of the community. These may consist of explicit statements in the
comprehensive plan, may be maps or plans, they may be adopted
standards, or generally accepted "rules of thumb," or they may be
unwritten guidelines (requisites) that control decisions.

Goodman suggests that the proper contents of the policy

plan should include:87

 

86Ibi ., p. 336.

87Ibid., p. 348.

52

l. A review of the state of the area which includes the
existing situation, trends, problems, opportunities,
and so forth.

2. Statements of goals, including assumptions, con-
straints, and the major policies plans, projects and
proposals that express desired direction.

3. The comprehensive physical development plan and a
financial plan or budget.

4. The instruments that will be used to implement the
policies plan.

5. The more detailed policies on each department of unit
of government.

6. Technical notes on methodology and sources of data.

7. Any exposition of policy alternatives that were con-
sidered but discarded.

Goodman's proposal is by far the most comprehensive idea of what
the contents of the policy plan should include. He is attempting
to integrate policy into the planning process almost completely.
There are those who would isolate it from the actual physical plan.
Aschman says, "The policy plan may be an 'aspect' of the comprehen-
sive plan or it may be a 'stage' of the planning program dealing

exclusively with policy."88

Aschman accepts the latter approach

The writer tends to agree with Aschman, and would exclude the

element of a comprehensive physical development plan and financial
plan from the desired content of the policy plan. While this phase

is important to the planning process, if not the most apparent aspect,

it is felt that it should be derived from a policy plan rather than

functioning as a phase of the plan.

 

88Aschman, op. cit., p. 110.

53

Policies are generally expressed, or organized, by func-
tional area. The most common topics for which policies are normally
derived include: land use, open space and recreation, natural
resources, economy, transportation, public facilities (including
utilities and services), schools, finance, regulation or methods of
government, and sometimes, design. These topics reflect the techni-
cal traditions of the planners. They are concrete, readily defined
subject areas.

An approach, used in the Connecticut Plan, deals more
directly with the problems or issues through the way in which it
is organized. Many of the same sorts of policies and specific
actions appear in the plan, but they are organized around a struc-
ture of basic goals rather than functions of the urban system.
Instead of developing a goal and policies for the area of public
facilities, for example, policies are developed to promote health,
safety, culture, social services. Such an orientation seems to be
far more relevant to the planning concerns of today.

In recent years, policy plans have begun to take on this
structure of goal orientation. In the process, planners have be-
come aware that there are areas of community concern which can
properly be considered to be within the framework of the policy
plan. Some of these areas include environmental quality, manpower,
criminal justice, aesthetics, culture, and citizen participation.
In order to provide relevant services, the planner must begin to
function as the community's "renaissance man." The concerns toward

which the planner must address himself are those within the

54

socio-cultural system to which man attaches meaning. This is to say
that within our environment there are organic and inorganic systems
which change in predictable fashion and are deterministic. There
are also elements of the environment which invite subjective inter-
pretation by man. These elements are as important to the success

of the socio-cultural environment as anything. As it has been
expressed by Farness, "We need to theorize about a higher logic--a
higher, multi-valued rationalism that can integrate truth, beauty,
and goodness in concrete environmental forms."89

In a recent ASPO newsletter, Frank Bangs reports on a

conference held in Washington, D.C. He says,

. . .it is possible to discern four major issues around which
the panelists' policy proposals tended to group: (1) the urgent
need to develop and implement techniques to control and ra-
tionalize growth at the urban fringe; (2) the basically unmet
neet for adequate housing of low-income persons; (3) the effect
of exclusionary zoning on housing, and litigation as a means

of overcoming it; and (4) the absolute necessity of reforming
the system of real property taxation.

These issues reflect the growing concern of planners in those areas
of policy which are subjective, and difficult to define, but of the
utmost importance to a well-balanced community and society, the basic

goals of urban planning.

 

89Sanford S. Farness, "Policy Problems Related to Planning
and Managing Our Environment," Unpublished paper presented at the
National Agricultural Policy Conference, Estes Park, Colorado,
September 15, 1967, p. 2.

90Frank S. Bangs, Jr., "Urban Land Policy: Some Proposals
for Change," lanning, May, 1972, p. 79.

55
Citizen Participation

Citizen participation is a categorical term for citizen

power. As Arnstein expresses it,

It is the redistribution of power that enables the have-not
citizens, presently excluded from the political and economic
processes, to be deliberately included in the future. It is
the strategy by which the have—nots join in determining how
information is shared, goals and policies are set, tax re-
sources are allocated, programs are operated, and benefits
like contracts and patronage are parceled out. In short, it
is the means by which they can induce significant social
reform which enables them to share in the benefits of the
affluent society.91

While Arnstein is referring to "have-nots" in a socio-economic
sense, the concept can be taken to include political outcasts as
well. In many political situations where one point of view is
held by a minimal, yet solid, majority, it is possible for a vast
number of people to be unrepresented and even alienated by those
in power.

Goodman seems to suggest that the policy planning process
has more to offer than the conventional planning process because
it offers an opportunity for deeper citizen input into the decision-
making process, assuming it allows public debate of the means to the
ends. Policy planning is made for today's activist citizen who, in
contrast to the citizens of a few years ago, actually wants to par-

ticipate in the public debate of governmental decision-making.

 

9]Sherry R. Arnstein, "A Ladder of Citizen Participation,"
Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 35 (July, 1969),

p. 216.

56

Citizen interest has come about in many communities primarily
because, as Goodman puts it, "plans rapidly become projects, [and]
citizens interest is [then] no longer casual or academic."92
The question then becomes "who are the citizens, and what
are their goals?" Citizens, like the public interest, are difficult

to define.

The increased public involvement in planning has high-
lighted the existence of multiple urban life styles, with
distinct goals that vary widely between different social and
economic groups.93

The planner is caught in the middle in his relationships
with citizens and the decision makers by whom he is employed. If
the planner is to successfully provide the decision maker with a
full range of alternatives, he must identify the values of all
groups and individuals and weigh them against each other. The
planner faces an ethical question, assuming his goal is to properly
reflect the public interest, since, in reality, he has two clients—-
the immediate client (or the planner's employer), and the ultimate
client (those affected by the proposals).

Paul Davidoff, and other planners have answered the ques-
tion of who is the citizen by stating that all segments of society
should have an equal opportunity to participate in the pluralistic

94

contention over the setting of public policy. The responsibility,

 

92Goodman, op. cit., p. 332.

93Ibid., p. 332.

94Kravitz, op. cit., p. 41.

57

then, lies with the planner to "spur adequate discussions of their

goal statements" since, if they do not, the decision makers cannot

come to informed choices among them.95

To know who the citizens are is often the same as knowing
what their goals are, particularly if they identify with a group
which has clearly, publicly, expressed its goals. However, there
is no easy way to know if most people like the present performance
of government in the pursuit of goals. As a result, planners are
increasingly finding themselves in awkward positions with both the

public and the decision makers.

While only a few planning commissions have disappeared
completely, their functions have been receding rapidly. Fre-
quently they have been relegated to an advisory role. In
addition, there has been a rapid proliferation of citizen
groups and metropolitan affairs nonprofit corporations, which
have sometimes exercised strong leadership in planning.

These competitors to official planning bodies contribute 96
even further to the weakening of the planning commission.

Moreover, as Bolan points out,

The existence of strong private interest groups that domi-
nate local politics means such groups will tend to influence
decisions (in ways which coincide with their interests) much
more than in circumstances where private interests are apathe-
tic or dispersed. Similarly, programs that are designed to
change the individual circumstances (such.as social security)
tend more toward action than programs that attempt massive 97
changes in aggregate societal behavior (such as prohibition).

So, the problem becomes, how to get citizen participation

integrated into the planning process. The key is involvement in the

 

95Altshuler, op. cit., p. 321.

gsDaland, op. cit., p. 517.

97Boian, op. cit., pp. 305-306.

58

actual policy formulation. Too often in planning, ”there is nothing
between the general abstraction [goals] which everyone must agree
with, and the finished product [that is the land use plan]."98
General goals are usually phrased in such a manner that they can
neither be fully comprehended, nor can they be opposed, since that
would be like being against the "flag" or "motherhood."

Alshuler expresses this concern in his case study on the

planning process in Minneapolis. He says of the plan,

No one showed any interest in duscussing it. The reason
seemed to be that the Plan's stated goals were too general.
No one knew how 53a application of these goals would affect
him in practice.

I wonder how many planners have experienced the same response from
citizens.

The paradox with the struggle for citizen participation
on the part of planners seems to be that the comprehensive, long-
range approach which planners typically take is either too general
or not understood by citizens. "The abstract discussion of goals
could seldom seem sufficiently immediate to spur them to organize
and choose representatives." As in Altshuler's case, planners too
often find that they can "carry on a continuing discussion only with
men whose jobs require them to spend time on the study and discussion

of civic affairs."'°°

 

98Goodman, op. cit., p. 332.

99Altshuler, op. cit., p. 306.

1OOIbid., p. 309.

59

The planners are subjected to an interpretation of the
public interest in much the same way as legislators are from lobbyists.
As a result, the businessmen can talk abstractly about the public

interest, but they cannot claim any special qualifications to repre-

101

sent any particular interest but their own. The paradox arises

as the planner is caught in the middle, between the organized citi-
zens and the unorganized citizens, who object to the planner even
talking with "special interest groups." Again, Altshuler illustrates

this point well:

Downtown businesses are, according to these objectors,
organizations in being. Their owners are accustomed to watch-
ing the civic scene and searching for issues likely to affect
their interests. They enter the discussion of any proposal
at a very early stage and understand its potential impact on
their interests relatively early. Other members of the public,
however, tend to become aware that something is afoot and then
to conceptualize their interests. After the perception begins
to dawn, most take quite some time to organize.

Again, it should be clear, the problem is how to get citizens in-

volved.
A somewhat vague attempt at answering this question is put

forth by Kravitz. He speaks of "a new generation of planners" when

he says,

We feel that participatory democracy can and should replace
the procedural democracy of liberalism as the basic principle
of social order. Participation calls for new, broadly con-
ceived planning that is first and foremost a basic community
role of catalyst and facilitator. He could be the one who makes

 

10'Ihid., p. 309.

1021pm, p. 310.

60

both the normative and technical aspects of this process work.
We must come to recognize the fundamental connection of planning
and action, and seek to reintegrate them within the planning
process going on in our communities. What we are calling for

is the politicization and normatization of planning.103

The role of citizen participation in policy planning be-
comes exceedingly important to the success of that planning. This
role can be seen in many ways, depending upon who is looking.
Craig puts it quite clearly. He says, "To see the plan, look at

the people."104

On the other hand, many politicians, and planners,
must face the question of how much attention to give to which citi-

zens .

Good planning requires good politics—-despite the recent great
pressure on both planners and politicians to give in to groups
small in number but highly articulate whp wish to seek control
to the exclusion of other groups. . . . 05

Now, the author of the previous statement is referring to a specific
case; however, the content can be applied to almost any political
situation. The question, then, becomes, assuming some citizen par-
ticipation is desirable, how much is acceptable.

Arnstein makes a basic point in her discussion of citizen

participation. She says,

 

103Kravitz, op. cit., p. 46.

104David W. Craig, "The 'Personnel Criterion' in the
Planning Program," Planning 1969 (Chicago: American Society of
Planning Officials, 1969), p. 85.

 

105M. Justin Herman, "Planners and Politicians: A
Machiavellian Team," Planning 1968 (Chicago: American Society of
Planning Officials, 1968), p. 57.

61

. . .participation without redistribution of power is an empty
and frustrating process for the powerless. It allows the
powerholders to claim that all sides were considered, but
makes it possible for only gome of those sides to benefit. It
maintains the status quo. 0

Arnstein's “Ladder of Citizan Participation" best illus-

trates the issue of degree of participation.

The bottom rungs of the ladder are (l) Manipulation and
(2) Therapy. These two rungs describe levels of "non-
participation" that have been contrived by some to substitute
for genuine participation. Their real objective is not to
enable people to participate in planning or conducting pro-
grams, but to enable powerholders to "educate" or "cure" the
participants.

Rungs three and four progress to levels of tokenism
that allow the have—nots to hear and have a voice: (3)
Informing and (4) Consultation. When they are proffered by
powerholders as the total extent of participation, citizens
may indeed hear and be heard. But under these conditions
they lack the power to insure that their views will be heeded
by the powerful. When participation is restricted to these
levels, there is no follow-through, no "muscle," hence no
assurance of changing the status quo.

Rung (5) Placation, is simply a higher level tokenism
because the ground rules allow have-nots to advise, but re-
tain for the powerholders the continued right to decide.

Further up the ladder are levels of citizen power with
increasing degrees of decision-making clout. Citizens can
enter into a (6) Partnership_that enables them to negotiate
and engage in trade-offs With traditional powerholders. At
the topmost rungs, (7) Delegated Power and (8) Citizen
Control, have-not citizens obtain—the magority 0T aecision-
making seats, or full managerial power.1 7

 

 

It seems logical to assume that any powerholder will be reluctant
to give up any of that power. It is for that reason, recognizing
that politics requires that voters believe that the people they are

electing are responsive to their wishes, that powerholders have

 

106Arnstein, op. cit., p. 216.

107113111., p. 217.

62

created a variety of methods to avoid actual citizen participation,
while giving the appearance of the opposite. However, citizens are
organizing and demanding a role in the decision-making process. This
is desirable and critical to the successful, expeditious implementa-
tion of policy and planning.

Unfortunately, government cannot move slowly enough, or
present all the issues clearly enough to provide everyone with the
opportunity to participate. If it tried to, nothing would ever get

done.

It is fair to assume that only when government moves at a
snail's pace and deals with issues of rather direct and imme-
diate impact can a significant proportion of the great multi-
tude of interests express themselves. Therefpfig, comprehensive
democratic planning is virtually impossible.

Today there must be some new dimensions to planning and
policy development. Society today is people-oriented. Rep.
Shirley Chisholm recently said, "Instead of thinking about people,
or of people, we should be thinking with people." Planners,
policy makers, and decision makers must begin to open up the power
structure to the people through meaningful participation. They

must begin to think "with" the people.
Polipy Planningpand Politics

The development and adoption of policy is the essence of
politics. The role of the planner is to provide the politician with

as many options as possible from which to choose.

 

108Aitshuier, op. cit., p. 311.

63

Planners and politicians do have something in common.
Both are enmeshed in providing solutions to the explosive
decline and growth in urban areas, to increasing problems
of physical and economic sgrgival, and to social changes
occurring in this century. 0

The planner in generating alternatives for the politician must pro-
vide some politically realistic solutions. If he does not, he is

of no value to the decision makers whom he serves.

As to the politicians, there is no use disguising the
fact that our political system does not permit careers for
those who go against the popular, short-range prejudices and
convictions of the electorate. From time to time there are
outstanding politicians who are capable of it but don't count
on finding many. 0

The job of the planner is to bring about (or prevent) change through
governmental action; therefore, it is clear that his job must be a
political one.

Traditionally, planning has been somewhat anti-politics.
"Until recently, city planners have felt that because the policy
maker could not, or would not, adopt the planner's view, community
decision making represented something less than optimum rationality."]]]
This attitude reflects the difference between the planner's idea of
rationality and the actual political process through which policy
is developed. While the planner's goals may revolve around effi-

ciency and orderliness, the politician must consider what is most

expedient and consistent with current public opinion.

 

109Herman, op. cit., p. 55.
110

Ibid.s PP. 57-58.

111Richard S. Bolan, "Emerging Views of Planning," Journal
of the American Institute of Planners, 33 (July, 1967), p. 233.

 

64

The apparent conflict between planning and politics comes

about to some extent, because

. .the traditional plan is a product and all the decisions
[concerning it] are made by the planners. Public officials
can either make the decisions that the plan demands or they
can ignore them and be against planning and progress.

In this way planning seeks to become more powerful than the elected
officials, and since planners are only appointed, this is democrati-
cally undesirable. Instead the planners should work with the elected
officials to achieve a general policy which may be a compromise to
the specificity of the comprehensive plan, but does not compromise
the basic planning principles. In this way, a diplomatic solution

to the conflict can be derived which results in better planning

and a healthy relationship between elected officials and planners.

In the past,

Planning constituted studies of all possible means of
maximizing specific goals and the selection of that combination
of means which produced the greatest social utility. Political
processes only interferred with this rational-scientific
method of planning. Planners admitted that it was proper for
political authorities to take the product and adopt it or not,
but the making of the plan itself was not a part of the politi-
cal process.1 3

Planning must become an instrument for achieving political conSensus,
rather than an opposing force to keep politicians in line. Planning
must play an advisory, rather than a determining role.

As Goodman notes,

 

]]ZGoodman, op. cit., p. 333.

113oaiand, op. cit., p. 513.

65

. . .planning is often an either-or proposition. Either they
(public elected officials) accept the advice or they don't.
This has forced policy makers into difficult positions where
they must agree in principle with the advice and then try to
develop a justification for a contrary decision.1 4

According to Altshuler,

It has recently become fashionable, moreover, for some
politicians to conduct well-publicised quests for consensual,
nonoperative general goals. It is a rare politician indeed,
however, who leads his constituents in formulating positive
operational social goals.115

There is an opportunity for planners to assist politicians in the
development of these goals. However, as has been noted earlier in
this paper, it is difficult to stir public interest in long-range
goals. The result has been a lot of usually inadequate, crisis
planning. That is, developing a solution which solves the immediate
problem but does not deal with the causes of the problem.

By entering the political process through the back door,
so to speak, the planner has an opportunity to work within the system
to bring about the sorts of long-range changes which are needed to
solve today's problems. Since political decisions are likely to
continue to be made on an issue-by-issue basis, there is even more
need for the special coordinative and organizational abilities of
the planner in the decision-making process.

The planner must remember that it is the politician, and

not he who is making the decisions. As such it is important to

 

H4Goodman, op. cit., p. 333.

115A1tshuler, op. cit., p. 322.

66

note that the motivation for change in planning and development

organization comes from the politician.

Where reorganization has occurred, in most cases it has
not been the planner who has instigated it. Rather, it has
been the municipal executive, typically the strong mayor. It
is because urban politics have become development politics
that urban planning goals have changed, and in their turn,
organization for urban planning. 6

This discussion suggests the question of how should plan-
ning be conducted within the political process? Bolan suggests
that, "The guiding hypothesis is that action strategies which
little disturb the status quo are more likely to be adopted by a
political system."117

Planning, in dealing with some rather complex policy
matters for the urban community, has all the attributes of a legis-

lative process, even if only in an administrative, or advisory

capacity. As Bolan puts it,

Skill in inducing motivation in coordinating others'
actions, and in building consensus in a contextually appro-
priate coalition (without recourse to coercion) is demanded
of those who wish to see a proposal through to a favorable
decision outcome.1 8

Altshuler advises the planner that one way to win politi-

cal acceptance for new ideas is to challenge the theoretical

 

116Daland, op. cit., p. 518.

117Richard S. Bolan, "Community Decision Behavior: The
Culture of Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Planning,
35 (September, 1969), p. 306.

118Ibid., p. 309.

67

foundations of older ideas with which they conflict. The other way
is to adapt one's own arguments and objectives to the beliefs,
attitudes, and political customs already prevalent.119
Since planning is essentially deciding in advance what
to do, it should provide essential input for any political choice
involving future events. Planning must be seen as a means rather

than an end in this process of decision making. Politicians regard

planning, according to Loeks, as

. .somewhat of an 'air-conditioner,' a means of quick trans-
fer of political heat--a source of justification and hopefully
approbation on controversial matters. 'Don't fence me in' is
also their cry. In this view, planners should speak only when
spoken to and exhibit a high degree of diligence in the pursuit
of the status quo, or where chapgs is clearly in order, the
ratification of the inevitable.

Planning and politics must be reconciled in order to pro-
duce better plans in the future. The planning process as it has
traditionally been practiced has some basic conceptual deficiencies
which are in need of correction. Planning has not been applied in
a manner which fully takes advantage of the coordinative skills of

the profession within the political process.

City planning is a means for determining policy. Appro-
priate policy in a democracy is determined through political
debate. The right course of action is always a matter of
choice, never of fact. Planners should engage in the politi-
cal process as advocates of the interests of government and
other groups.

 

119Altshuler, op. cit., p. 319.

120Loeks, op. cit., PP. 52-53.

121Paul Davidoff, "Advocacy and Pluralism in Planning,"
Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXI (November, 1965),
p. 331.

 

68

The Role of the Planner

 

Throughout this thesis the writer has attempted to show
the transition which he believes is occurring in the role of the
planner. As the concept of policy planning evolves, it is apparent
that changes are necessary in the role of the planner from a tradi-
tional to a normative approach. The traditional planner has been
a specialist, a technician, and a bureaucrat. The policy planner
must be a normative thinker, and a goal-oriented, politically con-
scious personality.

As Daland says, "the myth that policy and administration
are basically separate processes is still voiced in responsible

quarters."122

Those who believe in such separation are traditional-
ists. However, those who see greater possibilities for planning
would agree with Daland when he says, "Since the job of the planner
is to produce (or prevent) change through governmental action, his

"123 Traditionally,

function by its very nature is a political one.
planning has been oriented to goals and standards developed within
the profession. The early "city beautiful" movement is a prime
example of this approach. The belief of planners was, and some
still do believe, that by planting trees, flowers, and painting
storefronts, it was possible to rejuvenate a central business dis-

trict. Later the traffic patterns were seen as a solution. Unfor-

tunateJy, these planners never thought to ask the question, should

 

122Daland, op. cit., p. 495.

123Ibid., pp. 506-507.

69

the central business district be preserved at all? A similar issue
is apparent today when the "growth-no growth" philosophies clash.
For years planners have been projecting growth trends based upon
the assumption that growth is natural, good, and desirable. Today
some people are beginning to ask the question, how much growth is
desirable? Only after answering questions such as these can
planners prepare appropriate plans and studies. The first step in
the planning process, and the new orientation of planners must,
therefore, be to goals and policy.

Altshuler says that in order to develop truly comprehen-
sive goals for planning, the planner must "understand every important

124 Here we see the emphasis

goal of each of society's members."
which must be placed on politics in the planning process. However,
Altshuler cautions, "If he must deal in practice with groups rather
than individuals, he should not limit himself to constellations of

125 As we

interest that maintain permanent formal organizations."
have discussed earlier, the average citizen does not respond to
government in the same way, or as rapidly, as do members of an
organized group.

Most planners recognize that the implementation of their

plans is up to the elected body of government. In order to be

implemented, therefore, plans must be politically acceptable. The

 

124Alan Altshuler, "The Goals of Comprehensive Planning,"
Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXI (August, 1965),
p. 189.

1251bid., p. 189.

7O

role of the planner in this political process must recognize the
values of his immediate client, but also consider the values of
his ultimate client, the general public. "The general public, as
we have said, is the planner's top boss."126
The planner must never forget that his primary role is
to resolve conflicts among goals in expert fashion. He does this,

as has been said, by examination and presentation of all alterna-

tives.

If, however, he views the planning process as something
larger than his own contribution, then the problem is compli-
cated for he must then require higher goals which he has no
authority to set, goals which will provide the purposes of
his land use and circulation plans. 27

Young does not feel that the planner should set these goals, he
must instead be totally knowledgeable in the political process
in order to prepare politically feasible alternative goals. The
setting of these goals must come about through the political

process.

To the extent, then, that comprehensive planning is
possible, the correct law for a society is something to be
discovered, rather than willed, by public officials. The
role of the politician who ignores consistency or constructs
grand schemes to placate interest groups is hard to defend.
So is the concept of the majority will, and the idea that
party conflict is desirable.128

 

126Bair, op. cit., p. 49.

Young, op. cit., p. 84.

128Alan Altshuler, The City Planning Process: A Political
Analysis (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1965), p. 303.

127

71

Therefore, the planner must play an essential role in the develop-
ment of policy. The planner must help the elected representatives

in the process of goal determination by

. .analyzing their present activities to show them what
implicit goals they are pursuing, and with what consequences,
and by making studies of the behavior patterns and attitudes
of the citizenry that would provide data on the goals of the
various sectors of the community's population. 2

As Goodman has expressed it,

The planner exists in a middle zone between the politician
(the normative planner) and the bureaucrat (the technical
planner). The planner is a bureaucrat administering the pro—
grams which have been instituted by the politicians; in
addition, he has a special competence and training which
makes him invaluable in establishing goals. 30

His role must be that of an intermediary, an arbitrator, and a
consensus builder. To successfully accomplish this responsibility,
the planning function must be located in "either or both the execu-
tive and legislative branches and the scope . . . broadened to

include all areas of interest to the public."]31

The potential
value of planning in government is so great that it should not be
relegated to a secondary role, or a role as a fancy zoning adminis-
trator.

Concerning the responsibility of the planner as a profes-

sional policy planner, it should be clear that he cannot impose his

 

129Gans, op. cit., p. 80.

130Goodman, op. cit., p. 330.

'3'0avidoff, op. cit., p. 331.

72

own ideas of what is right and wrong. "If an ultimate objective
of planning is to widen choice and the opportunity to choose, then
the planner has the obligation not to limit choice voluntarily."132

As Davidoff and Reiner have explained it,

. . .our contention rests on the thesis that goals are value
statements, that value statements are not objectively verifi-
able, and, therefore, that the planner, by himself, cannot
reasonably accept or reject goals for the public. This is
crucial: We maintain that neither the planner's technical
competence nor his wisdom entitles him to ascribe or dictate
values to his immediate or ultimate clients.

The role of the planner is to identify values within a
group or groups, and to analyze how these values are weighed
against each other. It is plainly the understanding of his various
roles and those of the decision maker which makes for an effective
planner. "The planner is a professional looker, the best we have
been able to develop, and his job is to advise as to what is likely

to happen as the result of various possible leaps."134

Summar

Chapter two has presented a review of the practice of
policy planning. The purpose of policy planning is to provide a
framework within which conflicts can be resolved and new policy

developed. It is essentially a political process which utilizes

 

132Davidoff and Reiner, op. cit., p. 108.

133Ibid., p. 108.

134Bair, op. cit., p. 48.

73

alternative choices. Alternatives are gradually invented out of
compromises among participants with different perceptions of the
problem, interests, and criteria. Planning should be designed to
reflect the values of the many, not only the values of those in
power.

Policy problems are complex. There are a wide variety
of approaches. Systematic evaluation of policy is complicated by
the difficulty in determining real policy output. Policy formula-
tion is a political process.

The content of the policy plan is generally organized by
functional areas. A better way which is evolving is an organiza-
tion which emphasizes goals rather than functions. Policy should
reflect all aspects of community concern and should be as broad as
possible.

The policy planning process provides more opportunity for
citizen input into the decision-making process. Citizen goals are
diverse and reflect many different philosophies and life-styles.
Strong private interest groups will tend to influence decision
making far more than will disorganized, and apathetic groups. A
serious problem is how to get citizens interested enough to partici-
pate. At the other extreme, are the issues surrounding the unrespon-
siveness of government. Arnstein's "ladder of citizen participation"
illustrates degrees of citizen involvement from worst to best. It
includes the following degrees: (1) Manipulation, (2) Therapy, (3)
Informing, (4) Consultation, (5) Placation, (6) Partnership, (7)

Delegated Power, (8) Citizen Control. Planners, policy makers, and

74

decision makers must begin to open up the power structure to the
people through meaningful participation.

Policy making is a political process. Traditional plan-
ning has been anti-politics and favoring a technical approach to
policy development. Planning must become an instrument for achiev-
ing political consensus rather than an opposing force to keep
politicians in line. Politicians are prone to short-range deci-
sions which result in the necessity of "crisis" planning. The
increased use and refinement of policy planning can assist in
reducing the necessity for crisis planning.

The role of the planner is changing from a traditional
to a normative approach. The planner is the man in the middle.
The planner must understand society's goals. He must also help
politicians to understand what their goals are, and what the con-

sequences of those goals might be.

CHAPTER III

POLICY PLANNING IN THE CHARTER TOWNSHIP OF
MERIDIAN, INGHAM COUNTY, MICHIGAN

This chapter will review the policy-planning process as
it has been applied in a suburban, Michigan township. It will
review the historical development of planning which led to the
preparation of a policy plan. It will discuss the technical
approach to preparation of the plan, and will present insights
into the significance of citizen participation, politics, and the
roles of the participants to the planning process. A brief review
of the content of the plan, along with a discussion of the rationale

for that content will conclude the chapter.

Introduction

Policy planning is a decision-making process. In order
to fully understand the concept of policy planning, therefore, we
must examine the environment in which decision making occurs. We
have chosen to present a discussion of the policy-planning process
as it has been conducted in Meridian Township primarily because of
personal familiarity with the community. However, Meridian is,
perhaps, an unusually typical example of a medium-sized suburban

community. In addition, its social and physical characteristics

75

76

are unusually diverse. The geographic area of the Township (32
square miles) has resulted in several sub-communities within the
governmental jurisdiction of the Township. In general, it is felt
that the lessons to be learned from this community have broad
appeal to those interested in planning for small town and suburban
America.

Much of the major policy planning which has occurred in
the last ten years or so, since the concept achieved popularity,
has been done on a regional, metropolitan, or major city basis.
The sector of our urbanizing or urbanized areas which probably
needs policy planning the most is the suburb. Suburban areas must
daily face the onslaught of rapid development and population
mobility which can drastically change the physical, social, and
cultural environment of the communities involved.

A variety of factors concerning the community should be
considered in any in-depth analysis of the decision-making process.
In the scope of this paper it will be impossible to do justice to
all aspects which may be relevant to a thorough understanding of
the policy-planning process in Meridian Township. This thesis
will attempt to present a complete, though general picture of the
community.

Robert Daland suggests that some of the factors which
should be considered in analyzing the decision-making process of
a community include: location; historical development; socio-
economic composition; size and stage of development; structure of

influence (centralized or dispersed power); formal and informal

77

decision-making characteristics of agencies, institutions, indi-
viduals, and their goals; and, the "group dynamics" of the people
involved in making decisions (techniques of debate, methods of
transmitting influence, etc.).135
It is in the areas mentioned by Daland that this dis-
cussion will concentrate. However, it is felt that a review of
some of the technical aspects of the process will be of value.
Policy planning has been suggested as a more suitable
approach to planning for areas which are undergoing intense develop-
ment pressures for the first time. Hugh Pomeroy has said, "I have
found it preferable in dealing with [lightly developed] communities
such as this to indicate development policy by statement rather
than attempting to put them down on maps."136
For some communities, including Meridian Township, the
role of local government is seen to be providing and securing
life's amenities. Policies which are designed to accomplish this
goal are oriented to the residential, rather than the working,
environment. Meridian Township can be characterized as a "bedroom"
community which is within the sphere of the City of Lansing (State
government and Oldsmobile major employers), and that of Michigan
State University.

Williams and Adrian offer great insight into the character

of the suburban community and the small town.

 

135Daland, op. cit., p. 514.

136Aiiaire, op. cit., p. 9.

78

The demands of the residential environment are safety, slow-
ness of traffic, quiet, beauty, convenience, and restfulness.
The rights of pedestrians and children take precedence over
the claims of commerce. Growth, far from being attractive,
is often objectionable. That growth which is permitted must
be controlled and directed, both in terms of the type of
people who will be admitted and the nature of physical changes.
It is essentially a design for a community with a homogeneous
population, for civic amenities are costly, the population
must have an above-average income.

Amenities are also likely to become a dominant concern
of local government in the traditional small town threatened
by engulfment from a nearby major urban complex. Such a town
will not be characterized by the homogeniety of the suburb,
nor will its particular kind of amenities require costly expen-
ditures, for the amenities being secured are simply those
which are a function of small-town life. A sudden population
influx threatens both styles of life and the cost of maintain-
ing that style. However, all small-town civic policies can
hardly be characterized as the desire to preserve amenities,
for cppgitions in many small towns make a mockery of that
term.

The foregoing statement provides a vivid interpretation
of the essence of Meridian Township. Even though the discussion
considers both the suburb and the small town, since both exist in
the Township, the statement is doubly relevant.

Planner Frederick Bair presents a rather harsh, yet

realistic, indictment of suburban attitudes. He says,

Three troublesome subdivisions of the freedom to ignore are
these: (1) Freedom to ignore those outside our community,

(2) Freedom to ignore the unborn, and (3) Freedom to ignore
the lessons of experience concerning probable consequences.138

 

137011ver P. Williams, and Charles R. Adrian, Four Cities:
A Studyyin Comparative Policy Making (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1963), pp. 26-27.

 

138Bair, op. cit., p. 105.

79

Planning in Meridian Township has, because of the very
nature of the community, had to operate to a great extent as an
educational process for its citizens. Policy planning presents a
natural opportunity for this to occur from the highest levels of
the government to the individual citizen living in the community.

Meridian Township is located near the State Capital and
a major mid-western university--Michigan State. One employment
center is the largest concentration of political decision making,
and the other is the center for culture and academic thought in
this part of the State. The presence of these centers has a pro-
found effect on the attitudes and approaches of both the residents
and the governments in the area. Meridian Township, and its imme-
diate neighbor on the west, East Lansing, attract a high proportion
of their residents from these two sources.

As a result, the population is well educated, has high
average family income, is highly mobile, and desires a life style
emphasizing the residential aspects of the community. The Township
has grown from a population of 13,884 in 1960 to a 1970 population
of 23,817. Many of the new residents in recent years have been
even more mobile than previous residents. These new residents
live in apartments primarily, and many are students attending
Michigan State. There are areas of the community, however, which
are far from the typical examples of suburban America. While these
areas are small, two major concentrations of moderate to low income,
blue collar workers exist in the Township. In addition, the degree

of affluence varies from place to place throughout the community.

80

The entire thirty-two square miles of land in the town-
ship have been planned, however, only one-third has as yet been
developed. Of that, the vast majority of the land is being used
for residential purposes, primarily single family homes. While
prior to 1965, Meridian could have been referred to as semi-rural,
and small town, today the Township is in the midst of a sort of
suburban adolescence. The community has not yet grown, some
though not many irrevocable decisions concerning development have
been made, population has increased to a size which requires many
additional services, and people are beginning to become aware of
the fact that they exist as a community, rather than as a widely
scattered collection of residences.

The structure of influence has changed. While as late
as the mid-sixties the "old time" establishment "ran" the township,
today it is the newcomers who are in charge. The former community
leaders had been born in the Township. They were from pioneer
stock. They were farm and small-town in their orientation. This
orientation held true in both those elected to run the government
and later in those who were appointed to operate in staff positions.
Interestingly enough, it was probably planning which served as the
catalyst for change in the political structure. The planners were
drawn from the "new" professionals moving to the community who were
primarily concerned with protecting their investment in the "country."
As development continued, those elected were more and more selected
from the growing list of newcomers to the township. The Board

became younger, as did the staff. While in the early days it was

81

easy to "read" the power structure, today it is far more difficult

due to the diverse political base which now exists.

Historical Background

Meridian Township is a suburban community of approxi-
mately 25,000 population which is located east of and immediately
adjacent to the City of East Lansing, Michigan. The Township con-
tains thirty-two square miles within which are several sub-
communities including: Towar Gardens, Wardcliff, Lake Lansing,
Haslett, and Okemos. Each of these areas is unique in its land
use distributions and population characteristics. These communi-
ties are unincorporated neighborhoods under the jurisdiction of
the Charter Township of Meridian government, as well as the
Haslett, Okemos, and East Lansing School Districts.

Persons living in these sub—communities of the Township
identify strongly with their own neighborhood, fairly strongly
with their school district, and hardly at all with the Township.
The postal districts of East Lansing, Haslett, and Okemos, also
play a strong role in creating locational identity for residents
of this township.

Meridian Township first adopted a zoning ordinance in
1948. At that time the population was about 6,500, and the Town-
ship was experiencing rapid post-war growth. A full—time zoning
administrator was hired in 1951 to handle the enforcement duties

and the increasingly heavy number of zoning matters. In 1956

82

there were 8,602 registered voters in the Township and a new growth
boom was beginning which has not yet stopped today.

In 1956 the incumbent Republican township supervisor was
ousted from office by a Democrat, who was also highly trained in
political science. It should be understood that Meridian Township
has traditionally been a Republican stronghold. The new super-
visor, while only lasting two years, established the first planning
commission in late 1957. In 1958 the City of East Lansing annexed
1.5 square miles of the Township containing almost one—quarter of
the population. It is possible that the motivation to establish
a planning commission was in some way influenced by the “threat"
of annexation. Undoubtedly the vote to become a Charter Township
in 1959 was an attempt to avoid any future annexations by estab-
lishing a more capable form of government.

In 1959 the planning commission adopted a Master Plan
for Major Streets and Highways. This action was little more than
an academic exercise since Ingham County constructs and maintains
all public streets within the township. However, this adoption was
necessary before the Township could adopt subdivision regulations
under the provisions of Act 285 of 1931 under which the Township
planning commission was established. In 1960 subdivision regula-
tions were adopted in an attempt to cope with the rapid growth
which was being experienced throughout the community.

Among the early members of the planning commission was
a professional planner and professor from Michigan State University.

With the help of intelligent, and dedicated planning commissioners,

83

he was able to draft a new, modern (if not radical for that time),
zoning ordinance. This highly sophisticated ordinance was

adopted by the Township in 1960. A civil suit soon thereafter
resulted in the entire ordinance being held illegal by the court.
However, in 1963 a new ordinance was prepared which eliminated the
difficulties in the earlier law, while retaining the bulk of the
new concepts contained in the first ordinance.

In 1962 the voters approved the construction of a
township-wide system of interceptor sanitary sewers. As is charac-
teristic when such improvements occur, soon thereafter an even
greater building boom descended upon the community. In 1965 the
first of what were to be many apartments began construction. Eight
years later, apartments make up more than thirty-five percent of
all living units in the township.

In 1965 the Township hired its first full—time, profes-
sional planner. Prior to that time, members of the planning
commission had done most of the staff work with the aid of part-
time student planners and the building inspector/zoning adminis-
trator. In 1966 the planning commission prepared what is generally
considered to be their first land use plan. The plan, known as "A
Master Plan for Parks and Recreation" contained a schematic plan for
"neighborhood units" throughout the township. This plan was probably
an afterthought, since the primary purpose of the plan, which was
prepared in three weeks by members of the planning commission, was
to justify the purchase of 100 acres of "park" land near the center

of the township. A major, regional shopping center was secretly

84

being planned at that time immediately adjacent and south of the
site.

In 1958 a Republican supervisor was elected who was to
serve during the period in which the planning commission and plan-
ning efforts of the township were growing to maturity. This man
was strongly in support of the planning efforts, and during the
time he was in a leadership position the planning commission was
over-ruled only once by the elected Board of Trustees.

In 1968 the Township received a "701" planning grant to
aid in the development of studies and plans for the community.

The initial phase of the studies included inventories and analysis
in the areas of: land use, natural conditions, economic base,
population, public facilities, transportation, public utilities,
regulation and finance. In the middle of the first grant year,

the planning director resigned and left the Township. The new
planning director had been working for the Township during the
previous year on a part-time basis, was generally familiar with

the program and, therefore, able to carry on. About the same time,
the Supervisor, who had by then served eleven years, also resigned.
A new supervisor was appointed by the Board, but on a part-time
basis, and the Board began to seek a full-time administrator,
superintendent. For the balance of the year, the Treasurer served
as acting-superintendent and the immediate superior of the planning
director.

Growth at that time was excessive. The Board of Trustees

was in a consolidation period, having lost a very strong leader,

85

and the planning commission was facing a variety of complex issues
arising from the rapid growth. Due to these factors, as well as
the desire of the planning director for direction, the inclusion
of a development policy element in the "701" second year planning
program was proposed and approved. In November of 1969 a draft
plan was completed and presented to the planning commission and
the Board. The next section of this chapter will discuss that
process in detail.

To further offset the possible "threat" of annexation,
petitions were presented in October of 1968 for an election on
cityhood. The election was held in November, 1969, and Township
voters approved the proposal by a substantial margin. A charter
commission was established to prepare a charter for a future vote
of approval or denial. In November of 1970 and again in 1971 the
voters refused to approve the charter. During the time of the
first vote, the character of the planning commission began to
change. One commissioner died, four others, including the first
professional planner, retired from the commission, and later in
the summer of 1970 the remaining strong leader on the commission
retired.

These changes resulted in a turnover of two-thirds of the
planning commission during the time that the policy plan was under
discussion. In addition, the man who was to become the superinten-
dent for the following three years did not participate in the policy
discussions. In effect, a majority of those who were responsible

for the political decisions behind the policy plan left just prior

86

to its adoption. However, just enough continuity was provided that
the plan was adopted by the new planning commission in January of
1970 and later that year by the Board of Trustees. Throughout the
entire process the impetus to complete the plan seemed to come more
from the fact that it was an element of the "701" contract, than
from any particular desire on the part of either Board or Commission
to develop the document.

Following the adoption of the policy plan, its implemen-
tation fell mainly to the planning staff and the new superintendent.
The planning staff was at that time immersed in completing the
balance of the "701“ planning studies which included: a comprehen-
sive plan, zoning ordinance and subdivision regulations revisions,
capital improvements program, housing studies, and citizen partici-
pation plan. The superintendent was involved in getting his feet
on the ground with his new job. As a result, while many elements
of the policy plan appeared in the comprehensive plan, few were
implemented on a programmed basis.

As time passed, the planning commission became established
once again, as did the Board, with its new membership. However, new
philosophies and new personalities on both groups led to a widening
of the gap between the planning commission and the Board. The
specific proposals made in the policy plan were forgotten by most
of those responsible for their implementation. In November of 1972
three new members were elected to the Board of Trustees resulting
in a situation in which some of the new members didn't even know

that a policy plan existed. At the time of this writing, the

87

Supervisor, a lO-year Board member, and the Superintendent have just
resigned. If this sort of political uncertainty and rapid change is
typical of suburban communities, with their rapidly changing popula-

tions, it is a wonder that any consistent planning can be done at all.

Insights into the Approach

This section will first attempt to present additional back-
ground and a review of the mechanical, technical steps which went
into the creation of the Meridian Policy Plan. With this informa-
tion as a context, it will review the significance, from one view-
point, of citizen participation, politics, and the roles of the
participants to the process.

In the summer of 1969, the planning staff set about to
prepare a policy plan. The purpose was to develop goals, and, there-
fore rationale, for the comprehensive plan to be prepared the
following year. The planning staff at that time consisted of two
full-time planners and two part-time (for the summer) planners, not
including the Director. These planners were all either just out
of, or almost finished with graduate degree programs in planning.
Only the Director had had any experience in a planning office
other than that of the township, and that had been as a part—time
summer assistant with a regional agency. As such the approach was
"by the book." The most valuable references at the time were
Principles and Practice of Urban Planning, edited by Goodman (fourth

edition), and Urban Land Use Plannipg, by Chapin (third edition).

88

The first step in the process was a synthesis of the
information contained in the background studies, inventories which
had just been completed. As the information was reviewed, many
conditions, trends, apparent problems, and potentials became more
obvious.

The planning staff then sought to inform and solicit
response on the issues from the general public. This was attempted
through the publication and distribution of a newspaper supplement,
entitled "Our Town." The publication presented the reasons for
planning in the Township, a brief history of the planning in the
Township, and then summarized in some detail the findings of the
background studies on the community. This paper appeared in August,

1969, as a supplement to the prne Courier, a local weekly newspaper.

 

Soon after,the newspaper published an opinion survey which was
designed to obtain public reaction to several possible goals or
"most important problems." In addition, the questionnaire was
placed in a variety of public buildings and popular local businesses
as were "drop boxes" for responses.

Some of the questions contained in the questionnaire were:
00 you think Lake Lansing should be developed as a community recrea-
tion area? Do you think more low-cost housing should be located in
the Township? Should Meridian support the formation of a limited-
function regional Council of Governments which could coordinate
area-wide public facilities?, and so on.

Slightly more than one hundred responses were received to

the survey. At that time there were about 6,500 households,

89

therefore the response was inconclusive. In any case, there were
comments from citizens that the questionnaire was too abstract,

"it was difficult to react to and elicited responses which to be
against would be like being against 'the flag' and 'motherhood',“
and so on. One letter criticized the questionnaire as "rigged"

to obtain the desired response. Perhaps the criticism was valid;
however, it would seem that those who objected viewed the community
as a homogeneous suburb. Since the responses were analyzed by
"neighborhood," it was quite apparent that this was not the case.

Upon receipt of the questionnaires and tabulation of the
results, the planning staff then prepared a draft policy plan. The
report presented the issues by functional area in much the same way
that the background studies had been organized. It presented a
review of problems, trends, and potentials, followed by a general
goal statement for that subject area. It next presented several
policies designed to show direction for the particular goal, and
finally suggested specific actions to be taken to implement the
policies. A detailed review of these elements is presented in
the next section.

The draft plan was presented to the Planning Commission
and the Board of Trustees for their review. During these review
sessions, of which there were three or four, both the planning
commission and the Board met with the planning director to review
each proposal in detail. It was at this point that many alternative
policies which had been rejected by the staff as impractical were

raised and considered. Hindsight suggests that it would have been

90

of great value if these alternatives had been put down on paper.
Several modifications to the draft were made, mainly in the area
of wording to avoid a political issue. As a result there are many
"should" and "encourage” types of words. No new functional areas
were added to the plan by the politicians.

Following these review sessions, the planning staff made
the requested modifications and prepared a "Proposed Policy Plan."
A slide presentation was also prepared describing the policies and
the issues. This proposed plan was then presented by the staff in
three different areas of the Township with the planning commission
in attendance. The meetings began with a presentation of the plan
and concluded with questions and comments from the audience.
Practically no opposition was heard, with the exception of the
comment from a leading local realtor that the plan should not be
used as a club to force developers to do some of the things sug-
gested in the plan. Not one word in the Policy Plan was changed as
a result of the hearings. The plan was adopted soon thereafter.

Citizen participation and interest was at that time

 

practically nil. Since then the last straw has been placed on the
homeowner's back, and it is seen to be more multiple housing. As
all the "talk" gradually materialized in the form of apartments,
the citizens' interest began to increase. While policy planning
may be the opportunity that today's activist citizens clamor for,
to participate in the decision-making process,the Meridian Plan
apparently lacked excitment at the time it was presented. In any

case, the Township government was practicing tokenism citizen

91

participation, on Arnstein's "ladder" somewhere between "informing"
and "consultation."

Those such as real estate developers and chronic com-
plainers, familiar with township government had an opportunity to
be heard. However, they represent a very small portion of the
entire population. The average citizen just wasn't well enough
informed concerning the consequences of the policy plan to bother
to attend the "hearings." Or, perhaps, the average citizen was
tired of playing the tokenism game of citizen participation.

The intelligence of the Township population suggests the
latter may be the case. In the past year, though too late for in—
put into the basic plans of the Township, a citizen's "lobby" has
been organized which does care enough, and in fact demands, the
opportunity to be informed and to participate. A variety of
changes have occurred as a result of this group, from methods of
notification to actually granting citizens affected by a proposed
development the opportunity to participate in the heretofore private
discussions and debate with developers. It can be assumed that if a
new policy plan were proposed today, it would most certainly receive
a lot of attention from the citizens.

Politics could be said to have played a major role in the
successful adoption of the plan. On the other hand, partisan poli—
tics played almost no role at all in the process. Meridian Township
has been a "one-party" system for so long that few of the persons
involved in the planning function or on the Board of Trustees were

even conscious of any sort of political ideology which may have

92

contributed to the plan. If anything, political attitudes could be
said to have been "suburban," or somewhat "status quo."
Among the participants in the process, however, personality

politics played an important role. Bolan says,

. .the character and origin of issues or problems that a
community undertakes to solve, have a bearing on the nature of
the decision-making process. Issues that create substantial
ideological tension, that have significant and widespread
impacts of costs and benefits, that suggest substantial
changes in the distribution of power or wealth, or that en-
tail high levels of risk are generally debated with greater
intensity and over longer periods of time than are issues that
are more incremental or of lesser consequence.

Assuming that Bolan is correct, this suggests that either the Meri-
dian decision makers did not see any great ideological difficulties
in the policy plan, or they did not take it seriously. At any rate,
the time spent to review it and approve it was minimal.

There may be other reasons for this apparently quick suc-
cess at reaching consensus on a policy plan. Remember that in the
beginning of the process, during the time of review, the long-time
establishment of the planning commission and the Board of Trustees
was still intact. These groups had developed a symbiotic relation-
ship which served to benefit both. When the time came to review the
policy plan, the two groups met together without concern for "being
prepared" prior to the sessions. They both "let it all hang out."
Without doubt the proposal from the staff, under the guidance of the
planning commission, was a politically acceptable plan for the

Board.

 

139Bolan, op. cit., p. 303.

93

Interestingly, the planning commission occasionally made
an effort to go against the short-range prejudices of the citizens.
This activity was supported by the Board for the most part, and
resulted in some far-sighted planning for the community which
might have been impossible in a less congenial political atmosphere.
However, the citizens were less interested in development issues
then, or at least it seems so now, and did not apply the types of
pressure so common today. It is not unusual for the planning com-
mission to appear to act more politically than the Board these days.

The fact that the staff members were new to the community
and had not developed preconceived notions about how the community
should develop, may have made it easier for them to work within
the existing system and political realities of the Township. At
least they could not presume to know what the "public interest” was,
they had to draw a feeling for these attitudes out of the various
participants in the planning process.

The ability of one planning commissioner to induce motiva-
tion on the part of the Board, or at least on the part of the
leaders on the Board, is an example of the political savvy needed
to accomplish progressive planning goals. The point to remember
about the Meridian situation is that the planning commission under-
stood its role in government, and was willing to act as the "air
conditioner" for the elected officials when it was obviously
necessary.

The roles played by the participants in the planning pro-

cess are a significant element of that process. In the time that

94

the policy plan was under development and review, the role of the
planner was as a technician. The political system was cohesive,
power was centered in only three or four people, there was general
concensus concerning community goals. The role of the planner was
simply to review the political goals and devise mechanisms to
attain them.

After the plan was adopted, the role of the planner
gradually changed, as did the other players in the game. The rapid
turnover on both elected and appointed boards, changing citizen
attitudes, and increased pressure from developers all contributed
to this change. The consensus was lost, thus making the implemen-
tation of the policy plan very difficult, if not impossible.

As the power base began to diffuse, the planner began to
function as a broker. Power was fragmented, there was competition
for leadership, there were new faces to be reckoned with. It was
then necessary for the planner to propose a large number of alterna-
tives and then seek consensus. It is unfortunate that the policy
plan could not have been developed in this atmosphere, since, though
it would have been far more difficult, it also might have been far
more relevant to the concerns of the Township.

The fact that the planner was new, and an outsider to the
political system may have further value. Daland has said, "as the
planner develops into a political power within the administrative

arm Of government the P1300109 commission tends to lose power."140

 

140Daland, op. cit., p. 517.

95

At the time the policy plan was being developed in Meridian the
planner had almost no political power at all. As time passed,

his political power seemed to increase. However, by that time it
was too late for him to bias the policy development process, which
is fortunate.

The role of the planner as concerns his approach to
planning is important to the success of a policy plan. A techni-
cian cannot provide the depth needed in the policy planning process
in the same manner that a normative-thinking planner can. At an
early time, when policy was still under development, it was possible
for the planner to be goal oriented. At this time the administra-
tive head was still a political official. However, as time passed
and the administrative head became a professional, the role of the
planner had to change. The new administrator was implementation
oriented and used the planner in a technical fashion in sharp con-
trast to the earlier political approach. As such the policy plan
stagnated. While certain aspects of it were implemented, it became
a static plan which the new superintendent ably followed but made
no effort to improve upon.

Planning was conducted in an unstable atmosphere, with
the planner in the middle zone, as Goodman suggested, between the
politician and the bureaucrat. However, in this role it would seem
that the development of policy could be more effective once adopted.

We have alluded to the roles played by the citizens, the
politicians, and the planning commissioners to some degree in

earlier comments and will not attempt to repeat them here. Suffice

96

it to say that the roles of the participants in the planning pro-
cess, and the group dynamics are complex. The smallest change in
the system seems to be able to rewrite the script to a great extent.
The planner is the man in the middle who must keep track of the

changing relationships and adjust his policy proposals accordingly.
Content of the Plan

The Meridian Township Policy Plan is organized in a
fairly traditional fashion. It begins with a brief review of the
values and uses of the policy plan. The first element of the plan
is a general, overall goal termed the "growth objective." In this

case it states:

Meridian should seek to retain its basic residential character
while encouraging development of selected non-residential
activities which will ease the tax burden on individual home-
owners, and make provision of needed services more amenable,
without detracting from the residential character of the
community.141

As can be seen, the dominant emphasis has been placed on the "residen-
tial" character of the community in typical suburban fashion.
Following the growth objective, several assumptions are
listed which are intended to act as requisites to the plan. For
example, the plan assumes that:
New employment opportunities will be generated throughout the

Lansing Metropolitan Area; Non-local sources of funds such as
federal and state aids will continue to be available;

 

141Meridian Charter Township Planning Commission, Develop-
ment Policy Plang_1970 (Haslett, Michigan: Meridian Charter Town-
ship, 1970), p. 3.

97

Proposed freeway extensions and other scheduled roadway im-
provements will be constructed in the Township,"142

and others. Who could have imagined in 1969 that in 1972 John

Bean Division of FOMOCO would be phased out, or that President

Nixon would freeze all federal funding programs, or that the "cross-
campus" roadway would not be built? Assumptions are generally
safety valves for planners who are just a little unsure of the

total stability of the environment in which they are planning.
Naturally, should an assumption prove invalid, the plan itself

will come into question.

The body of the policy plan for Meridian is organized in
stages from the general to the specific. There are eleven sections
determined and organized by functional area including: economy,
land use, housing, natural resources, public school facilities,
parks and recreation, public service facilities, public utilities,
transportation, aesthetics, and regulation and finance. Each sec-
tion begins with a review of the trends, problems, and potentials
identified in the background studies or inventories of the community.

For example, a trend might be,

Regional services-producing activities have grown at a slightly
faster rate than the goods-producing activities. Meridian is
an excallent position to take advantage of this regional

trend. 43

An example of a problem in the same functional area

(economy) is: "Although many areas of the Township are zoned for

 

”21616., p. 3.

143Ibid., p. 6.

98

industry, they are not properly located to serve the needs of modern

144

production and distribution activities." A potential listed in

this same area is:

While the Lansing region contains the basic assets necessary
to attract science—based industries, no large scale development
has occurred to date. The establishment of a medical school at
Michigan State University may provide the needed stimulus to
create a demand for research facilities in the region. Meri-
dian could play a large part in this growth because of its

geographical proximity to this research center of the region.145

Following the introductory material, which is basically
an analysis and synthesis of the factual information collected, the
general goal for the specific functional area is listed. The gpal_
for the housing area is: “To ensure adequate housing for all resi-
dents in healthful, safe, convenient, and attractive neighborhoods."146
The goal is followed by three to five basic pplipy_state-
ments amplified by several specific "actions" related to each policy.
For example, one of the housing policies is ”Meridian should mount a
broad attack on existing blight, and more efforts should be made to
prevent future blight."147 Related to that policy are eight differ-
ent actions recommended to achieve the goal. These actions are
specific enough that they can be measured objectively and thereby

determine the success or failure of the policy plan. Some examples

of actions include:

 

14Ilpig,, p. 6.
1451p1a,, p. 7.
1461p1a,, p. 13.
147Ip1g,, p. 14.

99

(1) A workable program should be adopted which would qualify
the township to receive federal aids.

(2) Stricter enforcement of housing codes and the zoning
ordinance should be promoted.

(3) Active encouragement and assistance should be given to
groups organizing for self-help and neighborhood improve-
ment projects.

(4) Meridian should support state tax-reform legislation which

would penalize rather than reward property owners who
allow structures to deteriorate.14

While the policy plan attempted to incorporate policies
which were accepted though unwritten, those which were rules-of-
thumb, and those implicit in the past actions of the Township
Board, undoubtedly not all policies of the Township are contained
in the plan. Notable in their absence are the precise, specific
policies inherent in the ordinances of the Township, and in the
adopted standards. For example, the Township has adopted sewer
and water construction standards, and recently the planning commis-
sion adopted standards for improvements in multiple housing projects.

One aspect of the Meridian policy plan which is different
from traditional urban development policies is that it goes beyond
the normal land use issues. The plan discusses some broad range
governmental management policies which are loosely tied to land use
but not as closely as traditional planning would like to limit the
plan. For example, the Lansing Tri-County Regional Plan is far

more limited in its scope than is the Meridian Plan.

 

100

Summar

Meridian Charter Township is a typical suburban community
with typical suburban fears of urban sprawl. The policy plan which
has evolved in this community reflects this suburban bias adequately.
Important to the successful development of the policy plan was the
political power structure and the group dynamics existing within
that structure.

The Meridian policy plan is structured with a framework
which moves from the general to the specific. The elements of the
plan include: problems, trends, and potentials statements; general
goals; policies; and specific actions.

The success of the plan is strongly affected by continuity
within the power structure and the maintenance of power in a small
group within the government. The relevance of the plan is strongly
affected by the degree of citizen participation. In the Meridian
example this amounted to little more than tokenism.

It appears that "planning adopted on schedule to qualify
for federal loans and grants may not only be ignored after adoption,

but may condition the city against future planning."149

Very little
long-range planning has been done by the Township since the "701"
program planning elements were completed. The policy plan was
apparently adopted to satisfy a requirement of the federal government

planning grant program. It may also have been the result of the

 

149Bair, op. cit., p. 58.

101

need at a specific time for a coherent policy statement in a
rapidly changing governmental structure. In any case, it served
as the foundation for Meridian's comprehensive plan and a great

amount of administrative decision making.

CHAPTER IV

A BROADER PERSPECTIVE: LESSONS FOR
PLANNERS (AND OTHERS)

The preceding chapters have traced the concept of policy
planning in respect to the basic theories, and application and
practice, and an examination of the environment in which policy
planning may occur. Discussed were the relationship of policy
making to decision making, and the context of values and goals
within which policy must be interpreted. The transition from
traditional planning to policy-oriented planning was reviewed,
as was the historical evolution of policy planning. The role of
policy planning in the process of goal formulation was presented.
In addition, an explanation of the values of the policy-planning
method was expressed.

The purpose of policy planning is to provide a framework
within which conflicts can be resolved and new policy developed.
We have reviewed the several elements which play an important part
in the construction of this framework including: the generation
of alternatives, the diverse goals of the participants in the pro-
cess, the political process, and citizen participation. The role
of the planner was traced from a traditional to a normative

approach to planning.

102

103

A review of the policy plan development process in the
Charter Township of Meridian, a suburban community in the Lansing
area, was undertaken in an attempt to examine the group dynamics,
the motivations, and the politics involved in a real-life situation.
The structure and content of the Meridian plan was reviewed to pro-
vide a proper context for the practical discussion.

Opportunities for Further
Research

 

The broad area of measurement of values and evaluation
of policy is to a great extent unexplored. The tendency has been
for traditional planners to evaluate their proposals using strict
economic cost-benefit analysis. Interpretation of subjective
values amounted to the planner applying his personal judgment to
a problem, and attempting to measure success through application
of general planning rules (requisites). The intuitive manner in
which many of the rules were derived in the first place did little
to refine the process of analysis. Two likely methods for evaluat-
ing and measuring values are suggested which merit further study.
Morris Hill suggests a "goals evaluation matrix" and appears to
suggest that with his method he can quantify, at least to some
extent, the intangible costs and benefits of such things as
aesthetics. Davidoff and Reiner specifically state that they do
not feel that a value statement can be verified by empirical data,
but they suggest that it can be seen in context with other values

when placed in a values hierarchy. It would seem that the key to

104

successful development of the policy planning concept is a method

of measuring the success of the process.

The authors reviewed in the process of preparing this

thesis suggest a variety of "measures" of quality which should be

included in a successful policy planning process. Our purpose in

presenting some of these ideas at this time is simply to provide

a base for future research. However, through a careful review of

the list it would seem that the practicing planner could improve

the policy-planning process. All authors are cited following these

paraphrased statements.

Technical:

(1) Policies should be general rather than specific. -Good-
man

(2) A clear presentation of alternatives should be made. -
Aschman

(3) It must be based on a realistic understanding of the
development process. - Kaiser and Weiss

(4) Policies should be clear and not subject to frequent
revision or change. - Kaiser and Weiss

(5) Planning must move away from technical planning and
embrace normative planning. - Goodman

(6) Plans should reflect an even distribution of land
appreciation. - Schmid

(7) The market forces must be shaped in the same direction
as broad public policy, or private incentive will tend
to frustrate policy implementation. - Schmid

Content

(8) A policy plan must have a "full-range of policies

covering every typical or imaginable problem. - Goodman

(9)

(10)

(11)

105

Policy cannot be derived solely based on traditional
economic cost—benefit analysis, people are just as con-
cerned with the intangible values affected by decisions.
- Young

Policy must reflect multiple goals present within a
diverse society. - Goodman .

Do not base long-term policies on current fiscal expe-
diency. — Bair

Citizen Participation

(12) To see the plan, look at the people. — Hahn

(13) Different political, social, and economic interests
should all produce plans. - Davidoff

(14) Goals can be derived by placing values in a hierarchy.
— Davidoff

(15) Goals must win approval from a democratic political
process. - Altshuler

Politics

(16) To see the plan, look at the people. - Hahn

(17) Policy should be adopted by the governing body. - Hill,
- Goodman

(18) Policy must be made into a framework for steering
decision making, and that framework must be recognized
by all levels of government. - Chapin

(19) The best total body of policy is the result of the
interplay of policy development throughout the hier-
archy of government. - Fagin

(20) Short-range policies must reflect political realities,
long-range policies can reflect utopian ideals. - Davidoff

(21) Goals must win approval from a democratic political
process. — Altshuler

(22) No planning program will be effective unless it is being

led by the mayor. - Craig

106

Education

(23) Educate the citizens concerning the planning principles
and process in order to get cooperation in the implemen-
tation stage. - Altshuler

Implementation

 

(24) Policy making and administration must be a part of the
same process. - Daland

(25) The manager plan appears to demand an established con- . ;
sensus of general community goals. - Williams and ae"
Adrian

(26) Attempt to achieve "middle-range" goals that are general,
but are also operational. - Altshuler

(27) Policy should be adopted by the governing gody. - Hill,
- Goodman

(28) We endanger any plan when we load it with more elements
than we currently have the dexterity or the power to
manage. — Lindblom

(29) Policies must be implemented if they are to be effec-
tive. - Davidoff

(30) Judging the effectiveness directly can only be done by
seeing the results. - Craig

Epilogue for Meridian Township

The preparation of a policy plan in the Charter Township
of Meridian was a valuable and worthwhile project. However, if the
plan does not reflect a consensus of opinion, at least on the part
of the decision makers, it needs revision. In light of the fact
that several of the assumptions upon which the plan was based have
been changed, it would appear that the plan is out of date. A
desirable method for updating the plan might follow the format used

107

in the Central Connecticut Regional Plan. Through the use of this
organizational tool it would be easier to determine just which
policies have been acted upon and what some of the possible con-
sequences of that action have been. In developing a new policy
framework, all alternative policies should be presented in writing
in the initial review stage.

Citizen participation, beyond mere tokenism, must play
a part in the review of alternative policies. Finally, periodic
reviews of the progress of the implementation of the policy plan
should be made. An appropriate time for this would be in conjunction
with the development of the annual capital improvements program and
budget. Policy should become a prime concern of the administrative
arm of township government. While the Board must, as the politi—
cians, lead the way in the formulation of policy, the staff must
keep the politicians informed concerning all possible alternatives

and the consequences of all actions.

What of the Future?

Planning can be made more responsive, more coherent,
and generally more successful through the application of policy-
planning methods. However, at this time refinement of the process
into a more scientific approach is needed. This refinement is
occurring slowly in the field of planning today. Policy planning
is needed now, not another ten years from now. The curriculum
taught in our planning schools is basically traditional planning.

Urban problems are vastly more complex than they once were.

108

Planning tools must keep pace or planning will no longer be needed
as we presently know it. Dennis Rondinelli has recently suggested
that the skills and knowledge needed by planners in order for them

to conduct policy planning properly include:

Persuasion and manipulation

Information collection and communication skills
Client analysis

Mediation and negotiation skills

Resource mobilization ability

Advocacy and organizing ability

Interpersonal relations

Small group decision making

Organizational behavior

Intragroup dynamics

Social psychology

Coalition management

Entrepreneurial experience

Techniques of conflict resolution
Sociopolitical exchange processes

Opportunity cost analysis

Quantitative analysis and forecasting techniques
Contingency analysis

Performance evaluation 150
Simulation, gaming, and strategy design.

The areas in which Rondinelli calls for expertise must be, in my
opinion, a part of the educational curriculum of all planners.
With tools such as these, planning and policy planning will be

valuable and effective elements of our dicision-making processes.

 

150Rondineiii, op. cit., p. 20.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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?M_xou ~19 O ;‘_‘.fivf _'

BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Altshuler, Alan A. The Citprlanning_Process: A Political
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American Society of Planning Officials. Planning_J963. Proceed-
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American Society of Planning Officials. Planningpl968. Proceed-
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American Society of Planning Officials. Planningyl969. Proceed—
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Babcock, Richard F. The Zoning Game: Municipal Practices and
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Bair, Frederick H. Planning Cities: Selected Writings on Princi-
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Chapin, F. Stuart, Jr. Urban Land Use Plannipg, Urbana: Univer-
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Dror, Y. Public Policy Making Re-examined. San Francisco:
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Friedmann, John, and William Alonso. Regional Develppment and
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Gans, Herbert J. People and Plans: Essays on Urban Problems and
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Goodman, William I., and Eric C. Freund (eds.). Principles and
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109

110

Kent, T. J., Jr. The Urban General Plan. San Francisco:
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Lindblom, Charles E. The Policy Making Process. Englewood
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Meyerson, Martin, and Edward C. Banfield. Politics, Planning,
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Rabinovitz, Francine E. City Politics and Planning. New York:
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Schnore, Leo F., and Henry Fagin (eds.). Urban Research and
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Washington, University of, Bureau of Governmental Research and
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Williams, Oliver P., and Charles R. Adrian. Four Cities: A Study
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Arnstein, Sherry R. "A Ladder of Citizen Participation." Journal
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33095. Frank 5.. Jr. "Urban Land Policy: Some Proposals For Change."
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111

. "Emerging Views of Planning." Journal of the American
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Brandl, John E. "Comment on the Goals-Achievement Matrix for
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Chapin, F. Stuart, Jr. "Taking Stock of Techniques for Shaping
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Davidoff, Paul. "Advocacy and Pluralism in Planning." Journal of
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331-338.

 

, and Thomas A. Reiner. "A Choice Theory of Planning.”
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Dyckman, John W. "Planning and Decision Theory." Journal of the
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Gans, Herbert J. "From Urbanism to Policy Planning." Journal of
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223-226.

 

Hill, Morris. "A Goals Evaluation Matrix for Evaluating Alterna-
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. "A Rejoinder." Journal of the American Institute of
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Kaiser, Edward, and Shirley Weiss. "Public Policy and the Residen-
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Litchfield, Nathaniel. "Cost-Benefit Analysis in City Planning,”
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Meyerson, Martin. "Building the Middle Range Bridge for Compre-
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Rein, Martin. "Social Policy Analysis as the Interpretation of
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112

Rondinelli, Dennis. "Urban Planning and Policy Analysis: Manage-
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Schmid, A. Allan. "Suburban Land Appreciation and Public Policy.”
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76'850

Unpublished Materials

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Central Connecticut Regional Planning Agency. "Regional Develop-
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Dade County Planning Advisory Board. "Preliminary Land Use Plan
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Farness, Sanford 5. "Policy Problems Related to Planning and
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Honey, Keith Max. "Comprehensive Policy Plans for the Lansing
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Howard County, Maryland. "A Planning Policy and Design Concept
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Joint Program, The, An Inter-Agency Land Use-Transportation
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113

Kahle, Warren. "Planning Techniques Related to Urban Growth and
their Municipal Policy Implications." Unpublished
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Meridian Charter Township Planning Commission. "Development
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Charter Township, 1970.

Nelson, Stephen Craig. "The Policy Approach in Urban and Regional
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Wilberg, Richard W. "The Function of Planning in the Charter
Township Form of Government: The Case of Meridian
Charter Township." Unpublished Master's thesis,
Michigan State University, 1969.

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