g I. I ‘ '. l‘! ; : 1 '- 5. '.w‘\' A "‘ u \ (I. 3|. ‘1! ABSTRACT An Analysis of Invasion-Succession and Areal Differentiation as Ecological Processes Operative in tho Development of Ecological Variation Within a Negro Community by Rodger Reid Rice Though much has been written by human ecologists and other sociol- ogists concerning the ecological processes of segregation and invasion- succession, a review of the relevant literature reveals a considerable variation in the application of these concepts. This thesis attempts a necessary clarification and differentiation of these two processes. The focus of this study, however, is on the operation of segregation and invasion~succession within a Negro community in a selected Northern metropolitan city, namely, Grand Rapids, Michigan. The empirical data indicate a pattern common to other urban centers, i.e., a rapid migration of whites from the central city to the suburbs, along with a steadily increasing Negro population in the central city. But the empirical data on the Negro population in Grand Rapids also suggest a wide range of differences within the Negro population. It is this variation, viewed from an ecological perspective, that becomes the problem of this thesis. Our concern with the processes of segregation and invasion-succession, then, becomes restricted to the internal variation pattern of an urban Negro community. The objective of this thesis is to describe and explain the ecological variation pattern which exists in this Negro community. Two models repre- senting the ecological processes of areal differentiation and invasion- succession are constructed. Areal differentiation is comparable to the Rodger Rice process of segregation but operative within the Negro community. The two models are differentiated on the basis of three major points. In simpli— fied form the two models are presented as exact opposites with regard to these three points. To operationalize these models for empirical testing the areal unit of analysis for the model of invasion-succession is termed ”stage of succession”. Four stages of succession have been differentiated on the basis of proportion of Negro households in an area: invasion, infiltration, consolidation, concentration. For the process of areal differentiation, the areal unit of analysis is ”status area.” A major type of status area is called ”core area” which consists of a concentrated core with a high proportion of Negroes at its center surrounded by areas of invasion characterized by low proportion of Negroes. A second type is called ”status area” which refers primarily to a segment of the larger core area. The problem of this thesis emerges as the determining of which of these two models best predicts the ecological variation pattern in this Negro community. The hypotheses to be tested are abstracted from these models relative to the three major points of contrast. The first hypo- thesis states that the most significant ecological variation either exists among status areas or stages of succession. If the former is supported, then areal differentiation will be shown to be the more influential ecological process; if not, then invasion-succession is. The second hypothesis proposes that a gradient pattern will exist either among status areas or stages of succession, dependent upon which ecological variation in the first hypothesis is more significant. This gradient Rodger R. Rice pattern is defined in terms of a stabilitv of status indices of an area over time and a consistency of indices used to indicate status. The third hypothesis asserts that whites being replaced by invading Negroes will either reveal a significant difference or will show similarity of status. If the former is true, the invasion-succession model is supported; if the r‘ r: l latter, the areal di"ierentiation model is supported. Data were obtained from 539 Negro households and 487 white households residing in the Negro community. Information regarding seventeen variables were obtained for each household. These data were then classified on the basis of ecological area, i.e., by status area, core area, and stage of succession. All seventeen variables were employed in the testing of each of the three hypotheses to determine which ecological model best predicted ecological variation within the Negro community. The findings Show that areal differentiation at the core area level is the most significant ecological variation within the Negro community of Grand Rapids. Two status area types were tested: small status areas and core areas. The two core areas found to exist in the Negro community revealed a significant status difference between them. However, when status areas and stages of succession were tested for variation within the core areas, little internal variation was revealed. The status difference which does exist between the two core areas was shown to be greater when contrasting the concentrated core centers than when contrasting the invasion or fringe areas of the core areas. Areal differentiation at the core areal level was also substantiated in the second hypothesis, which predicted a gradient pattern. The core areas had maintained a ”stability” of gradient over the past two decades and a ”consistency” of gradient when all seventeen variables were examined. Rodger R. Rice When testing for the third hypothesis, however, it was found that the invasion-succession model more accurately predicted the variation between Negro invaders and whites being replaced. There exists a status difference between these two distinct groups, which further suggests a continual resistance of the invading Negroes by the white residents contiguous to the Negro core areas. The conclusion, therefore, is that both ecological processes appear to be Operative in the Negro community. On the basis of the first two hypotheses areal differentiation was substantiated, whereas on the basis of the third hypothesis, invasion-succession was supported. Both ecological processes were then synthesized into one single model of ecological variation according to the findings of this study. I) 1‘ 1 “RN °.’ . Luv; )Jll gushing Th5 DEG IOLOQy AN ANALYSIS OF INVASION-SUCCESSION AND AREAL DIFFERENTIATION AS ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES OPERATIVE IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECOLOGICAL VARIATION WITHIN A NEGRO COMMUNITY BY RODGER REID RICE A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT or THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE or MASTER OF ARTS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF Soc- IOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY IN MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY EAST LANSING, MICHIGAN I 962 I , fl 2776’ .’ .147/‘(4/ ’ ’ V 7 2¥J2fl~ APPROVED ACKNOWLEDGMENTS APPRECIATION IS TO BE EXPRESSED TO OR. JAMES B. MCKEE, MY MAJOR PROFESSOR, UNDER WHOSE DIRECTION AND GUIDANCE THIS STUDY INDEED, HIS ADVICE AND ENCOURAGEMENTS WERE, WAS COMPLETED. EXTREMELY HELPFUL AND WITHOUT THEM PERHAPS THIS THESIS WOULD NEVER HAVE REACHED ITS FINAL STAGE. RECOGNITION IS TO BE GIVEN TO THE HUMAN RELATIONS COMMISSION INITIAL COL- OF GRAND RAPIDS WHICH GAVE FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO THE ALSO, THE LECTION OF DATA UPON WHICH THIS STUDY HAS BEEN BASED. IS INSTITUTE FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT OF MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY TO BE OFFERED SPECIAL RECOGNITION FOR ALLOWING ME THE TIME AND THE FACILITIES BY WHICH THIS STUDY WAS COMPLETED. I ALSO WANT TO EXPRESS MY GRATITUDE TO OR. WALTER E. FREEMAN FOR ALSO, IN THE WRITING OF THIS THESIS. IN THE HIS ASSISTANCE AND SUGGESTIONS DONALD w. OLMSTED FOR HIS ASSISTANCE IN INCLUDED I WISH To THANK DR. INTERPRETATION OF THE STATISTICAL DATA COMPUTATION AND THE STUDY. JAY w. ARTIS AND PROFESSOR MYLES G. THANKS ARE ALSO DUE TO OR. BOYLAN, MEMBERS OF MY COMMITTEE, FOR THEIR TIME AND SUGGESTIONS. FINALLY, A GREAT DEAL OF APPRECIATION MINGLED WITH SYMPATHY GOES To MY WIFE, RUTH, WITHOUT WHOSE PATIENCE AND PERSISTENT MORAL SUPPORT THIS THESIS WOULD NEVER HAVE BEEN COMPLETED. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. INTRODUCTION .......................... . ..... ......... I II. THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES: SEGREGATION AND INVASION- SUCCESSION.... ...................................... . A THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESS OF SEGREGATION ............ .... 8 THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESS OF INVASION-SUCCESSION ........ 2| III. A CASE STUDY: SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION AS ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES OPERATIVE IN THE CITY OF GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN .................................. ... A9 INTRODUCTION ..... .. . ................................ A9 THE CITY OF GRAND RAPIDS........... .................. 52 THE GROWTH OF THE NEGRO POPULATION ................... 53 CENTRAL CITY VERSUS SUBURBAN FRINGE.......... ........ 60 THE PATTERN OF RACIAL SEGREGATION ............ . ....... 65 SOME CONCOMITANTS OF NEGRO SEGREGATION ............... 7 THE PROCESS OF INVASION-SUCCESSION ................... '7 IV. RESEARCH PROBLEM DERIVED FROM THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES OF SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION ............... 97 THE PROBLEM ....... . .................................. 97 A MODEL OF INVASION-SUCCESSION ....................... 99 A MODEL OF AREAL DIFFERENTIATION ..................... I03 HYPOTHESES ..... . ..................................... I07 METHODOLOGY .......................................... IIO v. ANALYSIS OF INVASION-SUCCESSION AND AREAL DIFFERENTI- ATION As ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES OPERATIVE WITHIN A NEGRO COMMUNITY .............. . ....................... I30 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY AND THE ECOLOGICAL MODELS. ................. .. ............. |3l HYPOTHESIS #l: ECOLOGICAL VARIATION PATTERNS RE- SULTANT FROM INVASION-SUCCESSION AND AREAL DIFFERENTIATION .................................... I39 FINDINGS ........................................... IAZ SUMMARY OF FINDINGS ................................ I54 I’ll .D\’/ Jll pt .I ‘I «Iv «J I 3 A S .L 3. D. I“. CHAPTER HYPOTHESIS #2: THE GRADIENT PATTERN OF ECOLOGICAL VARIATION ........................................ . FINDINGS ...... . ................................... SUMMARY OF FINDINGS ............................... HYPOTHESIS #3: THE ECOLOGICAL VARIATION PATTERN RESULTANT FROM POPULATION REPLACEMENT ..... . ....... FINDINGS .......................................... SUMMARY OF FINDINGS........ ....... . ..... . ..... .... VI. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH... CONCLUSIONS...... ...... . ...... . ..................... LIMITATIONS AND WEAKNESSES OF THE STUDY ............. IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH................... ADDITIONAL TABLES COPY OF SCHEDULE PAGE I55 I56 I72 '73 . a n v o u o o I. XI XII XIII XII XV XIII LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE I GROWTH OF THE NEGRO POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN: I900-I960. 5A II GROWTH OF THE NON-WHITE POPULATION IN SIX SELECTED MICHIGAN METROPOLITAN CENTERS: I93O-I960. 56 III COMPONENTS OF POPULATION GROWTH FOR KENT COUNTY, CITY OF GRAND RAPIDS, AND BALANCE OF COUNTY: APRIL I, I950 TO APRIL I, I960. 59 IV POPULATION INCREASE FOR GRAND RAPIDS AND SURROUNDING MINOR CIVIL DIVISIONS: I950-I960. 6| V SUMMARY OF NET MIGRATION: GRAND RAPIDS STANDARD METROPOLITAN AREA, CENTRAL CITY, AND METROPOLITAN RING, BY AGE AND COLOR: I9AO-5O. 6A VI BLOCKS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE BY PERCENTAGE OF NEGRO DWELLING UNITS: I9AO-59. 73 VII TRENDS IN RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF NON-WHITES IN SIX SELECTED MICHIGAN CITIES: I9AO-I950. 78 VIII OCCUPATION OF EMPLOYED PERSONS BY RACE FOR GRAND RAPIDS STANDARD METROPOLITAN AREA: I950. 80 IX CLASS OF WORKER OF EMPLOYED PERSONS IN INDUSTRY BY RACE FOR P GRAND RAPIDS STANDARD METROPOLITAN AREA: I950. OI x INCOME IN I9h9 OF PERSONS BY RACE FOR GRAND RAPIDS URBAN PLACE: f I950. f O3 XI POPULATION PER OCCUPIED DWELLING UNIT FOR TOTAL POPULATION AND ‘ NEGRO POPULATION, GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN: I9h0-I960. 8h XII AGE, CONDITION, CROWDING, AVERAGE RENT, AVERAGE VALUE, AND TENURE FOR DWELLING UNITS IN NON-WHITE AND WHITE AREAS FOR GRAND RAPIDS, A MICHIGAN: I950. O5 XIII BLOCKS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION: I9HO, I950,I959. 9| XIV CHANGE IN PROPORTION OF NEGROES BETWEEN I9AO AND I959 FOR BLOCKS BY PER CENT NEGRO IN I9A0. 93 xv CHANGE IN PROPORTION NEGRO BETWEEN I9AO AND I959 FOR BLOCKS LYING OUTSIDE AND INSIDE THE BOUNDARIES OF THE NEGRO GHETTO OF I959. 93 XVI TOTAL HOUSEHOLDS AND SAMPLE HOUSEHOLDS, NEGRO AND WHITE, FOR SAMPLE AREAS. I22 III I IIX XXI IVIII XXIII XXI y XXI” All]. TABLE XVII XVIII XIX XX XXI XXII XXIII XXIV XXV XXVI XXVII XXVIII LIST OF TABLES (CONT'D) COMPARISON OF SAMPLE AREAS AND THE SAMPLE SELECTED BY PER CENT NEGRO HOUSEHOLDS. COMPARISON OF SAMPLE AREAS AND THE SAMPLE SELECTED BY PER CENT NEGRO HOUSEHOLDS RESIDING IN SINGLE-FAMILY STRUCTURES. COMPARISON OF SAMPLE AREAS AND THE SAMPLE SELECTED BY PER CENT NEGRO HOUSEHOLDS WITH LENGTH OF RESIDENCE OVER TEN YEARS AT PRESENT ADDRESS. TOTAL HOUSEHOLDS AND SAMPLE HOUSEHOLDS, NEGRO AND WHITE, BY STAGES OF SUCCESSION OF BLOCKS IN SAMPLE AREAS. EXPECTED RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY DEPENDENT VARIABLES AND INDEPENDENT VARIABLES OF STATUS AREA AND STAGE OF SUCCESSION. TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE AMONG STATUS AREAS AND AMONG STAGES OF SUCCESSION BY HOUSING, SOCIO- ECONOMIC AND FAMILY VARIABLES. TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BE- TWEEN THE EAST CORE AND THE MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA BY HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY VARIABLES. TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE AMONG STATUS AREAS WITHIN THE EAST CORE AREA AND AMONG STATUS AREAS WITHIN THE MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA BY HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY VARIABLES. TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN STAGES OF SUCCESSION WITHIN THE EAST CORE AREA AND BETWEEN STAGES OF SUCCESSION WITHIN THE MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA BY HOUS- ING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY VARIABLES. TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN INVASION-INFILTRATION STAGES OF THE EAST AND MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREAS AND BETWEEN CONCENTRATION-CONSOLIDATION STAGES OF THE EAST AND MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREAS BY HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY VARIABLES. TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES LEVELS OF SIGNIFICANCE FOR SELECTED SOCIO-ECONOMIC VARIABLES BY VARIOUS AREAL CATEGORIES OF THE ECOLOGICAL MODELS. TABLE OF INDICES AND RANK ORDER OF INDICES OF HOUSING, SOCIO- ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS BY CORE AREA. VI PAGE I23 I2u AAA-B mill ‘II. AM” AU :1 I TABLE XXIX XXX-A XXX-B XXXI XXXII XXXIII XXXIV XXXV XXXVI XXXVII XXXVIII XXXIX LIST OF TABLES (CONT'D) PAGE TABLE OF INDICES AND RANK ORDER OF INDICES OF SELECTED HOUS- ING CHARACTERISTICS BY CORE AREA FOR I9AO AND I950. I59 TABLE OF INDICES OF HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS FOR EAST CORE AREA AND MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION. I6I TABLE OF RANK ORDER OF INDICES FOR HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS FOR EAST CORE AREA AND MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION. I62 TABLE OF RANK ORDER OF INDICES FOR HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS BY STATUS AREA WITHIN EAST CORE AREA . AND WITHIN MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA. I6A TABLE OF RANK ORDER OF INDICES FOR HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS BY STAGES OF SUCCESSION WITHIN EAST CORE AREA AND MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA. I66 TABLE OF FRIEDMAN TWO-WAY ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE BY RANK OF ALL INDICES AND INDICES OF HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS BY STATUS AREA WITHIN EAST CORE AREA AND MIDDLE- WEST CORE AREA. I67 TABLE OF FRIEDMAN PWOJWAY ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE BY RANK OF ALL INDICES AND INDICES OF HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS BY STAGES OF SUCCESSION WITHIN EAST CORE AREA AND MIDDLEAWEST CORE AREA. I68 TABLE OF MEAN RANKS OF ALL INDICES AND HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY INDICES FOR STAGES OF SUCCESSION WITHIN MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA. I69 TABLE OF RANK ORDER OF OCCUPATION, INCOME, AND EDUCATION INDICES FOR STATUS AREAS AND STAGES OF SUCCESSION WITHIN EAST CORE AREA AND MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA. I7I TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES As TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN NEGROES AND WHITES BEING REPLACED IN EAST CORE AREA AND MIDDLE- WEST CORE AREA BY HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY VARIABLES. I76 TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN WHITES BEING REPLACED BY NEGROES IN EAST CORE AREA AND IN MIDDLE- , WEST CORE AREA BY HOUSING, SOClO-ECONOMIC, AND FAMILY VARIABLES. I75 TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN WHITES BEING REPLACED IN INVASION-INFILTRATION STAGES OF SUCCES- SION BY CORE AREA AND BETWEEN CONCENTRATION-CONSOLIDATION STAGES OF SUCCESSION BY CORE AREA FOR SELECTED SOCIO-ECONOMIC VARIABLES.I80 VII LIST OF TABLES (CONT'D) TABLE PAGE XXXX TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN NEGROES AND WHITES BEING REPLACED IN INVASION-INFILTRATION STAGES OF SUCCESSION BY CORE AREA FOR SELECTED SOCIO-ECONOMIC q VARIABLES. I02 VIII LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE I POPULATION AND RESIDENTIAL GROWTH IN GRAND RAPIDS METROPOLITAN AREA. 62 2 AREAS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS: I9AO. 67 3 AREAS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS: I950. 68 A AREAS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS: I959. 69 5 EXAMPLES OF INVASION-SUCCESSION FOR SELECTED BLOCKS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE, I9AO-I959. 95 6 MODELS OF ECOLOGICAL VARIATION. III 7 SURVEY AREA AND SAMPLE AREAS IN WHICH INTERVIEWING WAS CONDUCTED, MAY, I959. 7 II8 8 CORE AREAS, STATUS AREAS, AND STAGES OF SUCCESSION AS GEOGRAPHICAL AREAS IN THE NEGRO COMMUNITY OF GRAND RAPIDS. IAI 9 ACTUAL PATTERN OF ECOLOGICAL VARIATION FOR NEGRO COMMUNITY IN GRAND RAPIDS: AN ALTERNATIVE MODEL T0 AREAL DIFFERENTIATION OR INVASION-SUCCESSION. I87 HUC". — . CDVINLIOL'SL Jim NORT— UFTIVATED j ”‘3 T»: PRoc EllLOGISTS u UNTEIITION I “N Mm: FUSINS. TH: Ii 0“ AND T aARADOx. SE THE “3UP (I BUT AT THE 5 THE PU“ CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION MUCH HAS BEEN WRITTEN IN PAST YEARS DEALING WITH THE PROBLEMS OF CONTINUOUSLY GROWING AND EXPANDING NEGRO POPULATIONS IN MANY OF OUR LARGER NORTHERN AND WESTERN CITIES. TWO FACETS OF THESE PHENOMENA HAVE CAPTIVATED THE ATTENTION OF HUMAN ECOLOGISTS: THE PROCESS OF SEGREGATION AND THE PROCESS OF INVASION-SUCCESSION. MUCH HAS BEEN WRITTEN BY HUMAN ECOLOGISTS DEALING WITH THESE TWO PROCESSES ALONE. IT Is THE WRITER'S CONTENTION IN THIS THESIS, HOWEVER, THAT THERE EXIST IN THE LITERATURE MANY ELEMENTS OF THESE TWO PROCESSES WHICH APPEAR CONTRADICTORY OR CON- FUSING. THE VERY FACT THAT SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION OPERATE AT ONE AND THE SAME TIME WITHIN THE SAME COMMUNITY SEEMS AT FIRST A PARADOX. SEGREGATION ESTABLISHES DISTINCT RESIDENTIAL BOUNDARIES FOR THE GROUP (IN THIS THESIS IT IS A RACIAL GROUP) ENCOMPASSED WITHIN IT, BUT AT THE SAME TIME THERE ARE ATTEMPTS BY THE MEMBERS OF THAT GROUP To EXPAND THIS BOUNDARY OR To EVEN BREAK FROM THE CONFINES OF THE BOUNDARY COMPLETELY THROUGH THE PROCESS OF INVASION-SUCCESSION. THE PURPOSE OF THIS THESIS IS PRIMARILY To ESTABLISH SPECIFICALLY WHAT IS INVOLVED IN EACH OF THESE TWO ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES, I.E., WHAT ARE THE PRINCIPLES OR ELEMENTS OPERATIVE IN EACH PROCESS. THIS REMAINS A PROBLEM IN ITSELF BECAUSE NO CLEAR-CUT CONCEPTION OF EITHER IS READILY OBTAINABLE. CHAPTER II WILL ATTEMPT To REVIEW AS MUCH OF THE LITERATURE AS POSSIBLE DEALING WITH THESE TWO ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES WITH THE INTENTION 0F DELINEATING SPECIFICALLY A MODEL FOR EACH OF THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES t". Asa fitzL. - .QY‘. a-K i...u.‘ETL. ' .‘. IN TERMS C? CCKN'UNITY A" Iii-LARGE. CHAPTE ICAL CONTEN" TEFIIS OF T.—; ECTH SEGRESA CQNVJNITY I-N HAMAL INTF R‘FIDS To Tr CHAPTEF -2- IN TERMS OF HOW THEY OPERATE WITHIN THE RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS OF A NEGRO COMMUNITY AND HOW THEY RELATE THE NEGRO COMMUNITY TO THE URBAN COMMUNITY- AT-LARGE. CHAPTER III OF THIS THESIS WILL BE AN ATTEMPT TO PROVIDE THE EMPIR- ICAL CONTENTS OF THE PARTICULAR NEGRO COMMUNITY WHICH WILL BE STUDIED IN TERMS OF THE TWO ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES. IN THIS CHAPTER THE PATTERNS OF BOTH SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION WILL BE PRESENTED FOR THE NEGRO COMMUNITY IN GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN. THIS CHAPTER WILL ALSO PROVIDE A GENERAL INTRODUCTION To THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE NEGRO POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS To THE CITY AS A WHOLE. CHAPTER IV WILL CONSIST OF AN ATTEMPT To SPECIFICALLY DEFINE THE PROBLEM OF THE THESIS, DRAWING UPON THE CONTENTS OF CHAPTER II FOR ITS THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND CHAPTER III FOR ITS EMPIRICAL CONTENT. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TWO MODELS FOR THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES OF AREAL DIF- FERENTIATIONI (A FORM OF THE PROCESS OF SEGREGATION) AND INVASION-SUC- CESSION WILL FOLLOW WITH THE FINAL STEP BEING THE DELINEATION OF THE HYPOTHESES To BE TESTED IN THE FINAL CHAPTER OF ANALYSIS. FINALLY, CHAPTER V WILL INVOLVE THE ACTUAL ANALYSIS OF THE DATE OBTAINED FROM A SURVEY OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY OF GRAND RAPIDS IN HOPES OF ESTABLISHING WHICH ECOLOGICAL MODEL Is MORE VALID IN DESCRIBING THE ECOLOGICAL PATTERNS OF VARIATION FOUND WITHIN THIS NEGRO COMMUNITY. WITH THIS PROCEDURE, THEREFORE, IT Is HOPED THAT TWO GOALS WILL BE ACCOMPLISHED: (I) THAT THE TWO ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES OF AREAL DIFFERENTIATION AND INVASION- SUCCESSION MAY BE CLEARLY DIFFERENTIATED AND THE PRINCIPLES INVOLVED IN EACH BE ESTABLISHED AND (2) THAT A CONCLUSION MAY BE REACHED IN THE FINAL ANALYSIS A; CONCLUSIONS RESEARCH u; -3- ANALYSIS AS TO WHICH ECOLOGICAL PROCESS BEST EXPLAINS THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ECOLOGICAL VARIATION PATTERN EXISTING WITHIN THIS NEGRO COMMUNITY. CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS AND WEAKNESSES, AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH WILL BE PROVIDED IN THE FINAL CHAPTER OF THIS THESIS. lTHIS CONCEPT Is NOT AN ORIGINAL CREATION OF THIS WRITER. FOR THE ORIGIN AND EXPLANATION OF THIS CONCEPT WITH REFERENCE To THE NEGRO COMMUNITY IN AN URBAN SETTING, THE WRITER Is INDEBTED To OTIS DUDLEY DUNCAN AND BEVERLY DUNCAN, THE NEGRO POPULATION 2£_CHICAGO. CHICAG0: THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, I957. 'o-ICI-I THIS STU: iHimsUTIONs 1 STATE or MUCH c lanai ACTUALLY \ RHR. EDWARD IT WAS CHA THEY WERE ANY CLEAR. ATTEMPT '7 ITS CONCRE ALIHAN, Ih II THE EARLY HU BUT THE SIGNIFI I INTERPRETATION II SEEMS PARA' ICAL MONO-3: P”£N0H£NA ”'7“ THE P: PRESENTED C SORT 0” SO: PROCESSES I, THESE CONFI EXPECT A HERE [)5 I 0F 7,: CHAPTER II THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES: SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION BEFORE ATTEMPTING To PICTURE THE OPERATION OF THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES OF SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION WITHIN THE PARTICULAR CITY UPON WHICH THIS STUDY WILL FOCUS, IT Is IMPORTANT To SET FORTH THE SIGNIFICANT CONTRIBUTIONS To A GENERAL "THEORY" OF THESE ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES. THE STATE OF MUCH OF ECOLOGICAL THEORY, HOWEVER, SUGGESTS THAT NO SYSTEMATIC THEORY ACTUALLY EXISTS AND WHAT DOES EXIST Is MOSTLY DESCRIPTIVE IN CHAR- ACTER. EDWARD SHILS IN HIS BOOK, THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY, DESCRIBES EARLY ECOLOGICAL RESEARCH AS FOLLOWS. IT WAS CHARACTERISTIC OF THESE (EARLY ECOLOGICAL) STUDIES THAT THEY WERE NOT MOTIVATED BY A CENTRAL SCIENTIFIC PROBLEM OR BY ANY CLEARLY DEFINED HYPOTHESIS. THEY REPRESENTED SIMPLY AN ATTEMPT 'To SEE THE LIFE OF THE COMMUNITY AS A WHOLE' IN ALL ITS CONCRETENESS.I ALIHAN, IN HER BOOK WRITTEN IN THE I93O'S, AIMED SHARP CRITICISMS AT THE EARLY HUMAN ECOLOGISTS. IN ONE OF HER CRITICISMS, ALIHAN POINTS OUT THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PROCESS As THE FOCAL POINT OF HUMAN ECOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION AS OPPOSED To STRUCTURE. HOWEVER, IN THIS SENSE ALIHAN SUGGESTS THAT THEIR APPROACH To HUMAN LIFE SEEMS PARADOXICAL WHEN WE CONSIDER THAT THE MAJORITY OF ECOLOG- ICAL MONOGRAPHS ARE PREOCCUPIED WITH THE DISTRIBUTION OF SPECIFIC PHENOMENA AT A GIVEN TIME OVER A DETERMINATE AREA--IN OTHER WORDS, WITH THE PATTERN OF DATA WITHIN A PRESUMPTIVE SYSTEM....THE DATA PRESENTED CONSIST OF GEOMETRIC CONFIGURATIONS WITHIN WHICH SOME SORT OF SOCIAL OR ECONOMIC STRUCTURE Is ASSUMED To EXIST. THE PROCESSES MAINLY REPRESENT PHYSICAL MOVEMENTS WITHIN AND BETWEEN THESE CONFIGURATIONS. BECAUSE OF THEIR PHYSICAL ASPECT WE WOULD EXPECT A DESCRIPTION OF THE ACTUAL MOVEMENT, OF THE FLOW, AS IT WERE, OF THESE PROCESSES. INSTEAD, WE ARE GIVEN A SERIES OF EXTERNAL WE ARE LR ECOLSGIST' YOND THE A SERIES GIVEN A P REAL INT: CONTINUIT WITH THE NJABETWEEN T ITTHIS POINT. small IMPLIES (an, - -5- EXTERNAL INDICES OF EACH PROCESS IN TERMS OF SPACE AND TIME. WE ARE LEFT To INFER THE CHARACTER OF THE PROCESS....THE ECOLOGISTS HAVE NOT YET DEALT WITH ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES BE- YOND THE DESCRIPTIVE PHASE. THEY ARE PRESENTED TO US LIKE A SERIES OF SNAPSHOTS, FROM DIFFERENT ANGLES, WHICH CAN BE GIVEN A MECHANICAL ANIMATION, BUT WHICH Do NOT EXHIBIT THE REAL INTERNAL CONTINUITY OF THE PROCESS THEY REPRESENT. THE CONTINUITY IMPLIES A STRUCTURE WITHIN WHICH CHANGE OCCURS.... WITH THE STATE OF THEORY OF ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES IN MIND, A DISTINC- TION BETWEEN THE TWO MAJOR PROCESSES TO BE REVIEWED SHOULD BE PRESENTED AT THIS POINT. ALTHOUGH THE TERMS ARE BOTH CONSIDERED PROCESSES, SEGRE- GATION IMPLIES MORE A STABILIZATION OF PATTERN, WHEREAS INVASION-SUCCESSION REFERS MORE To THE CHANGING OF PATTERN. THE TWO PROCESSES ARE CLOSELY RE- LATED FOR SVEND RIEMER STATES, "WERE IT NOT FOR A TENDENCY OF THE SAME TYPES OF PEOPLE TO CLUSTER THEIR RESIDENCES CLOSE To EACH OTHER AND TO WITHDRAW FROM IDENTIFICATION WITH OTHER TYPES OF PEOPLE, THE ENTIRE PROCESS OF URBAN EXPANSION AND RESIDENTIAL CHANGE MIGHT FLOW MORE SMOOTHLY."3 MCKENZIE DESCRIBES SEGREGATION AS THE "CONCENTRATION OF POPULATION TYPES WITHIN THE COMMUNITY."M IN OTHER WORDS, IT Is THE PROCESS BY WHICH THE POPULATION IN A COMMUNITY BECOMES GEOGRAPHICALLY DIFFERENTIATED INTO I. SHILS, EDWARD A., THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY. GLENCOE, ILL.: THE FREE PRESS, I9AO. P. 5. 2. ALIHAN, MILLA A., SOCIAL ECOLOGY: A_CRITICAL ANALYSIS: NEW YORK: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, I938. PP. I36l7. 3. RIEMER, SVEND. THE MODERN CITY. NEW YORK: PRENTICE-HALL, I952. P. I3h. MCKENZIE, R. E., "THE SCOPE OF HUMAN ECOLOGY," IN THE URBAN COMMUNITY, EDITED BY ERNEST W. BURGESS. CHICAGO: UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, I926. P. I79. SOCIALLY DIST chZEIIZIE CONS‘ 7.: "PROCESS C 1 LIRICTERIZEO INC LIST STAGE i‘II': CGNCEPTS T IIalHER. BUR; V'l-CI: INVASION IMPLIED II II: THE OTHER Iliii COMMUNITY S’ITIALLY DIST‘ ””ES WHICH GO iiis TO VHEN HE “”5 OF THE P: h' I- HLI'. REVEALS T \ -. II I ID II) P. \" Is fi'l P \. B‘IRD “ MES THE A 5, ER‘ f‘ Mm - -6- SOCIALLY DISTINCTIVE SPECIFIC GROUPS. WITH REGARD TO INVASION-SUCCESSION MCKENZIE CONSIDERS THE TWO PARTS OF THE PROCESS SEPARATELY. INVASION IS THE "PROCESS OF GROUP DISPLACEMENT,"5 WHEREAS SUCCESSION Is THE PROCESS CHARACTERIZED BY "A COMPLETE CHANGE IN POPULATION TYPE BETWEEN THE FIRST AND LAST STAGES, OR A COMPLETE CHANGE OF USE."6 ACCORDING To ALIHAN THE TWO CONCEPTS THAT McKENZIE SEEKS To DISTINGUISH RUN CONFUSEDLY INTo ONE ANOTHER. BURGESS, HOWEVER, SPEAKS OF SUCCESSION As A GENERIC PROCESS OF WHICH INVASION IS THE FIRST OF FOUR STAGES COMPRISING THE WHOLE PROCESS. IMPLIED IN THE MOTION OF SEGREGATION ARE TWO ASPECTS, ONE QUANTITATIVE AND THE OTHER OUALITATIVE.7 THE FIRST SUGGESTS THE SEPARATION FROM THE WIDER COMMUNITY AND THE SUBSEQUENT GROUPING TOGETHER OF POPULATION INTO SPATIALLY DISTINCT UNITS. THE SECOND IS THE SELECTION OF THE PARTICULAR TYPES WHICH Go To CONSTITUTE THESE UNITS. THE LATTER Is WHAT BURGESS RE- FERS To WHEN HE SPEAKS OF "THE SORTING AND SIFTING OF THE DIFFERENT ELE- 8 MENTS OF THE POPULATION IN THE GROWTH OF THE CITY." BOTH IDEAS ARE INCLUDED IN ERICKSEN'S DEFINITION OF SEGREGATION: "THE SELECTIVE PROCESS WHICH REVEALS THE TENDENCY OF LIKE UNITS TO FORM INTO CLUSTERS, THESE . IBID., P. I80. . IBID., P. I8I. 5 6 7. ALIHAN, 2:. _(_:_I_T_., P. I58. 8 . BURGESS, ERNEST W., "RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION IN AMERICAN CITIES," THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. VOEUME I50 (NOVEMBER, I925) P. I057_' :MTS TENDIN5 QIVARIOUS LII IN A FIN; 5553 GIBBARD GIREFERENCE A HHIIDN WITH on THE OTHER r- ran: Is A REP IEIEFINES A s FEM OTHER HII‘ urn AND HhOS. Inn THEY GII'E IBH'EUCCESSI; PCNLATION TYPE WEIN A FUNCTI TEIPIRAL SERIE: THISTRANSITIDI. "EIIND THE E» \ 9. ERICKSEN, I954. P. GIBBARD, I-' UNPUBLISI IBIS. p. GIBBARD, I. ~ -7- UNITS TENDING TO BE QUITE SIMILAR IN ECONOMIC STRENGTH AND IN TERMS OF VARIOUS LIKES AND DISLIKES, IS CALLED THE SEGREGATIVE PROCESS."9 IN A FINAL ATTEMPT TO DISTINGUISH THESE TWO BASIC ECOLOGICAL PROC- ESSES GIBBARD SUGGESTS THAT THE PROCESS OF SEGREGATION HAS AS ITS UNIT OF REFERENCE A SOCIAL OBJECT (I.E., A STORE, A FAMILY, ETC.) SEEKING ITS POSITION WITH REFERENCE TO OTHER SOCIAL OBJECTS. INVASION-SUCCESSION, ON THE OTHER HAND, HAS AS ITS UNIT OF OBSERVATION 2! £552 WITHIN WHICH THERE IS A REPLACEMENT OF PEOPLES AND CULTURE TRAITS.l0 ON THIS BASIS HE DEFINES A SEGREGATED GROUP AS "ONE WHICH IS CLEARLY DIFFERENTIATED FROM OTHER MINORITY GROUPS AND FROM THE DOMINANT POPULATION TYPE OF A CITY, AND WHOSE MEMBERS INHABIT A CLEARLY DELIMITED AREA IN SUCH NUMBERS THAT THEY GIVE THE AREA ITS PECULIAR CHARACTER."ll GIBBARD EMPLOYS THE TERM "SUCCESSION" To REFER TO "THE CYCLE OF CHANGE THAT OCCURS WHEN ONE POPULATION TYPE, OR ECOLOGICAL ORDER, DISPLACES THE IMMEDIATELY PRECEDING "'2 INVASION BECOMES ONE OF A ONE IN A FUNCTIONALLY DELIMITED AREA. TEMPORAL SERIES OF OVERLAPPING STAGES IN THE CYCLE OF TRANSITION AND THIS TRANSITION ALWAYS INVOLVES A BREAKDOWN OF THE INTEGRATION OF THE AREA AND THE EMERGENCE OF A NEW PATTERN OF DISTRIBUTION. 9. ERICKSEN, E. GORDON., URBAN BEHAVIOR. NEW YORK: THE MAcMILLAN CO., I95h. p. l87. IO. GIBBARD, HAROLD A., RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION: A_STUDY lE_HUMAN ECOLOGY. (UNPUBLISHED PH.D. DISSERTATION) UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN, I936. P. I5. II. IBID. P. 9|. I2. GIBBARD, HAROLD A., "THE STATUS FACTOR IN RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION," AMERICAN JOURNAL 2£_SOCIOLOGY. VOL. MG (MAY, I9hl) P. 835. FoR PUB? SEGREGATION A' H: NEXT TVo HONIER, THAT LATED BUT AT M TIUOVINC DIS. ESSEFFECTS T— IHTHERN URBAa I-EECOLOGICAL ~—.__.______. As WAS HE IRESULT THE P HscTo FALL I FPMEHORK 2-43- A“175's 05‘ P0 -8- FOR PURPOSES OF ANALYSIS, HOWEVER, THE TWO ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES-- SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION--WILL BE DEALT WITH SEPARATELY IN THE NEXT TWO SECTIONS OF THIS CHAPTER. THE POINT SHOULD BE MADE CLEAR, HOWEVER, THAT THESE TWO PROCESSES ARE NOT MUTUALLY EXCLUSIVE OR UNRE- LATED BUT AT TIMES OVERLAP EACH OTHER IN MEANING AND OPERATION. THE FOLLOWING DISCUSSION OF THESE TWO PROCESSES WILL FOCUS ON HOW EACH PROC- ESS EFFECTS THE TOTAL RESIDENTIAL PATTERN OF THE NEGRO POPULATION IN A NORTHERN URBAN ENVIRONMENT. THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESS OF SEGREGATION. AS WAS MENTIONED PREVIOUSLY, ECOLOGICAL THEORY WITH REGARD TO SUCH PROCESSES AS BEING CONSIDERED IN THIS STUDY IS HIGHLY DESCRIPTIVE. As A RESULT THE POINTS MENTIONED RELATING TO THE TWO PROCESSES MAY TEND ALSO TO FALL INTO A DESCRIPTIVE PATTERN RATHER THAN A PURELY THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK. HOWEVER, THIS WILL SUFFICE FOR THIS STUDY SINCE A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF HOW THESE PROCESSES OPERATE WITHIN A PARTICULAR URBAN SETTING Is THE PRIMARY CONCERN OF A REVIEW OF SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION. GIST AND HALBERT DEFINE SEGREGATION AS A TENDENCY FOR INDIVIDUALS 0R FAMILIES TO CLUSTER TOGETHER IN THEIR PLACES OF RESIDENCE.I3 SEGREGATION MAY BE VOLUNTARY OR INVOLUNTARY. VOLUNTARY SEGREGATION OCCURS WHEN THE INDIVIDUAL, ON HIS OWN INITIATIVE, SEEKS TO LIVE WITH OTHERS OF HIS OWN KIND AND APART FROM THOSE WHO ARE DIFFERENT IN SOME FUNDAMENTAL (TO HIM) RE- SPECT....INVOLUNTARY SEGREGATION MAY OCCUR IN TWO WAYS. AN INDIVIDUAL OR FAMILY MAY BE REQUIRED BY LAW OR CUSTOM, OR BOTH, I3. GIST, NOEL P. AND HALBERT, L. A., URBAN SOCIETY. NEW YORK: THOMAS Y. CROWELL CO., I956. P. I73. 0" 3-1.1 up? 1H ‘2‘ T0 RIZ'J'IICl LIVING I CERTAIN CONTINUI' T-IA'I LIIITED ' T-E PATTERN F SCLIDLY 8‘! PE— IIIXTURE, PART MNTPREDOHINA ‘ICULTURAL c_H :IECJHSTANCES “I‘ILIES LIVE ml CHOICE. III 1" SPEAKI USE AND THE CH, T"E“SELTES. P I 1 NANTS "UST 8F ( -9- TO RESIDE IN A DESIGNATED AREA, OR MAY BE PREVENTED FROM LIVING IN AN AREA|RCCUPIED BY OTHERS WHO ARE DIFFERENT IN CERTAIN RESPECTS. CONTINUING THEIR DISCUSSION OF SEGREGATION, GIST AND HALBERT STATE THAT LIMITED SEGREGATION RATHER THAN COMPLETE SEGREGATION IS GENERALLY THE PATTERN FOUND IN URBAN AREAS. AREAS ARE NOT FORMED AND INHABITED SOLIDLY BY PERSONS OF ONE RACE OR CULTURE, BUT MORE OFTEN THERE IS A MIXTURE, PARTICULARLY ON THE FRINGES. "WHITE FAMILIES...ARE FOUND IN MANY PREDOMINANTLY NEGRO DISTRICTS. THESE FAMILIES MAY BE HIGHLY VARIED IN CULTURAL COMPOSITION, BUT USUALLY ARE IN ABOUT THE SAME ECONOMIC CIRCUMSTANCES As THE NEGROES....IT MAY BE SUPPOSED THAT MANY WHITE FAMILIES LIVE IN NEGRO AREAS BECAUSE OF ECONOMIC NECESSITY AND NOT FROM CHOICE."'5 IN SPEAKING OF FACTORS UNDERLYING ECOLOGICAL SEGREGATION, GIST AND HALBERT SUGGEST THAT LAND VALUES ExERT A SELECTIVE INFLUENCE ON LAND- USE AND THE CHARACTER OF OCCUPANTS BUT DO NOT EXPLAIN SEGREGATION BY THEMSELVES. PSYCHO-CULTURAL DETERMINANTS AS WELL AS ECONOMIC DETERMI- NANTS MUST BE CONSIDERED. FOR EXAMPLE, THEY SUGGEST THAT "POVERTY AND WEALTH MAY TEND TO SEEK THEIR OWN LEVELS--POOR FAMILIES LIVE TOGETHER IN LOW RENTAL AREAS, APART FROM RICH FAMILIES IN HIGH RENTAL DISTRICTS- BUT SUCH ECONOMIC DETERMINISM DOES NOT ACCOUNT FOR OTHER FORMS OF SEGRE- GATION. POOR NEGROES DO NOT NECESSARILY LIVE WITH POOR WHITES, NOR RICH NEGROES WITH RICH WHITES, ALTHOUGH IMPOVERISHED NEGRO FAMILIES MAY LIVE APART FROM NEGRO FAMILIES THAT ARE WEALTHY OR WELL-TO-DO."I6 GIST AN E£GLOGICAL c III AREAS OCC STATUS--IN 0‘ CAL AND CEDGI IITJRAL AREAS FRIIATION OF THAT ECGLOGIC ESSENTIALLY E WITH PART :ALEERT STAT: cEEASINGLY SEG IN INCREASING "‘ THE LARSER I EIAL, WITH A H "a“ OR LESS o W ‘5 IN ITs ‘5 I WHOLE. "I;- ERICKSEN I FC :- R‘I BECOMES ' \ ‘ I1" I mu P, IC. IBID., p -|O- GIST AND HALBERT EMPLOY THE CONCEPT "NATURAL AREA" TO REFER TO AN ECOLOGICAL CLUSTER RESULTING FROM THE TENDENCY OF INDIVIDUALS TO RESIDE IN AREAS OCCUPIED BY PEOPLE OF SIMILAR RACIAL, CULTURAL, OR ECONOMIC STATUS--IN OTHER WORDS, THE PRODUCT OF THE SEGREGATION PROCESS. PHYSI- CAL AND GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS INFLUENCE THE SIZE, SHAPE, AND LOCATION OF NATURAL AREAS MORE IN THE SENSE OF LIMITING RATHER THAN DETERMINING THE FORMATION OF SUCH AREAS. GIST AND HALBERT, ON THE OTHER HAND, EMPHASIZE THAT ECOLOGICAL SEGREGATION AND THE FORMATION OF NATURAL AREAS ARE ESSENTIALLY SOCIAL IN CHARACTER.‘7 WITH PARTICULAR REGARD FOR THE SEGREGATION OF NEGROES, GIST AND HALBERT STATE THAT NEGROES IN MANY NORTHERN CITIES ARE BECOMING IN- CREASINGLY SEGREGATED IN THE SENSE THAT NEGRO DISTRICTS ARE EXHIBITING AN INCREASING PROPORTION OF NEGRO RESIDENTS. THE PATTERN OF SEGREGATION IN THE LARGER AMERICAN CITIES IS USUALLY NOT ONE NEGRO DISTRICT, BUT SEV- ERAL, WITH A MAJOR AREA AND A NUMBER OF MINOR AREAS VARYING IN SIZE. THEY STATE THAT "EACH OF THESE AREAS HAS ITS OWN HISTORICAL PAST AND EACH IS MORE OR LESS DISTINCT IN ITS SOCIAL AND OCCUPATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS As WELL As IN ITS RELATIONSHIPS TO ADJOINING DISTRICTS OR TO THE COMMUNITY "[8. AS A WHOLE. ERICKSEN DESCRIBES THE SEGREGATIVE PROCESS AS A SELECTIVE ONE RE- SULTING IN THE FORMATION OF CLUSTERS OF LIKE UNITS. SEGREGATION, THERE- FORE, BECOMES "A MATTER OF POINTING OUT THE CONCENTRATION OF TYPES OF l7. IBID., P. I78. l8. IBID., P. I8I. CCFULATICN, P IIcoH=ARING l N575 TnAT IT SIaEGATION TH REHCNS, BUT UENG PHYSICAI CMNOI IGNORE :HERALIZES Tr HANERS. ERI JNYITTING STRU LMAHON. TAR INTNEINTERWQ IIHIEIIIIY OCCUP INDOTHER INDII ‘anE COMMUNI' (INIEPTIONS OF ITEM. "CO ERICKSEN M US. IN REF .Iun DELINEAT, |___ POPULATION, PHYSICAL STRUCTURES, AND UTILITIES WITHIN A NATURAL AREA."l9 IN COMPARING NEGROES IN THE NORTH WITH THOSE IN THE SOUTH, ERICKSEN SUG- GESTS THAT IT IS NOT SIMPLY A MATTER OF MORE SEGREGATION VERSUS LESS SEGREGATION THAT CREATES A DIFFERENCE IN DISCRIMINATION BETWEEN THE TWO REGIONS, BUT IT IS A MATTER OF DIFFERENT TYPES OF SEGREGATION. IN MEAS- URING PHYSICAL DISTANCE BETWEEN PEOPLE HE SUGGESTS THAT THE ECOLOGICAL CANNOT IGNORE SOCIAL DISTANCE. SPEAKING IN PHYSICAL TERMS, HOWEVER, HE GENERALIZES THAT PHYSICAL BARRIERS AND EMPTY SPACES DO FUNCTION As SOCIAL BARRIERS. ERICKSEN RELATES SEGREGATION TO "THE DELIBERATE As WELL AS UNWITTING STRUGGLES BETWEEN GROUPS AS THEY SEEK To OCCUPY THEIR OPTIMUM LOCATION. THROUGH THIS PROCESS GROUPS AND INSTITUTIONS FIND THEIR 'NICHE' IN THE INTERWOVEN AGGREGATE OF THE CITY. THIS OPTIMUM POSITION Is DETER- MINED BY OCCUPATION, INCOME, RELIGION, POLITICAL AFFILIATION, EDUCATION, AND OTHER INDICES OF SOCIAL STANDING....THROUGH OBSERVING THE LOCATION IN THE COMMUNITY WHERE A PERSON SETTLES, WE GAIN EARLY INSIGHT INTO HIS CONCEPTIONS OF AMBITION AND SUCCESS AS WELL AS HIS CHOICES FOR ACHIEVING THEM."20 ERICKSEN EQUATES THE PROCESS OF SEGREGATION TO THE FORMATION OF NATURAL AREAS. IN REFERENCE TO NATURAL AREAS HE LISTS THREE FACTORS INVOLVED IN THEIR DELINEATION: THE CENTER, THE PERIPHERY, AND THE FLOW OF ACTIVITY.2| I9. ERICKSEN, E. GORDON, 93, CIT., P. I88. 20. IBID., P. I92. 2'. 'B'Do, PP. '99‘20'0 QUEEN AN SESEEGATIDN I. STATES: (I) IN N IIAQNED, BUT IS, HOST OF ALHJST ENTII FOL-ND IN DI: NET YORK, C. IE) IN CE ATLANTA, NE; THE CITY BEE LARGE BORDER EILTIMJRE, L I3) IN s:- S-C., THE LA THIS IS DUE I“) IN A PEOPLE ARE U SCATTERED EV SARI; AKRCN, BURGESS . TREATS ”E RES ”“555 or SEC. -12- QUEEN AND CARPENTER HAVE LISTED FOUR MAJOR PATTERNS OF RACIAL SEGREGATION WHICH HAVE BEEN IDENTIFIED IN THE CITIES OF THE UNITED STATES: (I) IN MOST NORTHERN CITIES THE CONCENTRATION OF NEGROES IS VERY MARKED, BUT IT INVOLVES A SMALL PART OF THE WHOLE URBAN AREA; THAT IS, MOST OF THE NEGROES ARE FOUND IN A VERY LIMITED SECTION DEVOTED ALMOST ENTIRELY TO THEIR OWN RACE AND RELATIVELY FEW OF THEM ARE FOUND IN DISTRICTS PREDOMINANTLY WHITE. THIS IS TRUE, E.G., OF NEW YORK, CHICAGO, AND DETROIT. (2) IN CERTAIN SOUTHERN CITIES, SUCH AS RICHMOND, MEMPHIS, AND ATLANTA, NEGROES ARE HIGHLY CONCENTRATED IN SEVERAL LARGE PARTS OF THE CITY BESIDES BEING LIGHTLY SCATTERED IN OTHER SECTIONS. OF THE LARGE BORDER CITIES, WASHINGTON CONFORMS TO THE SECOND PATTERN, WHILE BALTIMORE, LOUISVILLE, AND ST. LOUIS CONFORM TO THE FIRST. (3) IN SOME OF THE OLDER CITIES IN THE DEEP SOUTH, LIKE CHARLESTON, S.C., THE LARGE NEGRO POPULATION Is SCATTERED THROUGHOUT THE CITY. THIS IS DUE TO THE LARGE NUMBER OF SERVANT HOUSES AND ALLEY DWELLINGS. (A) IN A NUMBER OF NORTHERN CITIES WITH RATHER FEW NEGROES, THESE PEOPLE ARE USUALLY FOUND IN A SMALL PART OF THE CITY AND SOMEWHAT SCATTERED EVEN WITHIN THIS AREA. SUCH IS THE CASE IN MINNEAPOLIS, GARY, AKRON, AND DES MOINES. 2 BURGESS IN HIS ARTICLE, "RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION IN AMERICAN CITIES," 3 TREATS THE RESIDENTIAL SEPARATION OF WHITE AND NEGRO NOT AS A UNIQUE PHE- NOMENON OF URBAN LIFE BUT AS ONE CASE AMONG MANY OF THE WORKINGS OF THE PROCESS OF SEGREGATION. WHAT CAN BE SAID, THEREFORE, OF THE SEGREGATION CHARACTER OF THE NEGRO MUST BE ABSTRACTED FROM HIS BROADER THEORY OF "CONCENTRIC ZONES." ACCORDINGLY BURGESS STATES THAT IN MOST NORTHERN CITIES NEGROES SEEM TO CONCENTRATE MOSTLY IN THE "ZONE OF TRANSITION." FURTHERMORE, NEGROES AS A GROUP FIND A PLACE OF MOST FAVORABLE ENTRY 22. QUEEN, STUART A. AND CARPENTER, DAVID 8., THE AMERICAN CITY. NEW YORK: McGRAW-HILL BOOK CO., I953. P. I50. 23. BURGESS, ERNEST W., 3:. CIT. T-‘ICH TENDS T 7-: NEGRO PO: GREAT ARTERIA TrESE POPULAT EJT THE M38 I L EREWS, IS RE. “7' THE INVA: 'TI'HAT HAS EEEN GIVEN PR: IZETHE RELAT' AFEA. I-I"IAZTT;: NEGRO comm” E'EGESS- FRAz Tz-E NEGRO pom II , ”mo com4W ‘ T‘ IN CHICAGT SEGMENT R. SEVEN FA“ 3RD 3T_’ AND CONS]: W0 VER: I -73- WHICH TENDS TO BE NEAR THE CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT. THE MOVEMENT OF THE NEGRO POPULATION FROM THIS "PORT OF ENTRY" APPEARS TO FOLLOW THE GREAT ARTERIAL BUSINESS STREETS OF THE CITY AS HIGHWAYS OF INVASION. THESE POPULATION MOVEMENTS TAKE THE FORM OF SUCCESSIVE WAVES OF INVASION, BUT THE MOBILITY OF THE NEGRO, IN CONTRAST TO OTHER ETHNIC OR CULTURAL GROUPS, IS RELATIVELY LOW BECAUSE OF THE STRONG RESISTANCE ENCOUNTERED WITH THE INVASION OF WHITE NEIGHBORHOODS. WHAT HAS BEEN STATED ABOVE CONCERNING THE SEGREGATION PROCESS HAS BEEN GIVEN PREDOMINANTLY IN GENERAL TERMS AND HAS ATTEMPTED TO CHARACTER- IZE THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE NEGRO SEGREGATED COMMUNITY TO THE LARGER URBAN AREA. FRAZIER, HOWEVER, FOCUSED ATTENTION ON THE INTERNAL PATTERN OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY AND UTILIZED A "ZONE" METHOD RESEMBLING THAT EMPLOYED BY BURGESS. FRAZIER FOUND TWO GENERAL PATTERNS EXISTING IN CHICAGO AND HARLEM Respgcrgngy,zu THE STUDY OF CHICAGO REVEALED CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NEGRO POPULATION CORRESPONDING TO THOSE OF WHITES IN THE SAME ZONES OF THE CITY. QUEEN AND CARPENTER GIVE THE FOLLOWING SUMMARY STATEMENT OF FRAZIER'S FINDINGS OF THE INTERNAL PATTERN OF THE CHICAGO SOUTH SIDE NEGRO COMMUNITY. IN CHICAGO, FRAZIER FOUND THE PRINCIPAL NEGRO DISTRICT TO BE A SEGMENT REACHING FROM THE HEART OF THE CITY TO THE SOUTH THROUGH SEVEN FAIRLY DISTINCT ZONES. PROCEEDING FROM THE LOOP TOWARD 73RD ST., CERTAIN CHARACTERISTIC CHANGES OCCURRED PROGRESSIVELY AND CONSISTENTLY. FIRST OF ALL, THE PERCENTAGE OF FAMILY HEADS WHO WERE BORN IN THE SOUTH DECREASED. SECOND, THE PERCENTAGE 2N. FRAZIER, E. FRANKLIN, THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES. NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO., I9H9. PP. 256:66, AND FRAZIER, E. FRANKLIN, "NEGRO HARLEM: AN ECOLOGICAL STUDY," AMERICAN JOURNAL 2: SOCIOLOGY. VOL. M3, I937-38, PP. 72-88. 0F ADULT‘ or ILLI' CAGED In TRADES I DDHESTI: 0F UCNEE MARRIED I N REHAINE: HOME OUR AND PERE‘ SHALL CF- AND RECE DID THE DECREASE ALL, THE; IT sucn | THE CHAR; THE CENT: HOUSES i: ISHED NEI- AREA OF T PLACES, A DISTRICTS h‘ HE" YORK FR 1750“ HHICHI VIIHI" A CITY. ”INNSS CONCE CENTERIN; COMMUNITY MUNITY HA PUS*E° DU SERIES OF NEGRO HAS THE FIFTH NUHERGUS SIMILAR NUMBER GP or CHILD; 2\ -IU- OF ADULTS WHO WERE MULATTOES INCREASED. THE RELATIVE NUMBER OF ILLITERATES DECREASED; THE RELATIVE NUMBER OF PERSONS EN- GAGED IN PROFESSIONAL AND WHITE-COLLAR OCCUPATIONS AND SKILLED TRADES INCREASED; WHILE THE PROPORTION IN SEMI-SKILLED TRADES, DOMESTIC SERVICE AND UNSKILLED LABOR DECREASED. THE PERCENTAGE OF WOMEN GAINFULLY EMPLOYED DECREASED; THE PERCENTAGE OF MEN MARRIED INCREASED, BUT THE RELATIVE NUMBER OF MARRIED WOMEN REMAINED ABOUT THE SAME. IN THE SUCCESSION OF ALL SEVEN ZONES, HOME OWNERSHIP INCREASED STRIKINGLY AND THE NUMBER OF FAMILIES AND PERSONS PER DWELLING DECREASED. THE RELATIVE NUMBER OF SMALL CHILDREN INCREASED. THE PERCENTAGE OF FAMILIES ON RELIEF AND RECEIVING CARE FROM FAMILY WELFARE AGENCIES DECREASED, AS DID THE INCIDENCE OF FAMILY DESERTION. THERE WAS LIKEWISE A DECREASE IN ILLEGITIMACY AND IN JUVENILE DELINQUENCY. ALL IN ALL, THEREFORE, FRAZIER FOUND THE NEGRO COMMUNITY OF CHICAGO, IF SUCH IT MAY BE CALLED, CONFORMING IN ITS SEVERAL ZONES TO THE CHARACTERISTICS DISPLAYED BY THE ENTIRE CITY. CLOSE To THE CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT, HE FOUND A SECTION IN WHICH HOUSES WERE DILAPIDATED AND OCCUPIED IN THE MAIN BY IMPOVER- ISHED NEWCOMERS FROM THE SOUTH. NEXT CAME THE "BRIGHT LIGHT" AREA OF THE BLACK BELT, WITH ITS THEATERS, CABARETS, GAMBLING PLACES, AND HOUSES OF PROSTITUTION. THERE WERE FOLLOWED BY DISTRICTS OF PROGRESSIVELY BETTER SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC STATUS.25 IN NEW YORK FRAZIER FOUND THE NEGRO COMMUNITY OF HARLEM HAD A PATTERN OF ITS OWN WHICH CORRESPONDED TO THAT OF THE CITY AS A WHOLE, I.E., "A CITY WITHIN A CITY." QUEEN AND CARPENTER GIVE THE FOLLOWING SUMMARY OF FRAZIER'S FINDINGS CONCERNING HARLEM'S ZONE PATTERN: CENTERING ABOUT I25TH ST. AND SEVENTH AVE., HE FOUND A NEGRO COMMUNITY WITH ITS OWN SYSTEM OF CONCENTRIC CIRCLES. THIS COM- MUNITY HAD GROWN UP FIRST ABOUT THE INDICATED CENTER AND THEN PUSHED OUT IN ALL DIRECTIONS UNTIL IT COULD BE DESCRIBED AS A SERIES OF FIVE ZONES. THE PERCENTAGE OF THE POPULATION THAT WAS NEGRO WAS HIGHEST IN THE FIRST, OR CENTRAL ZONE, AND LOWEST IN THE FIFTH. BUILDINGS NOT DEVOTED TO RESIDENTIAL USES WERE MOST NUMEROUS IN THE FIRST ZONE AND FEWEST IN THE FIFTH. THERE WAS A SIMILAR DECLINE FROM THE CENTER To THE PERIPHERY IN THE RELATIVE NUMBER OF ROOMING HOUSES AND LODGINGHOUSES. THE RELATIVE NUMBER OF CHILDREN INCREASED FROM THE FIRST TO THE FIFTH ZONE, AS DID 25. QUEEN, STUART A. AND CARPENTER, DAVID E., 93, CIT., PP. I50-I. THE pEQ. DEATHS ' E;UAL3 IN THE . DISTRIB- TO THE 8 IN CHIC‘ SPATIAL ALTOGETF IN CHIC‘ \IITH OTT IN A DIS IS ORDIh SEIERAL APPRCA FROM THE OTHEF INTENTION IN 'I SCEIPTIVE STU: HLSTORICAL RCO BEDISCUSSED, I2RTHERN CITIE 7“ BETTER UN RAngs. -75- THE PERCENTAGE OF ADULTS WHO WERE MARRIED. IN THE FIRST ZONE DEATHS EXCEEDED BIRTHS IN NUMBER; IN THE SECOND THEY WERE ABOUT EQUAL; AND IN THE NEXT THREE ZONES THERE WAS A STEADY INCREASE IN THE RATIO OF BIRTHS TO DEATHS. DELINQUENCY SHOWED AN UNEVEN DISTRIBUTION, BUT DEPENDENCY DECLINED CONSISTENTLY FROM THE CENTER TO THE OUTER EDGE OF THIS NEGRO COMMUNITY. THUS THE DEVELOPMENTS IN CHICAGO AND NEW YORK HAVE BEEN RATHER DIFFERENT SO FAR As THE SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION IS CONCERNED. THE REASONS FOR THIS ARE NOT ALTOGETHER CLEAR, BUT THEY ARE PERHAPS RELATED TO THE FACT THAT IN CHICAGO, NEGROES PUSHED OUT FROM THE HEART OF THE CITY, ALONG WITH OTHER ETHNIC GROUPS, WHILE IN NEW YORK THEY WERE CONCENTRATED IN A DISTRICT AT SOME DIS ANCE FROM THE CENTER OF THE CITY As THIS IS ORDINARILY CONCEIVED. SEGREGATION AND THE NEGRO GHETTO. AS CAN BE OBSERVED IN THIS DISCUSSION OF SEGREGATION AS A PROCESS, SEVERAL APPROACHES HAVE BEEN PRESENTED, WITH EACH SHOWING SOME DIFFERENCE FROM THE OTHERS. SOME HAVE BEEN MORE THEORETICAL THAN DESCRIPTIVE. THE INTENTION IN THIS SECTION IS TO PASS FROM THE ABSTRACT TO THE MORE DE- SCRIPTIVE STUDIES OF THE NEGRO AND THE SEGREGATED GHETTO. FIRST, THE HISTORICAL ROOTS AND TRENDS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEGRO GHETTO WILL BE DISCUSSED, AND THEN, THE GENERAL SEGREGATION PATTERNS FOUND IN MOST INORTHERN CITIES WILL BE DESCRIBED IN TERMS OF WHAT THEY CAN CONTRIBUTE TO A BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF THE SEGREGATION PATTERN AS FOUND IN GRAND RAPIDS. IN BRIEF ONLY WITHIN THE LAST FIFTY YEARS HAS THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEGRO GHETTO OCCURRED WITHIN OUR NORTHERN CITIES. PREVIOUS TO WORLD WAR I A RELATIVELY SMALL PROPORTION OF THE POPULATION OF THE NORTHERN CITIES WERE NEGRO. THE PATTERN OF NEGRO RESIDENCE HAD NOT 26. IBID., P. I5I. EEYSTALL I ZEC BIRHOODS OR or NESRDES BE THE NORTHERN 1923’s RES'JLT HDuSING, F0; II'ELL ESTABLIS FRDH THE ESTA ”I DENSITY BL; OF THE NORTH . HAS RESUMED C. THE VAR AND T. RENEWAL OF NEE SHALL EXPANSIC GREATER OVERc: ”CH; EER, A NE'. -|6- CRYSTALLIZED INTO WHAT IS NOW KNOWN AS THE "BLACK BELT," THE "NEGRO ' OR "BLACK METROPOLIS." NEGROES OFTEN LIVED IN MIXED NEIGH- GHETTO,’ BORHOODS OR IN SCATTERED SEGREGATED CLUSTERS. THE NORTHWARD MIGRATION OF NEGROES BEGAN WITH WORLD WAR I AND THOUSANDS OF MIGRANTS ARRIVED IN THE NORTHERN CITIES. THE FLOW OF MIGRATION CONTINUED INTO THE PROSPEROUS I920'S RESULTING IN INCREASED COMPETITION BETWEEN WHITES AND NEGROES FOR HOUSING. FOR CHICAGO THE SPATIAL OUTLINE OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY WAS WELL ESTABLISHED BY I920. WITH MORE ARRIVALS THE NEGRO AREAS, STARTING FROM THE ESTABLISHED COLORED SECTIONS, NOT ONLY FILLED UP AND INCREASED IN DENSITY BUT BEGAN To SPREAD. THIS INFLUX OF NEGROES INTO THE CITIES OF THE NORTH WAS RETARDED SOMEWHAT BY THE DEPRESSION OF THE I930'S BUT WAS RESUMED DURING AND AFTER WORLD WAR II. THE LABOR SHORTAGE DURING THE WAR AND THE POST-WAR PROSPERITY WERE INFLUENTIAL FACTORS IN THE RENEWAL OF NEGRO MIGRATION TO THE NORTH. WITH A DISPROPORTIONATELY SMALL EXPANSION OF THE NEGRO GHETTOS, ADDITIONAL MIGRANTS RESULTED IN GREATER OVERCROWDING AND CONGESTION. IN THE DECADE OF I9h0 To I950, HOWEVER, A NEW PATTERN BEGAN TO MANIFEST ITSELF. COMBINED WITH THE TREND OF WHITES MOVING TO THE SUBURBS OF CENTRAL CITIES, THE CONTINUED MIGRATION OF NEGROES INTO CENTRAL CITIES IN THE NORTH HAS RESULTED IN AN AVERAGE OF TWO NON-WHITE PERSONS MOVING INTO THE CENTRAL CITY FOR EVERY THREE WHITE PERSONS MOVING OUT.27 27. BOGUE, DONALD J., COMPONENTS g:_POPULATION CHANGE, I9h0-50. MIAMI, 0HIo: MIAMI UNIVERSITY, I957. P. 3h. DUNCAN I orCHICAGD B- IHH OTHER N. SEEA DIRECT HDNI9EO To :rTHE NEGRO ICCNSOLIDATI EXRJSIVELY N TOINCREASE, ‘5 A RESULT, I ALSO BECAME H” WEAVER II IT TO PRESTIDE-I ISTHERE HAS OFRAPTD TRAN .‘Mu'ts OCEU -77- 28 DUNCAN AND DUNCAN'S STUDY DEALS ONLY WITH THE NEGRO POPULATION OF CHICAGO BUT MANY SIMILARITIES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEGRO GHETTO WITH OTHER NORTHERN METROPOLITAN AREAS HAVE BEEN SHOWN. THE AUTHORS SEE A DIRECT RELATIONSHIP OF THE CONTINUED NEGRO POPULATION INCREASE FROM I920 TO I950 TO ITS SPATIAL COUNTERPART, THE RESIDENTIAL PATTERN OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY. IN THE DECADES FOLLOWING I920 THERE DEVELOPED A CONSOLIDATION OF THE "BLACK BELT," THE CORE OF WHICH BECAME AN ALMOST EXCLUSIVELY NEGRO RESIDENTIAL AREA.. As THE NEGRO POPULATION CONTINUED TO INCREASE, THERE OCCURRED AN AREAL EXPANSION OF THE BLACK BELT. HOW- EVER, AREAL EXPANSION NEVER QUITE KEPT PACE WITH POPULATION GROWTH, AND, AS A RESULT, NEGRO RESIDENTIAL AREAS, AS THEY BECAME MORE CONSOLIDATED, ALSO BECAME MORE DENSELY POPULATED. WEAVER IN HIS ARTICLE29 BRINGS IN THE EFFECT OF MOVEMENTS OF WHITES TO "PRESTIGE-LADEN, SINGLE-CLASS, HOMOGENEOUS SUBURBAN AREAS." AS LONG AS THERE WAS AMPLE SPACE WITHIN THE CITY LIMITS AND NO EFFECTIVE MODES OF RAPID TRANSPORTATION, MOST OF THE OUTWARD MOVEMENT OF MIDDLE-CLASS FAMILIES OCCURRED WITHIN THE CITY PROPER. HOWEVER, MORE EFFECTIVE MODES OF TRANSPORTATION HAVE ENCOURAGED THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SUCH SUBURBAN AREAS, THUS RESULTING IN A HEAVY MOVEMENT OF WHITES OUT OF THE CENTRAL CITIES. WHILE A SMALLER NUMBER OF WHITES MOVED INTO THAN MOVED OUT OF CENTRAL CITIES, MANY NON-WHITES HAVE ENTERED THE IN-LYING AREAS. "THESE MOVE- 28. DUNCAN, O. D. AND DUNCAN, BEVERLY, THE NEGRO POPULATION OF CHICAG0: A STUDY OF RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION. CHICAG0: UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, I957. 29. WEAVER, ROBERT C., "CLASS, RACE AND URBAN RENEWAL," LAND ECONOMICS. VOL. 36, NUMBER 3 (AUGUST, I960) PP. 325-5I. fiNTS HAVE 5 OUT THE NDRT DEHDUSING L JFHCJSING. HERE FCRMERL' V-:TES BUT S... SFITE OF THE THIRD DE A MI SUEUEBS MAY E ANDTHER RESIDENTIAL s “I THE NUMBER LEN AND MORE INTE} -78- MENTS HAVE BROUGHT INTERESTING CHANGES IN THE HOUSING MARKET. THROUGH- OUT THE NORTH AND WEST, NON-WHITES HAVE ACQUIRED A MUCH LARGER NUMBER OF HOUSING UNITS AND FREQUENTLY A MORE DIVERSIFIED AND A BETTER QUALITY OF HOUSING. IN THE PROCESS THEY HAVE EXPANDED INTO MANY AREAS WHICH WERE FORMERLY ALL WHITE."3O SURPRISINGLY ENOUGH, HOWEVER, NOT ONLY WHITES BUT SOME NEGROES HAVE BEEN ABLE To ESCAPE INTO THE SUBURBS IN SPITE OF THE STRONG RACIAL SEGREGATION THERE. THE FACT THAT ABOUT ONE- THIRD OF A MILLION NEGROES DID JOIN WHITES IN THE I9A0-50 JUMP To THE SUBURBS MAY BE AN INDICATION OF A NEW TREND SOON TO DEVELOP.3' ANOTHER TREND WHICH MAY AFFECT, ACCORDING TO WEAVER, THE PRESENT RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION PATTERN 0F NEGROES IS THE CONTINUOUS INCREASE IN THE NUMBER OF MIDDLE-CLASS NEGROES. PREVIOUSLY, THE TREND WAS TO CONTAIN MOST MIDDLE-CLASS NEGROES WITHIN THE SEGREGATED NEGRO GHETTO. WITH AN INCREASING NUMBER OF MIDDLE-CLASS NEGROES MAY COME A GREATER AND MORE INTENSIVE DEMAND FOR HOUSING IN "DESIRABLE" AREAS OF THE CITY. IN SUPPORT OF WEAVER'S REFERENCE AB0VE CONCERNING TRENDS IN THE DISTRIBUTION OF NEGROES IN CITIES, REDICK FOUND UPON COMPARING TWENTY- THREE CITIES THAT "THE PATTERN OF CHANGE IN PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF NON-WRITE POPULATION BY ZONE BETWEEN |9h0 AND I950...TENDED TO BE DE- CREASING PROPORTIONS OF NON-WHITES IN THE INNER-MOST ZONES OF THE CITY, WITH PROPORTIONATE INCREASES OF A SUBSTANTIAL NATURE IN THE MIDDLE ZONES, IND INCREASE OTHER WORDS,- NTN-WHITE P: IN CONT E‘IER, COWGIL I95~.C AND I95 '5 580W T0 E '“ICH CONTRIE- -79- AND INCREASES OF A LESSER EXTENT IN SOME OF THE PERIPHERAL ZONES. IN OTHER WORDS, A PATTERN OF DECENTRALIZATION SEEMED TO BE PRESENT FOR NON-WHITE POPULATION ALSO."32 IN CONTRAST TO THIS DECENTRALIZATION OF NEGROES IN CITIES, HOW- EVER, COWGILL33 GIVES EVIDENCE FROM A REVIEW OF I85 CITIES THAT BETWEEN I9h0 AND I950 RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION HAS CONCLUSIVELY INCREASED. THIS Is SHOWN TO BE MORE TRUE OF CITIES WITHIN THE VICINITY OF THE GREAT LAKES WHICH CONTRIBUTED I0 OF THE TOP 20 CITIES SHOWING THE HIGHEST INCREASES IN SEGREGATION ACCORDING TO COWGILL'S INDEX. THE TWO PROCESSES OF INCREASING SEGREGATION AND DECENTRALIZATION ARE NOT NECESSARILY CONTRADICTORY. McENTIRE SEEMINGLY SUPPLIES THE ANSWER: BECAUSE THE WHITE POPULATION MOVED OUT OF THE NON-WHITE EXPANSION AREAS MORE RAPIDLY THAN NON-WHITES CAME IN, THE ENLARGEMENT OF NON-WHITE LIVING SPACE PRODUCED LITTLE IF ANY INCREASE IN THE INTERRACIAL OCCUPANCY OF HOUSING AREAS. ALTHOUGH THE DENSITY OF NON-WHITE POPULATION DECLINED, TthTENDENCY FOR NON-WHITES TO LIVE IN SEPARATE AREAS INCREASED. THIS SUGGESTS, THEREFORE, THAT WHILE NEGROES WERE ALLOWED TO EXPAND INTO WHITE AREAS, SINCE WHITES MOVED OUT OF THE AREAS MORE RAPIDLY THAN NEGROES REPLACED THEM, AS A RESULT, NEGROES CONTINUED T0 REMAIN AT A SPATIAL DISTANCE FROM WHITES, I.E., THE DEGREE OF SEGREGATION INCREASED. 32. REDICK, RICHARD W., "POPULATION GROWTH AND DISTRIBUTION IN CENTRAL CITIES, I9H0-50," AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW. VOL. 2| (FEBRUARY, I956) PP. 39-h0. 33. COWGILL, DONALD 0., "TRENDS IN RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF NON-WHITES IN AMERICAN CITIES, I9M0-50," ASR. VOL. 2| (FEBRUARY, I956) PP. h3-h7. 3H. MCENTIRE, DAVIS, RESIDENCE AND RACE. BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES, CALIF. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS, I960. PP. 52-3. THE FI! SEGREGATION . SENTING THE RESIDENCE PAI GROUPS IN Av Di MEMBERS WfiY ARE ALM UVEIN Tags HXED AREAS, FOLLOWS: CHARACT NON-HH| THIS AR CESSIVE TRACTS. EACH CI REPRESE SECONgA THEY TE °NE FDR RESIDEN SEGREGA “HIT: C GATED A ADJACEN IHILAR .\ ls £0 I570. DES E CON NIx D73 EX: -20- THE FINAL CONTRIBUTION TO AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE PROCESS OF SEGREGATION IS McENTIRE.35 HIS STUDY OF TWELVE LARGE CITIES REPRE- SENTING THE MAJOR REGIONS OF THE COUNTRY FOCUSES ON THE RESPECTIVE RESIDENCE PATTERN OF NEGROES. THE RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF MINORITY GROUPS IN AMERICAN CITIES IS RARELY, IF EVER, ABSOLUTE. TYPICALLY THE MEMBERS OF A MINORITY GROUP OCCUPY ONE OR MORE AREAS IN WHICH THEY ARE ALMOST THE ONLY RESIDENTS, BUT NOT ALL MEMBERS OF THE GROUP LIVE IN THESE SEGREGATED DISTRICTS. OTHERS MAY LIVE IN VARIOUSLY MIXED AREAS, AND A FEW ARE FOUND SCATTERED THROUGH THE CITY. THE PATTERN OF THE SEGREGATED NEGRO COMMUNITY AS McENTIRE SEES IT IS AS FOLLOWS: CHARACTERISTIC OF ALL CITIES STUDIED IS A PRINCIPAL AREA OF NON-WHITE CONCENTRATION NEAR THE BUSINESS CENTER OF THE CITY. THIS AREA CONSISTS OF A "SEGREGATED" CORE SURROUNDED BY SUC- CESSIVE ZONES OF "CONCENTRATED," "MIXED," AND "DISPERSION" TRACTS. IN ADDITION TO THE MAIN AREA OF NON-WHITE RESIDENCE, EACH CITY CONTAINS SEVERAL SMALLER DISTRICTS WHERE NON-WHITES REPRESENT A SIGNIFICANT PROPORTION OF THE POPULATION. WHERE SECONDARY AREAS OF THE SEGREGATED OR CONCENTRATED TYPES OCCUR, THEY TEND TO REPRODUCE THE STRUCTURE OF THE MAJOR AREA, EACH ONE FORMING THE CENTER OF A ZONE OF MIXED WHITE AND NON-WHITE RESIDENCE. THUS, THE MAP FOR PHILADELPHIA SHOWS NINE DISTINCT SEGREGATED AREAS EACH BORDERED BY CENSUS TRACTS OF LESSER NON- WHITE CONCENTRATION. IN CHICAGO, IN I950, THERE WERE SIX SEGRE- GATED AREAS DETACHED FROM THE MAJOR BLACK BELT, EACH WITH ADJACENT TRACTS OF CONCENTRATED, MIXED, OR DISPERSION TYPE . SIMILAR PATTERNS ARE EVIDENT IN THE MAPS OF OTHER CITIES. 35. IBID. 36. IBID., P. 3h. MCENTIRE CLASSIFIED NON-WHITE AREAS BY PER CENT OF POPULATION IN THE AREA NON-WHITE. HIS CLASSIFICATION Is AS FOLLOWS: DESIGNATION FOR PER CENT OF TRACT "AREA ' ‘ POPULATION NON-WHITE SEGREGATED.............................. 75 OR MORE CONCENTRATED............................ 50-7M MIXED................................... I0-H9 DISPERSION.............................. I- 9 EXCLUSION............................... LESS THAN | MCENT: IN LARGER C AREAS WHERE VHTES: WP EDITING NON- RESIDENCE A:' PCFULATIONS. VARIOUS PCII. THESE WAYS, “5 HOUSED. DISPERSION OF AND WESTERN C PQQ‘IEN‘I’ 0F TI- 17’3‘50 PERID TH ‘°"5I0ERED Ac 5 .. UNESTS EARL II "s “(CESSION n -27- MCENTIRE GIVES THREE PRINCIPAL WAYS THE NON-WHITE RESIDENCE PATTERNS IN LARGER CITIES CHANGED DURING THE PERIOD I9H0 TO I950: "FIRST, THE AREAS WHERE NON-WHITES WERE LIVING IN I9H0 TENDED TO FILL UP WITH NON- WHITES: WHITE RESIDENTS MOVED OUT AND THEIR PLACES WERE TAKEN BY IN- COMING NON-WHITES. SECOND, THE BOUNDARIES OF ESTABLISHED NON-WHITE RESIDENCE AREAS WERE EXTENDED, WITH REPLACEMENT OF WHITE BY NON-WHITE POPULATIONS. AND THIRD, NEW 'COLONIES' OF NON-WHITES WERE CREATED AT VARIOUS POINTS MORE OR LESS DISTANT FROM THE OLDER SETTLEMENTS. IN THESE WAYS, THE VAST MAJORITY OF THE INCREASING NON-WHITE POPULATION WAS HOUSED. IN ADDITION, THERE OCCURRED A CERTAIN AMOUNT OF GENUINE DISPERSION OF NON-WHITES AMONG THE WHITE POPULATION IN MANY NORTHERN AND WESTERN CITIES. SUCH DISPERSION, HOWEVER, IMPORTANT As A POSSIBLE PORTENT OF THE FUTURE, WAS OF MINOR CONSEQUENCE NUMERICALLY IN THE I9H0-50 PERIOD.37 THE ECOLOGICAL PROCESS OF INVASION-SUCCESSION. IT SHOULD BE NOTED AT THIS POINT THAT INVASION-SUCCESSION WILL BE CONSIDERED AS ONE PROCESS RATHER THAN TWO DISTINCT PROCESSES As McKENZIE SUGGESTS EARLIER IN THIS THESIS. TO EMPHASIZE THIS POINT THE TERM "INVASION-SUCCESSION" WILL BE USED RATHER THAN THE SINGLE TERM OF "SUCCESSION." THIS IS NOT TO ASSERT THAT THE TWO PROCESSES NEVER OCCUR APART FROM ONE ANOTHER, FOR INVASION MAY OCCUR WITHOUT EVER PROCEEDING TO A COMPLETION OF THE SUCCESSION PROCESS. INVASION IN 37. IBID., pp. 39-uo. THIS THESIS WHICH WILL ONE OF HIS THAT OI'I IASION AND, IN SUCCESSI. To MCKENZIE, "F3" ANOTHEF COMMUNITY Ih CILAND, AN: EY THE FORM: (IF A RESIDEN ‘NINDUSTnlA ADARTICULAR INTHE RACIA THE TYPE OF : ACCORDII CHARACTERIZE -22- THIS THESIS WILL BE CONSIDERED THE INITIAL PHASE OF THE GENERIC PROCESS ( WHICH WILL BE REFERRED TO AS THE "INVASION-SUCCESSION PROCESS." I ONE OF THE FIRST CONTRIBUTIoNS TO A "THEORY" OF INVASION-SUCCESSION, WAS THAT OF R. D. MCKENZIE, WHO DEFINED SUCCESSION SEPARATELY FROM IN- VASION AND, STATING THAT THE STRUCTURAL GROWTH OF COMMUNITY TAKES PLACE 38 IN SUCCESSIONAL SEQUENCE, PLACED EMPHASIS UPON THE PROCESS OF INVASION. To MCKENZIE, INVASION "IMPLIES THE ENCROACHMENT OF ONE AREA OF SEGREGATION UPON ANOTHER, USUALLY AN ADJOINING AREA."39 TWO MAIN CLASSES OF INTRA- COMMUNITY INVASIONS ARE SET FORTH: "THOSE RESULTING IN CHANGE IN USE OF LAND, AND THOSE WHICH INTRODUCE MERELY CHANGE IN TYPE OF OCCUPANT. BY THE FORMER IS MEANT CHANGE FROM ONE GENERAL USE To ANOTHER, SUCH AS OF A RESIDENTIAL AREA INTO A BUSINESS AREA OR OF A BUSINESS AREA INTO AN INDUSTRIAL DISTRICT. THE LATTER EMBRACES ALL CHANGES OF TYPE WITHIN A PARTICULAR USE AREA, SUCH AS THE CHANGES WHICH CONSTANTLY TAKE PLACE IN THE RACIAL AND ECONOMIC COMPLEXION OF RESIDENCE NEIGHBORHOODS, OR OF THE TYPE OF SERVICE UTILITY WITHIN A BUSINESS SECTION.")+O ACCORDING TO MCKENZIE THERE ARE THREE STAGES IN DEVELOPMENT WHICH CHARACTERIZE INVASIONS: (A) THE INITIAL STAGE, (B) THE SECONDARY OR DEVELOPMENTAL STATE, AND (C) THE CLIMAX. AS WILL BE NOTED LATER THESE 38. MCKENZIE, R. D., "THE ECOLOGICAL APPROACH To THE STUDY OF THE HUMAN COMMUNITY," IN PARK, ROBERT E., E. W. BURGESS, AND R. D. MCKENZIE THE CITY. CHICAG0: THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, I925. P. 78. 39. MCKENZIE, R. D., "THE SCOPE OF HUMAN ECOLOGY," 23, CIT. P. I80. ho. MCKENZIE, R. D., "THE ECOLOGICAL APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF THE HUMAN COMMUNITY," OP. CIT. PP. 7h-5. DIVISIONS -23- DIVISIONS VERY MUCH RESEMBLE THE "STAGES OF SUCCESSION" PROPOSED BY BURGESS. THE INITIAL STAGE "HAS TO DO WITH THE POINT OF ENTRY, THE RESISTANCE OR INDUCEMENT OFFERED THE INVADER BY THE PRIOR INHABITANTS HI OF THE AREA, THE EFFECT UPON LAND VALUES AND RENTALS." THE ENTRY OF AN "UNDESIRABLE" INVADER Is USUALLY MADE AT THE POINT OF GREATEST MOBILITY. MCKENZIE STATES THAT "IT IS A COMMON OBSERVATION THAT FOREIGN RACES AND OTHER UNDESIRABLE INVADERS, WITH FEW EXCEPTIONS, TAKE UP RESIDENCE NEAR THE BUSINESS CENTER OF THE COMMUNITY OR AT OTHER POINTS OF HIGH MOBILITY AND LOW RESISTANCE. ONCE ESTABLISHED THEY GRADUALLY PUSH THEIR WAY OUT ALONG BUSINESS OR TRANSPORTATION II2 THOROUGHFARES TO THE PERIPHERY OF THE COMMUNITY." THE SECOND STAGE OR THE DEVELOPMENTAL STAGE IS MARKED BY A PROCESS OF DISPLACEMENT AND SELECTION DETERMINED BY THE CHARACTER OF THE INVADER AND OF THE AREA INVADED. IT IS ALSO CHARACTERIZED BY INTENSE COMPETITION AND A GEO- GRAPHICAL DIFFERENTIATION OF GROUPS AND SERVICES. THE THIRD STAGE, THE CLIMAx, IS REACHED "ONCE THE DOMINANT TYPE OF ECOLOGICAL ORGANI- ZATION EMERGES WHICH IS ABLE TO WITHSTAND THE INTRUSIONS OF OTHER FORMS OF INVASION."h3 BURGESS RELATES THE PROCESS OF SUCCESSION TO THE RADIAL POPULATION MOVEMENTS FROM THE CENTER TOWARD THE PERIPHERY OF THE CITY WHICH TAKE THE FORM OF "SUCCESSIVE WAVES OF INVASION." HE LISTS FOUR SUB-PROCESSES HI. IBID., P. 75. H2. IBID., P. 76. H3. IBID., P. 77. IN T.‘-E CC- (I) ' -2U- IN THE COURSE OF SUCCESSION. (I) INVASION - BEGINNING OFTEN AS AN UNNOTICED 0R GRADUAL PENETRATION. (2) REACTION - THE RESISTANCE MILD OR VIOLENT OF THE INHABIT- ANTS OF THE COMMUNITY. (3) INFLUX - ARRIVAL OF NEWCOMERS AND RAPID ABANDONMENT OF THE AREA BY ITS OLD-TIME RESIDENTS. (H) CLIMAX - ACHIEVEMENEMOF A NEW EQUILIBRIUM OF COMMUNAL STABILITY. AS MCKENZIE DOES, BURGESS ALSO STATES A RESISTANCE ENACTED BY THE MEMBERS OF THE ESTABLISHED COMMUNITY TO THE INVASION BY NEWCOMERS T0 WHOM Is IMPUTED INFERIOR STATUS. LIKE McKENZIE, GIST AND HALBERT DEFINE INVASION AS A DISTINCT PROCESS SEPARATE FROM SUCCESSION. TO THEM "WHEN POPULATION MOVES INTO AN AREA FOR RESIDENTIAL PURPOSES, THE PHENOMENON IS TERMED ECO- LOGICAL INVASION. IF THE ORIGINAL OCCUPANTS ARE COMPLETELY DISPLACED BY THE INVADERS, THE TERM SUCCESSION IS COMMONLY APPLIED...."MS MENTION IS MADE BY GIST AND HALBERT OF THE CLOSE ASSOCIATION BE- TWEEN INVASION AND SEGREGATION. THEY ARE OFTEN DIFFERENT ASPECTS OF THE SAME PROCESS. ECOLOGICAL INVASIONS ARE ALSO DIVISIBLE INTO TWO TYPES, VOLUNTARY AND INVOLUNTARY. "VOLUNTARY RESIDENTIAL INVASIONS ARE USUALLY A MATTER OF INFILTRATIoN BY INDIVIDUALS OR FAMILIES MO- TIVATED BY A DESIRE FOR MORE PLEASANT SURROUNDINGS, OCCUPATIONAL AD- VANTAGES, SOCIAL PRESTIGE, OR ANY NUMBER OF THINGS THAT RANK HIGH ON MA. BURGESS, E. W., 23, CIT., P. II2. M5. GIST, NOEL P. AND HALBERT, L.A., 93, CIT., P. I98. T-IEIR SCA- APPARENTLY IHPDRTANT, EFFECT ON F- ALSO DISTIEI ITESE TWO T -25- "H6 THEIR SCALE OF INTERESTS. ETHNIC OR RACIAL INVASIONS ARE NO EXCEPTION. APPARENTLY NUMBERS INVOLVED IN INVASION ARE UNIMPORTANT, FOR WHAT IS IMPORTANT, AT LEAST SOCIOLOGICALLY, IS THE CHARACTER OF THE INVADERS, THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE INVADERS AND THE OLD RESIDENTS, AND THE EFFECT ON PHYSICAL PROPERTIES AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS. GIST AND HALBERT ALSO DISTINGUISH INSTITUTIONAL INVASION FROM AN INVASION OF POPULATION. THESE TWO TYPES OF INVASION MAY OCCUR INDEPENDENTLY OF EACH OTHER, ONE PRECEDE 0R FOLLOW THE OTHER, OR POSSIBLY OCCUR CONCURRENTLY. GIST AND HALBERT ALSO SEE A STRONG ASSOCIATION BETWEEN INVASION AND VERTICAL SOCIAL MOBILITY, EITHER UPWARD OR DOWNWARD. MOVEMENT INTO ANOTHER AREA OFTEN IS A MEANS TO HIGHER SOCIAL OR ECONOMIC POSITION OR INDICATES THAT HIGHER STATUS HAS ALREADY BEEN ACHIEVED. ERICKSEN ALSO DISTINGUISHES THE TWO PHASES OF INVASION AND SUCCESSION: INVASION IS THE PROCESS BY WHICH NEW TYPES OF INSTITUTIONS OR POPULATION GROUPS GRADUALLY PENETRATE AN AREA ALREADY OCCUPIED AND DISPLACE THE HOST INSTITUTIONS OR POPULATION GROUPS. IN RESIDENTIAL INVASION TWO SETS OF PEOPLE ARE BROUGHT TOGETHER; USUALLY THERE IS A STATUS DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THEM. A RESIDEN- TIAL SUCCESSION MAY BE SAID TO HAVE OCCURRED ONLY IF THE POPU- LATION WHICH ENTERS AND ESTABLISHES ITSELF IN THE AREA DIFFERS IN CERTAIN RESPECTS FROM THE ONE WHICH IT SUPPLANTS. THE DIFFEREH?ES BETWEEN THE TWO MAY BE ECONOMIC, CULTURAL, OR RACIAL. FURTHERMORE, ERICKSEN SAYS, WHEN INVASION Is LINKED TO THE PROCESS OF SUCCESSION, THEY MAY BE CONCEIVED OF AS "A NATURAL CONSEQUENCE OF TYPES OF OCCUPANTS OR LAND USE WHICH FOLLOW EACH OTHER IN PREDICTABLE II8 FASHION." M6. IBID., P. I99. H7. ERICKSEN, E. GORDON, 23: CIT., P. 2|2. A8. IBID., P. 2|3. A FD; THE FOLLO- LISTS OF 5 STEP . STEP ; 5 STEP C STEP D STEP E STEP F ERICKS HUGHBORHOQI AREAS USUALI INHABIT‘N; . -26- A FURTHER ELABORATION OF THE INVASION PROCESS BY ERICKSEN IS THE FOLLOWING SIX-STAGE SCHEMA DEVISED AND REFINED OVER OTHER PREVIOUS LISTS OF SUCCESSION STAGES: STEP A. EQUILIBRIUM IN THE DISTRICT, MARKED BY LACK OF AWARE- NESS ON THE PART OF THE INHABITANTS OF ANY INVASION BY AN ALIEN GROUP. STEP 8. DISEQUILIBRIUM ARISING FROM THE FLIGHT OF SEVERAL UPPER- STRATA MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY. THIS FLIGHT IS IN RESPONSE TO RUMORS OF INVASION. STEP C. THE CREATION OF NEW RESTRICTIVE COVENANTS OR REINFORCE- MENT OF DORMANT COVENANTS FOLLOWING FROM THESE RUMORS. STEP 0. THE RUSH INVASION BY THE IN-MIGRANTS To EXPLOIT THE OUTPOSTS ESTABLISHED EARLIER BY MEMBERS OF THEIR OWN GROUP OR BY THE BUFFER GROUP. STEP E. REINTEGRATION OF THE AREA AS THE ALIEN GROUP ACOUIRES CUMULATIVE POWER. MASS EXODUS OF THE OLD OCCUPANTS TAKES PLACE AT THIS LEVEL. STEP F. CHANGE OF COMMUNITY STATUS. THE NEW OCCUPANTS ORGANIZE AND DOMINATE THE AREA. THUS 0RDfiRLY SUCCESSION AND A NEW EQUILIBRIUM HAS TAKEN PLACE. 9 ERICKSEN SUGGESTS THAT WHENEVER NEGROES MOVE INTO AN ALL-WHITE NEIGHBORHOOD THE AREA HAS ALREADY BEGUN To SHOW SIGNS OF DETERIORATION, PHYSICAL OR SOCIAL. FURTHERMORE, THE NEGROES WHO MOVE INTO ALL-WHITE AREAS USUALLY APPROXIMATE THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC LEVEL OF THE WHITES ALREADY INHABITING THE AREA. GIBBARD HAS DEALT QUITE INTENSIVELY WITH THE PROCESS OF INVASION- SUCCESSION, ESPECIALLY RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION.50 CITY GROWTH INVOLVES TWO PROCESSES: THE FIRST IS THE ADDITION OF ELEMENTS, THE NUMERICAL ASPECT OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT, AND THE SECOND IS THE REDISTRIBUTION AND H9. IBID., PP. 2I5-I6. 50. SEE GIBBARD, HAROLD A., RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION: §_STUDY 1N_HUMAN ECOLOGY, OP. CIT., AND "THE STATUS FACTOR IN RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSIONS,‘ OP. CIT. REINTEGRAT SUCCESSION CHANGES 0C SUGGESTS T~ IS, ThEREFi PROFOSES n BASIC AND I THE BA -27- REINTEGRATION OF THE UNITS INTO A CONTINUALLY FUNCTIONING WHOLE. SUCCESSION IS AN ASPECT OF THE SECOND PROCESS AND ALWAYS REFERS TO CHANGES OCCURRING IN A TEMPORAL SERIES WITHIN FIXED GEOGRAPHICAL AREAS. INVASION AND SUCCESSION ARE CLOSELY RELATED CONCEPTS. GIBBARD SUGGESTS THAT INVASION Is ALWAYS THE STARTING POINT OF SUCCESSION AND IS, THEREFORE, TREATED AS A PART OF THE SUCCESSION PROCESS. GIBBARD PROPOSES TWO TYPES OF CONDITIONS WHICH TEND TO PRODUCE SUCCESSIONS: BASIC AND IMMEDIATE. THE BASIC CONDITIONS ARE OPERATING CONTINUALLY TO MAINTAIN THE COMMUNITY'S STRUCTURE...MOST IMPORTANT OF THESE IS THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION AND SEGREGATION OF THE ELEMENTS THAT CONSTITUTE THE POPULATION AGGREGATE. THE IMMEDIATE CONDITIONS WHICH PRODUCE SUCCESSIONS ARE THOSE WHICH CAUSE A BREAK IN THE EQUILIBRIUM OF DISTRIBUTION. MOST IMPORTANT OF THESE CONDITIONS ARE: (I) A CHANGE IN THE SIZE OF THE POPULATION AGGREGATE IN THE COMMUNITY; (2) A CHANGE IN THE ETHNIC OR RACIAL COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION; (3) THE DEVELOPMENT OF A STATUS HIERARCHY WITHIN A MINORITY GROUP; (M) COMMERCIAL OR INDUSTRIAL CHANGES THAT AFFECT THE RELATIVE ECONOMIC STATUS OF DIFFERENT GROUPS IN THE COMMUNITY; (5) RESI- DENTIAL DISPLACEMENTS IN OTHER AREAS; (6) THE TAKING OVER OF RESIDENTIAL PROPERTIES FOR BUSINESS OR RECREATIONAL USES; -(7) THE OBSOLESCENCE OF NEIGHBORHOODS; AND (8) THE ESTABLISH- MENT OF LARGE FACTORIES, AND THE CONSEQUENT CREATION OF EMPLOY- MENT, IN SUBURBAN AREAS. GIBBARD LISTS FIVE DISTINCT TYPES OF SUCCESSION, OF WHICH RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION IS ONE. RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION IS "THE PROCESS BY WHICH PER- SONS OF ONE ETHNIC OR RACIAL TYPE OR ECONOMIC LEVEL REPLACE EARLIER 2 OCCUPANTS OF A DIFFERENT TYPE OR LEVEL IN A RESIDENTIAL AREA."5 TWO 5|. GIBBARD, HAROLD A., RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION: §_STUDY IN_HUMAN ECOLOGY, OP. CIT., PP. 226-7. 52. IBID., P. 37. SELECTIVE SOCIAL STA I IN OTHER W. FUSSIBLE I“) I assm I CT I o» SELECTIVE FORCES WHICH DRAW PERSONS TO THEIR PLACES OF RESIDENCE ARE SOCIAL STATUS ON THE ONE HAND AND ECONOMIC LIMITATION ON THE OTHER. IN OTHER WORDS, A FAMILY SEEKS TO LIVE IN AS GOOD A NEIGHBORHOOD AS POSSIBLE IN PURSUIT OF A HIGHER SOCIAL STATUS. THERE ALSO EXISTS A RESTRICTION IMPOSED ON THE FAMILY BY THE FAMILY'S LIMITED INCOME. GIBBARD OBSERVES THAT "A FAMILY'S PLACE OF RESIDENCE, THEN, MAY USUALLY BE TAKEN TO MARK AN EQUILIBRIUM IN THE CONFLICT BETWEEN ITS DESIRE FOR RECOGNITION AND ITS FINANCIAL RESTRAINTS. THIS EQUILIBRIUM MAY BE BROKEN SEVERAL WAYS. A FAMILY'S INCOME MAY CHANGE. ITS CON- SUMPTION CHOICES AT ANY INCOME LEVEL MAY VARY. AGAIN, A NEIGHBORHOOD MAY BECOME LESS OR MORE DESIRABLE."53 GIBBARD'S CONCEPTION OF SUCCESSION IS A "RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION CYCLE," COMPRISED OF FIVE STAGES AS FOLLOWS; (I) INVASION. INVASIONS ARE THE STARTING POINT OF SUCCESSIONS. A RESIDENTIAL INVASION Is CONCEIVED AS THE ENTRANCE INTO AN ESTAB- LISHED RESIDENTIAL AREA OF A NUMBER OF FAMILIES OF AN ETHNIC, RACIAL, OR ECONOMIC TYPE PREVIOUSLY UNREPRESENTED IN THE AREA. THE INITIAL INVADERS ARE OFTEN THE MOST PROSPEROUS ECONOMICALLY IN THEIR OWN GROUP, AND ARE ANXIOUS FOR REASONS OF STATUS AND COMFORT TO SEPARATE THEMSELVES FROM THE MASSES OF THEIR OWN KIND. IF THEY ARE MEMBERS OF AN ETHNIC OR RACIAL MINORITY THEY MAY HAVE To PAY HIGH RENT OR PURCHASE PRICES FOR THEIR NEW DWELLINGS; OR THEY MAY SELECT AS AGENTS MEMBERS OF THEIR OWN GROUP WHOSE IDENTITY IS NOT APPARENT. HAVING MADE THE INITIAL ENTRANCE, THEY TEND NATURALLY TO ATTRACT OTHERS OF THEIR GROUP To THE SAME AREA. (2) RESISTANCE. PEOPLE COME To CONCEIVE THEMSELVES As BELONGING To A PARTICULAR SECTION OF THEIR COMMUNITY. THEY REGARD AN INVASION AS A THREAT TO THAT POSITION, AND TEND TO RESIST IT. IT Is DURING THIS STAGE IN THE RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION CYCLE THAT THE PROCESS IS MOST CLEARLY SEEN AS A COMPETITIVE ONE. IF THE INVASION IS INTO A WELL-INTEGRATED NEIGHBORHOOD THE LIKELIHOOD IS THAT THE COUNTER 53. IBID., PP. 38-9. =il. A. .V ‘ I ' ~’ .-.I .1 " -g—w—Y— I ACTION WIL FUNCTIONAL INFLUENCE. PROPERTY H MENTS AMON INVASION. THREAT OF (3) EXD: AGAINST—75: ESPIRT -0[ Is ABANDON THE NEWEOM IAsION ELS ON THE Soc PANTS. a, RESIDENTIA THAT THEY EVENTUALLY HAY REMAIN 4) REIN \ LISHED ITS AND PERHAF DENTIAL 5c '” THE OCc ETHNIC SUC IN THE NET THE AREA, 5) RE-§ A RESIDE]: THE SUCCE: ROLE IN Tl LARGE‘SCA BALANCE 0 IS ESTABL -29- ACTION WILL BE ORGANIZED AND STRONG. IN DISINTEGRATED, "NON- FUNCTIONAL" AREAS, OPPOSITION IS USUALLY MEAGER, AND WITHOUT INFLUENCE.. THE EXERTING OF INDIVIDUAL OR GROUP PRESSURE ON PROPERTY HOLDERS, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COLLECTIVE AGREE- MENTS AMONG OWNERS, ARE THE MOST IMPORTANT INFLUENCES AGAINST INVASION. MOB ACTION IS OCCASIONALLY RESORTED TO, AND THE THREAT OF IT ACTS CONSTANTLY. (3) EXODUS. IF THE INVADERS ARE ABLE TO GAIN ANY HEADWAY AGAINST THE OPPOSITION OF THE RESISTING GROUP, THE LATTER'S ESPIRT -DE-CORPS USUALLY BREAKS, AND THEIR PROGRAM OF RESISTANCE IS ABANDONED. IN INCREASING NUMBERS THEY YIELD THEIR HOMES TO THE NEWCOMERS, AND THEMSELVES BECOME COMPETITORS IN ANOTHER IN- VASION ELSEWHERE. THE RATE AT WHICH THIS EXODUS OCCURS DEPENDS ON THE SOCIAL DISTANCE BETWEEN THE INVADERS AND THE OLDER OCCU- PANTS. DISPLACEMENTS AND REPLACEMENTS, A FEATURE OF THE WHOLE RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION CYCLE, ARE SO FREQUENT DURING THIS STAGE THAT THEY CREATE A HIGH MEASURE OF NEIGHBORHOOD DISORGANIZATION. EVENTUALLY ONLY A FEW "MAROONED" FAMILIES AMONG THE OLDER RESIDENTS MAY REMAIN. . . (A) REINTEGRATION OF THE AREA. WHEN AN INVADING GROUP HAS ESTAB- LISHED ITSELF FIRMLY IN AN AREA, IT TENDS To DRAW SHOPS, CHURCHES, AND PERHAPS SOCIAL CLUBS, AFTER IT. IN ITS LATER STAGES A RESI- DENTIAL SUCCESSION IS ALMOST ALWAYS ACCOMPANIED BY A SUCCESSION IN THE OCCUPANCY OF NON-RESIDENTIAL PROPERTIES. IN THE CASE OF ETHNIC SUCCESSIONS, PARTICULARLY, THE RELOCATING OF INSTITUTIONS IN THE NEWLY ACQUIRED AREA GIVE A NEW FUNCTIONAL INTEGRATION TO THE AREA, AND PRODUCES ONCE AGAIN A NEIGHBORHOOD STABILITY. (5) RE-EQUILIBRIUM. WHEN THE INVADING GROUP COMES TO DOMINATE A RESIDENTIAL AREA, AND GIVES IT ITS ECONOMIC AND MORAL CHARACTER, THE SUCCESSION HAS RUN ITS COURSE. THE AREA COMES To OCCUPY A NEW ROLE IN THE TERRITORIAL DIVISION OF LABOR OF THE WHOLE CITY. THE LARGE-SCALE SHIFT OF POPULATION, OCCASIONED BY A BREAK IN THE BALANCE OF OPPogfiNG FORCES, IS COMPLETED, AND A NEW EQUILIBRIUM IS ESTABLISHED. BY FOCUSING ON INTRA-CITY MOVEMENTS GIBBARD ARRIVES AT A NUMBER OF GENERALIZATIONS WHICH ATTEMPT TO CLARIFY WHAT THE PROCESS OF "RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION" INVOLVES. GIBBARD STATES THAT FAMILIES MOVE IN ALL DIRECTIONS AND THAT THE DISTANCE MOVED VARIES. ALSO, A LARGE AMOUNT OF INTRA-URBAN 5h. IBID., pp. 228-30. u: ‘_ ”If. v.- UNm-J‘ 1:— "T' 1' .. 1“ NH MOVEMENT TI TRIBUTE TO TAMMY MIC; CITY CENTEF OTHER RADH mus TWO I TO BE REPE< LY ADJACEN' GOING FAN“ hHo ARE CU] A SLIGHTLY CONTU -30- MOVEMENT TAKES PLACE WITHIN ONE NEIGHBORHOOD AND, THUS, CANNOT CON- TRIBUTE TO SUCCESSION. HOWEVER, WHILE DISPERSION SEEMS To CHARACTERIZE FAMILY MIGRATIONS, THERE IS A TENDENCY TO MOVE DIRECTLY AWAY FROM THE CITY CENTER WITHIN THE SAME RADIAL SECTION RATHER THAN DISPERSE INTO OTHER RADIAL SECTORS. WITH REGARD TO THIS TYPE OF MOVEMENT GIBBARD DRAWS TWO CONCLUSIONS: (I) AN URBAN RESIDENTIAL NEIGHBORHOOD TENDS To BE REPEOPLED BY FAMILIES WHO PREVIOUSLY LIVED IN THE AREA IMMEDIATE- LY ADJACENT AND ON THE SAME SIDE OF THE CITY CENTER, AND (2) THE OUT- GOING FAMILIES FROM ANY RESIDENTIAL AREA TEND TO BE REPLACED BY OTHERS WHO ARE CULTURALLY MORE FOREIGN OR OF A MINORITY RACE AND WHO ARE OF A SLIGHTLY LOWER ECONOMIC STATUS.55 CONTINUING WITH HIS INTEREST IN INTRA-URBAN MIGRATION GIBBARD DIRECTS SPECIFIC ATTENTION TO SUCH MOVEMENTS OF SEGREGATED PEOPLES. ON THIS LEVEL HE DRAWS THE FOLLOWING CONCLUSIONS ABOUT THEIR INTRA- CITY MOVEMENTS: (I) THERE IS A CONSIDERABLE VOLUME OF MOVEMENT THAT Is WITHIN SEGREGATED AREAS, JUST AS THERE IS IN ANY LIMITED REGION OF THE CITY. SUCH MOVEMENTS, OF COURSE, Do NOT CONTRIBUTE DIRECTLY TO THE SUCCESSIONS. (2) THERE IS LESS TERRITORIAL SPREAD IN THE MOVEMENTS OF SEGRE- GATED POPULATIONS THAN IN THOSE OF URBAN POPULATIONS AS A WHOLE. (3) THE MIGRATION TREND BETWEEN AREAS OF SEGREGATION IS USUALLY AWAY FROM THOSE CENTRALLY LOCATED TOWARD THOSE LYING NEARER THE PERIPHERY. THE TENDENCY THEN IS FOR THE ALREADY ESTABLISHED OUT- LYING DISTRICTS OF THE MINORITY TO EXPAND, AND IN THIS WAY THE TERRITORIAL CONFIGURATION OF POPULATION TYPES IN A CITY IS ALTERED. (A) THE MOVES WHICH INITIATE AN ETHNIC OR RACIAL INVASION MAY BE INTO ANY AREA WHERE AN ENTRANCE CAN BE GAINED. TgE LOCATION OF THESE AREAS CAN NOT BE PREDICTED WITH CERTAINTY.5 55. IBID., PP. 88-90. 56. IBID., PP. 98-99. RESIDE! o=ICINAL GRI ums ARE R POPULATION TORY IMMEDI PHYSICALLY WON-CONTIC TERRITORY g CENT AREA“ CVERFLOWINI QCCUPANCY ‘ ENTRY OF A FROM TH: P IN 1,; INVASION O EXPANSION -3I- RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION IMPLIES THE OCCURRENCE OF EXPANSION OF THE ORIGINAL GROUP AND, AS A RESULT, A CONTINUALLY LARGER NUMBER OF DWELLING UNITS ARE REQUIRED. BECAUSE OF THIS NEED FOR EXPANSION, A SEGREGATED POPULATION MAY INVADE NEW TERRITORY IN TWO WAYS: INVASION OF THE TERRI- TORY IMMEDIATELY ADJOINING ITS ESTABLISHED HABITAT OR ENTRY INTO SOME PHYSICALLY SEPARATE AREA. GIBBARD EMPLOYS THE TERMS "CONTIGUOUS" AND "NON-CONTIGUOUS" TO DISTINGUISH THESE TWO TYPES OF EXPANSION. "THE TERM CONTIGUOUS EXPANSION MAY BE USED TO DESCRIBE THE INVASION OF A TERRITORY BY SOCIAL UNITS EXISTING PREVIOUSLY IN AN IMMEDIATELY ADJA- CENT AREA....IT DENOTES RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSIONS RESULTING FROM THE OVERFLOWING OF THE BOUNDARIES WHICH PREVIOUSLY DELIMITED THE AREA OF OCCUPANCY OF THE POPULATION GROUP. NON-CONTIGUOUS EXPANSION IS THE ENTRY OF A TYPE OF SOCIAL UNIT INTO AN AREA THAT IS PHYSICALLY DETACHED FROM THE PLACE OF EMIGRATION OR DISSEMINATION."57 IN TRYING TO ESTABLISH THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THESE TWO TYPES OF INVASION OR EXPANSION, GIBBARD STATES THAT IN THE CASE OF CONTIGUOUS EXPANSION THERE IS ALWAYS A BELIEF THAT THE GROUP MAY AT ANY TIME ATTEMPT THE ENTRY INTO THE NEW TERRITORY. THE PERSONS IN THE THREAT- ENED AREA REACT IN ONE OF TWO WAYS: THEY EITHER TRY TO ESCAPE THE AREA BY MOVING FROM IT OR THEY PLAN SOME SORT OF RESISTANCE TO THE INVASION. THIS THREAT OF A RESIDENTIAL INVASION ALWAYS CAUSES A SENSE OF INSECURITY AMONG THE OCCUPANTS OF THE AFFECTED AREA. NON-CONTIGUOUS EXPANSION, ON LATION GROUPS THAT THERE IS SUCCESSFUL EN BE THE INITIA T0 SETTLE IN THE AREA or 5 FURTHER P0|N1 IS THAT THEY IN THE MINORI THE OLD AREA FANILIES “Ho PROFESSIONAL CESS, AND “Ht THE SELECT” 30' IBID. \ ) :0 J“ G'BBARO oi“ CI -32- EXPANSION, ON THE OTHER HAND, RESULTS IN A NEW DISTRIBUTION OF POPU- LATION GROUPS WITHIN A CITY. HOWEVER, THE SIGNIFICANT FEATURE IS THAT THERE Is LITTLE OR NO ANTICIPATION OF THEIR OCCURRENCE. THE SUCCESSFUL ENTRY OF A FEW FAMILIES INTO SUCH AN AREA, HOWEVER, MAY BE THE INITIAL STEP OF FURTHER INVASION IN WHICH NEW FAMILIES TEND TO SETTLE IN DWELLINGS ON THE MARGIN OF THE OCCUPIED SECTION AND THE AREA OF SEGREGATION WIDENS FROM CONTIGUOUS EXPANSION. ONE FURTHER POINT GIBBARD MAKES ABOUT INVASIONS OF NON-CONTIGUOUS AREAS IS THAT THEY MAY EXPRESS AN ECONOMIC OR SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION WITH- IN THE MINORITY GROUP ITSELF. THERE RESULTS A BREAKING AWAY FROM THE OLD AREA IN A PHYSICAL AND OFTEN IN A SOCIAL SENSE. "THE NEGRO FAMILIES WHO LEAD IN THE INVASION INTO WHITE AREAS...ARE USUALLY PROFESSIONAL PERSONS WHO HAVE MET WITH CONSIDERABLE ECONOMIC SUC- CESS, AND WHO ARE REGARDED AS LEADERS AMONG THE COLORED POPULATION. THE SELECTIVITY THAT IS OPERATING TO ATTRACT PERSONS T0 NON-CONTIGUOUS AREAS OF INVASION MAY BE BASED ON A STATUS DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE GROUP... IN CONTRAST TO INVASIONS OF THIS GENERAL SORT, SELECTION IS NOT INVOLVED IN CONTIGUOUS EXPANSION."58 A FINAL POINT DIScuSSED BY GIBBARD DEALS WITH THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STATUS FACTOR IN RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION.59 RESIDENTIAL INVASION USUALLY INVOLVES A STATUS DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE TWO SETS OF PEOPLE 58. IBID., P. I65. 59. GIBBARD, HAROLD A., "THE STATUS FACTOR IN RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION," OP. CIT. BEING AFFECTE: AN IMPERSONAL INTIMATE EVALI IIIZAeLE TRAIT: cuss. AMONG EACH RESIDENC CCH'HUNITY . "63 FERENCES ARE ENTRANCE INTC A LESS 055”“ INTO A NEW“ IMPROVE THE“ GIBBARD To SET THEMS SPATIAL EXP; VASIQNS ARE THE “NORM-I HIGHER ECONI NUMBER To 0| 8‘ CT\ 0 -33- BEING AFFECTED. WITHIN URBAN COMMUNITIES, USUALLY CHARACTERIZED BY AN IMPERSONAL ATMOSPHERE, "COMMUNITY STATUS DOES NOT REST ON ANY INTIMATE EVALUATION OF THE PERSON. INSTEAD, CERTAIN EASILY RECOG- NIZABLE TRAITS, SUCH As POSSESSIONS, BECOME SYMBOLIC OF EACH STATUS CLASS. AMONG THE URBAN BADGES OF STATUS ARE AREAS OF RESIDENCE. EACH RESIDENCE AREA, THEN, HAS A STATUS VALUE IN THE EYES OF THE COMMUNITY."60 TWO PROCESSES, THEN, ARE APPARENT WHEN STATUS DIF- FERENCES ARE OPERATIVE: THE TENDENCY FOR RESIDENTS TO RESIST THE ENTRANCE INTO THEIR NEIGHBORHOOD OF OTHERS WHO WOULD GIVE THE AREA A LESS DESIRABLE CHARACTER AND THE DESIRE OF MANY FAMILIES TO MOVE INTO A NEIGHBORHOOD OF EQUAL OR HIGHER STATUS IN AN ATTEMPT TO IMPROVE THEIR OWN STATUS LEVEL. GIBBARD SUGGESTS, FURTHERMORE, THAT A PRIME REASON FOR RESIDENTIAL INVASION IS "IN THE TENDENCY FOR THOSE OCCUPYING A HIGH SOCIAL POSITION TO SET THEMSELvES APART FROM OTHERS OF THEIR MINORITY---I.E., TO GIVE SPATIAL EXPRESSION To THEIR STATUS ROLES."6' IN MOST CASES SUCH IN- VASIONS ARE INTO AREAS WHERE THE RENT LEvEL IS HIGHER THAN MOST OF THE MINORITY CAN PAY. IN SO DOING THE INVADERS CAN DISPLAY THEIR HIGHER ECONOMIC POSITION AND, FURTHERMORE, THIS ENABLES ONLY A SELECT NUMBER To OBTAIN SUCH OVERT SYMBOLS OF WEALTH AND STATUS. THE INVADERS THUS IDENTIFY WITH A RESIDENTIAL AREA INTO WHICH OTHERS OF THEIR MINORITY CANNOT ENTER. GIBBARD STATES FURTHER THAT, "SUCH INVASIONS ARE OFTEN llllll 60. IBID., P. 836. 6|. IBID., P. 838. MORE CLOSELY I AMONG THEIR ON WITH THE OLD-E THE PRESE AN AREA RESUL‘I HELD RELATIVEL DURING THE [AF EAGER TO SHARE SUCH A CASE Tr- FOR THE CONT” A SIGNIFI 7"" IS MADE L ANY ONE ETHNIC THOSE or HIS c BY THEIR BROAC SINGLE C ‘ B &'a p 6": 3' lBIO -3u- MORE CLOSELY CONNECTED WITH THE SOCIAL POSITION OF THE FIRST INVADERS AMONG THEIR OWN PEOPLES THAN WITH ANY REAL HOPE OF BEING IDENTIFIED WITH THE OLD-ESTABLISHED RESIDENTS IN THE AREAS INVADED."62 THE PRESENCE OF THESE FIRST INVADERS OF THE MINORITY GROUP IN AN AREA RESULTS IN THE ECONOMIC AND STATUS LEVEL OF THE AREA BEING HELD RELATIVELY HIGH IN THE EYES OF THE MASSES OF THE MINORITY GROUP DURING THE EARLY STAGES OF THE SUCCESSION CYCLE. EVENTUALLY THOSE EAGER TO SHARE THE STATUS OF THE FIRST INVADERS TRY TO FOLLOW. IN SUCH A CASE THE PRESTIGE OF THE FIRST FAMILIES PROVIDE AN IMPETUS FOR THE CONTINUATION OF THE INVASION. A SIGNIFICANT POINT SUGGESTED BY GIBBARD IS THAT "IN A COMMUNITY THAT Is MADE UP OF DIVERSE PEOPLES THE TENDENCY Is FOR A PERSON OF ANY ONE ETHNIC OR RACIAL TYPE TO RECOGNIZE SOCIAL DIFFERENCES AMONG THOSE OF HIS OWN TYPE, BUT TO IDENTIFY MEMBERS OF OTHER GROUPS SIMPLY BY THEIR BROAD RACIAL OR CULTURAL AFFILIATIONS."63 APPLIED TO RESI- DENTIAL INVASION OF A MINORITY GROUP THIS PRINCIPLE SUGGESTS, THERE- FORE, THAT FAMILIES WHO LEAD INVASIONS ARE VIEWED BY THE ESTABLISHED RESIDENTS OF THE AREA NOT AS PEOPLE HAVING ESTEEM AMONG OTHERS OF THEIR OWN KIND, BUT ONLY AS PEOPLE OF THE PARTICULAR RACE OR NATION- ALITY TO WHICH THEY-BELONG. GIBBARD REMARKS THAT WHERE BOTHA CASTE AND A CLASS STRATIFICATION EXIST WITHIN A SINGLE COMMUNITY, A PERSON TENDS TO IDENTIFY OTHER MEMBERS OF HIS OWN CASTE ON THE BASIS OF THEIR CLASS POSITION, WHILE HE 62. IBID., P. 839. DOES NOT I ATION WITI TO VIEW CI INVASION I THE INVAD SAME TIME RESIDENTS OR NOT, F OCCUPANTS OWN GROUP BECAUSE o FOLLOWS AND Th OFPREVAILING MANIFEST A LOT. INIASION ARE , RENCE DEFEATS OF A NEW RES” STATUS FACTOR BETWEEN THE I | TIV‘TION Is B SUCCESSION SI wEAVER I OFTHE NEGRO ASINH|QRANT {I 6: OP \ - C ~Ll~ -35... DOES NOT RECOGNIZE WITH EQUAL CLARITY THE SOCIAL DIFFERENTI- ATION WITHIN OTHER CASTES. THE TENDENCY, THEN, IS FOR WHITES TO VIEW COLORED SOCIAL LEADERS SIMPLY AS NEGROES. WHILE AN INVASION OF PROMINENT FAMILIES OF A MINORITY GROUP WILL GIVE THE INVADED AREA A STATUS IN THE EYES OF THAT GROUP, AT THE SAME TIME IT MAKES THE AREA LESS DESIRABLE TO THE ESTABLISHED RESIDENTS....THESE FIRST FAMILIES, THEN, WHETHER THEY WISH IT OR NOT, FILL THE DOUBLE FUNCTION OF DRIVING THE ESTABLISHED OCCUPANTS FROM THE INVADED AREA, AND fiTRACTING OTHERS OF THEIR OWN GROUP TO REPLACE THOSE WHO LEAVE. BECAUSE OF THIS DOUBLE FUNCTION OF EARLY INVADERS, A RAPID TURNOVER FOLLOWS AND THE SUPPLY AND DEMAND OF DWELLINGS RESULTS IN A REDUCTION OF PREVAILING RENT LEVELS. WHEN THIS HAPPENS, SUCCEEDING FAMILIES WHO MANIFEST A LOWER ECONOMIC LEVEL THAN THAT OF THE FIRST ENTRANTS IN THE INVASION ARE ALLOWED TO TAKE UP RESIDENCE IN THE AREA. SUCH AN OCCUR- RENCE DEFEATS THE HOPE OF GAINING CLASS SEGREGATION BY THE INVASION OF A NEW RESIDENTIAL AREA. IN CONCLUSION, GIBBARD STATES THAT THE STATUS FACTOR Is LEAST OPERATIVE WHEN THERE IS No WIDE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE INVADERS AND THE INVADED. FURTHERMORE, THE "STATUS MO- TIVATION IS BUT ONE OF A NUMBER OF ELEMENTS THAT MAY BE SEEN IN THE SUCCESSION SITUATION." 5 WEAVER IN THE NEGRO GHETTO VIEWS THE INVASION-SUCCESSION PROCESS OF THE NEGRO IN NORTHERN CITIES SIMILAR TO BURGESS AND GIBBARD. JUST AS IMMIGRANT GROUPS SEEK "A PORT OF ENTRY" NEAR THE CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT AND THE MORE SUCCESSFUL MEMBERS OF THE GROUP ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE 6A. GIBBARD, HAROLD A., RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION: A_STUDY IN_HUMAN ECOLOGY, 2:, CIT., PP. I8I-2. 65. GIBBARD, HAROLD A., "THE STATUS FACTOR IN RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION," OP. CIT., P. 8A2. FROM THE A SHOWS THE FINAL STAG AL COLONY I AN INVASIOP HAVE TENDEE DISPLAY THE THE EXPERIE GRANT WHO II To MOVE OUT A5 “I INDIVI 0" A DISTING ”'5 INITIAL WEAVER DOLITTLE BEI “W BLACK BEI COMES A BREAK SOMEWHERE BEY RESISTANCE TO HmTE AREA UH INEGROES USUAL HAVE HIGH AND D [S’RABILITY A / (... WEAVER; RI 0“ "\ I . —_ C0 C7 -36- FROM THE AREAS OF FIRST SETTLEMENT, THE NEGRO AS AN ETHNIC GROUP SHOWS THE SAME PATTERN. THE NEGRO, HOWEVER, NEVER ACHIEVES THE FINAL STAGE OF THE SEVERING OF SEPARATE INDIVIDUALS FROM THE CULTUR- AL COLONY AND THE SUBSEQUENT ENTRANCE INTO NEW AREAS NOT LEADING TO AN INVASION OF THE CULTURAL GROUP AS A WHOLE. WHILE IMMIGRANT GROUPS HAVE TENDED TO BECOME LESS CONCENTRATED IN CITIES OF THE NORTH, NEGROES DISPLAY THE OPPOSITE TENDENCY. "THE MOST STRIKING DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE EXPERIENCE OF WHITE AND COLoRED IMMIGRANTS IS THAT WHILE THE IMMI- GRANT WHO IMPROVES HIMSELF ECONOMICALLY AND CULTURALLY HAS A CHANCE TO MOVE OUT INTO ANOTHER SECTION OF THE CITY AND GENERALLY BE ACCEPTED AS AN INDIVIDUAL, THE NEGRO HAS No SUCH ESCAPE. SINCE HE IS A MEMBER OF A DISTINGUISHABLE GROUP, THE IMPUTED INFERIORITY WHICH OCCASIONED "66 HIS INITIAL SEGREGATION STICKS WITH HIM. WEAVER CLAIMS, HOWEVER, THAT ORGANIZED RESISTANCE To INVASION CAN DO LITTLE BECAUSE OF THE PRESSURE OR DENSITY WHICH IS BUILT UP WITHIN THE BLACK BELT As THE NEGRO POPULATION INCREASES. EVENTUALLY THERE COMES A BREAK AND PENETRATION FOLLOWS AND A NEW BARRIER IS ESTABLISHED SOMEWHERE BEYOND THE LOCATION OF THE FORMER. THE INTERNAL WEAKNESS OF RESISTANCE TO NEGRO INVASION Is IN THE FORM OF CHRONIC VACANCIES IN A WHITE AREA WHICH, THUS, PERMITS SEEPAGE OF NEGROES. HE STATES THAT, "NEGROES USUALLY START MOVING INTO NEW SECTIONS WHEN THESE SECTIONS HAVE HIGH AND CHRONIC VACANCIES AND WHEN THEY ARE DECLINING IN 6 DESIRABILITY AS RESIDENTIAL AREAS." 7 66. 'WEAVER, ROBERT C., THE NEGRO GHETTO, NEW YORK: HARCOURT, BRACE, l9h8, P.AI-2 67. IBID., P. 272. OTHER FI SUCCESSION P. STATES THAT COLORED PEOP BELTS THEY A 0F LACKING R THEIR EARNIN NUSHBORHOOD RESULT: TEND CONTIGUOUS T DUNCAN W DISTINGUISH A NORTHERN C To"THE REPL ALTHOUGH THE ESTABLISHED -37- OTHER FACTORS ARE OPERATIVE WHICH ALSO ENCOURAGE THE INVASION- SUCCESSION PATTERNS SO CHARACTERISTIC OF NEGROES IN THE NORTH. WEAVER STATES THAT INVASION OF CONTIGUOUS AREAS Is MORE COMMON AND THAT WHEN COLORED PEOPLE DO MOVE TO AREAS NON-CONTIGUOUS TO ESTABLISHED BLACK 68 BELTS THEY ARE SUSPECT BY OTHER NEGROES. SUCH NEGROES ARE ACCUSED OF LACKING RACE PRIDE AND, IF THEY ARE BUSINESS OR PROFESSIONAL PEOPLE, THEIR EARNINGS MAY SUFFER. FURTHERMORE, THE NEGRO WHO ENTERS A WHITE NEIGHBORHOOD FACES ISOLATION AND INSULT. THIS TWOFOLD REACTION, As A RESULT, TENDS TO ENFORCE SEGREGATION AND ENCOURAGE INVASION OF AREAS CONTIGUOUS TO ALREADY CONCENTRATED NEGRO AREAS. DUNCAN AND DUNCAN'S THE NEGRO POPULATION OF CHICAG0: A STUDY OF RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION APPEARS TO BE THE ONLY COMPREHENSIVE ATTEMPT TO DISTINGUISH THE INVASION-SUCCESSION PATTERN OF THE NEGRO POPULATION OF A NORTHERN CITY. TO DUNCAN AND DUNCAN, RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION REFERS TO "THE REPLACEMENT OF ONE POPULATION GROUP IN AN AREA BY ANOTHER."69 ALTHOUGH THE GENERAL OUTLINE OF THE NEGRO RESIDENTIAL AREA HAD BEEN ESTABLISHED ALREADY BY I920 AND A CONSOLIDATION OF NEGRO AREAS HAD OCCURRED FROM I920 To I950, THE EXPANSION OF THE NEGRO RESIDENTIAL AREAS WITHIN CHICAGO HAS BEEN IN TERMS OF ADDING AREAS CONTIGUOUS To EXISTING AREAS OF NEGRO CONCENTRATION, I.E., THE INVASION-SUCCESSION PROCESS. THE MOST FREQUENT PATTERN OF NEGRO EXPANSION FOUND OCCURRING 68. IBID., 9. END. 69. DUNCAN, OTIS D. AND DUNCAN, BEVERLY, 93, CIT., P. I08. p..\ ‘2' . ,v,‘.¥-‘.‘w v-rm 1-— VHHIN THE PI NEGRO OCCUPAI ARRESTING, I MOST LIKELY OF A OOHINAN POSSIBILITY THE AUT SUBTYPE OF I I'TAKEs pLAC! ANOTHER AS OCCURRENCE III"RICH TOGET GIBBARDIS, AUTHORS! F: ‘°'SUC HITHE; PROPOI INVAS ACCDM. CONSg ‘5 Cg VARTU. AFTER PCPUL GROSS UNLIK PROCESS CF -38- WITHIN THE PERIOD I920-5O WAS FOR THE SUCCESSION FROM NON-NEGRO TO I I NEGRO OCCUPANCY TO CONTINUE WITHOUT INTERRUPTION. FURTHERMORE, THE I ARRESTING, INTERRUPTION, OR REVERSAL OF THE SUCCESSION PROCESS WAS ' MOST LIKELY TO OCCUR DURING THE INITIAL STAGES. HOWEVER, THE EXISTENCE I 1 OF A DOMINANT PATTERN, AS THE AUTHORS POINT OUT, DOES NOT RULE OUT THE POSSIBILITY OF A NUMBER OF VARIANT PATTERNS OF SUCCESSION. A THE AUTHORS EMPLOY THE TERM "RACIAL SUCCESSION" TO REFER TO A SUBTYPE OF RESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION. RACIAL SUCCESSION, THEREFORE, "TAKES PLACE WHEN ONE RACIAL CATEGORY OF THE POPULATION REPLACES ANOTHER AS RESIDENTS OF AN AREA."70 SINCE SUCCESSION IMPLIES AN . - ,q ““5" ‘ ‘-A- 4 OCCURRENCE OVER TIME, THE AUTHORS HAVE DEVISED A SEQUENCE OF STAGES T ‘. WHICH TOGETHER COMPRISE THE PROCESS OF SUCCESSION, SIMILAR TO BURGESS'H GIBBARD'S, AND ERICKSEN'S OWN SCHEMES OF THE PHASES OF SUCCESSION. THE II. I . AUTHORS' FOUR STAGES OF SUCCESSION ARE AS FOLLows: ; ...SUCCESSION BEGINS WITH THE PENETRATION BY NEGROES OF AN AREA HITHERTO INHABITED EXCLUSIVELY BY WHITES. WHEN THE NUMBER AND PROPORTION OF NEGROES IN THE AREA BECOME SIGNIFICANTLY GREAT, INVASION,HAS OCCURRED. FURTHER INCREASES IN NEGRO POPULATION, ACCOMPANIED BY DECREASES IN THE WHITE POPULATION, AMOUNT TO A CONSOLIDATION OF THE AREA FOR NEGRO RESIDENCE. CONSOLIDATION IS COMPLETED WHEN THE AREA HAS BECOME EXCLUSIVELY NEGRO, OR VIRTUALLY so. A FINAL STAGE, PILING HE) IS RECOGNIZED IF, AFTER COMPLETE OCCUPATION OF AN AREA BY NEGROES, THE NEGRO POPULATION CONTINUES TO INCREASE, ENTAILING AN INCREASE IN GROSS AND NET POPULATION DENSITY. UNLIKE MANY OF THOSE WHO HAVE SUGGESTED HYPOTHETICAL STAGES IN THE PROCESS OF INVASION-SUCCESSION, DUNCAN AND DUNCAN OFFER SPECIFIC EMPIRICAL 70. IBID., P. II. 7|. IBID. CRITERIA FC CENSUS TRAC BECAUSE OF VAS NOT CON HEO As HAV FEHER THAN 0F LESS THA IN I953. FOR TH DESIGNATED, HAVING 230 IN IBLC), BJ As CONSOLID. 53TH A9A'0 AI THE BEGINN“ CALLED "LAT HHITE pGPUL‘ HNAL STAGE NON~VHITES THE AU- THETICAL STI CRITERIA. I THE DUNCANS -39- CRITERIA FOR DELINEATING THESE STAGES. THE AUTHORS CLASSIFIED I75 CENSUS TRACTS ON THE BASIS OF CHANGES OCCURRING BETwEEN I9HO AND I950. BECAUSE OF A LACK OF RELEVANT CENSUS DATA, THE FIRST STAGE, PENETRATION, HAS NOT CONSIDERED. BEGINNING wITH THE SECOND STAGE, TRACTS ARE CLASSI- FIED As HAVING UNDERGONE INVASION BETwEEN l9h0 AND I950 IF THEY HAD FEwER THAN 250 NON-wHITE RESIDENTS IN I940 AND A NON-wHITE PROPORTION OF LESS THAN 2 PER CENT IN I9h0 BUT 250 OR MORE NON-wHITE RESIDENTS IN I950. FOR THE THIRD STAGE, THREE SUBCATEGORIES OF CONSOLIDATION ARE DESIGNATED. TRACTS CLASSIFIED As "EARLY CONSOLIDATION" ARE THOSE HAVING 250 OR MORE NON-wHITE RESIDENTS IN I950 AND FEwER THAN 250 IN I9MO, BUT wITH A NON-WHITE PROPORTION OF 2 PER CENT OR MORE IN I9HO. THE SECOND SUBCATEGORY OF CONSOLIDATION, REFERRED To MERELY AS CONSOLIDATION, INCLUDES TRACTS HAVING 250 OR MORE NON-wHITES IN BOTH I9MO AND I950, BUT A NON-wHITE PROPORTION UNDER 80 PER CENT AT THE BEGINNING OF THE DECADE. THE THIRD SUBPHASE OF CONSOLIDATION, ' INVOLVED CENSUS TRACTS HAVING A NON- CALLED "LATE CONSOLIDATION,‘ wHITE POPULATION PROPORTION IN I9MO OF 80 PER CENT OR MORE. THE FINAL STAGE, PILING-gg, INCLUDED TRACTS wITH 97.5 PER CENT OR MORE NON-wHITES IN BOTH I9MO AND I950. THE AUTHORS AGREE THAT THE EMPIRICAL APPLICATION OF THESE HYPO- THETICAL STAGES INVOLVES ARBITRARY DECISIONS ON THE SELECTION OF CRITERIA. BASED ON A PURELY PROPORTION NON-WHITE CRITERION, ALTHOUGH THE DUNCANS' CRITERIA ARE MUCH MORE COMPLICATED, IT MAY BE SAID IN SUMMARY THAT THE PCPULATII BLOCKS UNDER; TIE POPULATII NON-HHITE (T. DATION Is NO‘ i370 97-4 PI NON-VAULTE AFTER DI SUCCESSION p; ...IN TI INTo F0; THE CIT‘ IS NOT LATER S‘ '" THEII PROPORT NEGRO 91 To ABSDI AS CAN IE. lELE‘: 73. ,8”) -uo- SUMMARY THAT INVASION IS CHARACTERIZED BY LESS THAN 2 PER CENT OF THE POPULATION BEING NON-wHITES FOR TRACTS UNDERGOING THIS STAGE. BLOCKS UNDERGOING EARLY CONSOLIDATION REVEAL 2 PER CENT OR MORE OF THE POPULATION AS NON-wHITE, CONSOLIDATION LESS THAN 80 PER CENT NON-wHITE (THE DISTINCTION BETwEEN EARLY CONSOLIDATION AND CONSOLI- DATION IS NOT INDICATED ON A PROPORTIONAL BASIS) LATE CONSOLIDATION 80 To 97.N PER CENT NON-wHITE, AND PILING-UP 97.5 PER CENT OR MORE NON-wHITE.72 AFTER DESCRIBING THE CLASSIFICATION OF STAGES INVOLVED IN THE SUCCESSION PROCESS, THE AUTHORS RELATE THE FOLLowING DEALING wITH MIGRATION: ...IN THE EARLY STAGES OF SUCCESSION THE MOVEMENT OF NEGROES INTO FORMERLY wHITE AREAS IS LED BY THOSE wHO HAVE LIVED IN THE CITY FOR SOME TIME RATHER THAN BY RECENT MIGRANTS. THIS Is NOT IN CONTRADICTION TO THE OBSERVATION THAT TRACTS IN THE LATER STAGES OF SUCCESSION HAVE A HIGHER PROPORTION OF MIGRANTS IN THEIR TOTAL POPULATION THAN THOSE IN THE EARLY STAGES. THE PROPORTION OF MIGRANTS IN THE FORMER GROUP IS Low BECAUSE THEIR NEGRO POPULATION IS LARGE To BEGIN wITH AND THEY MAY BE UNABLE TO ABSORB AS MANY MIGRANTS RELATIVE To THEIR INITIAL POPULATION AS CAN AREAS wHERE NEGROES ARE DISPLACING wHITEs. IN SUMMARY, THE FRAGMENTARY DATA ON MIGRATION THAT ARE AVAILA- BLE PERMIT THE FOLLowING INFERENCES: THE BULK OF THE NEGRO MIGRANTS To CHICAGO ENTER AREAS OF ESTABLISHED NEGRO SETTLE- MENT---BY AND LARGE, TRACTS IN THE LATE STAGES OF SUCCESSION. THE MIGRANTS CONTRIBUTE DISPROPORTIONATELY TO THE NEGRO POPU- LATION GRowTH OF THESE AREAS, As CONTRASTED To AREAS OF IN- VASION AND EARLY CONSOLIDATION. CONVERSELY, OLDER RESIDENTS, RATHER THAN RECENTLY ARRIVED MIGRANTS, CONSTITUTE A DISPRO- PORTIONATE NUMBER OF THE NEGROES MOVING INTO AREAS OF FORMER wHITE OCCUPANCY. 72. IBID., PP. II8-I9 AND P. l2I. 73. IBID., P. I32. THE CL EMPLOYED AS SUCCESSION, or THE FIVE c-ARACTERIS ING or DuEL "EMPLOYMENT ”0 “PERCEN REFRIGERATI MANIFEST DI FROM ONE ST 'N VALUE. CHARACTER'S TURNOVER. AN AREA MAY CHARACTERIS CHARACTERIS OFFER THO H -hI- THE CLASSIFICATION OF CENSUS TRACTS BY STAGES OF SUCCESSION Is EMPLOYED AS THE FRAMEwORK FOR THE ANALYSIS OF THE CHANGES ACCOMPANYING SUCCESSION, REFERRED To As THE "CONCOMITANTS OF SUCCESSION." FOR EACH OF THE FIVE PHASES LISTED ABOVE THERE Is A COMPARISON OF THE FOLLowING CHARACTERISTICS FOR I9h0 AND I950: "POPULATION DENSITY," "ROOM CRowD- ING OF DwELLING UNITS," "EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT," "UNEMPLOYMENT," "EMPLOYMENT IN wHITE-COLLAR OCCUPATIONS," "HOMEOHNERSHIP," "RENT," AND "PERCENTAGE OF DwELLING UNITS wITH CENTRAL HEATING AND MECHANICAL REFRIGERATION." FOR EACH STAGE OF SUCCESSION THESE VARIABLES wILL MANIFEST DIFFERENT VALUES. HYPOTHETICALLY, AS THE CENSUS TRACTS PASS FROM ONE STAGE TO ANOTHER, THESE VARIABLES WILL REVEAL RELATED CHANGES IN VALUE. OF PRIMARY IMPORTANCE, HOWEVER, Is THE "STABILITY" OF AREA CHARACTERISTICS. IN AREAS UNDERGOING SUCCESSION THERE Is A POPULATION TURNOVER. HOHEVER, THE AUTHORS INFER THAT THE POPULATION MOVING INTO AN AREA MAY RESEMBLE THE POPULATION MOVING OUT IN ITS SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS. THE AREA IS REGARDED AS "STABLE" wITH RESPECT To THESE CHARACTERISTICS REGARDLESS OF CHANGES IN RACIAL COMPOSITION. THE AUTHORS OFFER Two MAJOR REASONS FOR EXPECTING SOME DEGREE OF STABILITY DESPITE THE POPULATION TURNOVER: THE FIRST MAY BE TERMED THE "SITUATIONAL" FACTOR. EACH LOCAL AREA IN THE CITY HAS A FUNCTIONAL POSITION IN THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CITY AS A MHOLE...THE SECOND MAY BE CALLED THE "SITE" FACTOR. ONCE AN AREA HAS BEEN BUILT UP, THERE IS A CONSIDERABLE INERTIA IN ITS PATTERN OF LAND USE, BECAUSE $851. STRUCTURES HAVE A USEFUL LIFE OF A HUMAN GENERATION OR MORE. 7h. IBID., PP. I33-h. THE PARISJN HITH THC INFERENC INITIAL BETWEEN WHITE P: THAT "SU CHARACTE RELATIVE TWEEN TH THE pOPU °F DIFFE NECESSAR 0F FORCE TWEEN ”a 'N TH: E INITIAL P0PULAT. PCPULAT I I3. E -h2- THE TECHNIQUE EMPLOYED TO TEST THIS EXPECTATION HAS THE COM- PARISON OF THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NON-wHITE POPULATION IN I950 wITH THOSE OF THE TOTAL POPULATION IN I9h0. THIS ALLowED FOR ROUGH INFERENCES As To THE SELECTIVITY INVOLVED IN THE REPLACEMENT OF THE INITIAL POPULATION BY THE INCOMING POPULATION. HIGH CORRELATIONS BETwEEN CHARACTERISTICS OF THE I950 NON-wHITE AND THOSE OF THE I9h0 wHITE POPULATION WERE FOUND. THESE RESULTS SUPPORTED THE HYPOTHESIS THAT "SUCCESSION IS HIGHLY SELECTIVE wITH RESPECT To THE SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE IN-MOVING POPULATION. IN THE SENSE OF A RELATIVE COMPARISON AMONG AREAS, THERE IS A STRONG RESEMBLENCE BE- TwEEN THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE INVADING POPULATION AND THOSE OF THE POPULATION REPLACED."75 HOHEVER, BECAUSE OF THE COMPLEX PATTERN OF DIFFERENCES FOUND IN THE TEMPORAL AND SOCIAL COMPARISONS, IT Is NECESSARY To RECOGNIZE THE SIMULTANEOUS OPERATION OF SEVERAL SETS OF FORCES OR SELECTIVE FACTORS: "THOSE PRODUCING DIFFERENCES BE- TwEEN HHITES AND NEGROES AT ANY GIVEN PERIOD OF TIME; THOSE INVOLVED IN THE SELECTIVITY OF THE INVADING POPULATION As COMPARED WITH THE INITIAL POPULATION; THOSE INVOLVED IN THE SELECTIVITY OF THE DISPLACED POPULATION AS COMPARED wITH THE wHITE POPULATION REMAINING IN AN AREA AFTER INVASION; AND THOSE PRODUCING...CHANGES IN THE MHITE AND NEGRO POPULATION OF THE COMMUNITY AT LARGE."76 WHEREAS THE ABOVE COMPARISON TREATED EACH STAGE OF SUCCESSION AS A SEPARATE UNIT OF ANALYSIS, THE AUTHORS ALSO MAKE COMPARISON OF THE 75. IBID., PP. Ih-5. 76. IBID., P. I5. STAGES THEMSE CHANGES ACCDF CONCLUSION HA CHARACTERISTI I940 T0 I950. ONE STAGE or THE VELL-KNOI ASPECTS OF S: RACIAL SUCCE: 0‘ SOCIO-[cm THAT AI’IEAS | I SIMULTANEOUS FURTHERMORE’ II N0 EVIDENCE To EXPL. 77. ”Q” 76. Q' ) \' .9 -h3- STAGES THEMSELVES IN A FINAL CHAPTER. IN AN ATTEMPT TO DETERMINE THE CHANGES ACCOMPANYING THE DIFFERENT STAGES OF SUCCESSION THE GENERAL CONCLUSION wAS THAT THE SAME KINDS OF CHANGES IN POPULATION AND HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS OCCURRED AT EACH STAGE OF SUCCESSION OVER THE DECADE I9MO TO I950. "EVERY BROAD STATEMENT ABOUT THE CHANGES OCCURRING AT ONE STAGE OF SUCCESSION WILL BE FOUND TO HOLD FOR ALL OTHER STAGES."77 THE wELL-KNowN FACT OF NEGRO INFERIORITY To wHITEs IN REGARD TO ALL ASPECTS OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS WOULD IMPLY THAT AN AREA UNDERGOING RACIAL SUCCESSION wOULD ALSO ExPERIENCE A DECLINE IN THE OVER-ALL LEVEL OF SOCIo-ECONOMIC STATUS OF ITS POPULATION. HowEVER, THE DUNCANS FOUND THAT AREAS IN wHICH SUCCESSION OCCURRED BETwEEN l9h0 AND I950 EXHIBITED SIMULTANEOUS RISES IN SOME ASPECTS OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS AND DECLINES IN OTHERS. As A RESULT OF THE CONTRARY CHANGES NOTED IN SUCCESSION, THE AUTHORS DECLARE THAT "ONE Is UNABLE TO MAKE A SUMMARY GENERALIZATION ABOUT CHANGES IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS ACCOMPANYING SUCCESSION."78 FURTHERMORE, IN VIEw OF THE CHANGES IN POPULATION AND HOUSING CHARACTER- ISTICS OCCURRING ALONG MITH RACIAL SUCCESSION, THE AUTHORS STATE THAT "No EVIDENCE (DISCLOSES) THAT ANY GIVEN TYPE OF CHANGE Is UNIQUE To A "79 PARTICULAR STAGE OF SUCCESSION. T0 EXPLAIN THIS APPARENT IMPASSE THE AUTHORS SUGGEST THAT, SINCE THE CONSEQUENCES OF SUCCESSION CANNOT BE INFERRED FROM THE DIRECTION 77. IBID., PP. 237-8. 78. IBID., P. 2MB. 79. IBID., P. 2M3. OF CHANGES l5 SUCH INFERENC AMONG STAGES A GIVEN CHARI OF SUCCESSIOI GULD BE $0M! ISTIC 0F INv. THE TERMINAL CHANGES REVE DENSITY HAS STAGES} INCR STAGES OF 5U LEVEL OCCURS AND AN INCRE WORKERS EXHl SMALL DECREI OWNERSHIP AI OCCURRED AT INVASION S GRADIENT O MOVING SIDER THE R RESIDENT I AL -uu- OF CHANGES IN AVERAGE VALUES OF POPULATION AND HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS, SUCH INFERENCES MUST BE BASED ON COMPARISONS OF THE AMOUNTS OF CHANGE AMONG STAGES OF SUCCESSION. "IF IT COULD BE SHowN THAT THE CHANGE IN A GIVEN CHARACTERISTIC INVOLVED A LARGE MAGNITUDE AT THE EARLY STAGES OF SUCCESSION BUT ONLY A SMALL MAGNITUDE AT THE LATE STAGES, THERE wOULD BE SOME BASIS FOR INFERRING THAT THIS TYPE OF CHANGE Is CHARACTER- ISTIC OF INVASION AND THE BEGINNING OF CONSOLIDATION, BUT LESS so OF 80 THE TERMINAL PHASE OF SUCCESSION." AN ADJUSTMENT APPLIED To THE CHANGES REVEALED THE FOLLowING coNCLUSIONS: INCREASE IN POPULATION DENSITY HAS COMPARATIVELY SMALL IN INVASION COMPARED TO THE LATER STAGES; INCREASE IN CRowDING wAs MOST SEVERE AT THE INTERMEDIATE STAGES OF SUCCESSION; COMPARATIVELY LARGE INCREASES IN EDUCATIONAL LEVEL OCCURRED IN INVASION, A SMALL INCREASE FOR EARLY-CONSOLIDATION, AND AN INCREASE THEREAFTER IN LATER STAGES; PROPORTION OF wHITE-COLLAR wORKERS EXHIBITED A LARGE DECREASE AT THE INVASION STAGE AND FELL To A SMALL DECREASE AT THE PILING-UP STAGE; A SUBSTANTIAL INCREASE IN HOME- OMNERSHIP APPEARED AT THE INVASION STAGE, wHILE SMALLER INCREASES ALSO OCCURRED AT OTHER STAGES; FINALLY RENT INCREASES WERE GREATEST AT THE INVASION STAGE AND LEAST AT THE PILING-UP STAGE wITH A RELATIVELY SMOOTH GRADIENT OVER THE INTERMEDIATE STAGES. MOVING Now TO A PRIMARY INTEREST OF THIS THESIS, THE DUNCANS CON- SIDER THE RELATION BETwEEN SUCCESSION AND THE DIFFERENTIATION OF NEGRO RESIDENTIAL AREAS. THEY EMPLOY THE FOLLOWING MODELS OF THE EXPANSION I'III or THE NE; I. A BEGAN T OF THE AREA OF WITH TH BEGAN T- THE 'CO TOE ULT AVAILAE' OF THE l THEIR M: OTHER A; INVASIQI AREAS Hg PLACE RA OLDER AF WOULD CC 'PORT OF PHASES C DENTS 0; LONGER 1 AND VOUL IF THE AND AN I ”E MIGHT PERIOD 0 PR'OR TO ARE“; A CLUSIVEL THE 'PIL AS HELL I PERIOD UI UNDER . ASSUMED, 0F SUCCEE A GRADIEh CATORs OF HIGH IND: VALUE, ECONOMIC Io” VALUE CONSOLID. HARACTER T0 EXHI8'1 -hs- OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY T0 RELATE THE SUCCESSION AND AREAL DIFFERENTIATION. I. ASSUME THAT DURING THE PERIOD BEFORE THE NEGRO POPULATION BEGAN To INCREASE RAPIDLY As A PROPORTION OF THE TOTAL POPULATION OF THE CITY THERE HAS A 'CORE' SETTLEMENT OF NEGROES, I.E., AN AREA OF PREDOMINANTLY, THOUGH NOT EXCLUSIVELY, NEGRO RESIDENCES. WITH THE BEGINNING OF LARGE-SCALE NEGRO IN-MIGRATION, MIGRANTS BEGAN To TAKE THE PLACES OF wHITES REMAINING IN THE 'CORE,‘ AND THE 'CONSOLIDATION' OF THE 'CORE' WAS ACCOMPLISHED RAPIDLY, wITH THE ULTIMATE RESULT THAT PRESSURE OF THE NEGRO POPULATION ON AVAILABLE LIVING SPACE IN THE ’CORE' BECAME SO GREAT THAT SOME OF THE RESIDENTS wERE COMPELLED TO FIND RESIDENCES ELSEwHERE. THEIR MOVEMENT OUT OF THE 'CORE' AMOUNTED To AN 'INVASION' OF OTHER AREAS. WITH THE CONTINUING PRESSURE OF NEGRO POPULATION, INVASION AREAS WOULD BECOME CONSOLIDATION AREAS, AND NEw INVASION AREAS wOULD APPEAR. THE AREAL EXPANSION, HowEVER, wOULD NOT TAKE PLACE RAPIDLY ENOUGH TO PREVENT A RISING DENSITY OF POPULATION IN OLDER AREAS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE. FINALLY, ASSUME THAT IN-MIGRANTS wOULD CONTINUE THROUGHOUT THIS PERIOD TO MAKE THE OLD 'CORE' THEIR 'PORT OF ENTRY' AND THAT THE INVASION OF MEN AREAS AND THE EARLY PHASES OF THEIR CONSOLIDATION wOULD BE ACCOMPLISHED BY OLDER RESI- DENTS OF THE CITY. THE LATTER, HAVING LIVED IN CHICAGO FOR A LONGER TIME, wOULD BE MORE 'ASSIMILATED' THAN THE RECENT ARRIVALS AND wOULD HAVE RISEN TO HIGHER LEVELS OF SOCIo-ECONOMIC STATUS. IF THE PROCESS JUST DESCRIBED HAD GONE ON FOR A NUMBER OF YEARS AND AN INVESTIGATOR HERE To STUDY THE CHANGES DURING A RECENT PERIOD, HE MIGHT CLASSIFY AS 'INVASION' TRACTS THOSE INVADED DURING THE PERIOD OF HIS STUDY; AS 'CONSOLIDATION' TRACTS, THOSE INVADED PRIOR To THE PERIOD OF HIS STUDY BUT NOT YET EXCLUSIVELY NEGRO AREAS; AND AS 'PILING-UP' TRACTS, THOSE THAT wERE INHABITED EX- CLUSIVELY BY NEGROES BEFORE THE PERIOD COVERED BY HIS STUDY BEGAN. THE 'PILING-UP' TRACTS wOULD, OF COURSE, INCLUDE THE OLD 'CORE' As wELL AS SUCH OTHER TRACTS AS wERE FULLY CONSOLIDATED BEFORE THE PERIOD UNDER INVESTIGATION. UNDER THE CONDITIONS DESCRIBED AND wITH THE TYPE OF SELECTIVITY ASSUMED, A CROSS-SECTIONAL COMPARISON OF TRACTS GROUPED BY 'STAGE OF SUCCESSION' As OF THE END OF THE PERIOD UNDER STUDY NOULD REVEAL A GRADIENT PATTERN. WITH RESPECT TO POPULATION DENSITY AND INDI- CATORS OF HOUSING CONGESTION, THE 'PILING-UP' TRACTS wOULD HAVE HIGH INDEXES, THE 'CONSOLIDATION' TRACTS INDEXES OF INTERMEDIATE VALUE, AND THE 'INVASION' TRACTS Low INDEXES. INDICATORS OF SOCIO- ECONOMIC STATUS wOULD SHow A GRADIENT IN THE OPPOSITE DIRECTION, I.E., Low VALUES FOR THE 'PILING-UP' TRACTS, INTERMEDIATE VALUES FOR THE 'CONSOLIDATION' TRACTS, AND HIGH VALUES FOR THE 'INVASION’ TRACTS. CHARACTERISTICS OTHER THAN THOSE MENTIONED WOULD ALSO BE EXPECTED TO EXHIBIT GRADIENT PATTERNS, IF THEY WERE CORRELATED wITH DENSITY AND CONGESTION AND/OR SOCIo-ECONOMIC STATUS. MOREOVER, THE GRADIENT OBSERVED ON I AS AN INDICA SUCCESSION O A DECLINE IN 2. THE 5 FIRST BUT B: ORIENTATION NEAR THE ca. NEGRO COMMUI A RADIAL Ax RAOIAL CROV LATION OCCU THAT THE IN AND LOH SOC INTERMEDIAT HAS A SELEC AREA TENDEI THE WHITES UNDER 7, AGAIN DISC GPADIENT 5 UP' TRACTS VASI0N TRA °I NEGRO F IT IS \ WOULD BE I SUCH, FOR INORHALI THE AU MODELS FAIL CHARACTERI! EXPECTED F COMPLEX F -La- OBSERVED ON A CROSS-SECTIONAL BASIS COULD VALIDLY BE REINTERPRETED AS AN INDICATION OF THE TYPE OF CHANGE IN AREA CHARACTERISTICS AS SUCCESSION OCCURS, I.E., AN INCREASE IN CONGESTION (PILING-UP) AND A DECLINE IN SOCIo-ECONOMIC LEVELS. 2. THE SECOND MODEL IS NOT NECESSARILY INCONSISTENT WITH THE FIRST BUT BRINGS IN AN ADDITIONAL ELEMENT, THAT OF THE SPATIAL ORIENTATION OF SUCCESSION. ASSUME THAT THE OLD 'CORE' wAs LOCATED NEAR THE CENTER OF THE CITY AND THAT THE SPATIAL EXPANSION OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY, BY INVASION AND CONSOLIDATION, TOOK PLACE ALONG A RADIAL AXIS AWAY FROM THE CENTER OF THE CITY. ASSUME, T00, THAT RADIAL GROWTH OF THE CITY HAD, BEFORE THE EXPANSION OF NEGRO POPU- LATION OCCURRED, RESULTED IN A ZONATION OR GRADIENT PATTERN SUCH THAT THE INNER ZONES WERE CHARACTERIZED BY HIGH RESIDENTIAL DENSITY AND LOW SOCIo-ECONOMIC STATUS, WITH INTERVENING ZONES BEING OF AN INTERMEDIATE CHARACTER. FINALLY, ASSUME THAT THE SUCCESSION PROCESS WAS A SELECTIVE ONE, IN THAT NEGROES ENTERING A FORMERLY ALL-WHITE AREA TENDED To RESEMBLE IN THEIR SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS THE wHITES WHOM THEY DISPLACED. UNDER THESE CONDITIONS A STUDY DESIGN LIKE THE ONE DESCRIBED WOULD AGAIN DISCOVER A GRADIENT PATTERN BY 'STAGE OF SUCCESSION' BUT THE GRADIENT BY STAGES WOULD ALSO BE A SPATIAL GRADIENT, SINCE THE 'PILING- UP' TRACTS wOULD BE LOCATED NEAR THE CENTER OF THE CITY AND THE IN- VASION TRACTS WOULD BE FURTHER FROM THE CITY CENTER THAN OTHER AREAS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE. IT IS WORTH NOTING THAT IF THE SECOND MODEL HELD PRECISELY, THERE WOULD BE No POSSIBILITY OF ISOLATING EFFECTS OF RACIAL SUCCESSION AS SUCH, FOR RACIAL SUCCESSION WOULD SIMPLY BE PARTnAND PARCEL OF THE 'NORMAL' PROCESSES OF URBAN COMMUNITY EXPANSION. THE AUTHORS, HOWEVER, GO ON TO POINT OUT HOW THESE HIGHLY IDEALIZED MODELS FAIL TO ACCOMMODATE THE FACTS. THEIR FINDINGS SHOW THAT MOST CHARACTERISTICS DID NOT SHOW A REGULAR GRADIENT PATTERN OF THE KIND EXPECTED FROM THE SIMPLIFIED MODELS DESCRIBED ABOVE. BECAUSE OF THE COMPLEX FASHION IN WHICH EXPANSION TAKES PLACE, THE CLASSIFICATION OF STAGES OF SUCCESSION IS BY NO MEANS EQUIVALENT TO A ZONAL CLASSIFICATION. HOWEVER, ZONAL GRADIENTS FOR MANY CHARACTERISTICS OF NEGRO RESIDENTIAL 8|. IBID., P. 252. AREAS ARE FA THAT THESE C. SOME TIME AN FOR THE CITY T—:E ZONAL DI DEPENDENT ON T15 FACT THA NEGRO “Hm, $0CID-ECONOM A RELATIVELY STAGES OF SU THE RECENCY AREA5 HAVE E INVASION REP LY "DESIRABL AMONG AREAS LY IN TERMS AT LARGE RAT THE FAC PLIED THE N GRAPHICALLY I 62. I a g &‘ J 0‘. J' IBID -hy- AREAS ARE FAIRLY CLEAR. "FOR THE MOST PART, IT CAN BE ASSUMED, FIRST, THAT THESE GRADIENTS FOR THE NEGRO POPULATION HAVE BEEN PRESENT FOR SOME TIME AND SECOND, THAT SIMILAR GRADIENTS WOULD APPEAR IN AN ANALYSIS FOR THE CITY AS A WHOLE. TO SOME EXTENT, THEN, IT IS PROBABLY TRUE THAT THE ZONAL DIFFERENTIATION OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY IS DUE TO FORCES NOT DEPENDENT ON THE PROCESSES OF RACIAL SUCCESSION, PER SE, EXCEPT FOR THE FACT THAT THE SUCCESSION PROCESS IS A SELECTIVE ONE IN SO FAR AS NEGRO IN-MOVERS TEND To RESEMBLE THE POPULATION BEING DISPLACED IN SOCIo-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS."82 EVEN THOUGH INVASION AREAS SHOW A RELATIVELY FAVORABLE POSITION To OTHER AREAS CHARACTERIZED BY LATER STAGES OF SUCCESSION, THIS CANNOT BE EXPLAINED ONLY ON THE BASIS OF THE RECENCY OF SUCCESSION. THE EXPLANATION APPEARS To BE THAT THESE AREAS HAVE ENJOYED A RELATIVELY FAVORABLE STATUS FOR A LONG TIME. THUS, INVASION REPRESENTS AN EXPANSION OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY INTO COMPARATIVE- LY "DESIRABLE" AREAS. FURTHERMORE, THE DUNCANS DECLARE "THAT DIFFERENCES AMONG AREAS IN DIFFERENT STAGES OF SUCCESSION CAN BE ACCOUNTED FOR LARGE- LY IN TERMS OF FORCES PRODUCING AREAL DIFFERENTIATION IN THE COMMUNITY "83 AT LARGE RATHER THAN FACTORS SPECIFIC TO ONE OR TWO STAGES OF SUCCESSION. THE FACT REMAINS THAT MANY WRITERS HAVE PERHAPS UNINTENTIONALLY IM- PLIED THE NOTION THAT THE NEGRO COMMUNITY Is OF A HIGH DEGREE OF SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC HOMOGENEITY. IN A FINAL SECTION, DUNCAN AND DUNCAN CARTO- GRAPHICALLY POINT UP THE CONSIDERABLE RANGE OF VARIATION AMONG DIFFERENT ppppppppp SECTORS 0F TH THE AUTHORS H PROBLEM: ...IT AF TO SOCIC PATTERN IS SEGRE BUT HIT: GROUPS I SEGREGA‘ FORCES I THE URE‘ NEGRO A! FINDING SPECT T ECONOMI UNDER T ON THE THESIS NOV 5 mm SUCCI I -h8- SECTORS OF THE NEGRO POPULATION, AS CLASSIFIED BY AREA OF RESIDENCE. THE AUTHORS HAVE THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT TO MAKE RELEVANT TO THIS PROBLEM: ...IT APPEARS THAT THE PATTERN OF DIFFERENTIATION wITH RESPECT TO SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS IN THE NEGRO COMMUNITY RESEMBLES THE PATTERN OF DIFFERENTIATION IN THE WHITE COMMUNITY. THE NEGRO Is SEGREGATED RESIDENTIALLY FROM THE WHITE POPULATION IN CHICAGo; BUT WITHIN BOTH THE NEGRO AND THE wHITE COMMUNITY, HIGH-STATUS GROUPS TEND TO SHARE RESIDENTIAL AREAS AND TO BE RESIDENTIALLY SEGREGATED FROM LOW-STATUS GROUPS. APPARENTLY, THE SELECTIVE FORCES WHICH PRODUCE DIFFERENTIATION OF RESIDENTIAL AREAS IN THE URBAN COMMUNITY OPERATE IN SOMEWHAT THE SAME WAY UPON THE NEGRO AND WHITE POPULATION. THIS IS ALSO IN LINE wITH THE FINDING THAT PATTERNS OF INTERAREA DIFFERENTIATION WITH RE- SPECT To PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AREA AND SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESIDENTS TEND TO BE MAINTAIN UNDER THE IMPACT OF SUCCESSION FROM WHITE To NEGRO OCCUPANCY. ON THE BASIS OF WHAT HAS BEEN RECORDED ABOVE, THE PROBLEM OF THIS THESIS NOW BECOMES MORE APPARENT: WHAT IS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RACIAL SUCCESSION AND AREA DIFFERENTIATION WITHIN THE NEGRO COMMUNITY? IT IS THIS PROBLEM WHICH HAS BEEN SELECTED AS THE PRIMARY FOCUS OF THE REMAINDER OF THIS THESIS. A CA5 AS EC INTRODUCTION “~— THE CENI HYPOTHESES DI ECOLOGICAL PI DISCUSSION 0 ZATION or IT ECOLOGICAL p NEGRO COMMON VASION‘SUCCI ENTIATION C! AND INVASlQ BETHEEN THE URBAN COMMU LEAST REFEF THE NATURAI IN TH 0F SEGREGA CITY 0P QR WHICH TO < CHAPTER III A CASE STUDY: SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION AS ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES OPERATIVE IN GRAND RAPIDS INTRODUCTION THE CENTRAL PROBLEM OF THIS THESIS IS NOT THE TESTING OF HYPOTHESES DERIVED FROM THE RELEVANT THEORY OF THESE SELECTED ECOLOGICAL PROCESSES. THE INTENTION OF INCLUDING THE PREVIOUS DISCUSSION OF SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION IS THE UTILI- ZATION OF IT As AN APPROACH TO ANOTHER RELATED BUT DISTINCT ECOLOGICAL PROCESS: AREAL DIFFERENTIATION WITHIN A SEGREGATED NEGRO COMMUNITY. IT IS ONLY IN A CONTEXT OF SEGREGATION AND IN- VASION-SUCCESSION THAT SUCH AN INTERNAL PROCESS OF AREAL DIFFER- ENTIATION CAN BE FULLY UNDERSTOOD. THE PROCESSES OF SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION DESCRIBE MORE THE EXTERNAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE "NATURAL AREAS" OF AN URBAN COMMUNITY AND THE TOTAL URBAN COMMUNITY ITSELF. AREAL DIFFERENTIATION IN THIS THESIS AT LEAST REFERS TO AN INTERNAL PROCESS OPERATING WITHIN THE LIMITS OF THE NATURAL AREA. IN THIS CHAPTER GENERALIZATIONS WILL BE DERIVED FROM THE "THEORY 7 OF SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION" AND APPLIED TO OUR CASE STUDY CITY OF GRAND RAPIDS. THESE GENERALIZATIONS WILL NOT BE IN THE FORM OF TESTABLE HYPOTHESES. RATHER, THEY wILL BE USED AS GUIDELINES BY WHICH TO CONSTRUCT A MEANINGFUL IMAGE OF THE PARTICULAR NEGRO COMMUNITY I. TO BE STUDIED BEMORE THORC LATER AND WII ENTIATION HI THO PEF AT THIS Po‘. EMPLOYINQ “ OF URBAN P' UTIL\TY 0; BE uTIL‘zI OT STUDy. RESEARCH; DEFINING THE THE DEVI PR|HAR‘ ANo IT T”E D51 METRQP 5‘03 A IF THI PAREN -50- To BE STUDIED, wITHIN WHICH THE PROCESS OF AREAL DIFFERENTIATION CAN BE MORE THOROUGHLY ANALYZED. SPECIFIC HYPOTHESES wILL BE DERIVED LATER AND WILL BE DIRECTED TOWARD THE UNDERSTANDING OF AREAL DIFFER- ENTIATION WITHIN A NEGRO COMMUNITY. Two PERVADING PURPOSES OF THIS STUDY SHOULD ALSO BE UNDERLINED AT THIS POINT. FIRST, THIS STUDY WISHES To POINT UP THE UTILITY OF EMPLOYING “NATURAL AREAS" As FOCAL POINTS FOR MORE INTENSIVE STUDIES OF URBAN PHENOMENA. REGARDLESS OF THE DOUBTS AS TO THE REALITY AND UTILITY OF SUCH A CONCEPT, THE NATURAL AREAS OF AN URBAN CENTER CAN BE UTILIZED FOR THE PURPOSE OF MORE PRECISE DELINEATION OF THE OBJECT OF STUDY. THUS, THE USE OF NATURAL AREAS IN THIS MANNER ENABLE URBAN RESEARCHERS TO OVERCOME THE COMMON OBSTACLE OFTEN CONFRONTED: THE DEFINING OF WHAT SPECIFICALLY IS To BE STUDIED. THE SECOND POINT CONCERNS AN OVERSIGHT WHICH HAS EVOLVED WITH THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATURAL AREA CONCEPT. NATURAL AREAS WERE PRIMARILY CONCEPTUALIZED AS AREAS MANIFESTING COMMON CHARACTERISTICS AND IT WAS ON THIS BASIS THAT THEY COULD BE EMPIRICALLY DELINEATED. THE DELINEATION OF NATURAL AREAS GAVE A GENERAL PATTERN To AN ENTIRE METROPOLITAN AREA AS A WHOLE. AT THIS LEVEL, THEREFORE, NATURAL AREAS SHOW A HIGH LEVEL OF HOMOGENEITY IN CONTRAST TO EACH OTHER. HOWEVER, IF THE LEVEL OF OBSERVATION WERE TO DROP TO THE LEVEL OF AN ANALYSIS OF A SINGLE NATURAL AREA, THIS HOMOGENEITY WOULD No LONGER BE AS AP- PARENT. THIS THESIS WISHES TO ILLUSTRATE THIS LAST POINT BY PRESENTING AN ANALYSIS IN TERMS OF FINALL THE PRESENT SHOULD BE M ING To DESC ESSES "ARE ANGLES, WHI EXHIBIT THI PROCESS IMI T0 REFRESH RATHER Th” CRFHCISH LIMITATION THE 5 NESS 0‘ TH ANALYTICAL BUT IN REA sION OF 5E HILL UTILI ‘-~““‘ I ~5l- AN ANALYSIS OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY AS A "NATURAL AREA" OF GRAND RAPIDS IN TERMS OF AREAL DIFFERENTIATION. FINALLY, BEFORE PROCEEDING TO THE CASE STUDY, TWO DIFFICULTIES IN THE PRESENTATION OF THE PROCESSES OF SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION SHOULD BE MENTIONED. FIRST, THERE IS A DEFINITE LIMITATION IN ATTEMPT- ING To DESCRIBE A PROCESS. AS STATED ABOVE, ALIHAN MENTIONS THAT PROC- ESSES "ARE PRESENTED TO US LIKE A SERIES OF SNAPSHOTS, FROM DIFFERENT ANGLES, WHICH CAN BE GIVEN A MECHANICAL ANIMATION, BUT WHICH Do NOT EXHIBIT THE REAL INTERNAL CONTINUITY OF THE PROCESS THEY REPRESENT."I PROCESS IMPLIES A CHANGING PATTERN, BUT THE DESCRIPTIVE APPROACH USED To REPRESENT THIS CHANGING PATTERN PLACES THE EMPHASIS UPON STRUCTURE RATHER THAN CHANGE OF THE PARTICULAR PROCESS. IN THIS THESIS THIS CRITICISM HOLDS TRUE AND THE READER MUST BE MADE AWARE OF SUCH A LIMITATION. THE SECOND DIFFICULTY RELEVANT TO THIS CHAPTER IS THE INTERRELATED- NESS OF THE PROCESSES OF SEGREGATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION. AT AN ANALYTICAL LEVEL THE TWO PROCESSES CAN BE SEPARATED To A CERTAIN EXTENT, BUT IN REALITY, THIS DIVISION DOES NOT EXIST. As A RESULT, THE DISCUS- SION OF SEGREGATION AND OF INVASION-SUCCESSION MAY OVERLAP AND AT TIMES WILL UTILIZE THE SAME DATA AND FIGURES IN AN ATTEMPT TO DESCRIBE THEM. I. ALIHAN, MILLA A., SOCIAL ECOLOGY: A_CRITICAL ANALYSIS. NEW YORK: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, I938. PP. I35-7. THE CITY C GRAN: or THIS CA STATISTICI INCORPORA' YEARS TURI IN FURNITI '5 N0 LON TODA TRADES REFRIG STAHPI THE AR OFFICE CRAFT SECON: AND FC MANI RETAII MAJOR IT AS A MAN NEGRO PC \ E. PRC: EA: ‘1 SER -52- THE CITY OF GRAND RAPIDS GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN, THE URBAN SETTING EMPLOYED AS THE OBJECT OF THIS CASE STUDY, IS To DATE THE THIRD LARGEST STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREA IN MICHIGAN, SECOND ONLY To FLINT AND DETROIT. ITS INCORPORATION As A CITY OCCURRED IN l850. GRAND RAPIDS IN ITS EARLY YEARS TURNED To FURNITURE MANUFACTURING AND BECAME A NATIONAL LEADER IN FURNITURE MAKING AND DESIGN. TODAY, HOWEVER, FURNITURE MANUFACTURING Is NO LONGER ITS MAJOR INDUSTRY. TODAY THE MOST IMPORTANT MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS ARE METAL TRADES: THE MANUFACTURE OF BODY PARTS, AUTOMOTIVE PARTS, REFRIGERATOR CABINETS, MANY TYPES OF HARDWARE, MACHINE TOOLS, STAMPINGS, CASTINGS, EXTRUDED METALS, ALLOYS AND DIE CASTINGS. THE AREA IS ALSO LEADER IN THE PRODUCTION OF BUSINESS MACHINES, OFFICE EQUIPMENT, CARPET SWEEPERS, FIBERBOARD CONTAINERS, AIR- CRAFT AND ELECTRONIC DEVICES. FURNITURE MANUFACTURING RANKS SECOND IN IMPORTANCE, FOLLOWED BY PRINTING AND PUBLISHING, AND FOOD AND KINDRED PRODUCTS. MANUFACTURING Is MOST IMPORTANT IN THE AREA'S ECONOMY BUT RETAIL TRADE, CONSTRUCTION, AND WHOLESALE TRADE ARE ALSO OF MAJOR IMPORTANCE IN THAT ORDER. IT Is AGAINST THIS BACKGROUND, I.E., THE GROWTH OF GRAND RAPIDS AS A MANUFACTURING CENTER, A WHOLESALE AND RETAIL CENTER, AND A TRANSPORTATION CENTER, THAT THE GROWTH AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NEGRO POPULATION IN THIS COMMUNITY CAN BE PARTIALLY EXPLAINED. 2. PRESS, CHARLES, WHEN ONE-THIRD g£_é CITY MOVES TO THE SUBURBS. EAST LANSING, MICHIGAN: INSTITUTE FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT AND SERVICES, I959. THE GROVTH O.‘ PREVIOUS SIGNIFICANTL‘ THE NEGRO POI PRISED ONLY I THE NON-WHITI CITY POPULAT SLIGHT INCRE TIONATELY TH POPULATION 0 CITY A5 A W ATTRACTED BC NEGROES ADD: LATION TO 2: THE PEI AND NEGRO p. YEARS LOST -53.. THE GROWTH OF THE NEGRO POPULATION PREVIOUS TO I9R0 THE NEGRO POPULATION3 IN GRAND RAPIDS WAS SIGNIFICANTLY SMALL. WITH THE EARLIEST RECORDING OF THE SIZE OF THE NEGRO POPULATION IN I900, GIVEN IN TABLE I, NON-WHITES COM- PRISED ONLY 0.7% OF THE TOTAL POPULATION OF THE CITY. IN NUMBER THE NON-WHITE POPULATION OF I900 WAS ONLY 60h COMPARED TO A TOTAL CITY POPULATION OF 87,565. WITHIN THE DECADE I9I0 - I920 CAME A SLIGHT INCREASE IN ABSOLUTE NUMBER OF NEGROES (M25) BUT PROPOR- TIONATELY THEY REMAINED LESS THAN ONE PER CENT (0.8%) OF THE TOTAL POPULATION DUE To A COMPARABLE INCREASE OF THE POPULATION OF THE CITY AS A WHOLE. BETWEEN I920 AND I930 THE PROSPERITY OF THE CITY ATTRACTED BOTH WHITES AND NON-WHITES TO A CONSIDERABLE DEGREE. NEGROES ADDED I,866 DURING THIS PERIOD BRINGING THE NEGRO POPU- LATION To 2,956 OR I.8% OF THE TOTAL POPULATION. THE PERIOD BETWEEN I930 T0 I9h0 BROUGHT A DECREASE IN BOTH TOTAL AND NEGRO POPULATION. THE TOTAL POPULATION DURING THE DEPRESSION YEARS LOST A,300, WHILE NON-WHITES WERE REDUCED BY 23I. THE RESULT WAS A CHANGE OF ONLY 0.I% IN THE PROPORTION OF NON-WHITES TO THE TOTAL POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS DURING THIS PERIOD. WITH THE END OF WORLD WAR II AND THE POST-WAR PROSPERITY CAME ANOTHER EXPANSION PERIOD FOR THE POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS. HOWEVER, WHILE THE TOTAL 3. ALTHOUGH CENSUS DATA UTILIZED To PRESENT THE GROWTH OF THE NEGRO POPULATION FOR GRAND RAPIDS EMPLOYS THE TERM "NON-WHITE," THIS TERM WILL BE USED INTERCHANGEABLY WITH "NEGRo" THROUGHOUT THIS THESIS. THERE IS LITTLE EVIDENCE TO SHOW THAT THE TWO ARE NOT APPROXIMATELY THE SAME. TABLE I. i TOT. POFI YEAR LAT A- ‘73 [W l! I” -5U- TABLE I. GROWTH OF THE NEGRO POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN: I900-I960. PER CENT TOTAL NEGRO NEGRO OF POPU- INCREASE POPU- INCREASE TOTAL YEAR LATION NUMBER PER CENT LATION NUMBER PER CENT POPULATION I900 87,565 --- —-— 60h —-- -—- 0.7 ' I9|0 II2,57I 25,006 28.6 665 6I I0.I 0.6 I920 I37,63h 25,063 22.3 I,090 M25 63.9 0.8 . I930 I68,592 30,958 22.5 2,956 I,866 l7l.2 I.8 I9h0 I6u,292 -h,300 -2.6 2,725 -23l -7.8 I.7 I950 I76.5I5 I2,723 7.h 6.9:2 n.187 I53.7 3.9 I960 I77,3I3 798 O.u Iu,7I7 7,805 II2.9 8.3 SOURCE: U. S. BUREAU OF CENSUS POPULATION SHOWED AN I ING TO NOTI I930 THE NI INCREASE. 39% 0F TH THE P CHANGE (N IN THIS PE I960 MAKE: CITY. IN RAPIDS 0N REVEALED FRo” SURR POPULATH OUTMIGRA. ‘“° I960 THE NEGR IN A FDI ‘WHI IN TABL -55- POPULATION ADDED I2,723 OR A 7.N% INCREASE, THE NEGRO POPULATION SHOWED AN INCREASE OF M,I87 OR A I53.7% INCREASE. IT IS INTEREST- ING To NOTE THAT OF THE TOTAL POPULATION INCREASE BETWEEN I9R0 AND I950 THE NON-WHITES COMPRISED APPROXIMATELY ONE-THIRD OF THIS TOTAL INCREASE. IN I950 THE NEGRO POPULATION, AS A RESULT, COMPRISED 3.9% OF THE TOTAL POPULATION OF THE ENTIRE CITY. THE PERIOD OF I950 T0 I960, HOWEVER, SHOWS THE MOST SIGNIFICANT CHANGE IN THE GROWTH OF THE NEGRO POPULATION. THE NEGRO POPULATION IN THIS PERIOD MORE THAN DOUBLED IN SIZE FROM 6,9I2 To IR,7I7 AND IN I960 MAKES UP PROPORTIONATELY 8.3% OF THE TOTAL POPULATION OF THE CITY. IN CONTRAST TO THIS INCREASE THE TOTAL POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS ONLY INCREASED BY 798. AN EARLY CENSUS ENUMERATION FOR I960 REVEALED A SLIGHT DECREASE IN POPULATION, BUT AFTER A FEW ANNEXATIONS FROM SURROUNDING AREAS THE FINAL TOTAL RECORDED A SLIGHT INCREASE IN POPULATION. THE CONCLUSION MAY BE DRAWN AT THIS POINT THAT A LARGE OUTMIGRATION OF THE WHITE POPULATION HAS TAKEN PLACE BETWEEN I950 AND I960 WHILE IN-MIGRATION AND NATURAL INCREASE ADDED GREATLY TO THE NEGRO POPULATION OF THE CITY. THIS WILL BE SHOWN MORE CLEARLY IN A FOLLOWING SECTION. WHEN THE GROWTH OF THE NON-WHITE POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS IS COMPARED To OTHER LARGE METROPOLITAN CENTERS OF MICHIGAN, AS PRESENTED IN TABLE 2, IT CAN BE SEEN THAT THE SAME TREND IS APPARENT IN ALL THESE CITIES. THE NON-WHITE POPULATION IN THESE LARGE URBAN AREAS HAVE .— ZI- . :12 ZC-M<4:101 u an; I-p-IBIZSZ GEM; ARI-.pZ-Av Z(.-.- ids-CZ.- zo_~<4:;o& LH-IEIzoz UP_u GZGO mum mk.x3uzoz 4H_o quu mum GH_:3Izoz 4,llruotion ot“lblidlutlal 8.1mm. 353 07, I} r. Paris ftp. 09,657 .c 000.... 3333333333333333333333. .....00090..... .00. ......0..000.0.0..000. 00. .0...090090 0 .000 930.000.900.900000000. 9.0 .0...000 0 .00. . .0...00.00. .0 9.00 ... .0090 0 9 9 . 3: $3333333333333?3323 00.199.000.0..0.9.0000 ....00000... 0 .0 0 ......000...000.9 0 0 9...... 0... .00... .&&?g€¢¢d€ 00.0000... .0 0. 90.0%fififififififififiv 00.... 00 .3333 _§V. fiv0. 000. 9%?QQQQQQQQV00900flv. 1 C“4“‘¢.“““““‘O 3333333333333$§fi€¢$¢oc¢£§333 ......00....0.0.0.0......90 ......00......0..000...... 0.. 33330. 0.;00.0. 0 0 0 9 %fifi$§:0 00.0.00 00...;09 00.0000 ......00 0.00... 0.000... .000... 00...... 00.09.0900. 90.00.000.00 00.90.00... 00000090.... .33333333333. 000000....009 . . 0 . 0 0 9 O 0 0 0 . 0 0 3 . O O -63- DIRECTLY RELATED To THIS TREND Is THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE RESI- DENTIAL PATTERN OF THE NEGRO POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS. THE NEGRO POPULATION HAS CONCENTRATED WITHIN THE CENTRAL CITY AREA AND HAS NOT PARTICIPATED IN THE GENERAL MIGRATION TO THE SUBURBS. AS MCENTIRE STATES: NEGRO MIGRATION SINCE I9AO HAS BEEN DIRECTED OVERWHELMINGLY TOWARD THE CENTRAL CITIES OF METROPOLITAN AREAS, WHEREAS THE WHITE POPULATION HAS BEEN SHIFTING OUTWARD FROM THE CITIES INTO SURROUNDING SUBURBAN TERRITORY. THE RESULT IS A STEADILY INCREASING PROMINENCE OF NEGRO AND OTHER MINORITIES IN THE POPULATIONS OF THE LARGER CITIES. TO SUPPORT THE EXISTENCE OF THIS TREND IN THE GRAND RAPIDS AREA BOGUE'S WORK WITH ESTIMATING NET MIGRATION AND NATURAL INCREASE FOR STANDARD METROPOLITAN AREAS WILL BE EMPLOYED. HIS ESTIMATIONS FOR GRAND RAPIDS IS SUMMARIZED IN TABLE 5. THESE FIGURES INDICATE THE EXPECTED TREND BETWEEN I9A0 AND I950 WITH REGARD TO NET MIGRATION OF WHITES AND NON- WHITES. FOR THE CENTRAL CITY WHITES IN MOST AGE CATEGORIES SHOW AN OUT-MIGRATION WHILE NON-WHITES OF ALMOST ALL AGE CATEGORIES SHOW AN IN-MIGRATION FOR THE SAME PERIOD. IN CONTRAST, THE METROPOLITAN RING OF THE CITY REVEALS IN-MIGRATION OF WHITES WHILE NON-WHITES SHOW AN INSIGNIFICANT NUMBER OF MIGRANTS TO THE SUBURBAN FRINGE AREA. ALTHOUGH SUCH FIGURES FOR THE PERIOD BETWEEN I950 AND I960 ARE NOT AVAILABLE, IT Is ALMOST CERTAIN THAT THIS TREND WOULD BE EVEN MORE EXTREME IN THE SAME DIRECTION. IN SUMMARY, WHAT THIS SECTION IS ATTEMPTING TO SHOW IS THE TREND FOUND IN MANY LARGE METROPOLITAN CENTERS OF SUBURBAN EXPANSION AND 5. MCENTIRE, DAVIS., RESIDENCE AND RACE. BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES, CALIF. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS, I960. P. I7. TABLE V. ASE K ALL AGES 0-9 KM. l3-I9 20-24 25-29 30-3A 35-39 40-44 -6H- TABLE V. SUMMARY OF NET MIGRATION. GRAND RAPIDS STANDARD METROPOLITAN AREA, CENTRAL CITY, AND METROPOLITAN RING, BY AGE AND COLOR. I9AO- -50. CENTRAL CITY METROPOLITAN RING AGE WHITE NON-WHITE WHITE NON-WHITE WHITE NON-WHITE ALL AGES 6,330 3,689 -I3,333 3,57I I9,663 II8 0-9 I.79I 5 - 6 I07 500 7.898 2 IO-Ih - 580 286 - I,5Ig 278 95A 38 lS-I - I I - I2 -I 20-22 707 AE8 70I h33 6 2 25-2 I. 05 55 - 594 33' I.899 I 30-3 I, I2 65 - I, ,385 6% 2,797 I 35-32 30 - 299 I,7I2 I 0- 9h 27I - 952 259 I,0h6 l2 h5—A - 5 227 - 79 2II 79h I6 50 5 E92 IMO - 36 I3A 756 6 55- 053 8A - 360 776 6 6 32k 6% - I68 5% 5A7 9 65- 0:63 25h 3| IDA I50 3 Egg I82 38 I6 I66 - 2 1A6 22 36 20 I82 2 5 & OVER - I7 - 2 - I0 - 3 - 7 I SOURCE: TABLE IV IN DONALD J. BOGUE, COMPONENTS OF POPULATION CHANGE, I9HO-50 MIAMI, OHIo: MIAMI UNIVERSITY, I957. ESTIMATES OF NET MIGRATION AND NATURAL INCREASE FOR EACH STANDARD METROPOLITAN AREA AND STATE ECONOMIC AREA. NEGRO CONCEI THE CASE OF PATTERN OF IT WILL BE or CONCENTR EXTREME SEC RACIAI GATION, HA T0 CLUSTER 0R RACE. THE pATTER THE’QUEST| DISPERSIOr DUNC7 NEGRO RES IT M SAME CASE TION ON T DWEL MAIN OF N WQUL NON. TVEE CENT 6\ DUNCA -65- NEGRO CONCENTRATION WITHIN THE CENTRAL CITY IS ALSO OCCURRING IN THE CASE OF GRAND RAPIDS. IN THE NEXT SECTION A DESCRIPTION OF THE PATTERN OF NEGRO RESIDENCE WITHIN THE CENTRAL CITY WILL BE PRESENTED. IT WILL BE SHOWN THAT NEGRO RESIDENCE NOT ONLY MANIFESTS A PATTERN OF CONCENTRATION WITHIN THE CENTRAL CITY AREA, BUT ALSO A PATTERN OF EXTREME SEGREGATION WITHIN A SPECIFIC AREA OF THE CENTRAL CITY. THE PATTERN OF RACIAL SEGREGATION RACIAL SEGREGATION, A SUBTYPE OF THE GENERAL PROCESS OF SEGRE- GATION, MAY BE CONSIDERED AS THE TENDENCY FOR INDIVIDUALS OR FAMILIES TO CLUSTER TOGETHER IN THEIR PLACES OF RESIDENCE ON THE BASIS OF COLOR OR RACE. THIS SECTION WILL ATTEMPT TO POINT OUT IN A GENERAL SENSE THE PATTERN OF NEGRO RESIDENCE IN CONTRAST WITH NON-NEGRO RESIDENCE. THE'QUESTION Is, DO NEGROES SHOW A CLUSTERING OF RESIDENCE OR A DISPERSION OF RESIDENCE, I.E., A PATTERN OF SEGREGATION OR DISPERSION? DUNCAN AND DUNCAN HAVE SET FORTH THREE POSSIBLE PATTERNS WHICH NEGRO RESIDENCE MAY FORM. IT MIGHT BE FOUND THAT NEGROES SECURED FOR THEIR OCCUPANCY THE SAME PROPORTION OF DWELLINGS IN EACH AREA OF THE CITY. IN THIS CASE THEIR RESIDENCES WOULD BE WIDELY DISPERSED AND THE DISTRIBU- TIONS OF NEGRO AND NON-NEGRO RESIDENCES BY AREA WOULD CORRESPONO. ON THE OTHER HAND, IT MIGHT BE FOUND THAT NEGROES SECURED ALL DWELLINGS IN SOME AREAS OF THE CITY BUT NO DWELLINGS IN THE RE- MAINDER OF THE CITY. UNDER THESE CIRCUMSTANCES THE RESIDENCES OF NEGROES WOULD BE HIGHLY CONCENTRATED WITHIN THE CITY AND WOULD BE HIGHLY SEGREGATED WITH RESPECT TO THE RESIDENCES OF NON-NEGROES. INNUMERABLE DISTRIBUTIONAL PATTERNS, RANGING BE- TWEEN THE EXTREMES OF A DISPERSED EVEN DISTRIBUTION 6ND A CON- CENTRATED COMPLETE SEGREGATION, MIGHT BE POSTULATED. 6. DUNCAN AND DUNCAN, 93, CIT., P. 87. THE RED TIER, IS RAF or THE NEGRC ARE THE ONL‘ AND SOME SC GRAND RAPII THREE POIN 0F NEGRO I FIRST THC GRAND RAF I959, ‘NFORMAT SENTED L OF THIS THE DAT A PATTI ANALYz I RAPID: TQWAR 3’ IAN «J -66- THE RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF NEGROES IN AMERICAN CITIES, HOW- EVER, Is RARELY ABSOLUTE, ACCORDING TO MCENTIRET NOT ALL THE MEMBERS OF THE NEGRO POPULATION WILL LIVE IN ONE OR MORE AREAS IN WHICH THEY ARE THE ONLY RESIDENTS. OTHERS WILL BE FOUND LIVING IN MIXED AREAS, AND SOME SCATTERED THROUGH THE CITY. THIS PATTERN VARIES WITHIN ALL CITIES. THE SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE NEGRO RESIDENTIAL AREAS IN GRAND RAPIDS IS GRAPHICALLY REPRESENTED IN FIGURES 2,3, AND A. THE THREE POINTS OF TIME WHICH WILL BE SELECTED FOR OBSERVING THE PATTERN OF NEGRO RESIDENCES WILL BE I9H0, I950, AND I959. THE DATA FOR THE FIRST TWO POINTS IN TIME WERE OBTAINED FROM BLOCK STATISTICS FOR GRAND RAPIDS PUBLISHED BY THE U. S. BUREAU OF CENSUS. THE DATA FOR I959, HOWEVER, WERE OBTAINED BY A FIELD SURVEY, DURING WHICH TIME INFORMATION FOR THE ANALYSIS OF AREAL DIFFERENTIATION TO BE PRE- SENTED LATER WAS ALSO OBTAINED. MORE WILL BE SAID OF THE METHODOLOGY OF THIS STUDY IN A LATER CHAPTER. FOR NOW IT MUST BE ASSUMED THAT THE DATA FOR ALL THREE PERIODS IS SOMEWHAT COMPARABLE AND CAN PRODUCE A PATTERN OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF SEGREGATION IN THE CASE CITY TO BE ANALYZED. IN GENERAL THE TREND WITH REGARD TO RACIAL SEGREGATION IN GRAND RAPIDS HAS BEEN TOWARD AN INTENSIFICATION OF SEGREGATION RATHER THAN TOWARD A PATTERN 0F DISPERSION THROUGHOUT THE CITY. THE FIGURES 2, 3, AND A REPRESENTING THE PATTERN OF NEGRO RESIDENCE AREAS FOR I9H0, 7. MCENTIRE, 93, CIT., P. 32. -57- Plguro 2. Area: of lbgro‘fioamdonco 1n GrundIRapids: 19h0. aneont lbgro II m Ina-ham. in Block m 10.04.93 ; 0.1-9.9 -53- ngura 3. was Of Negro Residence in Grand Rapids: 1950. II POI-cont Tim-o I [Bauhaus 1n Block - 75. 0-100 50. O-‘III. 9 8 I4 P w 10.0493 0.1-9.9 -69- Figur0.h._ 110.. of HbgruInonddanco luIOrnnd.Rnp1dls 1959. lbre0nt Ihgro I lhlnchomda inIllonk I - 75.0400 ' so.o.7II.9 II , ‘ NR 1......” II: 0.1-9.9 I / " E I/ I E“ a & I CED ‘ . IS a \\V L\V k‘) w w x“ \‘V -70- I950, AND I959, RESPECTIVELY, INDICATE A DECREASE IN NUMBER OF BLOCKS OF DISPERSION WHICH CONSIST OF ONE OR TWO NON-WHITES LIVING IN A BLOCK OF A LARGE NUMBER OF WHITES. THESE BLOCKS GENERALLY FALL WITHIN THE 0.I T0 9.9% DWELLING UNITS OCCUPIED BY NON-WHITE CATEGORY. ON THE OTHER HAND, WHILE THESE BLOCKS ARE DISAPPEARING THROUGHOUT THE WHOLE CITY, THE AREA COMPRISING THE PRIMARY NEGRO COMMUNITY SEEMS TO BE EXPANDING. WITHIN THIS SAME TREND OF INCREASED SEGREGATION CAN BE INCLUDED THE DEVELOPMENT OF ONE SINGLE SEGREGATED NEGRO COMMUNITY FROM A FUSION OF A NUMBER OF SMALLER NEGRO CORE AREAS. IN I9HO, AS PICTURED IN FIGURE 2, TWO DEFINITELY OUTLINED NEGRO DISTRICTS CAN BE DISTINGUISHED TOGETHER WITH A THIRD DISTRICT BEGINNING TO FORM BETWEEN THE OLDER ESTABLISHED DISTRICTS. THE CENTER OF THESE CORE AREAS TAKE THE FORM OF A GROUP OF BLOCKS MANIFESTING A HIGH PROPORTION OF NEGROES RE- SIDING WITHIN THEM. UPON OBSERVING FIGURES 3 AND A THESE DISTRICTS CAN BE SEEN TO FUSE TOGETHER ALMOST INTO A SINGLE "BLACK BELT" PATTERN. THE CORE AREAS OF THE THREE DISTRICTS ARE STILL DISTINGUISHABLE As SEPARATE AREAS BUT IT PERHAPS WILL BE A MATTER OF TIME BEFORE THE THREE BECOME A SINGLE NEGRO CORE AREA. THE TWO ELEMENTS OF A NEGRO SEGREGATED DISTRICT, THEREFORE, ARE ' THE CORE AREA, AS MENTIONED ITS "CORE" AND ITS "FRINGE" OR "PERIPHERY.' ABOVE, IS USUALLY THE AREA OF EARLIEST SETTLEMENT AND IN WHICH CAN BE FOUND THE HIGHEST CONCENTRATION IN TERMS OF THE PROPORTION OF NEGROES -7|- TO NON-NEGROES RESIDING IN THE AREA. IN THE FIGURES 2, 3, AND A THE CORE AREAS ARE QUITE PROMINENT WITH THEIR FRINGE OR PERIPHERY PROCEEDING OUTWARD FROM EACH DISTRICT CORE. THE FRINGE BLOCKS ARE IDENTIFIABLE FROM A LOW PROPORTION OF NEGROES TO NON-NEGROES RESIDING IN THE AREA. IT IS THE FRINGE AREAS WHICH WILL SE OF CONCERN IN THE SECTION DEALING WITH INVASION-SUCCESSION, FOR IT IS THE HIGHLY DENSE CORE AREAS THAT FORM THE STARTING POINT OF THE INVASION-SUCCESSION PROCESS. FROM THE HIGHLY POPULATED AREAS PROCEED "WAVES OF SUCCESSION" INTO THE BLOCKS SURROUNDING THE CORE AREAS. AT THIS POINT PERHAPS IT IS APPROPRIATE TO SUGGEST A DISTINCTION BETWEEN INVASION-SUCCESSION AND SEGREGATION TO FACILITATE THE ANALYSIS OF THE TWO PROCESSES. SEGREGATION APPEARS TO BE THE TENDENCY TO EX- CLUDE ALL OTHERS FROM AN AREA OF RESIDENCE BY INCREASING THE PROPOR- TION OF THE GROUP TO ITS HIGHEST PEAK POSSIBLE IN ALL AREAS ALIKE. THIS DOES NOT MEAN TO SUGGEST THAT THE PROCESS PROCEEDS ON A VOLUNTARY BASIS BUT RATHER THAT THIS IS MERELY THE PATTERN CHARACTERISTIC OF THE PROCESS. INVASION-SUCCESSION, HOWEVER, SEEMS TO BE THE PROCESS OF SEGREGATION REVERSED. IT APPEARS TO BE THE TENDENCY TO EXPAND THE AREA OF RESIDENCE INTO AREAS WITH A LOW PROPORTION OF THE GROUP IN RESIDENCE. THE TWO PROCESSES, IN THIS SENSE, WORK INTERDEPENDENTLY. WHILE INVASION-SUCCESSION EXPANDS THE AREA OF RESIDENCE FOR THE NEGRO, THE PROCESS OF SEGREGATION TENDS TO EXCLUDE NON-NEGRO RESIDENTS FROM THESE AREAS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE, THUS, INCREASING SEGREGATION AND AT THE SAME TIME EXPANDING THE NEGRO COMMUNITY. As H GRAND RAP ING THE B THE DEGRE SUPPORT T IT CAN BE LOW PROPQ THE FOLLQ BLOCKS WI OCCUPIED FIGURE VA NEGRO RES PIEO BY N ON T BEING NEG NIFchNTL MUCH FROM NEGRO RES DOUBLED B BY I5. T SAME PERI. ‘N RESIDEI AMOUNTED - -72- AS MENTIONED ABOVE, THEREFORE, FROM THE PATTERN SHOWN BY GRAND RAPIDS IT APPEARS THAT WHILE THE NEGRO COMMUNITY IS EXTEND- ING THE BOUNDARIES OF THE AREA OF NEGRO RESIDENCE, NEVERTHELESS, THE DEGREE OF SEGREGATION SEEMS ALSO TO INCREASE. FIGURES TO SUPPORT THIS STATEMENT ARE AS FOLLOWS. FIRST OF ALL, IN TABLE 6 IT CAN BE SEEN THAT FROM I9AO TO I959 THE NUMBER OF BLOCKS WITH A LOW PROPORTION OF NEGROES IN RESIDENCE WAS GREATER IN I9A0 THAN THE FOLLOWING TWO YEARS OF I950 AND I959. IN I9H0, 6H.8% OF THE BLOCKS WITH NEGRO RESIDENCE REVEALED LESS THAN IO% OF ITS TOTAL OCCUPIED DWELLING UNITS TO BE OCCUPIED BY NEGROES. IN I950 THIS FIGURE WAS ONLY H6.H% AND IN I959 ONLY I8.5% OF THE BLOCKS WITH NEGRO RESIDENTS SHOWED FROM 0.I T0 9.9% OF THE DWELLING UNITS OCCU- PIED BY NEGROES. ON THE OTHER HAND, THE BLOCKS WITH 80 TO l00% OF THE HOUSEHOLDS BEING NEGRO INCREASED FROM ONLY 2.6% IN I9A0 TO 25.0% IN I959. SIG- NIFICANTLY, THE TOTAL BLOCKS IN WHICH NEGROES RESIDED DID NOT INCREASE MUCH FROM I9HO T0 I959. IN I9HO THERE WERE A TOTAL OF I96 BLOCKS WITH NEGRO RESIDENTS. WHILE THE NEGRO POPULATION OF THE CITY MORE THAN DOUBLED BETWEEN I9H0 AND I950, THE BLOCKS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE DECREASED BY I5. THE RATIO OF NEGRO POPULATION PER BLOCK INCREASED WITHIN THE SAME PERIOD FROM I3.9 TO 38.2. FROM I950 TO I959 l9 BLOCKS WITH NEGROES IN RESIDENCE WERE ADDED TO THE TOTAL NEGRO BLOCKS, BUT THIS ACTUALLY AMOUNTED TO ONLY A OVER THE ORIGINAL NUMBER OF I96 IN I9H0. IN THE TABLE VI. ———-.—- PERCENTAGE OF NEGROES RESIDING IN BLOCK 50 To loo 50 To 79.9 30 To 1.9.3, '0 To I99 'I TO 93 \ TOTAL ~._“_~‘~ ~““~‘~ SOURCE. -73- TABLE VI. BLOCKS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE BY PERCENTAGE OF NEGRO DWELLING UNITS: I9HD-59. PERCENTAGE |9H0 I959_ I959 OF NEGROES NUMBER PER CENT NUMBER PER CENT NUMBER PER CENT RESIDING OF OF OF OF OF OF IN BLOCK BLOCKS BLOCKS BLOCKS BLOCKS BLOCKS BLOCKS 80 TO I00 5 2.6 I6 8.8 55 27.5 50 To 79.9 In 7.I 26 Iu.h 62 3|.0 20 T0 A9.9 23 II.7 36 I9.9 38 I9.0 IO TO I9.9 27 I3.8 I9 I0.5 l5 7.5 .I T0 9.9 I27 6h.8 8A A6.h 30 l5.0 TOTAL I96 IOO.0 I8I I00.0 200 I00 0 NEGRO POPULATION 3 2,725 6,9I2 IA,7I7 (I960) POPULATION PER BLOCK l3.9 38.2 73.6 SOURCE: U. S. BUREAU OF CENSUS AND FIELD SURVEY SAME PER A RAT'IO THE INCREASE TREND F0 TO DISAP AREAS WE THE PRES WITI THE SIZE, REMARKS ( I959. Tn THE CITY DIRECTION OF THIS A. EXPANSION HARD 0R Sc THE LATTER TAKEN' IN EXPANDED ll ,\ THIS TE OF THE AREAS A THE NM AREAS C -7H- SAME PERIOD THE NEGRO POPULATION AGAIN MORE THAN DOUBLED SHOWING A RATIO OF 73.6 PERSONS PER BLOCK OF NEGRO RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS. THE FACT THAT THE NUMBER OF BLOCKS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE DID NOT INCREASE TO A LARGE EXTENT FROM I9A0 TO I959, IS EXPLAINED BY THE TREND FOR BLOCKS WITH NEGRO RESIDENTS DISPERSED THROUGHOUT THE CITY TO DISAPPEAR AT THE SAME RATE THAT BLOCKS SURROUNDING THE NEGRO CORE AREAS WERE BEING INVADED. THIS TREND OPERATED UP TO I959 TO GIVE THE PRESENT NEGRO COMMUNITY ALMOST A "BLACK BELT" APPEARANCE. WITH REGARD TO PHYSICAL AND GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS WHICH INFLUENCE THE SIZE, SHAPE, AND LOCATION OF THE SEGREGATED NEGRO AREA, A FEW REMARKS CAN BE PROPOSED BASED UPON THE PATTERN FOR I9HO, I950, AND I959. THE GRAND RIVER WHICH PASSES DIRECTLY THROUGH THE CENTER OF THE CITY HAS HAD A DEFINITE LIMITING EFFECT UPON THE LOCATION AND DIRECTION OF EXPANSION OF THE "WEST CORE AREA."8 IMMEDIATELY NORTH OF THIS AREA ALSO IS THE CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT OF THE CITY. ANY EXPANSION OF THIS CORE AREA, THEREFORE, WOULD HAVE TO PROCEED EAST- WARD OR SOUTH ALONG GRANDVILLE AVENUE, A FAIRLY BUSY ARTERIAL STREET. THE LATTER IS PRECISELY THE PATTERN OF DEVELOPMENT THIS CORE AREA HAS TAKEN. IN A SENSE, THE WEST CORE AREA AND THE "MIDDLE CORE AREA" HAVE EXPANDED IN A PATTERN SIMILAR TO BURGESS. HYPOTHESIZED PATTERN BASED 8. THIS TERM Is USED IN THIS SECTION MERELY TO FACILITATE THE DESCRIPTION OF THE SEGREGATION PATTERN IN GRAND RAPIDS. THERE ARE THREE CORE AREAS ALTOGETHER, THE FIRST BEING THE "WEST CORE AREA," THE SECOND THE "MIDDLE CORE AREA" AND THE THIRD THE "EAST CORE AREA." THESE AREAS CAN EASILY BE LOCATED IN FIGURES 2, 3, AND A. ON HIS "C< THE CENTRI "TRANSITII FROM THE I THE EXCEP' ALTHOUGH CITY, IT I LITTLE EXI THIS RECET THE MIDDLE ANOT;- OF THE NE: FAREs WHIc EXPANSION” THE NORTH{ BOUNDARY F ITS PATTERI THE EASTERI BARRIERS Tc TOWARD THE A FINA CORE AREAS -75- ON HIS "CONCENTRIC ZONE" THEORY. BOTH CORE AREAS ORIGINATED NEAR THE CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT IN PERHAPS WHAT COULD BE TERMED THE "TRANSITION ZONE." FROM THESE INITIAL CORE AREAS THEY EXPANDED OUT FROM THE CENTER OF THE CITY ALONG MAIN BUSINESS ARTERIAL STREETS. THE EXCEPTION TO BURGESS‘ THEORY, PERHAPS, IS THE "EAST CORE AREA." ALTHOUGH ITS LOCATION APPEARS TO BE FARTHER FROM THE CENTER OF THE CITY, IT DEVELOPED SEPARATELY FROM THE OTHER CORE AREAS SHOWING LITTLE EXPANSION UNTIL THE PERIOD FROM I950 TO I959. HOWEVER, WITH THIS RECENT EXPANSION THE EAST CORE AREA HAS NOW BEEN JOINED WITH THE MIDDLE CORE AREA. ANOTHER GEOGRAPHIC FACTOR INVOLVED IN THE SEGREGATION PATTERN OF THE NEGRO COMMUNITY APPEARS TO BE A FEW MAIN STREETS OR THOROUGH- FARES WHICH FUNCTION AS PHYSICAL BOUNDARIES RATHER THAN "AVENUES OF EXPANSION" SUCH AS DESCRIBED ABOVE. WEALTHY STREET, WHICH RUNS ALONG THE NORTHERN BOUNDARY OF THE EAST CORE AREA, HAS REMAINED A DISTINCT BOUNDARY FROM I9AO TO THE PRESENT, AS CAN BE OBSERVED UPON FOLLOWING ITS PATTERN FROM I9AO T0 I959. IN THE SAME SENSE FULLER AVENUE FORMS THE EASTERN BOUNDARY OF THE EAST CORE AREA. BOTH SEEM TO BE LIMITING BARRIERS TO THIS CORE AREA AND EXPANSION HAS ONLY OCCURRED WESTWARD TOWARD THE MIDDLE CORE AREA. A FINAL PHYSICAL FACTOR AFFECTING THE SHAPE OF THE WEST AND MIDDLE CORE AREAS IS THE WEDGE SHAPED AREA FOUND LYING BETWEEN THEM. THIS AREA IS MAINLY MADE UP OF RAILROADS YARDS WITH SOME INDUSTRY ALSO LOCATE. CORE AF IN "BLACK EXPANSI THIS PA‘ FIGURES GRAND RI A HIGH R NORTHERN ESTING Tc BETWEEN T BLOCKS 0F FOR A PER HAVE BECOA ARY OF THE ESTABLISHE °F GRAND R. PERHAPS REI SOUTHWARD ALTHOL IN THIS SE; -76- LOCATED IN THE AREA. THIS HAS LIMITED THE COMPLETE FUSION OF THE Two CORE AREAS so THAT AT PRESENT THE Two CORE AREAS ARE STILL DISTINCT. IN GENERAL THE EXPANSION OF THE CORE AREAS INTO AN ALMOST SINGLE "BLACK BELT" IS BECOMING COMPLETE AND THE ONLY DIRECTION OF FURTHER EXPANSION wILL BE SOUTHwARD FROM THIS HIGHLY SEGREGATED BLACK BELT. THIS PATTERN IS EVIDENT FROM THE PATTERNS PRESENTED PREVIOUSLY IN FIGURES 2, 3, AND M. ON THE wEST THE NEGRO AREA IS LIMITED BY THE GRAND RIVER, ON THE NORTH BY THE CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT, AND ALSO A HIGH RENT DISTRICT IMMEDIATELY NORTH OF WEALTHY STREET, WHICH IS THE NORTHERN BOUNDARY OF THE EAST CORE AREA MENTIONED ABOVE. IT Is INTER- ESTING TO NOTE THAT A wEDGE OF THIS HIGH RENT DISTRICT STILL EXISTS BETwEEN THE EAST AND MIDDLE CORE AREAS BUT To THE PRESENT ONLY THREE BLOCKS OF THIS AREA STILL EXISTS BELow WEALTHY STREET. THIS WEDGE FOR A PERIOD OF TIME KEPT THE Two CORE AREAS SEPARATE BUT Now THEY HAVE BECOME FUSED ALMOST INTO A SINGLE CORE AREA. ON THE EAST BOUND- ARY OF THE NEGRO AREA LIES EAST GRAND RAPIDS, AN EXCLUSIVE, LONG- ESTABLISHED SUBURBAN COMMUNITY IMMEDIATELY ADJOINING THE CITY LIMITS OF GRAND RAPIDS. THE PATTERN OF SEGREGATION OF THE NEGRO AREA wILL PERHAPS REMAIN THE SAME AS DESCRIBED ABOVE, wHILE EXPANSION wILL OCCUR SOUTHwARD INTO THE MIDDLE CLASS RESIDENTIAL AREAS LOCATED IN THE SOUTHERN PART OF THE CITY. ALTHOUGH EVIDENCE HAS ALREADY BEEN PRESENTED ABOVE CONCERNING THE INCREASING TREND OF SEGREGATION FOR GRAND RAPIDS, A FINAL POINT IN THIS SECTION WILL BE THE PRESENTATION OF ADDITIONAL EVIDENCE OBTAINED AMERICAN RELATIVE HHICH EXI I940 AND OF SEGREG‘ SELECTED | GRAND RAP TO A VERY THE CITIES FROM A RAA To THE RAN FL'NT AND 'NCREASE I vEALS A VE ““0 I930. SHOHN FOR I BE AT A” E\ -77- OBTAINED FROM A STUDY COMPLETED BY DONALD CowGILL. CowGILL DEVELOPED A SEGREGATION INDEX BASED ON BLOCK STATISTICS FOR A LARGE NUMBER OF AMERICAN CITIES. BY COMPARING THE INDICES FOR SELECTED CITIES A RELATIVE NOTION CAN BE OBTAINED AS TO THE DEGREE OF SEGREGATION WHICH EXISTS IN GRAND RAPIDS. INDICES WERE DEVELOPED FOR BOTH I9MO AND I950 SO THAT SOME INDICATION OF THE CHANGE OF THE DEGREE OF SEGREGATION CAN ALSO BE FOUND. TABLE 7 SHOWS THAT AMONG SIX SELECTED MICHIGAN CITIES FOR WHICH COWGILL HAD COMPUTED HIS INDEX, GRAND RAPIDS SHowED AN INCREASE IN DEGREE OF NON-WHITE SEGREGATION TO A VERY LARGE EXTENT ONLY SECOND To SAGINAw. FURTHERMORE, OF ALL THE CITIES FOR WHICH AN INDEX wAS CALCULATED GRAND RAPIDS JUMPED FROM A RANK OF 9IST wITH AN INDEX OF SEGREGATION OF .752 IN |9AO TO THE RANK OF ISTH WITH AN INDEX OF .9IH IN I950, SECOND ONLY To FLINT AND PONTIAC. THUS, WHILE NOT ALL THESE CITIES HAVE SHOWN AN INCREASE IN THE DEGREE OF NON-wHITE SEGREGATION, GRAND RAPIDS RE- VEALS A VERY HIGH INCREASE FOR NON-WHITE SEGREGATION BETwEEN I9MO AND I950. IT MIGHT ALSO BE STATED THAT ON THE BASIS OF THE PATTERN SHOWN FOR I959 IN FIGURE A THE I960 INDEX FOR GRAND RAPIDS SHOULD BE AT AN EVEN HIGHER DEGREE THAN IN I950. SOME CONCOMITANTS OF NEGRO SEGREGATION ALTHOUGH NO CAUSAL RELATIONSHIP IS SUGGESTED AS EXISTING BETWEEN THE PHENOMENON OF RACIAL SEGREGATION AND THE INFERIOR STATUS OF THE NEGRO IN CONTRAST WITH WHITES WITH REGARD TO A NUMBER OF CHARACTERISTICS, TABLE VII. CITY SAGINAH GRAND RAP I o FLINT PONTIAC DEARBORN DETROIT .__________ COMPOSITE INDEX ('05 CITIES \ FORM? SOURCE: DONI IN A (FEE -78- TABLE VII. TRENDS IN RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION 0F NON-WHITES IN SIX SELECTED MICHIGAN CITIES: I9u0-I950. SEGREGATION RANK SEGREGATION RANK CHANGE IN CHANGE SCORE I940 SCORE I950 SCORE IN CITY I9HO (I8] CITIES) I950 (209 CITIES) I940 To I950 RANK SAGINAW .733 I20 .9I2 I7 /.I79 /I03 GRAND RAPIDS .782 9| .9Ih I5 /.I32 / 76 FLINT .92A 3 .95h h {.030 - I PONTIAC .92I h .9I9 II -.002 - 7 DEARBORN .586 I58 .500 I95 -.086 - 37 DETROIT .86I 28 .838 89 -.023 - 6| COMPOSITE INDEX (I85 CITIES) .830 -- .863 -- [.033 __ FORMULA FOR COWGILL'S SEGREGATION INDEX BASED ON BLOCK STATISTICS: SOURCE: WHEN C DONALD 0. COWGILL., IN AMERICAN CITIES, (FEB., I956) PP. h3-h7. |:C-X C - 8 TOTAL NUMBER OF BLOCKS IN THE CITY OR TOTAL NUMBER OF NON-WHITE DWELLING UNITS, WHICHEVER IS SMALLER NUMBER OF NON-WHITE DWELLING UNITS DIVIDED BY AVERAGE NUMBER OF DWELLING UNITS PER BLOCK IN BLOCKS CONTAINING NON-WHITES NUMBER OF BLOCKS CONTAINING ANY NON-WHITE DWELLING UNITS "TRENDS IN RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF NON-WHITES l9h0-I950," AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEw. VOL. 2| -79- NEVERTHELESS, THIS CONTRAST WILL BE PRESENTED IN THIS SECTION To SERVE THE PURPOSE OF PROVIDING A DESCRIPTION OF THE NEGRO POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS. THESE FIGURES WILL FURTHER BE USEFUL IN THE CHAPTER To FOLLOW DEALING WITH AREAL DIFFERENTIATION WITHIN THE NEGRO COM- MUNITY. THE CHARACTERISTICS To BE DEALT WITH IN THIS SECTION INCLUDE INCOME, OCCUPATION, INDUSTRY, AND HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS. IN TABLE 8, THE MAJOR OCCUPATION TYPES IN WHICH NEGROES WERE OVERREPRESENTED IN COMPARISON To THE WHITE POPULATION IN I950 WERE PRIVATE HOUSEHOLD WORKERS, SERVICE WORKERS, AND LABORERS, THE THREE WHICH GENERALLY ARE CONCEDED To BE THE LOWEST IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC STA- TUS. OF THE TOTAL OF EMPLOYED NEGROES, 59.2% WERE EMPLOYED IN ONE OF THESE THREE OCCUPATION TYPES WHILE ONLY II.O% OF THE WHITES EM- PLOYED WERE ENGAGED IN ONE OF THESE THREE OCCUPATIONS. THE LARGEST DISSIMILARITY BETWEEN NEGROES AND WHITES APPEARS TO BE WITHIN THE CATEGORY OF SERVICE WORKERS WHERE 32.3% OF NEGROES ARE EMPLOYED IN SUCH OCCUPATIONS AND ONLY 6.5% or WHITES. IN TABLE 9 THE GREATEST OVERREPRESENTATION IS EVIDENT BETWEEN NEGRO AND WHITE IN I950 WITH REGARD TO PERSONAL SERVICE AMONG THE INDUSTRY CATEGORIES. THIS FOLLOWS FROM WHAT WAS INDICATED ABOVE WITH REGARD To OCCUPATIONAL DIFFERENCES. THE LARGEST MAJOR IN- DUSTRY CATEGORY EMPLOYING NEGROES IS MANUFACTURING. IT WAS MENTION- ED PREVIOUSLY THAT MANUFACTURING IS THE MOST IMPORTANT ECONOMIC FUNCTION OF GRAND RAPIDS AND THIS IN ITSELF HAS PERHAPS ATTRACTED MANY NEGROES To THE CITY. IN CONTRAST HO.2% OF THE EMPLOYED WHITES ARE ALSO ENGAGED IN MANUFACTURING. A -80- TABLE VIII. OCCUPATION OF EMPLOYED PERSONS BY RACE FOR GRAND RAPIDS STANDARD METROPOLITAN AREA: I950. NEGRO WHITE QECUPATION NUMBER PER CENT NUMBER PER CENT PROFESSIONAL 55 2.0 9,769 8.9 FARMERS 3 0.I 2,925 2.7 MANAGERS, OFFICIALS, AND PROPRIETORS 65 2.3 IO,335 9.A CLERICAL 8A 3.0 Ih,709 I3.u SALES 33 I.2 IO,I68 9.2 CRAFTSMEN, FOREMEN I88 6.7 [8,600 I6.9 OPERATIVES 707 25.A 29,389 26.7 PRIVATE HOUSEHOLD 290 IO.A |,668 |.5 SERVICE 899 32.3 7,!37 6.5 FARM LABORERS 3 0.I |,08A l.0 LABORERS h6I I6.5 A,I38 3.8 TOTAL 2,788 I00.0 IO9,922 I00.0 SOURCE: U. S. BUREAU OF CENSUS, I950. ’3 -OI- TABLE IX. CLASS OF WORKER OF EMPLOYED PERSONS IN INDUSTRY BY RACE FOR GRAND RAPIDS STANDARD METROPOLITAN AREA: I950. NEGRO WHITE INDUSTRY NUMBER PER CENT NUMBER PER CENT AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY, AND FISHING 7 0.2 A,235 3.9 MINING I9 0.7 222 0.2 CONSTRUCTION I27 h.5 5,832 5.3 MANUFACTURING 783 28.I AA,I7A No.2 TRANSPORTATION, COMMUNI- CATION, PUBLIC UTIL. 252 9.0 7,88A 7.2 WHOLESALE, RETAIL A26 l5.3 23,I6A 2|.I FINANCE, INSURANCE, AND REAL ESTATE AI I.5 3,879 3.5 BUSINESS & REPAIR SERVICE 7| 2.5 3,080 2.8 PERSONAL SERVICE 752 26.9 5,086 A.6 ENTERTAINMENT & RECREA- TION SERVICE 69 2.5 95A 0.9 PROFESSIONAL SERVICE 2IA 7.7 8,669 7.9 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 3O |.I 2, 6|I 2.A TOTAL 2,79! IO0.0 I09,790 I00.0 SOURCE: U. S. BUREAU OF CENSUS, I950 TABLE I0 REPRESENTS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN INCOMES FOR NEGROES AND WHITES IN I950. NEGROES SHOW A TOTAL CF 85.6% WITH INCOMES BE- LOW $3,000 WHILE WHITES SHOW 6A.l% BELOW THIS LEVEL OF INCOME. THE DISCREPANCY BETWEEN NEGROES AND WHITES IS MORE OBVIOUS WHEN MEDIAN INCOME IS CONSIDERED. MEDIAN INCOME FOR NEGROES IN I950 WAS ONLY $I,528 WHILE WHITES SHOWED A MUCH HIGHER MEDIAN INCOME or $2,330. THE FINAL CHARACTERISTICS TO BE CONSIDERED IN THIS SECTION DEALS WITH THE HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NEGRO AND WHITE POPULATIONS. IN TABLE II THE FIGURES INDICATE A TREND OF THE NEGRO POPULATION TO A GREATER NUMBER OF PERSONS PER OCCUPIED DWELLING UNIT. IN I9AO NEGROES SHOWED ONLY 3.A PERSONS FOR EVERY OCCUPIED DWELLING UNIT, VERY SIMILAR T0 THAT OF THE TOTAL POPULATION OF GRAND RAPIDS. HOW- EVER, IN I950, THE PERSONS PER OCCUPIED DWELLING UNIT OF THE TOTAL POPULATION DECREASED, BUT AT THE SAME TIME THE FIGURES FOR NEGORES INCREASED To A.2, AN INCREASE OF ALMOST ONE MORE PERSON FOR EACH DWELLING UNIT. THIS DISPARITY STILL EXISTS IN I960 WITH WHITES SHOWING 3.2 PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT AND NEGROES A.O. IN TABLE I2 HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS FOR NON-WHITE AND WHITE AREAS ARE SUMMARIZED TO SHOW THEIR CONTRAST FOR I950. NON-WHITE AREAS ARE CHARACTERIZED BY 50 To IOO% OF THE OCCUPIED DWELLING UNITS BEING OCCU- PIED BY NON-WHITES WHILE WHITE AREAS ARE ALL BLOCKS CONTAINING IOO% OF THE DWELLING UNITS OCCUPIED BY WHITES. THE TABLE SHOWS THAT NEGROES LIVE IN AREAS WHICH REVEAL A HIGHER PER CENT OF THE DWELLING UNITS BUILT _ INCON (DC -83- TABLE x. INCOME IN I9A9 OF PERSONS, BY RACE FOR GRAND RAPIDS URBAN PLACE: I950. (20% SAMPLE) ”$221.12.?” NW” pg. NW... ”Wm I- 999 I,I35 3A.2 2|,825 26.6 I,000-I,999 860 25.9 I3,5IO I6.5 2,000-2,999 8A5 25.5 I7,235 2I.0 3,000-3I999 395 II.9 I5.920 I9.h h,000-A,999 60 I.8 7,0lO 8.5 5:000-SI999 IO 0.3 3,090 3.8 6,000—9,999 I0 0.3 2,360 2.9 I0,000 AND oven 5 0.I I,O75 l.3 TOTAL 3,320 IO0.0 82,025 I00.0 MEDIAN INCOME $I,528 $2,330 SOURCE: U. S. BUREAU OF CENSUS, I950. .OCALIOSSL quoszuLz :c. P< ...:CG 0.4...ng 22< 23.333101 450R NBC .22: 623:3: 9305000 .51 ZOC<§GOQ .~X MJEQF -8A- mo_Rm_R04mzm uu_3 20_Pm0E0mm :0_I m<440u uP.:3 20_Hm0¢0mm 304 .00»04E2m 04zpzoz 304 QJ 4. mu04<> 00:0: 304 Amzoxv E_:mmuz3o zo_Hm0E0mm 304 .zo_»_ozoo «00m 2. 20_Hm0L0mm I0.I .>4_z0gmzu uu_3 20_Pm0m0mm 304 .m<4400 uH_:3 20_Hmomomm I0.I .00>04mzu 0kazoz I0.I muag<> 00:0: 10.: Amzozv L_:mmuz3o 20_Pm0E0mm 10.: .zo_p.ozou «00m 2. zo.Pm0L0mm 304 .>J_zoqmzu uu_3 20_Pmomomm I0.I .m<44ou up_:3 zo_pm0m0mm 304 .00»04Ezu 041onz 304 mua4<> umaoz 304 Auzorv m.zmmuz3o zo_Pm0E0mm 304 .zo_P_ozou moon 2. 20_Hmomomm :0_I .>S_z04mzu UL_3 20_Pmomomm 304 .m<4400 up.z3 20_Pm0m0mm 10.: .ou»04mzm 04zpzoz 10.: mu04<> 00:0: 10.: Auzorv L_:mmuz3o 20_Pm0m0mm :0_I .zo.P_ozou moon 2. zo_Pa0L0mm 304 .>S_zz_ Puma—o puma—o Puma—o Humm_o Huum_o mmmm>z_ Puma—o mmmu>z_ humm_o .zo_»<.U_LL< m:0_0_4um Hzmzz_4_z04mzm 20_P04mzm .m .m mu.._m<_m<> U_ZOZOUMIO_UOW .m .qum >41P202 .u:4<> umnor .umozup .umapuamhm L0 20_P_ozou Amu_4_z 02.030: .< W3044 zo_Pz_ 20.000000m L0 mu0 hzmozummoz_ oz< mu4m<_m<> quozumuo zuu3kmm m_Imzo_h<4um omhommxu m quozumuoz_ 0P m.:mzo_P<4um wugm<_m<> quozumuo zo_mmmuu3m no uo 00 000202 10.: .0Oz0o.m0m mm<0> 00 200202 304 .1H00m 2. 210m 20.Pmomomm 10.: .0020: 20101: 20.H102010 10.: .00200.00m mm<0> 00 00020z 304 .0uz0o.m0m mm<0> 00 100202 10.: .1H00m 2. 210m zo.Hmomomm 304 .0020: 20101m 20_Pmomomm 304 A304MI20.P<0P20020u .~z_ .0Oz0o.m0m mm<0> 00 100232 304 .00200.m0m mm<0> 00 100202 304 .1P00m 2. 200m zo.Hmoaomm 10.: .0020: 20101: zo.PmOEomm 10.: m<0m< 00Pz_ Puma—o ammu>z_ mmmm>z_ A.1020.P<00m .mm0moo< P200000 W4 00200.00: 00 1H0204 .: .mo_m >0.2<0 .u -l35- PROPORTION IS EMPLOYED AS A REPRESENTATIVE INDEX IN DESCRIBING THE RESPECTIVE RELATIONSHIP TO THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLES. IN GENERAL, ACCORDING TO TABLE 2|, THEREFORE, WITH RESPECT TO THE EXPECTED ECOLOGICAL PATTERN RESULTING FROM THE MODEL OF AREAL DIFFERENTIATION, HIGH VALUES SHOULD BE REFLECTED BY HIGH STATUS AREAS As A RESULT OF HIGHER STATUS NEGRO FAMILIES SETTLING WITHIN THESE PARTICULAR AREAS. LOW VALUES SHOULD BE RECORDED FOR LOW STATUS AREAS. SUCH A PATTERN WILL BE EXPECTED ONLY WHERE A DIRECT RELATIONSHIP EXISTS BETWEEN THE INDEPENDENT AND DEPENDENT VARIABLES. WITH REGARD TO A FEW OF THE VARIABLES EMPLOYED, AN INVERSE RELATION- SHIP IS EXPECTED. SUCH VARIABLES, ACCORDING TO TABLE 2|, ARE "NUMBER OF PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT," "CONDITION OF STRUCTURE," "EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF WIFE," "MARITAL STATUS," AND "PLACE OF BIRTH OF HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD." THE EXPECTED INVERSE RELATIONSHIP FOR THESE VARIABLES ARE DEPENDENT UPON THE PARTICULAR INDEX USED IN SUCH CASES. FOR EXAMPLE, IT IS PREDICTED THAT IN HIGH STATUS NEGRO AREAS THE SIZE OF THE HOUSEHOLD WILL BE SMALL COMPARED TO NEGRO HOUSEHOLDS OF LOW STATUS AREAS. LIKEWISE, A GREATER PROPORTION OF STRUCTURES OF NEGRO RESIDENCE IN POOR CONDITION SHOULD OCCUR IN LOW STATUS NEGRO AREAS AS COMPARED TO THE PROPORTION OF STRUCTURES IN POOR CONDITION IN HIGH STATUS AREAS. DEPENDING UPON THE INDEX USED, THEREFORE, THE RELATIONSHIP IS EITHER DIRECT 0R INVERSE. SIMILARLY, WITH RESPECT TO THE MODEL OF INVASION-SUCCESSION, SINCE THE STAGE OF INVASION HAS BEEN PREDICTED AS REFLECTING A HIGHER -I36- STATUS THAN THE STAGE OF CONCENTRATION, ACCORDING TO THE LITERATURE CITED, THE TYPE OF RELATIONSHIP FOR EACH VARIABLE IN TABLE 2| SHOULD CORRESPOND TO THAT PROPOSED FOR THE MODEL OF AREAL DIFFERENTIATION. ONE EXCEPTION TO A PERFECT CORRESPONDENCE, HOWEVER, IS THE LAST VARIABLE IN TABLE 2|: "LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS." WHEREAS HIGH STATUS AREAS SHOULD REVEAL A STABILITY OF RESIDENCE, THE STAGE OF INVASION, ALSO PREDICTED AS BEING OF HIGH STATUS AC- CORDING TO THE MODEL OF INVASION-SUCCESSION, SHOULD REVEAL A LOWER LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS COMPARED TO LONGER ESTABLISHED AREAS OF CONCENTRATION. THUS, FOR BOTH MODELS STATUS BECOMES THE DISTINGUISHING FACTOR. HOWEVER, FOR AREAL DIFFERENTIATION STATUS IS APPLIED TO SPECIFICALLY DISTINGUISHABLE AREAS OF NEGRO RESIDENCE, WHEREAS IN THE INVASION-SUCCESSION MODEL, STATUS IS MORE DEPENDENT UPON THE EXTENT THAT A PARTICULAR AREA HAS PROCEEDED ALONG THE PROCESS OF NEGRO INVASION AND SUCCESSION. SINCE THE SIGNIFICANT FACTOR FOR BOTH ECOLOGICAL MODELS IS THAT ' IT IS IMPORTANT TO POINT OUT FURTHER THAT AMONG THE DE- OF "STATUS,' PENDENT VARIABLES IT IS NECESSARY TO ESTABLISH A HIERARCHY OF RELATIVE SIGNIFICANCE. IN THE LIST OF VARIABLES IN TABLE 2| IT CAN BE SEEN THAT NOT ALL THE VARIABLES ARE DIRECTLY RELATED TO STATUS. THE SOCIO- ECONOMIC VARIABLES SHOULD CORRESPOND MORE DIRECTLY TO STATUS IN BOTH MODELS THAN EITHER HOUSING OR FAMILY VARIABLES. THE OTHER TWO CATE- GORIES OF VARIABLES, HOUSING AND FAMILY, SHOULD REVEAL PERHAPS LESS -|37- CORRESPONDENCE THAN SOCIO-ECONOMIC VARIABLES WITH REGARD TO STATUS. THUS, HOUSING AND FAMILY VARIABLES ACTUALLY REFLECT STATUS IN A MORE INDIRECT FASHION. TRADITIONALLY, IN SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSES OF SOCIAL STATUS, THE VARIABLES SUBSUMED UNDER THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC HEADING IN TABLE 2| HAVE BEEN PREFERRABLY EMPLOYED OVER AGAINST THOSE VARIABLES INCLUDED IN THE TABLE UNDER HOUSING AND FAMILY. THUS, ALTHOUGH IT IS ASSUMED THAT THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC VARIABLES WILL BE MORE SIGNIFICANT IN THE ANALYSIS OF STATUS AS ECOLOGICALLY PATTERNED IN THE TWO MODELS OF AREAL DIFFERENTIATION AND INVASION-SUCCESSION, NEVERTHELESS, HOUSING VARIABLES AND FAMILY VARIABLES SHOULD ALSO TO SOME EXTENT PROVIDE ASSISTANCE IN DEPICTING STATUS DIFFERENCES AND PATTERNS EXISTING WITHIN A NEGRO RESIDENTIAL COMMUNITY. USING THE DISTRIBUTIONS FOR EACH OF THE SEVENTEEN DEPENDENT VARI- ABLES LISTED IN TABLE 2|, THE FIRST PART OF THE ANALYSIS OF THIS CHAPTER WILL DEAL WITH THE PROBLEM PROPOSED BY THE FIRST HYPOTHESIS. THIS HY- POTHESIS STATES THAT THERE WILL BE A DISTINGUISHABLE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN STATUS AREAS IF THE MODEL OF AREAL DIFFERENTIATION IS VALIDATED OR THAT THERE WILL BE A DISTINGUISHABLE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN STAGES OF SUCCESSION IF INVASION-SUCCESSION HOLDS TRUE AS THE PREDOMINANT ECO- LOGICAL PROCESS. |N REFERENCE TO TABLE 2|, THEREFORE, IT WOULD BE PREDICTED THAT FOR EACH DEPENDENT VARIABLE EITHER STATUS AREAS SHOULD SHOW SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES AND STAGES OF SUCCESSION NO SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES OR VICE VERSA, DEPENDING UPON WHICH MODEL IS VALIDATED -138- AS BEST DESCRIBING THE ECOLOGICAL DISTRIBUTION PATTERNS OF STATUS WITHIN THE NEGRO COMMUNITY. THUS, A TABLE OF PREDICTED RELATION- SHIPS BETWEEN THE DEPENOENT VARIABLES AND THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLES OF STATUS AREAS OR STAGES OF SUCCESSION WOULD EITHER SHOW DIFFERENCES BETWEEN STATUS AREAS AND NO DIFFERENCE BETWEEN STAGES OF SUCCESSION, OR THAT STAGES OF SUCCESSION WOULD SHOW THE SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES FOR EACH VARIABLE DISTRIBUTION AND NO DIFFERENCES UNDER THE HEADING OF STATUS AREAS. THE SECOND HYPOTHESIS OF THIS THESIS ATTEMPTS TO MOVE A STEP BEYOND MERELY SHOWING WHERE THE SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES LIE, AND ATTEMPTS TO PROVE THAT NOT ONLY ARE THERE TO BE FOUND SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES EITHER BETWEEN STATUS AREAS OR STAGES OF SUCCESSION, BUT THAT THE RELATIVE STATUS POSITION OF A PARTICULAR STATUS AREA OR STAGE OF SUCCESSION (DEPENDING UPON WHICH MODEL IS VALIDATED IN THE FIRST HYPOTHESIS) REMAINS CONSTANT WITH RESPECT TO THE OTHER STATUS AREAS OR STAGES OF SUCCESSION. THE ANALYSIS OF THIS HYPOTH- ESIS WILL EMPLOY SPECIFIC INDICES FOR EACH DEPENDENT VARIABLE. THUS, FOR STATUS AREAS, THOSE AREAS OF HIGH STATUS SHOULD INDICATE A HIGH VALUE FOR EACH DEPENDENT VARIABLE INDEX, AREAS OF LOW STATUS SHOULD REFLECT A LOW VALUE FOR EACH INDEX AND INTERMEDIATE STATUS AREAS WILL LIKEWISE REVEAL INTERMEDIATE VALUES. ON THE OTHER HAND, IF STAGES OF SUCCESSION AS AN ECOLOGICAL PATTERN IS VALIDATED BY THE FIRST HYPOTHESIS, THE STAGE OF INVASION SHOULD SHOW HIGH VALUES FOR VARIABLE INDICES, THE STAGE OF CONCENTRATION SHOULD REVEAL LOW VALUES, -|39- AND THE INTERMEDIATE STAGES SHOULD INDICATE INTERMEDIATE VALUES. THUS, THE NOTION OF GRADIENT PATTERN AS USED IN THIS THESIS WILL EMPHASIZE THE CONSISTENCY OF STATUS POSITION RELATIVE TO OTHER STATUS AREAS OR STAGES OF SUCCESSION. WHAT IS IMPLIED BY GRADIENT PATTERN IN THIS THESIS WILL BE ELABORATED FURTHER IN THIS THESIS WHEN DEALING WITH THE ACTUAL HYPOTHESIS IN THIS CHAPTER. THE THIRD HYPOTHESIS OF THIS THESIS RELATES TO THE NATURE OF THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN WHITES AND NEGRO RESIDENTS. THE MODEL OF INVASION-SUCCESSION HERE PROPOSED THUS STATES THAT NEGROES WILL SHOW SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES FOR THE DISTRIBUTION PATTERNS OF ALL SEVENTEEN DEPENDENT VARIABLES LISTED IN TABLE 2I, WHEREAS FOR AREAL DIFFERENTIATION NEGROES AND WHITES SHOULD SHOW NO SIGNIFICANT DIF- FERENCES BECAUSE OF THE STABILITY FACTOR OF AREAL CHARACTERISTICS REGARDLESS OF RACIAL CHANGE IN THE POPULATION OF ANY RESIDENTIAL AREA. WITH THE GAP BETWEEN THE THEORETICAL MODELS AND THEIR RELATED HYPOTHESES AND THE EMPIRICAL VARIABLES TO BE EMPLOYED SOMEWHAT RE- DUCED, THE REMAINDER OF THIS CHAPTER WILL DEAL WITH THE ANALYSIS OF THE DATA OUTLINED ACCORDING TO THE THREE GENERAL HYPOTHESES PREVIOUSLY SET FORTH. HYPOTHESIS #I: ECOLOGICAL VARIATION PATTERNS RESULTANT FROM INVASION- SUCCESSION AND AREAL DIFFERENTIATION. TO FACILITATE THE ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNAL ECOLOGICAL VARIATION PATTERNS OF THE PARTICULAR NEGRO COMMUNITY WITH WHICH THIS THESIS -IIIO— DEALS, FIGURE 8 HAS BEEN INSERTED. THE FIGURE, FIRST OF ALL, HAS BEEN DRAWN TO ROUGHLY CORRESPOND IN A GEOGRAPHICAL FASHION WITH THE AREA OF NEGRO RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS. THREE MAIN AREAL CATEGORIES HAVE BEEN INDICATED: STATUS AREAS, STAGES OF SUCCESSION, AND CORE AREAS. TWO MAJOR CORE AREAS ARE DISTINGUISHABLE AND HAVE BEEN LABELED EAST CORE AREA AND MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA. THE LATTER ACTUALLY CON- SISTS OF TWO CORE AREAS BUT HAS BEEN SUBSUMED UNDER ONE TITLE FOR VARIOUS REASONS. FIRST, BOTH CORE AREAS HAVE AT PRESENT GROWN TO- GETHER TO FORM ONE LARGER CORE AREA OF CONCENTRATION. THE MIDDLE CORE AREA SEEMS TO BE PREDOMINANT OVER THE SLOWLY DISAPPEARING WEST CORE AREA. FROM THE COMBINED MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA OF CONCENTRATION IN THREE DIRECTIONS EXTEND THREE SUB-AREAS OF THE CORE AREA WHICH ARE LABELED STATUS AREAS. SIMILARLY, WITHIN THE EAST CORE AREA EX- TENDING IN THREE DIRECTIONS FROM THE CORE AREA OF CONCENTRATION ARE THREE OTHER STATUS AREAS. THESE STATUS AREAS ARE INDICATED IN THE FIGURE AS IA, 2, AND 3 RESPECTIVELY. THE STATUS AREAS COMPRISING THE MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA HAVE BEEN NUMBERED IB, A, AND 5, RESPEC- TIVELY. WITHIN EACH STATUS AREA EXTENDING OUTWARD FROM THE CORE AREA OF CONCENTRATION FOR BOTH THE EAST AND MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREAS ARE AREAS WHICH HAVE BEEN CATEGORIZED BY STAGE 2: SUCCESSION. THOSE AREAS FARTHEST FROM THE CORE AREAS OF CONCENTRATION ARE MOST OFTEN FOUND TO BE AREAS OF INVASION. THOSE AREAS CLOSEST TO THE CORE AREAS OF CONCENTRATION ARE USUALLY AREAS OF CONCENTRATION. INTERMEDIATE MB. mm, ”AM”, AD HMGWIOIMMPHMWINM mo W 0? mm W, Iceman. 4142- BETWEEN INVASION AND CONCENTRATION STAGES ARE AREAS OF INFILTRATION AND CONSOLIDATION. THE ARROWS IN THE FIGURE THEORETICALLY INDICATE THE DIRECTION OF EXPANSION OUTWARD FROM EACH CORE AREA OF CONCENTRATION, INVASION AREAS BEING AREAS OF FURTHEST EXPANSION. THIS FIGURE WILL BE USED FREQUENTLY IN THE ANALYSIS OF VARIATION AND IN THE TESTING OF SIG- NIFICANT DIFFERENCES BETWEEN VARIOUS STATUS AREAS AND STAGES OF SUC- CESSION. IT IS HOPED THAT REFERENCE TO SUCH A FIGURE WILL GREATLY INCREASE THE UNDERSTANDING OF THE PROCEDURES USED TO ANALYZE ECOLOGICAL VARIATION PATTERNS IN THE NEGRO COMMUNITY UPON WHICH THIS STUDY FOCUSES. FINDINGS THE FIRST STEP IN TESTING THE FIRST HYPOTHESIS INVOLVES THE RUN- NING OF CHI-SQUARE* AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE AMONG THE SIX STATUS AREAS DEPlcTED IN FIGURE 8 AND AMONG THE FOUR STAGES OF SUC- CESSION (INVASION, INFILTRATION, CONSOLIDATION, CONCENTRATION) FOR EACH OF THE SEVENTEEN VARIABLES EMPLOYED IN THIS STUDY. THROUGHOUT THE STUDY IT SHOULD BE NOTED THAT THE .05 LEVEL OF SIGNIFICANCE IS USED IN ALL CASES AS EVIDENCE OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE FOR ALL VARI- ABLE DISTRIBUTIONS. TABLE 22 LISTS THE CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE AMONG STATUS AREAS AND STAGES OF SUCCESSION FOR THE TOTAL NEGRO COMMUNITY. *THE STATISTICAL FORMULA USED FOR CHI-SQUARE AS A TEST FOR K INDEPENDENT ~SAMPLES IS AS FOLLOWS: E)2 ET WHERE O : OBSERVED NUMBE lOF CASES CATEGORIZED IN ITH ROW OF JTH COLUMN EIJ : NUMBER OF CASES EXPECTED UNDER Ho TO BE CATEGORIZED IN ITH ROW OF JTH COLUMN. SOURCE: SIEGEL, SIDNEY. NONPARAMETRIC STATISIICS'FOR’THE BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES. NEW YORK: ’MCGRAW-HILL, I95b. P. I(5. TABLE XXII. -I43- TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE AMONG STATUS AREAS AND AMONG STAGES OF SUCCESSION BY HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND FAMILY VARIABLES. VARIABLES HOUSING ROOMS PER DWELLING UNIT PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT TYPE OF STRUCTURE CONDITION OF STRUCTURE TENURE HOUSE VALUE MONTHLY RENT SOCIO-ECONOMIC EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MALE HEAD OCCUPATION EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF WIFE ANNUAL FAMILY INCOME EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION FAMILY MARITAL STATUS PLACE OF BIRTH OF HEAD LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS STATUS AREAS* X D.F. P<: HO 57.56 20 .OOI REJECTED IOI.62 25 .OOI REJECTED 60.IO 5 .OOI REJECTED Ih3. 60 I0 .OOI REJECTED 26 .50 5 .OOI REJECTED II2. “5 I5 .OOI REJECTED A IO .OOI REJECTED Ig.h3 IO .20 ACCEPTED 7 .3 20 .OOI REJECTED 22.80 5 .OOI REJECTED 3|.9A I5 .OI REJECTED 7|.O5 2O .OOI REJECTED 52.6I 20 .OOI REJECTED l9.A8 IO .05 REJECTED 65.AO IO .OOI REJECTED 22.95 l5 .IO ACCEPTED 53.97 I5 .OOI REJECTED STAGES OF SUCCESSION* 2 X D.F. P<' HO 29.06 I2 .OI REJECTED 23.l9 I5 .IO ACCEPTED I0.IO 3 .02 REJECTED 33' 6 .OOI REJECTED 7 3 .0I REJECTED AI. 57 9 .00! REJECTED 3. 62 6 .80 ACCEPTED 5.5A 6 .50 ACCEPTED 22.68 I2 .05 REJECTED A.97 3 .20 ACCEPTED 26.05 9 .0I REJECTED. 39.84 I2 .OOI REJECTED IA.A9 I2 .30 ACCEPTED; l 3.98 6 .70 ACCEPTED I6.00 6 .02 REJECTED I.76 6 .95 ACCEPTED 50.20 9 .OOI REJECTED *STATUS AREAS - IA, 2, 3, IB,TH, 5 STAGES OF SUCCESSION - INVASION, D.F. ' DEGREES OF FREEDOM P ' LEVEL OF SIGNIFICANCE H0 = NULL HYPOTHESIS INFILTRATION, CONSOLIDATION, CONCENTRATION 4M- WHEN TESTING THE NULL HYPOTHESIS THAT STATUS AREAS WILL REVEAL NO SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE AMONG THEMSELVES, IN GENERAL, THE NULL HY- POTHESIS IS REJECTED FOR MOST OF THE VARIABLES. MOST OF THE SOCIO- ECONOMIC VARIABLES SHOW A REJECTION, EXCEPT FOR "EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF THE MALE HEAD." ALL THE HOUSING VARIABLES SHOW A REJECTION OF THE NULL HYPOTHESIS AND ALL THE FAMILY VARIABLES REJECT THE NULL HYPOTHESIS, WITH THE EXCEPTION OF "LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS." IN GENERAL, THEN, THE AREAL DIFFERENTIATION MODEL OF ECOLOGICAL VARIATION Is VALIDATED AT FIRST GLANCE BY THESE DATA. HOWEVER, IN TABLE 22 AGAIN, WHEN TESTING THE NULL HYPOTHESIS THAT STAGES 2: SUCCESSION WILL REVEAL NO SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES AMONG THEMSELVES REGARDLESS OF IN WHAT STATUS AREA THEY ARE LOCATED, ONLY TEN OF THE SEVENTEEN VARIABLES TESTED SHOW A REJECTION OF THE NULL HYPOTHESIS. THE MAJOR INDICATORS OF SOCIAL STATUS (OCCUPATION, INCOME, AND EDUCATION) REVEAL A REJECTION OF THE NULL BUT THE OTHER SOCIO-ECONOMIC VARIABLES (EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MALE HEAD, EMPLOY- MENT STATUS OF WIFE, AND RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION) DO NOT SHOW A RE- JECTION OF THE NULL HYPOTHESIS. GENERALLY, HOUSING VARIABLES RE- JECT THE NULL HYPOTHESIS EXCEPT FOR "PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT" AND "MONTHLY RENT." FAMILY VARIABLES REJECT THE NULL HYPOTHESIS EXCEPT "MARITAL STATUS" AND "LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS." GENERALLY, THEN, THE INVASION-SUCCESSION MODEL FINDS PARTIAL VALIDATION, PARTIC- ULARLY IN REGARDS TO THE THREE MAJOR INDICATORS OF SOCIAL STATUS. ~|H5- THUS, THERE APPEARS A CONTRADICTION WITH RESPECT TO THE TWO MODELS OF ECOLOGICAL VARIATION BEING INVESTIGATED. HOWEVER, A CLOSER LOOK AT WHY THE REJECTION OF THE NULL HYPOTHESIS APPEARS IN BOTH CASES WILL PERHAPS EXPLAIN AWAY THE APPARENT CONTRADICTION. TABLE 23 LISTS THE CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN CORE AREA VARIABLES. UPON MOVING TO A LARGER CONCEPTION OF STATUS AREA, I.E., THE £255_55£é, IT IS NOTICEABLE FROM TABLE 23 THAT THE NULL HYPOTHESIS Is AGAIN REJECTED FOR A MAJORITY OF THE SEVENTEEN VARIABLES. FURTHERMORE, A LOOK AT THE THREE MAJOR SOCIAL STATUS VARIABLES (OCCUPATION, INCOME, AND EDUCATION) VALIDATES AN AREAL DIFFERENTIATION PATTERN BETWEEN THE TWO CORE AREAS. THOSE VARIABLES WHICH DO NOT REJECT THE NULL HYPOTHESIS ARE "EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF WIFE" OF THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC VARIABLES; HOUSING VARIABLES OF "PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT," "HOUSE VALUE," AND "MONTHLY RENT"; ANDFAMILY VARIABLES OF "MARITAL STATUS,H AND "LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS." BY CONTROLLING "STATUS AREAS" AND "STAGES OF SUCCESSION" AT THE CORE AREA LEVEL SOME EXPLANATION CAN BE HAD AS TO WHY BOTH MODELS OF ECOLOGICAL VARIATION WERE SUBSTANTIATED WHEN TESTED. TABLE 2% PRESENTS A SUMMARY OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFI- CANCE AMONG STATUS AREAS WITHIN THE SAME CORE AREA. A TEST OF THE NULL HYPOTHESIS OF NO DIFFERENCE AMONG STATUS AREAS WITHIN THE EAST CORE AREA AND THE MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA SHOW A SUBSTANTIAL SUPPORT OF THE NULL HYPOTHESIS IN BOTH AREAS. -I1I6— TABLE XXIII. TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE EAST CORE AREA AND THE MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA BY HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND FAMILY VARIABLES.* DEGREES OF VARIABLES CHI-SQUARE FREEDOM P<: HO A. HOUSING I. ROOMS PER DWELLING UNIT 37-97 5 .OOI REJECTED 2. PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT I2.92 7 .IO ACCEPTED 3. TYPE OF STRUCTURE 26.II 2 .OOI REJECTED . CONDITION OF STRUCTURE IIA.2A 3 .OOI REJECTED 5. TENURE 2|.89 I .OOI REJECTED 6. HOUSE VALUE 9.H0 5 .IO ACCEPTED 7. MONTHLY RENT 6.56 3 .IO ACCEPTED B. SOCIO-ECONOMIC I. EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MALE HEAD [3.99 3 .0I REJECTED 2. OCCUPATION I .08 5 .02 REJECTED 3. EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF WIFE I.30 2 .70 ACCEPTED A. ANNUAL FAMILY INCOME I3.76 3 .0I REJECTED 5. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT 39.5h A .00I REJECTED 6. RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION 3|.97 5 .OOI REJECTED C. FAMILY I. MARITAL STATUS $.56 3 .IO ACCEPTED 2. PLACE OF BIRTH OF HEAD 5 .03 .OOI REJECTED 3. LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS l2.56 3 .0l REJECTED A. LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS 5.80 3 .20 ACCEPTED *(TOTALS USED FOR EAST CORE AREA 2 SUM OF STATUS AREAS IA / 2 / 3; - TOTALS USED FOR MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA = SUM OF STATUS AREAS IB / A / 5) TABLE XXIV. -IH7- TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE AMONG STATUS AREAS WITHIN THE EAST CORE AREA AND AMONG STATUS AREAS WITHIN THE MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA BY HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND FAMILY VARIABLES.* VARIABLES A. HOUSING -JO*JI :1» ROOMS PER DWELLING UNIT PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT TYPE OF STRUCTURE CONDITION OF STRUCTURE TENURE HOUSE VALUE MONTHLY RENT B. SOCIO-ECONOMLg EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MALE HEAD OCCUPATION EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF WIFE ANNUAL FAMILY INCOME EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION FAMILY MARITAL STATUS PLACE OF BIRTH OF HEAD LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS EAST CORE AREA MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA X2 D.F. P<: HO X2 D.F. P<: HO I2.90 8 .20 ACCEPTED I5.A9 8 .IO ACCEPTED l7.9O I0 .IO ACCEPTED I8.62 IO .05 REJECTED 20.05 2 .OOI REJECTED 23.2u 2 .OOI REJECTED 5.28 A .30 ACCEPTED 22.AI A .OOI REJECTED I.09 2 .70 ACCEPTED 2.67 2 .30 ACCEPTED 69.I2 6 .OOI REJECTED 29.65 6 .OOI REJECTED 6.80 2 .05 REJECTED I5.A3 2 .00! REJECTED .73 2 .70 ACCEPTED 7.II 2 .95 ACCEPTED I7.08 6 .0l REJECTED 8.A5 6 .30 ACCEPTED 9.6A 2 .0I REJECTED I2.55 2 .0I REJECTED I2.IO 6 .IO ACCEPTED 6.65 6 .50 ACCEPTED I2.I3 6 .IO ACCEPTED l3.9! 6 .05 REJECTED “.35 6 .70 ACCEPTED IO.22 6 .20 ACCEPTED 2.25 2 .50 ACCEPTED I.58 2 .50 ACCEPTED 6.72 h .20 ACCEPTED 2.h9 h .70 ACCEPTED H.62 A .50 ACCEPTED .55 A .98 ACCEPTED 27.95 6 .OOI REJECTED I7.3I 6 .02 REJECTED * (EAST CORE AREA CONSISTS OF STATUS AREAS IA, 2, AND 3; AREA CONSISTS 0F STATUS AREAS IB, A, AND 5) MIDDLE-WEST CORE -I1+8— IN CONSIDERING THE THREE MAJOR INDICES OF SOCIAL STATUS (OCCU- PATION, INCOME, AND EDUCATION) THE EAST CORE AREA REVEALS A REJECTION OF THE NULL HYPOTHESIS ONLY FOR THE OCCUPATION VARIABLE, THE MIDDLE- WEST CORE AREA REJECTS THE NULL ONLY FOR EDUCATION. IN GENERAL, THEN, ALTHOUGH THE ORIGINAL ECOLOGICAL VARIATION AMONG STATUS AREAS WAS SUBSTANTIATED BY THE DATA, IT CAN BE SHOWN BY THIS TABLE THAT IT WAS DUE TO THE DIFFERENCES WHICH EXIST AT THE CORE AREA LEVEL. BY USING THE CORE AREA AS A CONTROL VARIABLE THE RESULTS SHOW IN GENERAL A SUBSTANTIATION OF THE NULL HYPOTHESIS THAT NO SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE EXISTS AMONG STATUS AREAS WITHIN THE SAME CORE AREA. TABLE 25, ON THE OTHER HAND, PRESENTS A SUMMARY OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE AMONG STAGES OF SUCCESSION BY CORE AREA. BY USING CORE AREA AGAIN AS A CONTROL VARIABLE, THE SAME CONCLUSION CAN BE MADE CONCERNING ECOLOGICAL VARIATION DUE TO IN- VASION-SUCCESSION AS WAS MADE FOR STATUS AREAS ABOVE. IN THE EAST CORE AREA, WHEN THE FOUR STAGES OF SUCCESSION ARE TESTED FOR THE NULL HYPOTHESIS, ONLY ONE OF THE TOTAL SEVENTEEN VARIABLES SHOW A REJECTION OF THE NULL. FOR THE MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA, ONLY TWO OF THE SEVENTEEN VARIABLES, WHEN TESTED, REJECTED THE NULL HYPOTHESIS. THE TESTS SHOW QUITE CLEARLY, THEN, THAT WHEN STAGES OF SUCCESSION ARE CONTROLLED BY CORE AREA THERE APPEAR TO BE FEW SIGNIFICANT DIF- FERENCES BETWEEN THE STAGES OF SUCCESSION. THUS, THE VARIATION WHICH WAS SEEN TO EXIST IN THE NEGRO COMMUNITY AT LARGE AMONG STAGES OF SUCCESSION WAS ACTUALLY DUE TO THE STATUS DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CORE AREAS THEMSELVES. ~IH9- TABLE XXV. TABLE OF CHI-SQUARES AS TESTS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN STAGES OF SUCCESSION WITHIN THE EAST CORE AREA AND BETWEEN STAGES OF SUCCESSION WITHIN THE MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA BY HOUSING, SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND FAMILY VARIABLES.* EAST CORE AREA MIDDLE-WEST CORE AREA VARIABLES X2 D.F. P<: HO X2 D.F. PNn -:1U ROOMS PER DWELLING UNIT PERSONS PER DWELL- ING UNIT TYPE OF STRUCTURE CONDITION OF STRUCTURE TENURE HOUSE VALUE MONTHLY RENT SOCIO-ECONOMIC 3. u EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MALE HEAD 2. OCCUPATION 3. EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF WIFE A. ANNUAL FAMILY INCOME 5. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT 6. RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION FAMILY I. MARITAL STATUS 2. PLACE OF BIRTH OF HEAD LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS EAST CORE AREA |3-39 3|.7I I.06 II.82 20:7 I2.79 II.28 6I.26 5I.IA 27.32 2A.I5 I0.05 207.76 I.96 59.II —\II Nw—N 2 3 Pp>.00I . v...— -198- PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Number of Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- Rooms sion tration dation tration Total Three or less 0.0 1.1 3.9 10.5 5.6 Four 12.5 7.5 13.A 1A.2 12.6 Five 29.1 20.A 27.6 25.8 25.8 Six 16.7 30.1 25.8 22.6 25.0 Seven 16.7 23.7 16.8 13.7 16.9 Eight or more 25.0 17.2 12.5 13.2 1A.1 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Number of Rooms per D.U. 6.13 6.18 5.75 5.51 5.9A TABLE XXXXIV. NUMBER OF PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Number of _ Status Areas Persons IA 2 _3 18 A 5 Total One I 8 2 I ' LI 8 2L1 Two 12 25 1A 18 23 15 107 Three 8 15 8 1A 1A 6 65 Four 21 16 9 12 18 7 83 Five 6 20 A 13 15 18 76 Six 8 19 6 13 9 1A 69 Seven 3 10 3 8 1A 12 50 Eight or more 5 15, 1 A 25 15 _65_ Total 6A 128 A7 83 122 95 539 x2 : 101.62 d.f. : 25 p<.001 PERCENTAGES Number of Status Areas Persons 1A 2 3 18 A 5 Total One I.6 6.3 “.3 1.2 3.3 80“ “on Two 18.7 19.6 29.8 21.7 18.8 15.8 19.8 Three 12.5 11.7 17.0 16.9 11.5 6.3 12.1 Four 32.8 12.5 19.1 1A.A 1A.7 7.A 15.A Five 9.A 15.6 8.5 15.7 12.3 19.0 1A.1 Six 12.5 1A.8 12.8 15.7 7.A 1A.7 12.8 Seven “07 7.8 6.“ 9.6 11.5 12.6 903 Eight or more 738 11.7, 2.1 A.8 20.5 15.8 .LELL Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Number of _ Persons per D.U. A.33 A.37 A.A6 3.72 5.07 5.13 A.62 -199- TABLE XXXXV. NUMBER OF PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession Number of Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- Persons sion tration dation tration Total One 1 3 8 12 2A Two 7 21 A1 38 107 Three 2 16 2A 23 65 Four 2 I8 38 25 83 Five 2 9 38 27 76 Six A 13 38 1A 69 Seven 1 2 2A 23 50 Eight or more 5. 11 21 28 65 Total 21+ 93 232 190 339' x2 : 23.19 d.f. :15 .10)p).05 PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Number of Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- Persons sion tration dation tTntIon Total One A.2 3.2 3.A 6.3 A.A Two 29.2 22.6 17.7 20.0 19.8 Three 8.3 17.2 10.3 12.1 12.1 Four 8.3 19.A 16.A 13.2 15.A Five 8.3 9.7 16.A 1A.2 lA.1 Six 16.7 1A.O 16.A 7.A 12.8 Seven A.2 2.1 10.3 12.1 9.3 Eight or more 2018 11.8 9.1 1A.7 12.1 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Number of Persons per D.U. A.88 A.35 A.68 A.69 “.62 TABLE XXXXVI. TYPE OF STRUCTURE BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Type of Status Areas Structure 1A 2 4_3 18 A 5 Total Single family 30 100 35 2A 76 53 318 Double family 31 26 12 A0 37 36 182 Multiple family, 3 2 0 19 179 6 _39 Total 6A 128 A7 83 122 95 539 x2 : 60.10 d.f. : 5 p<.001 I | I I I I 1.). -200- PERCENTAGES TYPe 0f Status Areas Structure 1A 2 3 18 A 5 Total Single family A6.9 78.1 7A.5 28.9 62.3 55.8 59.0 Double family h8.u 20.3 25.5 #8.2 30.3 37.9 33.8 Multiple family A.] 1.6 0.0 22.9 7.A 6.3 2.2 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Percent Single Family A6.9 78.1 7A.5 28.9 62.3 55.8 59.0 TABLE XXXXVII. TYPE OF STRUCTURE BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDEITS. Stages of Succession Type of Structure Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- sion tration dation tration Total Single family 18 66 I30 10A 318 Double family 6 25 85 ”66 182 Multiple family 0 2 17 20 '_19 Total 2A 93 232 190 539 x2 : 10.10 d.f. : 3 .02),p).01 PERCENTAGES 1k Stages of Succession Type of Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- Structure sion tration dation tration Total Single family 75.0 71.0 ‘56.1 5A.8 59.0 Double family 25.0 26.9-‘ ‘36.6 3A.7 33.8 Multiple family 0.0 2.1 7.3 10.5 7.2 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Percent Single Family 75.0 71.0 56.1 5A.8 59.0 TABLE XXXXVIII. CONDITION OF STRUCTURE BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Condition of Status Areas Structuee 1A 2 3 18 A 5 Total Good 25 61 15 11 A 9 125 Fair 31 5A 26 52 63 3A 260 Poor or Di- lapidated 6 8 6 I] #51 A5 133_ Total 62 123 A7 80 118 88 518 x2 : 1113.60 d.f. : 10 p<.001 -201- PERCENTAGES Condition of Status Areas Structure 1A 2 3 18 A 5 Total Good A0.3 A9.6 31.9 13.8 3.A 10.2 2A.] Fair 50.0 65.0 A3.9 55.3 53.A 38.7 50.2 Poor or Di- lapidated 9.7__ 6.5 12.8 21.2 A3.2 51.1 25.7 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Percent Poor or Dilapidated 9.7 6.5 12.8 21.2 A3.2 51.1 25.7 TABLE XXXXIX. CONDITION OF STRUCTURE BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession Condition Of Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- Structure sion tration dation tration Total Good 10 25 6A 26 125 Fair 8 A8 112 92 260 Poor or Dilapidated A 16 A6 67 133 Total 22 89 222 185 51 x2 ; 28.31 d.f. : 6 p<.001 PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Condition of Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- Structure ' sion tration dation tration Total Good A5.A 28.1 28.8 lA.1 2A.1 Fair 36.A 53.9 50.5 A9.7 50.2 Poor or Dilapidated 18.2 18.0 20.7 336.2 25.7 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 1000 100.0 Percent Poor or Dilapidated 18.2 18.0 20.7 36.2 25.7 TABLE XXXXX. TENURE BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Status Areas Tenure 1A 2 3 18 A 5 Total Own A9 105 36 AA 76 61 371 Rent 15 23 11 39 A6 3A 168 Total 6A 128 *TA7 83 122 95 539 x2 : 26.50 d.f. : 5 p< .001 Tenure Own Rent Total Percent Homeowners TABLE XXXXXI. Tenure Own Rent Total Tenure Own Rent Total -202- PERCENTAGES Status Areas 1A 2 3 13 A 5 76.6 82.0 76.6 53.0 62.3 6A.2 23.A 18.0 23.A A7.0 37.7 35.8 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 76.6 82.0 76.6 53.0 62.3 6A.2 TENURE BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS Percent Homeowners TABLE XXXXXII. Stages of Succession Inva- Infil- ConsoIi- Concen- sion tration dation tration 20 76 1A6 129 A 17 86 61 2A 93 232 190 13.A7 d.f. : 3 .01>p).001 PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- sion tration dation tration 83.3 81.7 62.9 67.9 16.7 18.3 37.1 32.1 189.9 100.0 100.0 100.0 83.3 81.7 62.9 67.9 HOUSE VALUE BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Status Areas House Value 1A 2 3 18 A 5 Less than 5,000 1 I 2 l A 3 5,000 to 6.999 0 27 6 6 I7 20 7.000 to 8.999 3 50 I3 13 27 23 9,000 to 10.999 12 1A 5 8 I7 10 11,000 to 1A.999 I9 6 O 12 1 2 15,000 or over _37 3 2 2 2 0 Total A2 101 28 A2 68 58 x2 112.54 d.f. : 15 p<.001 Total 68.8 100.0 68.8 Total —W C‘V m— \n W KO Total 68.8 31.2 100.0 68.8 Total 12 76 129 66 A0 16 339 u . c v o n n n u o v ‘ 9 . . < . I . J I a C Q 4 9 v .1 . M _. .— V l 7 I I I I v I A o_ . a 9 . .Ip . . 1 I I i _ L. ._. .. _ I I I I I I I u D ‘ I C I a g D a . o . v o y I - . . . I ~ A ‘ . LA———~._A .... e I , I_ I . 0.. . I I I K ' 1’ I ' 4 ( I rI 1 II I . I ' \ n . .1. .- . ..203- PERCENTAGES Status Areas House Value IA 2 43 18 h 5 Total Less than 5,000 2.4 1.0 7.1 2.9 5.9 5.2 3.5 5,000 to 6,999 0.0 26.7 21.4 10.3 ' 25.0 30.5 22.0 7,000 to 8.999 7.1 09.5 h6.5 30.9 39.7 39.7 38.1 9,000 to 10,999 28.6 13.9 17.9 19.0 25.0 17.2 19.5 11,000 to 14,999 us.2 5.9 0.0 28.6 1.5 3.h 11.8 15,000 or over 16.7 3.0 7.1 0.8 2.9 0.0 0.7 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean House Value $12,007 $7,791 $7,9u3 $9,495 $7.669 $7.279 $8.h37 TABLE XXXXXIII. HOUSE VALUE BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession Inva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- House Value sion tration dation tration Total Less than 5,000 0 0 3 9 12 5,000 to 6,999 6 12 18 40 76 7,000 to 8.999 4 3h #6 #5 129 9,000 to 10,999 6 9 26 25 66 11,000 to 14.999 2 6 28 A no 15,000 or over 2 5 7 2 16 Total 20 66 128 125 339 x2 : 01.57 d.f. :9 p<.001 PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- House Value sion tration dation tration Total Less than 5,000 0.0 0.0 2.3 7.2 3.5 5,000 to 6,999 30.0 18.2 1h.1 32.0 22.h 7.000 to 8.999 20.0 51.5 35.9 36.0 38.1 9,000 to 10.999 30.0 13.6 20.3 20.0 19.5 11,000 to 14.999 10.0 ‘9.1 21.9 3.2 11.8 15,000 or over 10.0 ].6 5.5 1.6 “.2 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean House Value $8,77h $8.h91 $9.291 $7.h52 $8.037 -20h- TABLE XXXXXlV. MONTHLY RENT BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Status Areas Monthly Rent 1A 2 3 18 h 5 Total Less than 40 0 0 0 1 3 8 12 #0 to H9 1 1 2 3 6 6 19 50 to 59 3 13 6 8 16 12 58 60 to 69 8 8 3 19 14 6 58 10 or over 3 0 0 6 3 1 __L3 Total 15 22 11 37 #2 33 160 x2 ; 33.00 d.f. : 10 p<.00l PERCENTAGES Status Areas Monthly Rent 1A 2 3 18 A 5 Total Less than #0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.7 7.2 2H.2 7.5 no to #9 6.7 A.5 18.2 8.1 1h.3 18.2 11.8 50 to 59 20.0 59.1 55.5 21.6 38.1 36.5 36.3 60 to 69 53.3 36.h 27.3 51.4 33.3 18.2 36.3 10 or over 20.0 0.0 0.0 16.2 7.1 3.0 8.1 Total 100.0 100.0 l00.0 100.0 l00.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Monthly Rent $61.50 $55.05 $52.73 $59.21 $53.86 $46.67 $54.1“-l TABLE XXXXXV. MONTHLY RENT BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession Inva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- Monthly Rent sion tration dation tration Total Less than ho 0 1 6 5 12 #0 to A9 0 2 8 9 '19 50 to 59 1 7 -29 21 58 60 to 69 2 5 30 21 58 10 or over 1 1 9 2 ._L3 Total h 16 82 58 160 x2 : 3.62 d.f. : 6 .80>p).70 PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Inva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- MonthlyfiRent sion tration dation tration Total Less than 40 0.0 6.2 7.3 8.6 7.5 40 to A9 0.0 12.5 9.7 15.5 12.0 50 to 59 25.0 h3.8 35.h 36.2 36.5 60 to 69 50.0 31.3 36.6 36.2 35.8 20 or over 25.0 6.2 11.0 3.5 8.2 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Monthly Rent $61.25 $5h.59 $55.h7 $52.h8 $5h.hh inf—S 1130.30. n3. «2 . t m} it 4" T-TJT‘ILAI’ '5 if) TABLE XXXXXVI. -205- NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Employment Status Status Areas EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MALE HEAD BY STATUS AREA of Male Head 1A 2 3 18 4 5 Employed 45 91 32 45 77 56 Unemployed 8 16 4 12 19 12 Retired 0 5 5 l 2 2 No Male Head 11 16 6 25 24 25 Total 64 128 47 83 122 95 x2 : 15.43 d.f. 10 .20>p ).10 PERCENTAGES Employment Status Status Areas of Male Head 1A 2 3 IB 4 5 Employed 70.3 71.1 68.1 54.2 63.1 59.0 Unemployed 12.5 12.5 8.5 14.5 15.6 12.6 Retired 0.0 3.9 10.6 1.2 1.6 2.1 No Male Head 17.2 12.5 12.8 430.1 19.7 26.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 [100.0 Percent Male Head Employed 70.3 71.1 68.1 54.2 63.1 59.0 TABLE XXXXXVII. Employment Status of Male Head Employed Unemployed Retired No Male Head Total Employment Status of Male Head Employed Unemployed Retired No Male Head Total Percent Male Head Employed Total 346 71 15 1.9.7. 539 Total 64.2 13.2 KON O. oooo ‘ O O O O 64.2 EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MALE HEAD BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession lnva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- sion tration dation tration 17 61 157 111 3 ll 29 28 l 5 4 5 3 16 42 46 24 93 232 190 x2 :~5.5LI d.f. : 6 .50>p>.3o PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession lnva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- sion tration dation tration 70.8 65.6 67.7 58.4 12.5 11.8 12.5 14.8 4.2 5.4 1.7 2.6 12.5 17.2 18.1 24.2 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 70.8 65.6 67.7 58.4 Total 346 71 15 .121 539 ...-a do \omw-t‘ .0 (IDOJNN O C) o C) 64.2 TABLE XXXXXVIII. Occugation Professional Manager, etc. Clerical Sales Craftsmen Operative Service Lipor Total OCCUpation Professional Manager, etc. Clerical Sales Craftsmen Operatives Service Lagor Total Percent White Collar TABLE XXXXXIX. Occupation Professional Managers, etc. Clerical Sales Craftsmen Operatives Service Labor Total -206- OCCUPATION BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Status Areas OCCUPATION BY STAGE OF N Stages of Succession lnva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- sion tration dation tration 0 2 9 0 0 1 1 O 0 1 7 2 2 1 4 0 2 7 12 12 10 26 75 44 3 14 22 26 0 9 27 27 17 61 157 111 : 22.68 d.f. 12 .05>p).02 1A 2 3 IB 4 5 6 0 l 2 l 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 l 3 2 4 o o 0 6 0 l 0 0 3 l3 3 3 6 5 I9 41 9 I7 37 32 12 19 6 8 ll 9 2 9 ll lo 22 9 45 91 32 45 77 56 x2 : 78.31 d.f. 20 p<.001 PERCENTAGES Status Areas 1A 2 3 1B 4 5 13.3 0.0 3.1 4.4 1.3 1.8 4.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.2 3.3 6.2 8.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 6.6 0.0 2.2 0.0 0.0 6.7 14.3 9.4 6.7 7.8 8.9 42.3 45.0 28.1 37.8 48.0 57.1 26.7 20.9 18.8 17.8 14.3 16.1 4.4 9.9 34.4 22.2 28.6 l6.l l00.0 100.0 100.0 00.0 l00.0 100.0 19.9 9.9 9.3 15.5 1.3 1.8 Total Total u—a—ar O’JCXJ-C‘KONNOLI-J o o o o o o o o NUDCXDU'IOWC‘N ‘ O O o 0 CD 0 \l SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Total 11 10 33 155 65 I . J 1 1 l u 1 1 1 i 1 1I I ‘ . . Al I ‘ . . 9 . A Q 5 D . . 1 . . -... D b 7 D d - o 4 c 1 a O 9 C 0 O c n . u b l l V I I l l f o I I Q d I 4 » o I v I . u u a . . .- 1 . I l ' I l . Ol. - - . -207- PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession lnva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- OCCUpation sion tration dation tration Total Professional 0.0 3.3 5.7 0.0 3.2 Managers, etc. 0.0 1.6 . 0.6 0.0 0.6 Clerical 0.0 1.6 4.5 1.8 2.9 Sales 11.8 1.6 2.6 0.0 2.0 Craftsmen 11.8 11.5 7.6 10.8 9.5 Operatives 58.8 42.6 47.8 39.7 44.8 Service 17.6 23.0 14.0 23.4 18.8 Labor 0.0 14.8 17.2 24.3 18.2 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Percent White Collar 11.8 8.1 13.4 1.8 8.7 IABLE XXXXXX. EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF WIFE BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Employment Status Status Areas of Wife 1A 2 3 18 4 5 Total Employed 31 37 11 23 48 17 167 Fulltime 22 15 8 19 26 10 100 Parttime 9 22 3 4 22 7 67 NOt emplOXEd 33 89 36 59 .71 77 fiéi Total 64 126 47 82 119 94 532 x2 : 22.80 d.f. : 5 p<.001 PERCENTAGES Employment Status Status Areas of Wife 1A 2 43 18 4 5 Total Employed 48.4 29.4 23.4 28.0 40.3 18.1 31.4 Fulltime 34.4 11.9 17.0 23.2 21.8 10.6 18.8 Parttime 14.0 17.5 6.4 4.8 18.5 7.5 12.6 NOt emgloyed 51.6 70.6 76.6 72.0 5907 8‘09 _6_§_o_é Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Percent Wife Employed 48.4 29.4 23.4 28.0 40.3 18.5 31.4 -208- TABLE XXXXXXI. EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF WIFE BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession -Employment Status lnva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- of Wife sion tration dation tration Total Employed 3 29 79 56 167 Fulltime 2 17 46 35 100 Parttime l 12 33 21 67 Not employed 21 62 151 131 362. Total 24 91 230 187 532 x2 : 4.97 d.f. :3 .20 >p>.lo PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Employment Status lnva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- of Wife sion tration dation tration Total Employed 12.5 31.9 34.3 29.9 31.4 Fulltime 8.3 18.7 20.0 18.7 18.8 Parttime 4.2 13.2 14.3 11.2 12.6 Not employed 87.5 68.1 65.7 70.1 68.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Percent Wife Employed 12.5 31.9 34.3 29.9 31.4 TABLE XXXXXXII. ANNUAL FAMILY INCOME BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Annual Family Status Areas Income 1A 2 3 IB 4 5, Total Less than 2,000 11 27 18 27 43 35 161 2,000 to 3,999 19 45 13 33 41 29 180 4,000 to 5.999 22 49 14 16 30 27 158 6,000 to 7.999 6 5 2 4 2 3 22 8,000 or over _3 2 0 3 l 1 __y; Total 61 128 47 83 117 95 531 x2 : 31.94 d.f. : l5 .0l>p>.001 -209- PERCENTAGES Annual Family Status Areas Income 1A 2 3 IB 4 g5 Total Less than 2,000 18.0 21.1 38.3 32.5 36.8 36.8 30.3 2.000 to 3.999 31.2 35.1 27.7 39.8 35.0 30.5 33.9 4,000 to 5,999 36.1 38.3 29.8 19.3 25.6 28.4 29.8 6,000 go 7,999 9.8 3.9 4.2 4.8 1.7 3.2 4.1 8,000 or over 4.9 1.6 0.0 3.6 0.9 1.1 1.9 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Annual Income $3,574 $3,197 $2,681 $2,771 $2,589 $2,695 $2,907 TABLE XXXXXXIII. ANNUAL FAMILY INCOME BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession Annual Family Inva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- lncome sion tration dation tration Total Less than 2,000 4 22 59 76 161 2,000 to 3.999 7 27 84 62 180 4,000 to 5.999 12 34 68 44 158 6,000 to 7.999 0 4 12 6 22 8,000 or over 1 3 6 0 .19 Total 24 90 229 188 531 x2 : 26.05 d.f. :9 .01)p).001 PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Annual Family Inva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- Income sion tration dation tration Total Less than 2,000 16.7 24.5 25.8 40.4 30.3 2.000 to 3.999 29.2 30.0 36.7 33.0 33.9 4,000 to 5,999 50.0 37.8 29.7 23.4 29.8 6,000 to 7.999 0.0 4.4 5.2 3.2 4.1 84900 or over 4.1 3.3 2.6 0.0 1.9 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Annual Income 53,500 $3,144 $3,039 $2,546 $2,907 TABLE XXXXXXIV. Educational Attainment Sixth or below 7th to 9th 10th to 11th 12th Some College College Grad. Total Educational Attainment Sixth or below 7th to 9th 10th to 11th 12th Some College College Grad. Total Mean Grade Attained TABLE XXXXXXV. Educational Attainment Sixth or below 7th to 9th 10th to 11th 12th Some College College Grad. Total -210- EDUCATlONAL ATTAINMENT BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Status Areas IA 2 3 IB 4 5 Total 3 l9 5 21 36 24 108 10 43 12 21 41 33 160 14 25 ll 13 21 23 107 19 33 7 18 12 8 97 7 5 7 4 3 1 27 4 3 o l 0 1 __9_ 57 128 42 78 113 90 508 x2 : 71.05 d.f. ; 20 p<.001 PERCENTAGES Status Areas 1A 2 3, IB 4 5 Total 5.3 14.1 12.2 25.6 31.2 26.7 20.8 17.5 35.0 26.8 28.2 36.8 36.7 31.9 24.6 19.2 26.8 16.7 17.9 25.5 20.9 33.3 25.0 17.1 23.1 11.3 8.9 19.1 12.3 4.2 17.1 5.1 2.8 1.1 5.5 _Z.0 2.5 0.0 1.3 0.0 1.1 1.8 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 11.12 9.52 9.95 8.73 7.97 8.07 9.02 EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession lnva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- sion tration dation tration Total 2 14 35 57 108 6 31 65 58 160 4 24 44 35 107 7 V 15 52 23 97 3 5 l6 3 27 1 2 6 0 __;1 23 91 218 176 508 x2 l: 39.84 d.f. : 12 p(.001 ----.-W . a o . o D o O - n a n 1 o 1 I 9 l 0 v - a g 1 a c ( l n v 5 v A n ' a I - Educational Attainment Sixth or below 7th to 9th 10th to 11th 12th Some College Colleqe Grad. Total Mean Grade Attained TABLE XXXXXXVI. Religious Affiliation Baptist Methodist Church of God Episc0pa1 Catholic Others No affiliation Total Religious Affiliation Baptist Methodist Church of God Episc0pal Catholic Others No affiliation Total Percent EpiSCOpal -211- PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession lnva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- sion tration dation tration Total 8.7 15.4 16.1 32.4 20.8 26.1 34.0 29.8 32.9 31.9 17.4 26.4 20.2 19.9 20.9 30.4 16.5 23.9 13.1 19.1 13.0 5.5 7.3 1.7 5.5 4.4 2.2 2.7 0.0 1. 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 10.30 9.33 9.62 7.92 9.02 RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Status Areas 1A 2 3 IB 4 _5 Total 30 64 19 4O 73 46 272 16 22 12 16 11 9 86 7 14 3 10 16 16 66 3 12 6 2 O l 24 2 2 4 2 1 3 14 l 3 l 5 8 11 29 5 ll 2 8 13 9 ‘_58 64 128 47 83 122 95 539 x : 52.61 d.f. : 20 p(.001 PERCENDAGES Status Areas 1A 2 3 18 4 5, Total 46.9 50.0 40.4 48.2 59.8 48.4 50.5 25.0 17.2 25.5 19.3 9.0 9.5 16.0 10.9 10.9 6.4 12.0 13.1 16.8 12.2 4.7 9.4 12.8 2.4 0.0 1.0 4.4 3.1 1.6 8.5 2.4 0.8 3.2 2.6 1.6 2.3 2.1 6.0 6.6 11.6 5.4 7.8 8.6 LI’.3 907 1007 905 802 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 4.7 9.4 12.8 2.4 0.0 1.0 4.4 -212- TABLE XXXXXXVII. RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession Religious lnva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- Affiliation sion tration dation tration Total Baptist 11 41 118 102 272 Methodist 4 18 45 19 86 Church of God 2 12 28 24 66 Episcopal 2 8 8 6 24 Catholic 1 1 7 5 14 Others 1 l 7 20 29 No affiliation 3 12 19 14 48 Total 24 93 232 190 539 x2 : 14.1.9 d.f. : 12 .30)p).20 PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Religious Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- Affiliation sion tration dation tration Total Baptist 45.8 44.1 50.9 53.7 50.5 Methodist 16.7 19.3 19.4 10.0 16.0 Church of God 8.3 12.9 12.1 12.6 12.2 Episc0pal 8.3 8.6 3.4 3.2 4.4 Catholic 4.2 1.1 3.0 2.6 2.6 Others “.2 1.1 3.0 10.5 5.“ No affiliation 12.5 12.9 8.2 7.4 8.9 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Percent Episc0pal 8.3 8.6 3.4 3.2 4.4 TABLE XXXXXXVIII. MARITAL STATUS BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Status Areas Marita1 Status 1A 2 ¥g3 18 4 5 Total Married 49 106 37 58 95 69 414 Single 2 4 5 3 3 2 19 Widowed 5 13 2 6 12 14 52 Divorced 5 2 O 6 9 3 25 Separated 3 3 3 10 3 7 _22_ Total 64 128 47 83 122 95 539 2 x : 19.48 d.f. : 10 .05)p) .02 -213- PERCENTAGES Status Areas Marital Status 1A 2 3 18 4 5 Total Married 76.6 82.8 78.7 69.9 77.9 72.6 76.8 Single 3.1 3.1 10.6 3.6 2.5 2.1 3.5 Widowed 7.8 10.2 4.3 7.2 9.8 14.7 9.7 Divorced 7.8 1.6 0.0 7.2 7.4 3.2 4.6 Separated 4.7 2.3 6.4 12.1 2.4 7.4 5.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Percent Broken Home 12.5 3.9 6.4 19.3 9.8 10.6 10.0 TABLE XXXXXXIX. MARITAL STATUS BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession lnva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- Marital Status sion tration dation tration Total Married 20 74 182 138 414 Single 1 4 7 7 19 Widowed 2 8 20 22 52 Divorced l 4 10 10 25 Separated O 3 13 13 _22_ Total 24 93 232 190 539 x : 3.98 d.f. : 6 .70)p).50 PERCENTAGES Stages of Succession Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- Marital Status sion tration dation tration Total Married 83.3 79.6 78.5 72.6 76.8 Single 4.2 4.3 3.0 3.7 3.5 Widowed 8.3 8.6 8.6 11.6 9.7 Divorced 4.2 4.3 4.3 5.3 4.6 Separated 0.0 3.2 5.6 6.8 5.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Percent Broken Home 4.2 7.5 9.9 12.1 10.0 TABLE XXXXXXX. Place of Birth Grand Rapids Michigan North Central South Other Total Place of Birth Grand Rapids Michigan North Central South Other Total Percent Head Born in South TABLE XXXXXXXI. Place of Birth Grand Rapids Michigan North Central South Other Total -214- PLACE OF BIRTH OF HEAD BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Status Areas 1A 2 3 1B 4 5 IO 16 10 7 5 2 7 6 4 4 4 6 6 26 9 3 4 4 38 77 21 67 106 82 3 2 3 2 3 o 64 127 47 3 83 122 94 x2 : 65.40 d.f. : 10 p<.oo1 PERCENTAGES Status Areas 1A 2 3 13 4 5 15.6 12.6 21.3 8 s 4 2.1 10.9 4.7 8.5 4 8 3 6.4 9.4 20.5 19.1 3 6 3 4.3 59.4 60.6 44.7 80 7 86 87.2 4:] I.6 6.4 2 4 2 0.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100 o 100 100.0 59.4 60.6 44.7 80.7 86.9 87.2 PLACE OF BIRTH OF HEAD BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS Stgges of Succession Inva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- sion tration dation tration 5 12 23 10 l 6 14 10 4 I3 23 12 12 59 169 151 2 3 2 6 24 93 231 189 X2 : 16.00 d.f. : 6 .02>P> .01 Total 50 31 52 391 I3 537 1 “pi ‘ Hun-1.1 t. ms .115 mwn-T - . n Place of Birth Grand Rapids Michigan North Central South Other Total Percent Head Born in South TABLE XXXXXXXII. Stages of Succession Consoli- Concen- -215- Inva- Infil- PERCENTAGES sion tration dation tration 20.8 12.9 9.9 5.3 4.2 6.5 6.1 5.3 16.7 14.0 9.9 6.3 50.0 63.4 73.2 79.9 8.3 3.2 0.9 3.2 100.0 100.0 00.0 00.0 50.0 63.4 73.2 79.9 LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Length of Residence Status Areas GRAND RAPIDS BY STATUS AREA in Grand Rapids IA 2 43 IB 4 45 1 to 2 years 3 0 2 2 4 2 3 to 6 years 7 28 2 19 25 24 7 to 10 years 7 13 6 14 21 18 over 10 years 4] 86 37 48 70 51 Total 64 127 47 83 120 95 x2 : 22.95 d.f. : 15 .10 >p).05 PERCENTAGES Length of Residence Status Areas in Grand Rapids IA 2 _37 18 4 5 I to 2 years 4.7 0.0 4.2 2.4 3.3 2.1 3 to 6 years 10.9 22.1 4.3 22.9 20.8 25.3 7 to 10 years 10.9 10.2 12.8 16.9 17.5 18.9 over lO_years 73.5 67.7 78.7 57.8 58.3 53.1 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 00.0 00.0 00.0 Mean Length of Residence 17.84 17.20 25.91 13.13 13.79 12.64 Total 100. Total 2.6 19.6 14.7 63.1 0 15.83 Lif-Ih t.— 11 i in 10“." gun-txgé-m'. . r. -216- TABLE XXXXXXXIII. LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession Length of Residence Inva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- in Grand Rapids sion tration dation tration Total 1 to 2 years 1 4 7 l 13 3 to 6 years 5 18 46 36 105 7 to 10 years 4 14 3O 31 79 over 10 years 14 57 147 121 39 Total 24 93 230 189 536 x2 : 1.76 d.f. : 6 .95>p).9o PERCENDAGES Stages of Succession Length of Residence lnva- Infil- Consoli- Concen- in Grand Rapids sion tration dation tration Total 1 to 2 years 4.2 4.3 3.1 0.5 2.6 3 to 6 years 20.8 19.3 20.0 19.1 19.6 7 to 10 years 16.7 15.1 13.0 16.4 14.7 over 10 years 58.3 61.3 63.9 64.0 63.1 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Length of Residence 16.35 17.54 15.16 15.75 15.83 TABLE XXXXXXXIV. LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS BY STATUS AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Length of Residence Status Areas at Present Address 1A 2 3 18 4 5 Total 1 to 2 years 29 51 8 46 42 39 215 3 to 6 years 27 36 13 23 29 30 158 7 to 10 years 5 20 9 8 30 17 89 over 10 years 3 21 17 6 21 9 _ZZ Total 64 128 47 83 122 95 539 x2 : 53.97 d.f. : 15 p<.oo1 ”7.3M - 9).") " :4 .M '.. .. . -218- TABLE XXXXXXXVI. NUMBER OF ROOMS PER DWELLING UNIT BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Number of East Core Middle‘West Core Total Rooms Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Three or less 4 1.7 26 8.7 30 5.6 Four 20 8.4 48 16.0 68 12.6 Five 50 20.9 89 29.7 139 25.8 Six 66 27.6 69 23.0 135 25.0 Seven 54 22.6 37 12.3 91 16.9 Eight or more 45 18.8 31 10.3 _76 14.1 Total 239 100.0 300 100.0 539 100.0 Mean Number of 7 Rooms per D.U. 6.17 5.44 5.76 2 x :37.97 d.f. :5 p(.001 NUMBER OF PERSONS PER DWELLING UNIT BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. TABLE XXXXXXXVII. Number of East Core Middleddest Core Total Persons Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent One 11 4.6 13 4.3 24 4.4 Two 51 21.3 56 18.8 107 19.8 Three 31 13.0 34 11.3 65 12.1 Four 46 19.2 37 12.3 83 15.4 Five 30 12.6 46 15.3 76 14.1 Six. 33 13.8 36 12.0 69 12.8 Seven 16 6.7 34 11.3 50 9.3 Eight or more 21 8.8 44 14.7. 65 12.1 Total 239 100.0 300 100.0 539 100.0 Mean Number of Persons per D.U. 4.28 4.90 4.62 2 x : 12.92 d.f. :7 .10)p>.05 TABLE XXXXXXXVIII. TYPE OF STRUCTURE BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Type of East Core MiddleJWest Core Total Structure Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Single family 165 69.0 153 51.0 318 59.0 Double family 69 28.9 113 37.7 182 33.8 Multipje family, 5 2.1 34 11.3 39 g7,2 Total 239 100.0 300 100.0 539 100.0 Percent Single family 69.0’ 51.0 59.0 x2 : 26.11 d.f. : 2 p<.00| -217- PERCENTAGES Length of Residence Status Areas at Present Address 1A 2 3 1B 4 5 Total 1 to 2 Years “503 3909 I700 55.” 3hoh “1.0 3909 3 to 6 years 42.2 28.1 27.7 27.7 23.8 31.6 29.3 7 to 10 years 7.8 15.6 19.1 9.7 24.6 17.9 16.5 over 10 years 4.7 16.4 36.2 7.2 17.2 9.5 14. Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Length of Residence 3.91 6.48 10.20 3.56 6.39 4.95 5.76 TABLE XXXXXXXV. LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS BY STAGE OF SUCCESSION FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Stages of Succession Length of Residence lnva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- at Present Address sion tration dation tration Total 1 to 2 years 14 44 101 56 215 3 to 6 years 7 29 81 41 158 7 to 10 years 1 11 31 46 89 over 10 years 2 9 19 47 77 Total 24 93 232 190 53 x2 : 50.20 ' d.f. : 9 p(.001 PERCENDAGES Stages of Succession Length of Residence lnva- lnfil- Consoli- Concen- at Present Address sion tration dation tration Total 1 to 2 years 58.3 47.3 43.5 29.5 39.9 3 to 6 years 29.2 31.2 34.9 21.6 29.3 7 to 10 years 4.2 11.8 13.4 24.2 16.5 over 10 years 8.3 9.7 8.2 24.7 14.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Mean Length of Residence 4.52 5.32 4.41 7.78 5.76 -219... TABLE XXXXXXXIX. CONDITION OF STRUCTURE BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Condition of East Core Middle-West Core Total Structure Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Good 101 43.5 '24 8.4 125 24.1 Fair 111 47.8 149 52.1 260 50.2 Poor or Di- lapidated 20 8.7 113 _g39.5 133 25.7 Total 232 100.0 286 100.0 518 100.0 Percent Poor or Dilapidated 8.7 39.5 25.7 2 x :114.24 d.f. :3 p<.oo1 TABLE XXXXXXXX. TENURE BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. East Core MiddleJWest Core Total Tenure Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Own ' 190 79.5 181 60.3 371 68.8 Rent 49 20.5 119 39.7 168 _31.2 Total 239 100.0 300 100.0 539 100.0 Percent Homeowners 79.5 60.3 68.8 x2 : 21.89 d.f. : 1 p(.001 TABLE XXXXXXXXI. HOUSE VALUE BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. East Core MiddleJWest Core Totai House Value Nfimber Percent Number Percent Number Percent Less than 5,000 4 2.3 8 4.8 12 3.5 5.000 to 6.999 33 19.3 43 25.6 76 22.4 7.000 to 8.999 66 38.7 63 37.5 129 38.1 9,000 to 10,999 31 18.1 35 20.8 66 19.5 11,000 to 14.999 25 14.6 15 8.9 40 11.8 15,000 or over 12 7.0 4 2.4 16 4.7 Total 171 100.0 168 100.0 339 100.0 Mean House Value $8,890 $7,990 $8,437 x2 : 9.40 d.f. . S .10)p).05 -220- TABLE XXXXXXXXII. MONTHLY RENT BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. East Core MiddleJWest Core Total Monthly Rent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Less than 40 0 0.0 12 10.7 12 7.5 40 to 49 4 8.3 15 13.4 19 11.8 50 to 59 22 45.8 36 32.1 58 36.3 60 t0 69 19 39.6 39 34.9 58 36.3 70 or over 6.3 10 8.9 13 8.1 Total 48 100.0 112 100.0 160 100.0 Mean Monthly Rent $56.53 $53.56 $54.44 x2 : 6.56 d.f. :3 .10 >p >.05 TABLE XXXXXXXXIII. EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MALE HEAD BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Employment Status East Core MiddledWest Core Total of Male Head Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Employed 168 70.3 178 59.3 346 64.2 Unemployed 28 11.7 43 14.3 71 13.2 Retired 10 4.2 5 1.7 15 2.8 No Male Head 33 13.8 74 24.7 107 19.8 Total 239 100.0 300 100.0 539 100.0 Percent Male Head Employed 70.3 59.3 64.2 x2 : 13.99 d.f. :3 .01>p>.001 TABLE XXXXXXXXIV. OCCUPATION BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. East Core Middleddest Core Total OCCUpation Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Professional 7 4.2 4 2.2 11 3.2 Manager, etc. 2 1.2 O 0.0 2 0.6 Clerical 6 3.6 4 2.2 10 2.9 Sales 6 3.6 1 0.6 7 2.0 Craftsmen 19 11.3 14 7.9 33 9.5 Operative 69 41.0 86 48.4 155 44.8 Service 37 22.0 28 15.7 65 18.8 Labor 22 13.1 41 23.0 63 18.2 Total 168 100.0 178 100.0 346 100.0 Percent White Collar 12.6 5.0 8.7 2 X : 1L1908 d.f. : 5 002>p>.01 -221- TABLE XXXXXXXXV. EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF WIFE BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Employment Status East Core MiddlIJWest Core Total of Wife Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Employed 79 33.3 88 29.8 167 31.4 Fulltime 45 19.0 55 18.6 100 18.8 Parttime 34 14.3 33 11.2 67 12.6 Not employed 158 66.7 207 70.2 365 68.6 Total 237 100.0 295 100.0 532 100.0 Percent Wife Employed 33.3 29.8 31.4 x2 : 1.30 d.f. : 2 .7o>p>.50 TABLE XXXXXXXXVI. ANNUAL FAMILY INCOME BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Annual Family East Core Middledflest Core Total Income Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Less than 2,000 56 23.7 105 35.6 161 30.3 2,000 to 3.999 77 32.6 103 34.9 180 33.9 4.000 to 5.999 85 36.1 73 24.7 158 29.8 6.000 to 7.999 13 5.5 9 3.1 22 4.1 8,000 or over 5 2.1 5 1.7_ 10 1.9 Total 236 100.0 295 100.0 531 100.0 dean Annual Income $3,191 $2,676 $2,907 2 x : 13.76 d.f. :3 .01>p>.001 TABLE XXXXXXXXVII. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Educational East Core Middle-West Core Total Attainment Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Sixth or below 27 11.9 81 28.8 108 20.8 7th to 9th 65 28.6 95 33.9 160 31.9 10th to 11th 50 22.0 57 20.3 107 20.9 12th 59 26.0 38 13.5 97 19.1 Some College 19 8.4 8 2.8 27 5.5 College Grad. 7 3.1 2 0.] 9 1.8 Total 227 100.0 281 100.0 508 100.0 Mean Grade Attained 10.02 8.22 9.02 : 39.54 d.f. : 4 p(.001 -222- TABLE XXXXXXXXVIII. RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Religious East Core Middle-West Core Total Affiliation Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent BaptiSt 113 “7.“ 159 5300 272 5005 Methodist 59 20.9 36 12.0 86 16.0 Church of God 24 10.0 42 14.0 66 12.2 Episc0pal 21 8.8 3 1.0 24 4.4 Catholic 8 3.3 6 2.0 14 2.6 Others 5 2.1 24 8.0 29 5.4 No affiliation 18 __7.5g 30 10.0 48 8.9 Total 239 100.0 300 100.0 539 100.0 Percent Episc0pa1 8.8 1.0 4.4 x2 : 31.97 d.f. :5 p<.001 TABLE XXXXXXXXIX. MARITAL STATUS BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. East Core Middle-West Core Total Marital Status Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Married 192 80.3 222 73.9 414 76.8 Single 11 4.6 8 2.7 19 3.5 Widowed 20 8.4 32 10.7 52 9.7 Divorced 7 2.9 18 6.0 25 4.6 Separated 9 3.8 20 6.7 29 5.4 Total 239 100.0 3000 100.0 539 100.0 Percent Broken Home 6.7 12.7 10.0 x2 : 7.56 d.f. :3 .10)p).05 TABLE XC. PLACE OF BIRTH OF HEAD BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. East Core MiddleAWest Core Total Place of Birth Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Grand Rapids 36 15.1 14 4.7 50 9.3 Michigan 17 7.1 14 4.7 31 5.8 North Central 41 17.2 11 3.7 52 9.7 South 136 57.2 255 85.2 391 72.8 Other 8 3:4 5 1.7 13 2.4 Total 238 100.0 299 100.0 537 100.0 Percent Head Born in South 57.2 85.2 72-8 x2 : 58.03 d.f. :4 p(.001 -223- TABLE XCI. LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN GRAND RAPIDS BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. Length of Residence East Core Middleddest Core Total in Grand Rapids Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent 1 to 2 years 5 2.1 8 2.7 13 2.6 3 to 6 years 37 15.5 68 22.8 105 19.6 7 to 10 years 26 10.9 53 17.8 79 14.7 over 10 years 170 71.5 169 y56.7 339 63.1 Total 238 100.0 293 100.0 536 100.0 Mean Length of Residence 19.1 13.2 15.8 2 x :12.56 d.f. :3 .01>p).001 TABLE XCII. LENGTH OF RESIDENCE AT PRESENT ADDRESS BY CORE AREA FOR NEGRO RESPONDENTS. 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