A STUDY OF THE INTERNATIONAL FARM
YOUTH EXCHANGE PROGRAM IN MEXICO

Thesis for the Degree of M. A.
MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE

Frank Comshck Na"
1954

'l‘H'cJ'nS

This is to certify that the
thesis entitled

A Stu ‘v of the International Fam Youth
Exchange Program in I—Iexico

presented by

Frank C . Hall

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

__M° A. _de ee mm
and An hropology

Major professor

0-169

 

 

A STUDY OF THE INTERNATIONAL FARM

YOUTH EXCHANGE PROGRAM IN MEXICO

BY

Frank Comstock Nall

A THESIS

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State College of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology and Anthropology

1954

THEME

 

ACKNOWIEDGEMENT

The author wishes to acknowledge the generous assistance and
guidance given him by Dr. Olen E. Leonard. His helpful encouragement
and incisive criticisms were an essential part of the process of com-
pleting this study, and were greatly appreciated.

Acknowledgement needs also to be made to Dr. Charles P. Loomis
who originally interested the author in attempting field work in Latin
America, and through whose actions a necessary material contribution
to the study was made in the form of a research assistantship.

The author is indebted indirectly to many other members of the
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, and most especially to
Mr. Kenneth Tiedke, for stimulating discussions and general advice.

The members of the National 4-H Foundation, which organization
proposed the investigation of the International Farm Youth. Exchange
Project and provided the necessary funds, need to be thanked for their
friendly cooperation and their interest taken in the study from its
inception.

Finally, those persons in Mexico, the members of the Agricultural
Counselor’s office of the U.S. Embassy, the American and the Mexican
Exchangees, and the inhabitants of the community of San Rafael all
warrant the author‘s highest praise as regards their general co-

operativene s s and ho spita lity .

350656

A STUDY (F THE EITERNAI‘IONAL FARM YOUI'H EXCHANGE PRmRMI

IN MEXICO

BY
Frank C. Hall

AN ABSTRACT

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State College of.Agriculture and.Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER (F ARTS

Department of Sociology and Anthropology

Year 1951;

Approved 0 I

 

Frank C. Nall

TIES IS ABSTRACT

 

The research reported on in this thesis attempted to in.
vestigate the Operation, problems, and effectiveness of the
International Farm Youth.Exchange Program in Mexico. This
exchange program was one which Operated on an international
basis, exchanging rural youths between the United States and
numerous countries in Latin America, EurOpe, and elsewhere.
Only the Mexican phase was examined in this study.

The research problem was structured so that attention
'was focused on the following aspects of the exchange programs

(1) the administrative agency occupied with the im~
plementation of the program in Mexico;

(2) the Operation of the program in a selected rural
community in Mexico; and

(3) the effect of the program upon this selected
rural community.

The structure of the administrative agency and the ac—
tivities with which it was charged were examined within a
sociological frame of reference. All.members of this agency
were interviewed and an attempt was made to analyse the prob-
lems which confronted it in terms of their sociological im-
plications in reference to group structure, definition of

roles, camnunications, and ends or goals.

-1—

Frank C. Nell

The selected rural community in Mexico was studied for
a period of five months. The techniques of participant ob-
servation and use of informants were the principal means
through which data was gathered. An attempt was made to ex-
amine as closely as possible the following aspects Of the
social organization of the community:

(1) social stratification system,

(2) religion and the church,

(3) family and kinship,

(h) education and the school, and

(S) voluntary associations.
Then an effort was made to attempt to trace the activities of
the exchangees while living in the community. From an analysis
of this data it was hypothesized that an understanding of
problems related to effective dissemination of the IFIE pro-
gram's objectives would follow.

Finally, an attempt was made to essay the effect of the
exchangee's activities in the rural community.

The results of the study showed that certain character-
istics of the structure of the administrative agency were
associated with a low level of efficiency in terms of the
carrying on of the administrative functions. The principal
weaknesses in the administrative agency were isolated as

follows:

Frank C. Nall

(l) A generally ill-defined structure of the agency.
(a) vague delineation of roles
(b) lack of consensus on the delegation
of authority to Offices
(c) poorly developed communications system
(d) vague definition of ends or goals
(2) The voluntary nature of the agency.
Participating members were bound by occupational
and other institutional ties to devote the major
portion of their time and energy to activities
not connected to the administration of the IFTE
Program. This factor detracted from the efficient

administration of the program at crucial points.

Analysis of the rural community in Mexico showed that
there existed numerous avenues for communication with the
local inhabitants, yet these avenues differed somewhat from
those ordinarily encountered in an.American community of com-
parable size. A crucial difference in social organization
between the Mexican and the community was found in relation
to youth. Only elementary and highly limited formal organiz—
ation of’youth was manifest in the Mexican town. On the other
hand, a complex structure of infermal relations permeated the

youth group as well as the adult group.

-3-

Frank C . Hall

Furthermore, cultural differences as between the Mexican
youth and the American exchangees worked to minimize the par-
ticipation of the latter in the customary activities of the
local youth group. Moral-religious values held by the Ameri-
can exchangees in reference to certain local activities were
important in inhibiting behavior and restricting association.

By far the most important cultural difference between
exchangees of Mexicans was the difference in language. This
served as the greatest barrier to the implementation of the
IFIE’Program's objectives.

Stemming from this sociological analysis of the IFYE
Program in Mexico were certain suggestions directed towards
the more effective implementation of program's goals. The
most important of these suggestions called for the following
changes:

(1) Selection of exchangees on a priority basis in
terms of possession of a working knowledge of
the language of the country they are to visit.

(2) lengthening of the exchangee's visit in the
first foreign community and reduction of the
total number of visits to not more than five.

(3) Establishment of a plan whereby evaluation of
effectiveness of the IFYE Program at the com-
munity level may be precisely determined. This
calls for the selection of one or more "experi—
mental" communities upon which attention may be

focused.

-h-

Frank C. Nall

(h) The objectives which the program may be expected

(5)

to achieve in the field need to be made more
concrete.

The establishment of a Sponsoring agency in
Mexico administered by conscientious persons of
Mexican nationality might be expected to pro—
vide a more effective instrument for the adminis—

tration of the program.

TAB LE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page
I. Introduction”........... 1
II. Cultural Background of the

IFYEProgram........... 20

III. The Administration of the

Program 00.00.00.000... 32
IV. Operation of the Program

at the Community Level. . . . . . 61
V. Summary and Conclusions . . . . 138

AppendiXAOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 15]-

Bibliography............. 156

Chapter I.

INTRODUC TION

 

This study is an analysis and evaluation of the operation, effect,
and problems related to the International Fafm Youth Exchange Project
in Mexico. The study will attempt to provide a sociological interpreta-
tion to the processes connected with the operation of the program, and
uncover factors which allow an explanation of the problems which the
program has encountered.

On Exchangg;s of Persons in General

 

Since this study deals with an exchange of persons program, some
words need to be said about exchanges of persons in general.1 Exchanges
of persons for educational purposes have a long recorded history, and
were known to have occurred in classic times among the Romans and

Greeks.

 

1. It is not the purpose here to examine the whole field of exchange
programs. Nevertheless, it should be noted that exchanges of persons
for educational purposes have been undertaken with a wide range of
goals in mind. Prominent among these programs have been those
whose goals were primarily those of accomplishing a higher degree
of ”international understanding.” The IFYE project, the Japanese -
U.S. student program, and many of the exchanges handled by the In-
stitute of International Education have been of this nature.

Education, per se, has of course been a principal goal of many
exchanges of persons.

The exchange of technicians, especially in recent years has
been undertaken on a large scale, usually with the goal of contributing
to social and technological change in economically “underdeveloped"
countries.

Exchanges of persons for educational purposes have occurred
under the spdnsor ship of such organizations as the specialized agencies
of the United Nations Organization, the Organization of American
States, through bilateral agreements betWeen nations, and through other
regional and political organizations. In addition, private and semi-pub-
lic organizations, such as foundations and church missionary societies,
have sponsored exchange programs. It is recognized that all of these
would need to be considered were it the object here to render a com-
prehensive picture of the whole field of exchanges of persons.

2. Lloyd W. Daly, Roman Study Abroad, in American Journal of
Philolog , Vol. 71. pp. 40-58. 1950. ""

 

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Probably not until the rise of universities in Europe in the Middle
Ages did exchanges of persons become relatively widespread through-
out that area and involve a relatively large number of individuals.

It would seem that from the earliest times one principal function
of cross-cultural exchanges has been ”educational" in the largest
sense of the term. Certainly, the exchange of university students may
be seen as performing this function. The custom of ”touring", begun
in the sixteenth century, as a complement to formal university train-
ing is another example of how cross-cultural contacts were rationally
conceived as serving an essential educational function.4 This latter
conception of the worth of foreign travel obtains even today, and is
formalized in such programs as the “Junior Year Abroad” conducted
by some American universities.

According to Metraux,5 the establishment of the Rhodes scholar-
ships was instrumental in re-directing attention in recent modern times
to the values of cross—cultural education in the building of an apprecia-
tion and understanding of other peoples and their cultures. The world-
wide movement, centered in western Europe and the Pnited States,
towards the establishment of world order, international law, arbitra-
tion and conciliation lent great emphasis to the belief that the achieve-
ment of these aims could be materially aided by the active support of
institutions of higher learning. Cultural exchanges in line with these
broad objectives were encouraged and supported after the First World

War by the policy and grants of the Carnegie Endowment for Inter-

EY. Charles H. Haskins, The Rise ifUmversities. Henry HolszTCo”
New York. 1923.
4. E. S. Bates, Touring in 1600: A Study in the Development of Travel
as a Means of Education'TConstaBTe E Co., London. 1911.

STCuy S. M etraux, Exchange of Persons: The Evolution of Cross-Cul-
tural Education. Pamphlet Nor-9', Social Science Re search—Council.
New York. June, 1952.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

national Peace. The Institute of International Education, founded in 1919
through grants from the Carnegie Endowment, has also served as an
instrument for the implementation of exchanges of students during the past
35 years.

The primary emphasis placed upon international exchanges between
the United States and other countries was historically concerned with the
academic field. The education of students and the exchange of teachers
was the main area of activity. Not until 1938 did the United States gov-
ernment begin to show some considerable official interest in the exchange
of persons, at which time departments of the Federal Government were
authorized to grant a variety of fellowships to nationals of the other
American republics. Although the resulting exchanges occurring under
federal auspices included many cases of an academic nature, attention
was soon focused upon the exchange of technicians and specialists in
various applied fields. During and immediately following World War II
the exchange of technical personnel was stressed. Since the early post-
war years, however, recognition has been given to the potentiality of the
exchange of persons as a promising way of articulating certain aspects
of United States foreign policy aims.

With the increasing interest being shown in this type of program
as a way of furthering national aims--fostering “good will" and favor-
able attitudes towards the United States--many non-governmental
organizations have either entered the field for the first time or have

begun to expand already established programs. This study views the

 

5. Olen Ifeonard andSheldon Lowery, Internationaffxchange’ of Fer sons,
in Rural Social Systems and Adult Education, Loomis, C.P. et al.
MichiganEtate College Press, East Enslfig. 1953.

 

IFYE program as a ,variant of this latter type of international exchange
of persons.

Aims of Recent Exchange Programs

 

Metraux has made an especially crucial observation concerning the
manifest aims of nearly all the public and private exchange programs
covered in his survey.7 These programs maintain that ”their efforts are
in part, if not wholly, dedicated to the development of mutual understanding,

good will, and friendship among nations."

It is behaved that by promoting ”understanding" among citizens
of different nations, through direct contact, that the psychological barriers
which allow the arise of tensions and conflict due to ignorance and mal-
comprehension will be reduced. Metraux contends that it is especially
noteworthy to recognize these assumptions in that they are strong moti-
vations for the pursuance of most contemporary exchange programs.

Althoughmost exchange programs, public and private, lay consid-
erable emphasis upon the process of creating better understanding with
the goal of achieving a reduction in international tensions and strife,
there appear two bases upon which to raise critical questions. First,
one wonders to what extent these manifestations of concern with the
achievement of international understanding actually do serve as basic
motivations for implementing exchange programs rather than as a useful
rationale. Certainly the government sponsored exchange programs are
of an order the motivations for which are not principally concerned with
international understanding per se.

The second question arising from these manifest motivations is

concerned with the soundness of reasoning that through the achievement

 

7. Guy S. Metraux, op. cit. pp. 17-18.

of objective understanding that international tensions and strife may be
reduced. It seems fairly obvious that mere “understanding” from a

disinterested point of view need not lead to a positive evaluation of the
worth of another nation’s customs, modes of thought, etc. The formula

of direct contact-—understanding--reduction of international strife pre-

 

 

 

supposes a particular value system. It presupposes that the individuals
involved in the exchange will hold positive sentiments in reference to
foreign customs, and that the differences which they observe between
their own and the other culture will be favorably considered. It implicitly
assumes that by being confronted with a foreign culture the individual
will not become less tolerant of divergent values, but will become more
tolerant of them.

These questions have been raised here because they are relevant
to exchange programs in general and to the IFYE program in particular.
Should the answer to the first question be such as to portray exchange
programs as not basically motivated by concerns over international
understanding, but rather as using this currently acceptable theme as
their legitimate rationale, then there is reason to believe that the whole
exchange of persons movement might collapse when and if the “climate
of opinion" is captured by some new scheme.

The second point raised concerns the consistency and the range of
cultural applicability of the basic logic of the exchange of persons pro-
grams. The current belief that personal contact with a foreign culture
leads to understanding, in objective terms, seems acceptable, although
not inevitable. That some sort of positive evaluation of the whole or
parts of the ”foreign" culture must follow such contact is open to ques-

tion. That objective under standing leads in some fashion to positive

evaluation may be only a convenient mode of thinking currently popular
among those groups (especially American) concerned with carrying on
exchange programs. There exists no logical basis for such assumptions,
and there does exist at least some empirical evidence to the contrary.

The IFYE Program

 

The International Farm Youth Exchange Project (IFYE) is a type of
international exchange of persons program the goal of which is achieve-
ment of international understanding. It was begun in the year 1948 under
the auspices of the National 4-H Foundation and .the Cooperative Agricul-
tural Extension Service. Since then it has organized the exchange of farm
or rural young people between the United States and some twenty other
countries throughout the world. It is principally interested in giving
selected young men and women from rural farm areas an opportunity to
gain personal knowledge and insight into rural life and farming in a for-
eign country. It is hoped that through this experience the participants will
gain a better understanding of world problems, and will contribute to a
better understanding on the part of the people among whom they live.

No emphasis is put on the accumulation of technical knowledge nor upon
the imparting of skills. The program is not conceived as an exchange of
technical trainees.

The IFYE program is principally concerned with the role which
youth, as a class or group in societies, can, and implicitly should, play
in the determination of national and world affairs. Its official objectives
are these:

A. To help promote international good will and an appreciation of
the problems and possibilities of world peace through a better understand-

ing of the problems, attitudes, talents and contributions to society made by
people of all lands.

B. To help develop informed leaders among U.S. and other farm
youth.

C. To help personalize or humanize the problems and issues of
world affairs.

D. To help develop better understanding of the dignity and place of
youth in the world and the contributions they can make to democracy and
world peace.

To achieve these aims the official policy of the IFYE programs
states that,

“selected farm young people are exchanged between the United
States and cooperating countries for a period of from 4-6 months to ob-
serve and experience family and community life. Rural people in the
U.S. and other nations share in these experiences and observations
through reports of the participants on their return."

These young people, whenever practicable, go to live with rural
farm families in the country which they visit. The length of their visits
with families varies frdm two to six weeks. An attempt is made to
place the exchangee in several distinct regions of the country so that he
may observe local and regional differences.

During the visit in the community the exchangee is encouraged to
take advantage of all opportunities for communication with persons and
groups. He is counseled to leave the most favorable impression pos-
sible with the persons he contacts. Then, upon completion of the visit,
the exchangee returns to his home. After returning home he is expected

to communicate the impressions he gained through the exchange experi-

ence to audiences in his own country.

DEFINITION OF THE PROBLEM
The basic questions posed by this study are the following: First,
does the presence of an exchangee in a rural community have any ascer-

tainable effect upon the members of that community? Second, what is

the nature of, and what are the significant problems involved in the ad-
ministration of the program in Mexico? For analytic purposes the total
process of the operation of the program is broken down into two com—
ponent parts. First it attempts to explain some of the difficulties involved
in the program’s administration by analyzing the structure and function

of the administrative agency. Second, it seeks to isolate and interpret
factors associated with the impediment and facilitation of social or
cultural change.

If the goals of the IFYE program are to be achieved, it is assumed
that this must be done primarily at the community level and through the
agency of the exchangee. Although the organizational structure-~the
administrative agency--which occupies itself with the selection, training,
indoctrination, and placement of the exchangees is viewed by this study
as a secondary aspect in the social processes of the exchange program,
yet it is important to examine it because the responsibilities with which
it is charged have a significant effect upon the program as a whole. The
aspect of prime importance is that of the interaction of the exchangees in
the local community. It is the situation wherein the exchangee lives with
a host family and participates in its and the community’s daily life
routine. Even though the administrative agency is of secondary im-
portance in the basic processes of theiprogram it does nevertheless
serve an essential function. This agency is charged with certain respon-
sibilities related to the on-going program. Among these are the orienting
of the exchangees, the selection of host families and the placement of the
exchangees with these, the dissemination of information concerning the
program and the exchangees to the host families, the selection of the

Mexican exchangees and their orientation, and general interpretation of

the international policy of the program in terms of its application to
the conditions within Mexico. The extent to which this agency coor-
dinated the activities of the exchangees, interprets policy transmitted
to it from Washington, and generally performs the tasks assigned it,
may be expected to have a significant effect upon the overall operation
of the program in Mexico.

How have the exchangees integrated their activities into the struc-
ture of the local community so as to work towards the achievement of
the program’s objectives? To answer this question an understanding
of the social system of the local community is necessary. The various
formal and informal associations, the basic institutions such as the
school and the church serve—-or may be manipulated--as avenues of
communications with the inhabitants and as potential educational tools.
It is essential, then, to recognize and to understand the nature of
phenomena and to know to what extent they have been, or can be utilized.
Much of the success of the program will depend upon the skillful use of
these systems of human organization.

Conceptual Framework of the Analysis

 

The study attempts to analyze the social processes of the IFYE
project not only in their structural aspects per se, but also attempts to
relate these to the cross cultural situation in which they occur. The
project is an international one. It exchanges persons between the United
States and a number of other countries. In almost all cases this implies
an inter-cultural exchange. The exchange between Mexico and the United
States is manifestly such a case.

Nature of the Program. The program exchanges these persons

with certain general purposes in mind. It is concerned with the trans-

-10-

mission of certain knowledge, beliefs and sentiments, and attitudes.

It is not intended as a random exchange of culture items, but one con-
sciously conceived and directed. Furthermore, the items which are the
objects of the exchange program are not material things—-such as farm
implements--and neither are they in the form of technological processes,
observable to the eye. On the other hand, they partly consist in the form
of patterns of behavior. Principally they take the form of abstract con-
cepts--attitudes and beliefs, etc.—-as has been pointed out. The program
is interested in developing a general awareness of the role which youth
can play in the system of democracy and how contributions can be made
by youth to the maintenance of world peace. It is interested in develop-
ing attitudes concerned with “personalizing” or ”humanizing” the under-
standing of world problems. It wishes to develop informed leaders among
rural and farm youth.

Culture Carriers--Potential Change Agents. The program proposes

 

to carry on this exchange principally through the employment of selected
farm youths who visit in countries for from four to six months. This
means that the farm youths are made culture carriers and assume the
role of potential change agents. In the case of any particular country co-
operating in the program there exist, then, two sets of these agents. One
set consists of the exchangees of that country who visit and are exposed
.to the foreign culture, and who subsequently return home bringing with
them their newly acquired attitudes. The other set consists of the foreign
exchangees who visit that country, and carry with them selected aspects
of their native culture. Thus Mexico is in contact with twp groups, local

exchangees who visit the United States and exchangees from the United

States who visit Mexico. The situation in the United States obviously is

-11-

the more complicated of the two since here change agents come from all
of the nations participating in the program.

Segments of Culture. The aspect of the form or segment of culture

 

which is conceived as the goal of the exchange program has been cited.
Professor Linton suggests that there may be a ranking in the order in
which segments of culture may be diffused and yet retain their original
form.8 Those elements which take the form of material objects--plow,
hoe, gun--seem to be most readily adaptable to diffusion without altera-
tion. A segment of culture which seems relatively well adapted to diffu-
sion without alteration is that of observable processes or techniques.
This area may be exemplified by manufacturing processes such as boat
building, weaving, or land cultivation. A segment of culture which seems
to be considerably less adaptable to ”complete" diffusion is that compre-
hending patterns of behavior. These, although observable to the eye in
part, are much less obvious than the foregoing segments. To a great
extent they are covert patterns. The normative behavior regulating
interaction between father and son, for example, is of this type.

The segment of culture manifesting least adaptability to diffusion
without alteration consists in those abstractions such as attitudes, be-
liefs and sentiments, and emotional re5ponses. Concepts, as for example
those of “American democracy", religious beliefs, literary styles, and
attitudes toward work illustrate this area of culture. They are probably

less adaptable to diffusion without alteration partially owing to other

 

8. Ralph Linton. The Study of Man, Appleton-C entury-Crofts, New York,
1936. pp. 337-344mthough-fi is stated that these segments of culture vary
in their adaptability to diffusion, and that the first mentioned are more
adaptable than the latter, this is not meant to imply that owing to their rel-
atively greater adaptability they may be easily or rapidly accepted by a
receiving culture. On the contrary, they may well be rejected. In any case,
acceptance, modification, or rejection depends On other factors than relative
adaptability of the item.

-12..

cultural associations and partially owing to their abstractness. In
example, although many of the structural elements of democracy, as a
conceptual scheme in American culture, may be borrowed or diffused
to another culture, to Cuba for instance, the result is quite different
from the original pattern. The myriad assOciations, beliefs and senti-
ments related to this cultural complex do not become incorporated in
the patterns of the receiving culture. Certain of the overt behavioral
aspects of the complex may be diffused intact, such as the holding of
election, voting by secret ballot, provision for universal suffrage, but
the attitudes and beliefs accompanying them are apparently little adap-
table to diffusion.

Phases of Diffusion. The process of cultural diffusion or exchange

 

consists in three principle phases according to Linton. The first is that
of contact between the tworcultures, at which point the receiving culture
is presented with a limited number of elements from the donor culture.
This phase corresponds to the exchange of persons in the IFYE program.
The exchangees are the culture carriers, and their visits with host fam-
ilies in rural communities constitute the contact phase of the cultural
exchange. The extent to which they communicate their idease, the ob-
jectives of the IFYE program and its accompanying beliefs and senti-
ments, to the host families and the other members of the community may
be expected to partially determine their eventual acceptance or rejection.
The other two phases of the diffusion process are those of accep-
tance of the given items, and their integration’into the pre-existing
cultural structure of the receiving society. These latter phases are

usually out of the control of the donor culture. The elements of the item

which are accepted, the meanings which become attached to them, the

 

-13..

uses to which they are put, and the functions which they eventually
come to assume in the receiving culture are generally not controllable.
As has already been stated, there is suggestive evidence that the ac-
ceptance of the items which are the object of diffusion, and their inte-
gration into the receiving cultural system will depend in no small part
upon the extant to which they can achieve a harmonious relationship
with the accepting culture’s values.9 If they are compatible with the
receiving culture’s basic values they have the possibility of being in-
tegrated into it. If they are incompatible with the receiving culture’s
basic values, then they run a high potential risk of being rejected, or of
never “taking root”. The exchangee, then, may be expected to do no
more than present the cultural items which are the object of the exchange.

Role of Exchangee. The role of the change agent, in this case the

 

exchangee, is of considerable importance in the diffusion process. He
enters the foreign culture carrying segments of his own culture, and
consequently, his behavior in the new culture setting will to a very
great extent reflect this cultural heritage. With conscious effort he
may learn to adapt part of his overt behavior to the patterns of the new
culture, but only to a limited extent. To a lesser extent he will be able
to adapt his emotional responses to those of the new culture. Hence,
while visiting in the foreign culture the exchangee leaves general im-
pressions of aspects of his own culture through the behavior which he
manifests. These impressions are given, of course, in addition to those

which he is consciously seeking to leave and which are the objectives

 

9. MuEh relevant material on this point may he Youhd H1 Spicer, EH. fed.)
Human Problems .12 Technological Change. New York, 1952.

 

-14..

of his mission. Furthermore, upon his return, the exchangee brings
with him his impressions of the foreign culture. These are in the form
of knowledge gained about the other country, its people, its ways of
living, etc ., as well as attitudes and beliefs formed in response to living
in the new culture. Following the plan of the exchange program, the ex-
changee is supposed to convey these items to his own people. With this
the cycle of the contact phase of the diffusion process is completed.

Other Variables to be Considered.

 

The extent to which the contact phase of the exchange process is
successfully accomplished may be expected to depend upon a large number
of variables. The compatibility between the behavior expectancies of the
foreign culture and the behavior manifested by the exchangees will prob—
ably be of considerable importance. Part of the behavior manifested by
the exchangee will not be culturally determined, but will be individual or
ideosyncratic. It will, however, tend to be perceived by members of the
foreign culture as typical behavior in the exchangees’ culture.

The status of the exchangee in the comm-unity will be significant
also. For example, if the exchangee is identified as a youth and the cul—
tural pattern holds that youth is ”to be seen and not heard”, then this
may be expected to have an important bearing upon the nature of contacts
between exchangees and adult community members. The social status
group with which the exchangee is principally identified will tend to bear
a relationship to his range of effective communications within the com—
munity situation also. If he is identified with a low status group his
chances of establishing contacts with high status persons may be expected
to be considerably lessened, whereas the reverse may be expected if he

is first identified with high status persons.

 

 

..

-15..

Another area of variables with which the exchangee, in his role as
potential change agent, is confronted is that of the attitudes which the
groups in that society hold towards the exchangees’ country. The American
exchangee will usually be confronted with a system of beliefs and senti-
ments concerning the United States and Americans. These will varyjin
their favorableness or unfavorableness according to the groups within
the society which hold them. They may be expected to vary in their ob—
jectiveness, intensity, and scope. But there will usually be encountered
some significant imagery of the American and of the United States. The
extent to which this imagery is favorable or unfavorable will tend to in-
fluence the acceptance or rejection of the exchangees’ objectives. The
exchangees’ objectives will be associated with the United States and with
Americans.

Having now set forth the problem of the study, sub-topics of inves—
tigation, and the principal variables which will be considered some note

should be taken of the significance of this type of study.

General Importance of the Study.

 

The importance of the study lies in its attempt to evaluate an action
program, and as a result thereof, to suggest appropriate modifications
in its policy and direction. It has attempted through a combination of
sociological and anthropological techniques to investigate, and then, to
describe and analyze some factors related to social change. The processes
of social change and the factors accounting for resistance to change are a
major area of concern to social scientists involved in both the ”pure"
and applied aspects of their disciplines. This type of study may have a

direct disciplinary value in that social facts are examined and as a result

-16-

new hypotheses may be forthcoming concerning their interrelationships.
Furthermore, it is believed that there is a need for this type of evalua-
tive study on the basis of its potential contributions outside of the dis-
ciplinary bounds. This study attempts to relate knowledge accumulated
in social science to solving problems confronted by a given organization.
Specifically, this study and others of a similar intent may possess a value
to interested organizations, policy formation bodies, and administrators by
providing a more meaningful framework for policy determination and estab-
lishment of objectives to be obtained in any concrete situation in the field.
The administrator may thereby, be able to plan a program which is more
closely related to the conditions obtaining in the social matrix with which
he is dealing.

A tenable position of the social scientist in regards to this kind of

i
function in society is stated by Keesing when Speaking of the role of the
10

anthropologist in the applied field.

What has to be clarified here is that if the anthropologist makes

judgements beyond the strictly scientific confines of his work, he

is committing only himself, not anthropology. At most, in the

scientific mood, he might apply general principles and hypotheses

so far as they will carry him. In some situations he might venture

to predict that, if a certain line of action is tried, such and such is

likely to be the result, and if another, then something else. Again,

if a definite goal or policy is set, he might try to anticipate what

would or would not contribute toward its fulfillment. Here he would

speak only of probabilities, and even this might be the acme of sci-

entific foolhardiness because of the exceedingly limited ability of

such a human science to predict as yet with any exactness.

Nevertheless, the fact remains that evaluations have to be made
and factual knowledge translated into action. It seems justifiable,

 

‘lU.TKeesing, F.M., ApplfefanthropologyTn colonial administration, in
The Science of Man in the World Crisis. Linton, R. (ed.) New York, p.384.

-17..

therefore, that if the anthropologist is asked for advice, or is

moved to volunteer his judgements, he should feel free to do so

provided he makes it clear how far his comments are personal

only.

The author recognizes this limited ability to predict with exactness,
yet believes that, as Keesing says, “evaluations have to be made and fac-

tual information translated into action”.

Research Methods.

 

The research methods used in this study may be classified as follows.
The material dealing with the structure and function of the administrative
agency was gathered in large part through personal interviews which were
principally of an informal character. Members of the administrative
agency, with one exception, and the four American exchangees present in
Mexico at the time were interviewed individually. In addition, observations
were made of the conferences at which the exchangees were reassigned to
new host families. Further data were secured through the IFYE files in
the Agricultural Counselor’s office of the United States Embassy in Mexico
City. Letters, official reports, and newspaper clippings were scrutinized
for relevant data.

The material relating to the social structure of the community was
secured by several methods. The author resided in the community con-
tinuously for a period of five months. Rapport was gradually established
during the first month and expanded during the succeeding months. Con-
tact was made with a relatively large number of community inhabitants
holding widely varying positions in the social status and occupational
structures. The principal technique used for gathering data consisted in
following the method of participant observation. Information was,of course,

collected by non-participant observation as well. At several stages of the

-l8-

investigation informants were selected and interviewed with the aid of

a simple field schedule. In addition, an attitude questionnaire was devel-
oped and used in connection with an attempt to gather data on the local
imagery of the United States and of Americans. A questionnaire was ad-
ministered to 106 inhabitants of the community, and a copy of it appears
in Appendix A.

Selection of the Community.

 

Since a principal interest of the study was to investigate the effect
which the exchangees had on a rural community it was deemed advisable
to select one which had been subjected to the greatest amount of contact
with the exchangees. The area of study suggested by the program’s ad-
ministrators as most appropriate was that of the state of Veracruz.

The community in this state which had had most contact with exchangees
was that of San Rafael. Here, two American exchangees had lived for
brief periods early in 1952, and two others spent approximately two
months there in the late fall of the same year. Furthermore, among the
first group of Mexican exchangees to visit the United States, were two
natives of San Rafael. At the time when the study was begun, the latter
two American exchangees were still visiting in the community, and after
approximately six weeks’ lapse the two Mexican exchangees returned to
their homes. The community, then, had contact during a one year period
with foilr American and two local exchangees. No other community in
Mexico had had as much contact with the IFYE program, and hence, this
fact was the principal reason for selecting San Rafael for intensive study.

The field work for the study was begun in the middle of December,

1952, and completed about the middle of May, 1953. This phase of the

-19-

study comprehended the intensive investigation carried on in San Rafael
as well as the interviewing of members of the administrative agency and

exchangees in Mexico City.

-20..

Chapter 11

Cultural Background of the IFYE Program

 

This chapter will deal with the cultural perspectives of the IFYE
program. It will attempt to point out how the goals of the program are
meaningful principally in terms of the cultural matrix from which they
have arisen. It is relevant to examine this relationship between the
IFYE objectives and certain cultural values owing to the cross—cultural
situations in which the program operates.

The discussion of values in this chapter is dependent principally

1
upon a work by Reusch and Bateson. Although these authors are primarily

concerned with ”basic” American values as a framework of symbols for
the interpretation of behavior at the individual level, their exposition
makes the work highly appropriate to a discussion of social interaction.
A number of other works have been published, some analytic and others
useful principally as source materials. Gorer, Mead, Kluckhohn,4 and
Opler5 are among those having concerned themselves with the aspect of
culture variously referred to as values, themes, patterns, and configura-

tions as elements serving to structure behavior.

 

l. Reusch, I. and Bateson, G. Communications: The Soc1aT Matrix of
Psychiatry. W W. Norton 8: Co., Inc. New Yorki 17551. In the fourth _hapter
is provided one of the most concise treatments of specific value-premises
in American culture which the author encountered.

 

 

 

2. Gorer, G. The American People. Viking Press, New York. 1948.

 

3. Mead, M. And Keep Your Powder Dry. Morrow, New York. 1942.

 

 

4. Kluckhohn, C. and Leighton, D. The Navajo. Harvard University Press,
Cambridge. 1946. .

5. Opler, M. Themes as Dynamic Forces in Culture. American Journal
of Sociology, 51, 3: 1945. pp. 198- 206.

 

 

‘/

-21-

In the United States the IFYE program is primarily associated with
the Four -H club movement. This study views the Four -H club movement in
part as an ideological movement which has attempted to articulate some of
the core values of American culture. The connection of the IFYE program
with the Four-H clubs, besides having instrumental usefulness to the ad-
ministration of the program, serves to legitimize it in the eyes of many
rural Americans. These asPects are noteworthy because it is contended
that much of the success of the United States phase of the program is
directly dependent upon this association. It is further contended that the
success with which the program meets in other countries will depend in
large part upon the extent to which the goals of the program fit the other
cultures’ basic values and may be integrated into their social structures.

In order to examine the potential for problems arising from a ‘cross
cultural situation it seems highly relevant to note some of the basic values
of traditional American culture. No effort will be made to present a com-
plete profile of these values. However, such a task would be quite beyond
the scope of this study. An attempt will be made to present certain of
these values in an illustrative rather than a comprehensive manner.

It is recognized that the values, or value -premises as Ruesch and Bateson
treat them, are no longer arranged in the same configuration as they were
at an earlier stage of the development of American culture. They are de-

rived from an essentially static model, whereas the culture has undergone
dynamic changes. Nevertheless, it is maintained that they still form part

of the basic value—premises through which much of present-day American
behavior may be interpreted. Admittedly, this will vary from one group to

to another, and it is suggested by many writers that it is probably in rural

-22-

American culture that they have tended to retain more nearly the forms
of the traditional configuration.

To begin the examination of American values the formative states of
the society must be noted. American society was based upon what Bateson
and Ruesch have termed the ”Puritan and pioneer morality”. The origi-
nal group of religious dissenters who formed colonies on the New England
coasts brought with them the values which had been formed in reaction to
those of the society and culture which they had left. To a greater or less-
er extent Protestantism throughout Europe tended to manifest the same
Values as those which the Puritans did. The reformation set up a whole
new value system in opposition to the prevailing order. The Puritans
formed one branch of this larger oppositional movement. In contrast to
the prevailing order, which probably appeared to the Puritan as a state
of disorder and injustice, the Puritan valued pietism, the deprecation of
carnal passion, personal re5ponsibility before God, and the exercise of
self-control and will power. Associated with these essentially religious-
connected values were others which together formed part of the core of
Puritan morality, and which were salient elements of the oppositional
movement. The Protestant ethic called for plain-living, industriousness,
thrift, and consistency. Such principles fitted well the life with which
the Puritans were confronted in the New World. Other elements of this core
of values were an emphasis placed upon cleanliness, honesty, simpli-
city of worship, and cooperation with other members of the religious
group. Historically it may be 'seen that such a core of values took form
under conditions of opposition to the prevailing values of the time, and
as a result of the functional need for solidarity upon the part of the op-

positionists.

 

-23..

With the radical change in the physical and social environment re-
sulting from the move to the essentially hostile New World there evolved
a further set of core values, while at the same time the values brought with
them were reinforced under the exigencies of a hard-won existence. Under
the difficult conditions presented by a harsh climate, unfriendly Indians,
and meager resources and technology the individual’s survival came to de—
pend to a large extent upon his relation to the group of which he formed a
part. Being a member of a group tended to become both an instrumental
and an end-value under such conditions. It derived, of course, not only
from the exigencies of physical existence but also from the Puritan tra-
dition of scrutinization of the individual by the group to see that he was
not violating its sanctioned norms. To have permitted individual deviation
would have tended to disintegrate the group which was based upon a strict
moral code. One’s status, and even membership, in the group was judged
to a considerable extent by the degree to which one lived up to the complex
of moral values describing sanctioned and non-sanctioned behavior.

Another element basic to the Puritan morality was that of individual
success. Success, according to the Protestant ethic, was regarded not only
as a sign of secular achievement, but as a sign of divine favor as well. As
the new society developed and spread westward there evolved a system
I wherein success became an indication of the rightful position which was due
a man. Under the conditions of pioneer society one’s principal claim to
recognition by one’s fellows was the success which was manifested or
achieved by one’s own efforts. A lack of success, or failure, in Puritan
society met strong criticism. This system seems to have derived from

earlier Puritan morality in its close association with religious precepts.

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~
1
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-24..

A third element forming the core values of American society is that
of equality. Equality, as manifested in the core of American values, may
be seen to be associated with both the religious society of the Puritan and
the frontier society of the pioneer. All men were equal before God, and
had equal responsibilities to live up to in the religious sphere. Under
conditions of the frontier society men were stripped of most of those dif-
ferences which make for social differentiation. Furthermore, equality in
American culture tends to connote likeness. Not only is it “good’.‘ and
”natural” that people be equal, but conversely, it is “bad”, and morally
wrong that people be unequal. Inequality is abhorred. Since likeness
tends to be equated with ”equality", then one who is “equal" is ”like”
oneself, and one who is "unequal” is “unlike” oneself. Thus, there is
manifested a tendency to deny or overlook the differences which exist
between people or objects since, if they were to be admitted, they would
tend to connote inequality and cause tension. The American value system,
then, tends to minimize the importance of, or avoid the overt recognition
of, such things as differences in social status and wealth. But when the
differences must be faced, and cannot be fitted into the likeness-equality
scheme, then the object perceived as divergent is subject to disvaluation.
The eccentric is “nuts”, the college professor is “absent minded", the
wealthy are f‘snobs”, and the scientist often works in an “ivy tower”.
The association of equality and likeness in America differs from the
associations with which equality is linked in other cultures of western
European derivation.

Change is often perceived as a salient value in American culture.
The American is ready for change, and in fact expects change. Change

moreover, is associated with positive moral judgements. Readiness for

-25..

change at the level of the individual is customarily praised as “adaptabil-
ity” or “adjustment”, while at the societal level it is associated with
material betterment. The popular belief" in the concept of ”progress” per-
haps best illustrates this readiness for change. The conditions of the
frontier with its rapid Spatial movement westward, as well as the faith
placed in change by the original religious dissenters, suggest factors
contributing to the manifestation of this value in American culture.

The 4—H Club and American Values.

 

This study, then, views these values as forming a core part, but by
no means all, of the value -premises upon which much oficontemporary
American behavior is based. In their terms the behavior of the American
may be better interpreted.

As has already been indicated, the Four -H club movement may be
better understood when seen in the light of these values. The significance
which they hold in the Four -H club ideology may be illustrated by an exam—
ination of some of its features. The movement'symbolized by four concepts
which together form the derivation of its name, i.e. Heart, Hand, Health,
and Head. The movement emphasizes religious morality as a standard of
conduct of its youthful members. Attendance at church services, partici—
pation in church-connected activities, and personal comportment in terms
of the principles of religious morality are encouraged by the ideological
standards of the movement. The moral values which defined appropriate
behavior in Puritan and pioneer society, although considerably modified,
are stressed. The member should do more than merely attend the church
service, and go through the ritual connected with it. He is expected to in-
corporate these moral values into his character structure and demonstrate

them in his behavior.

-26..

The club stresses the values of industriousness, thrift, cleanliness,
consistencyphonesty, and cooperation with other members of the commu—
nity, all of which are values basic to American culture. The deprecation
of carnal'passion and the manifestation of self-control and will power are
inferred by the moralistic ideology of the movements. It is hardly conceiv—
‘ able in American culture that one can be industrious, thrifty, clean, con-
sistent, and hone st, and at the same time freely participate in the satisfaction
of carnal passion. The values tend to form a cohesive congeries.

The salient position which the belief in change holds in the Four —H
club movement is manifested in many of the club activities. This value
is symbolized by the concept “progress". Members conduct experiments
with crops and livestock with the idea of changing and at the same time
bettering their methods of production. The club attempts to create attitudes
of readiness towards change on the part of its members. This value seems
to bear a close association with the technological order.

Sociality is manifested in the adherence to the group forming the
local club. It is further emphasized in the millions of non-active members
who still continue to be related to the movement. The club meeting itself
is the most obvious manifestation of the value placed upon sociality, and
it is felt that more can be gained through group experiences than can be
gained through individual experiences. Although it may be contended that
such attitudes may be accounted for by the rational attempt upon the part of
administrators to introduce them, it is evident that they nonetheless exist
at the level of behavior and belief.

success is stressed and given recognition in the elaborate series

of awards which may be won by the members who have performed in the

 

 

 

‘II.’

-27-

manner most appropriate to the goals of the movement.

Through the local club the individual member is tied to the other
youth in the community on a face-to-face basis. Through the associations
of local clubs in the state -wide organization the member is made conscious
of being involved in a still larger group movement. The state organizations
are in turn linked together at the national level, and the national conventions
serve to emphasize this mass dedication to the ideological principles of the
movement. Publications, radio broadcasts, and other means of communi-
cations serve to stimulate the idea that the members of the Four -H clubs
are working together, as a group, towards the betterment of themselves
and of their country.

The IFYE program has grown out of this social and cultural matrix.
Its Objectives are interpretable principally in terms of this background of
cultural values and social organization. That they should fit into the rural
American community and ”take root” seems partially explainable on the
basis of their relationship to the values which structure rural society.

The program is conceived as a group venture, not as a conglomeration of
individuals attempting to go their own ways towards achieving the objectives
of the program. It is emphasized that the exchangees work towards the
program’s objectives as a group, and that the contribution is within the
context of a group’s efforts. For the American exchangee, participation
in the IFYE program is more nearly an extension of his role in the group
activities of the Four-H club.

The idea that leaders can be developed through training seems to
bear a special relationship to the ideology of the rural youth program of

the Four-H clubs under which it has received such emphasis. Still further

-28-

back, it can probably be traced to the various programs sponsored by
state and federal government agencies for the developing of widespread
technical knowledge among farmers. For these agencies leaders were
often-times those individuals who practiced the most advanced farming
methods, but who had little or no relationship to the social role of leader
as conceived in a sociological sense. In rural America the leadership
function which youth may serve is age-specific: Youths do not regularly
function as leaders in adult activities. The extent to which youths func-
tion as leaders of their peers is limited by the social structures and
value systems of the society in which they live. The existence of the
Four -H club provides an acceptable social mechanism through which

youth may lead youth.

The Exchangees and American Values. '

 

The four American exchangees who visited Mexico during the time
when the study was conducted were interviewed in order to gather data
concerning their personal backgrounds and their activities in the communi-
ties where they stayed in Mexico. Since it was not the main focus of these
interviews to gather data in considerable detail concerning their value
orientations only incidental material of use in this exposition was gath-
ered. However, at some points at least there is suggestive evidence that
their behavior was based on some of the value -premises set forth in this
chapter.

All of the exchangees manifested strong positive sentiments about
health and personal cleanliness, as well as public sanitation. Among the
principal negative reactions to Mexican culture was their preoccupation

over its lack of concern with these values. The tendency to perceive

-29-

through a value structure characterized by the ”likeness-equality”

premise could only be inferred by indirect statements. For example, in
their recounting of impressions of their experience in Mexico they usually
tended to underline those aspects of the culture which they interpreted as
most like the counter-part in America. They made obvious efforts to avoid
criticizing Mexican ways, and stressed how they had come to realize through
their contact with Mexicans that there were really only superficial differ-
ences existing between Americans and Mexicans. Those differences which
they did note as significant were usually, although not always, assigned
negatiye values.

Sociality seems to have been an important value for the exchangees.
All of them had a history of membership in numerous organizations. Fur-
thermore, not only did they belong to many groups, but they were active
leaders of the group activities, as implied by the various offices held and
the honors be stowed on them. In addition to their past activities, which
strongly tend to support the idea that they placed considerable value on
group membership. they also verbalized positive sentimentsconcerning
the worth of group membership. They attributed both utilitarian and end
values to the status of group membership. Positive gains for the individual
member as well as the experience itself were cited as favorable reasons
for belonging to their groups.

The exchangees’ observations and comments on- the religious life of
the Mexican tend to bring out the different role which religion and moral
precepts play in the two cultures. The boys’ histories show that they
were all brought up in Protestant homes in which the whole family cus-
tomarily attended church services regularly. Moreover, the exchangees

participated in the activities of their church’s young people’s clubs. They

-30..

had all held offices at one time or another in these church-connected
groups. The boys felt that Mexican men did not take their religion “to
heart". They observed, however, that Mexican women tend to be more
conscious of religious responsibilities than men. Their reactions to cer-
tain behavioron the part of some Mexicans was manifestly one involving
moral-religious judgements. For example, they tended to feel moral indig-
nation when invited to participate in certain male youth sex-connected
activities, and two of them refused to drink alcoholic beverages with the
other young Mexicans. When questioned about their abstinence they
replied that this had never been part of their ”up-bringing” and that they
viewed such behavior as a manifestation of “very lax morals.” Other
behavior,, verging on the field of moral judgement also elicited some
negative responses.

The foregoing are some of the points at which evidence is suggestive
of the internalization of certain of the value-premises cited in this chapter
as basic to an interpretation of a range of American behavior. Other points
will be brought up in Chapter IV and compared and contrasted with the

values held by members of the San Rafael community.

Summary
This chapter stressed the cultural perspectives of the IFYE program
as relevant to an understanding of the manner in which it operates on a
cross-cultural basis. It was pointed out that a congeries of values en-
countered in American culture serve to distinguish this culture from
others. The values cited here, although by no means exhaustive, were pre—

sented to illustrate the relationships obtaining between three levels of

-31-

abstraction, i.e. culture, society, and the individual. The values treated

in this chapter as most relevant to an understanding of the operation of the
IFYE program were as follows: (I) the congeries of ethico-moral values
comprised by the Protestant Ethic, and (2) the values of equality, progress,
change and sociality associated with the pioneer society of the frontier.

The 4-H Club movement was shown to manifest many of these values
in its teachings, policy, and form of organization. It was contended that
this occurrence is significant to the operation of the IFYE program be-
cause of the program’s dependence on these values as integrating and
sustaining factors. If the values cited in this chapter were not basic to
American culture, then those values stressed by the IFYE program and
the 4-H Club movement would have little meaning to most Americans.

On the other hand, since these values are important elements of the Amer-
ican value system their expression in the IFYE and 4-H Club movements
provides them with an aura of legitimacy and frames. their goals in the
meaningful persPective of culturally shared values.

Since it is contended that the 4-H Club and IFYE goals are inte-
grally related to. American values, there arises the question as to the
attraction which they may have for persons not sharing these values.

No attempt was made to try to answer this question, but attention will be
given to it in Chapter IV, wherein the operation of the program in a

Mexican community is considered.

2

-32-

Chapter III
The Administration of the Program

In this chapter we shall be concerned with an examination of the
administration of the International Farm Youth Exchange Project insofar
as it concerns the Mexican phase. The general task will be that of de—

scribing the structure of the administrative agency, the responsibilities
with which it is charged, and the isolation of some of the more important
problems with which it must deal. To the extent that this is successfully
accomplished the analysis should throw light on existent weaknesses and
suggest the means for more efficient operation in Mexico.

The purpose of the IFYE field agency is to work out procedures for
accomplishing the goals of the program in Mexico.

In any group or agency organized around a given activity or activi-
ties there are certain elementary conditions which must exist which allow
it to operate.1 The members’ actions need to be controlled so as to
achieve at least a minimum degree of coordination in reference to the
group’s activities. In a formalized group legitimate control is commonly
referred to as authority, whereas in an informal group it is referred to as
influence. Both may exist within the structure of a formal group. In order
that a group may carry on its activities there must exist a system of

communications. The system of communications may vary tremendously

 

depending upon the complexity of the group and the activities in which it

 

l . SEe: Loomis,C.P. and Beegle, IA. Rural Social Systems, Prentis Hall, Inc.
New York, 1950. p.5. These authors describe a scheme comprised of seven
conceptual elements. Their framework is, however, more appropriate to the
analysis of a social system of the order of a community rather than of an ad-
ministrative agency. Consequently, modifications in the definition of terms

and the introduction of some new terms were deemed necessary here.

-33-

participates. If the activities are to be carried on as a group there must
also be an assignment of rights and M. These rights and duties togeth-
er define the statuses or functional positions of the system which are
occupied by given individuals. In many informal groups the assignment
of rights and duties becomes gradually defined through the interaction of
individuals during a period of time under varying circumstances. Thus,
although it would be difficult to elicit a verbalization of the rights and
duties of a boys’ gang, one may, by careful observation of the gang’s acti-
vities, discern that certain of its members are consistently assigned
specific tasks or types of tasks, and that these vary in their importance
to the total operations of the group. In a formal group many of these
rights and duties are specifically defined and may be verbalized. There
exists overt recognition of them, as in the rights and duties defining the
statuses of employer and employee.

In order that the group may be held together while working towards
its objectives there usually exists a system of positive and negative
sanctions. Positive sanctions would be those which give recognition to
a member for having performed well in his assigned position. Negative
sanctions would be those which express dissatisfaction with status or
position performance. The particular form which sanctions may take is
variable and dependent upon the system of values and sentiments held by
those in positions commanding authority.

Another concept for the analysis of group structure is that of
interests. The nature of the attraction of an individual to a group, and
to a given position in the group, may be overtly manifest or very dif-

ficult to determine. That which holds a member to a group may be the

-34-

result of forces or pressures upon the individual from sources outside
of the framework of the group. The group itself may not serve as a posi-
tive attraction for the member. Thus, that which holds the soldier to his
platoon may not be a personal desire to stay with it, but rather a fear of
the consequences of deserting it. That which holds a member of a Rotary
club to the organization may not be altruistic motives but may be related
to economic or social advantages growing out of the association.

The _e_r_1_d_s_ or goals of the organization have been mentioned while

considering the other concepts. Goals are here defined as the objects

 

towards which the structure is directed. Thus, the goals of the admin-
istrative agency for the IFYE program in Mexico are the Objectives of
that program as set forth in its official literature, i.e. the accomplish-
ment of international understanding, etc.

These conceptual tools are believed to be sufficient for the descrip-
tion and analysis of the basic elements of the IFYE administrative agency.

Part of the total process involved in achieving the goals of the IFYE
program concern its administrative phases. General policies are formu-
lated by the directive board of the project in Washington. These policies
in turn are reduced to the level of administrative actions. They serve as
guides or norms under which action may be taken. Within the United
States an Advisory Committee, working through such agencies as the
Cooperative Extension Service, the state Four -H clubs, the Institute of
International Education, and other groups, formulates plans for action.
These agencies then take given measures to put into effect the details of
the plans assigned to them, or to which they have assented. Through the

Foreign Agricultural Service the general policy is transmitted to the

. imi’i lil‘qul

-35-

Office of the Agricultural Counselor of the American Embassy in the
for'eign country cooperating in the exchange program. The Agricultural
Counselor’s office is then charged with the task of setting up a field
agency for administering the program in that country. Where pre-ex-
isting youth or rural oriented groups are at hand the Agricultural
Counselor’s task is to some extent made easier. This agency, then, is
charged with performing the acts which will allow the program to op-
erate in that country.

The process has both vertical and horizontal dimensions. Its
vertical dimensions are described by the line of descent from the origi-
nal policy-rnaking agency through the Advisory Council to the series of
organizations which constitute the field administration of the program.
The horizontal dimension of the process is that described by the inter-
action of groups at particular levels with other groups not directly
related through the chain-of-command. Thus, at the level of field ad—
ministration in a given country, those groups with which and through
which the Agricultural Counselor’s office works provide the horizontal
aspect of the administrative process at that level. We shall be primari-
ly concerned with the horizontal dimensions of the administration of the
program, but there will be need to make reference to the vertical dimen-
sions also at relevant points.

Activities of the Agency.

 

The administrative agency of IFYE in Mexico is built around cer-
tain activities which may be separated into two categories in terms of
their relative importance in the achievement of the program’s goals.

Those of primary importance include the following.

-36..

l. The selection of host families and the placement of the ex—
changees with them.

This is an activity of the agency of first importance. Comprehend-
ed by this activity are such things as the determination of the most
appropriate characteristics of a host family, the physical accommoda-
tions available in the home, the host’s probable social status in his
community, the type of agricultural activity in which he participates,
his knowledge of English, and other minor items. The placement of the
exchangee with the family calls for a procedure of introduction and ex-
planation of the boy’s visit, as well as providing the host with the various
data concerning the exchangee himself. It will then, be important to see
the manner in which these and related phases of this major activity have
been handled in the past, and from this arrive at suggestions for its im-
proved handling in the future.

2. Selection of Mexican exchangees and their orientation prior to
arrival in the United States.

This is of equal importance to placing American exchangees with
host families. The characteristics of the exchangee selected, his acti-
vities in his home community, his social status in that community, his
interest in and comprehension of the objectives of the IFYE program as
well as his realization of the responsibilities which are implied upon his
part must be carefully considered. This is another legitimate activity
of the administrative agency.

3. Activities of returned exchangees.

A third activity of the agency is concerned with following up the

activities of the Mexican exchangees once they have returned from the

 

-37-

United States. This is the counter-part of the work performed by the
administrative agency in the United States.

4. Publicity.

Another important phase of the administration of the program
is concerned with publicizing its purposes and achievements. This may
supplement such dissemination of information about the program as the
exchangee performs at the community level. The basic need for this
activity springs from the fact that the administrative agency is in
position to influence specialized grOUps through its access to press
and radio.

5. Counseling.

A fifth area concerns the field direction of the exchangee’s mis-
sion. The counseling of the exchangee’s activities during his several
months residence in the country is the re5ponsibility of the administra-
tive agency. Depending upon a number of conditions related to the
exchangee himself and the situations with which he is confronted in the
community this activity of the agency will vary in importance from
one place to another.

These, then, are the major activities with which the agency in
Mexico is concerned. The whole of these activities are in the nature
of field policy, and the means of performing them must necessarily
be determined at the field level.

Certain activities of the administrative agency may be consid-
ered of secondary importanhe to the achievement of the goals of the
program. These include such activities as providing mail service

- for the visiting exchangees, a limited amount of diversion for them in

-33-

Mexico City during their. periodic re-assignment visits there, as well as
aiding them to solve various problems arising from the exigencies of
administrative procedures of the numerous governmental agencies of
the country. Although these problems may be considered as secondary,
services do provide in many cases a great easing of pressure upon the
exchangee during his experience in the country, and thus, diminish the
number of disruptive factors.

Origin of the Administrative Agency.

The organizational structure of the administrative agency in
Mexico took form in the Spring of 1951 as the result of negotiations be-
tween the National Four-H Foundation and the Foreign Agricultural
Service. Negotiations between these two organizations served as the
initiating step in the formation of the program in Mexico. Involved in
the process were the services of the Agricultural Counselor’s office
of the United States Embassy in Mexico City which lent it official sanc-
tion in that country. Following this step the Agricultural Counselor’s
office, through its contacts with the rural organizations, communicated
the nature of the proposed program to numerous businesses and busi—
ness organizations. Among these was the National Association of
Harvesters (Asociacion Nacional de Cosecheros). This association
accepted the invitation, and thus, the second unit of the present struc—
ture was added. At approximately this same time a representative of
the National Four -H Foundation who is associated with the Allis-Chalmers
Company made a trip through Latin America to ascertain the possibilities
and encourage the formation of IFYE programs in as many countries as

P03Sib1e. The result of this person’s visit was to bring the offices of

-39-

the Allis-Chalmers Company’s Tractor Division in Mexico to the
service of the exchange program.

This now provides the general outline of the IFYE administrative
structure as it has existed since its formation. The agency, then, con-
sists in three cooperating entities. These are (l) the Agricultural
Counselor’s Office of the United States Embassy, (2') the Allis-Chalmers
Company’s Tractor Division in Mexico, and (3) the National Associa—
tion of Harvesters (Asociacion Nacional de Cosecheros).

Interests of the Cooperating Units.

 

It has been indicated that the interests of the members of the
agency may influence the performance around given activities. We need,
then, to consider this aspect of the agency’s structure.

Agricultural Counselor’s Office. The interest of the office of the

 

Agricultural Counsel(or in the IFYE program is broader than the concern
with the goals of the program alone. It is conditioned by a desire to
spread knowledge and information about the United States Cooperative
Agricultural Extension Service. No attempt was made to determine if
this interest is shared by officials of the Department of State beyond
those members of the Agricultural Counselor’s Office, although informal
conversations with a few key embassy officials tend to indicate that there
is some interest manifested beyond this office. Such interests are not
difficult to understand in light of recent emphasis upon technical coop-
eration between countries and the enthusiasm which U.S. technicians
have generally shown in regards to the efficacy of the Cooperati’ve Ex-
tension Service.

Although the views of officials mentioned in the preceding para-

graph may be of an informal nature and not incorporated in official

-40-

policy they are none-the—less important. Informally held views may
under many circumstances strongly influence or modify the formulas

set up by official policy. In such an organization as the diplomatic corps,
where each official statement and exchange must be calculated in terms
of its potential effects, informally held views may be very important.
From the point of view of the Agricultural Counselor’s Office, then, the
IFYE program is an instrument which can be made to serve both its

own (IFYE’s) ends and those associated with the establishment of an
extension-type service in Mexico. As conceived by them, the process

of establishing such an organization in Mexico involves more than giving
technical aid when it is asked for. It involves also creating “felt-needs”
on the part of a large body of persons engaged in, and associated with,
the field of agricultural production. The organization of rural youth,
therefore, appears to them as an important sector to be taken into con-
sideration when planning for the development of an extension-type
service. Any advancement or progress in the direction of creating
awareness in Mexico of the need of such a service is given favorable
consideration.

Crucial factors structuring the behavior of all members of the
Agricultural Counselor’s Office are their occupational interests. They
are full-time officers of the Foreign Service, and as such, have occupa-
tional responsibilities which bring heavy demands upon their time and
energy. Thus, the effort which they devote to the performance of their
roles as administrators of the IFYE program is essentially voluntary
and secondary to that associated with their Sphere of official duties.
Since the IFYE program was begun a slow reduction in staff size has

occurred in the office, with the result that additional burdens are put

-41..

on those remaining. The fact, then, that office members are primarily
concerned with their occupational duties, and that their activities as
administrators of the IFYE program are of an essentially voluntary
nature is to be recognized as an important factor affecting the struc-
ture and operations of the IFYE program’s administrative agency.

Allis-Chalmers Company’s Tractor Division. The Allis-Chal-

 

mers Company’s Tractor Division has assisted in the administration of
the IFYE program in Mexico and in other cooperating countries. The
company has a long record of participation in farm and rural directed
agriculture-type programs, and has been eSpecially cooperative in
Four ~H club work in the United States. It Sponsors a national radio
program in the United States aimed directly at farm and rural people.
Its farm and radio commentator has been chosen as the chairman of
the Builders’ Council of the National Four -H Club Foundation which is
charged with the task of expanding the International Farm Youth Ex-
change Project and of developing other specific objectives. In his capa-
cities as Chairman of the Builders’ Council and master of ceremonies
of the farm radio program he has made extensive trips to both Europe
and Latin America to observe the state of agriculture, rural life, and
to help organize and expand the IFYE program. Thus, from observing
the formal and intimate ties existing between the Allis-Chalmers
Company and the National Four-H Club Foundation, it is clear why the
Allis-Chalmers agency in Mexico is connected with the exchange pro-
gram. The cooperation and active support lent to the program by
officials of the Allis-Chalmers Tractor Division in Mexico, clearly

shows an attempt to extend to this country many of the activities

-42-

and much of the policy Sponsored by the company in the United States
and in other parts of the world.

One of the officials of the Allis-Chalmers Company in Mexico
holds membership on the board of directors of the Mexican Association
of Machinery Importers, which, in turn, explains why this organization
has nominally cooperated with the IFYE program. In the course of
interviews it became apparent early that the Machinery Importers As-
sociation had not taken upon itself any considerable initiative or deep-
seated interest in pursuing the activities essential to the successful
promulgation of the exchange program. The manifest purpose which
this organization serves is to provide the IFYE program with a domes-
tic Sponsoring agency. This is preferable, from a nationalistic point of
View, to having a foreign owned business firm such as the Allis-Chalmers
Company formally Sponsor the program in Mexico. As the system ac—
tually operates, however, the largest part of the activities participated
in by officials of the Machinery Importers Association is done on the
initiative of one member and at his own expense.

Although the official rationale of the company stresses the altru-
istic values of American culture as the motivation for participation in
the IFYE program, there is reason to doubt that these comprise the
entire motivation. The extent to which personal sentiments of good will,
patriotism, altruism, etc., which are essentially aSpects of a Gemein-
schaft system, may serve to determine the policies of a large-scale
business organization organized on a Gesellschaft basis must neces-
sarily be limited. Owing to the Gesellschaft nature of the large—scale

business firm the suggested motivations of primary importance would

-43-

be expected to concern short-run or long-run economic advantages ac-
cruing from participation in the financing and administration of the IFYE
program.

National Association of Harvesters (Asociacion Nacional de

 

Cosecheros). This organization is an association of individual farm

 

owners and operators who are among the relatively large or big producers
of the country. It is represented by members in all of the major agricul—
tural areas of Mexico. Its principal interests are those of organizing
land owning agriculturali sts into an effective economic block to repre-
sent the interests of this class of farmers. It organizes conferences on
various technical and economic aspects of agriculture with the stated
aims of aiding its members and generally bettering the conditions of
agricultural production in the country. It acts as a powerful lobbying
organization in reference to the determination of governmental agricul—
tural policies. It publishes a seIni-monthly bulletin which is distributed
to members and which usually contains articles on the current activi-
ties of the organization, prices of agricultural products, and current
practices and problems in agriculture throughout the country.

. The.president of this organization has cooperated in the admin-
istration of the IFYE program. The primary advantage of having this
organization within the administrative structure is that it provides
direct avenues of contact with agriculturalists who may act as hosts to
the exchangees. Furthermore, since members are agriculturalists, it
provides a ready list of prospective Mexican youth who may be selected

to participate in the program.

I I111 Illll. lllll.

-44..

This organization, through the efforts of its president, has provided
the majority of host families for visiting American exchangees, has aided
in gaining audiences for the exchangees with high government officials, and
has to some extent taken over the task of explaining the nature of the IFYE
program to its members through the medium of itsjbulletin. The fact that
the organization is composed of an entirely Mexican group and bears con-
siderable social prestige is of value to the administrative agency.

Although the field worker was unable to make personal contact with
the president, data gathered from other sources seem to substantiate the
impression that the National Association of Harvesters is a highly cen—
tralized organization so far as its administrative body is concerned. It
seems to be highly dependent upon close and continuous contact with the
president for the initiation and direction of activities. This seems to be
clearly demonstrated in the early phase of the formation of the IFYE
program when owing to illness on the president’s part nothing could be
accomplished in the way of preparing for the arrival and placement of
the American exchangees. This was again demonstrated in the case of
the 1952-1953 group of exchangees whose placement with host families
near the end of their visit was delayed for some two weeks owing to his
inaccessibility.

Owing to the centralized character of this organization it was diffi-
cult to analyze the factors which account for its continued association
with the IFYE program. The president was not available for conference
or interviewing during the field worker’s visits to 'the capital. It seems
evident, however, that occupational factors structure the relationship

which members of this organization hold to the administration of the

-45-

IFYE program. This is particularly true of the organization’s president
from whom key support is needed. Thus, his value to the program, and
that of the National Association of Harvesters, is controversial. Although
occupying a position of major prestige with the association, which makes
him a valuable asset to the program, at the same time it places limita-
tions upon the active role which he personally may play in the actual
direction of the program. His occupational obligations frequently have
necessitated that he be absent from Mexico City, and as will be pointed
out later, such absences have on several occasions coincided with a need
for his presence there by the program.

Operations of the ALgency.

 

The selection of host families and the placement of the exchangees
with them has been handled by the president of the National Association
of Harvesters. He has been assigned, through an informal procedure,
the task of securing host families for each of the exchangees. The form
of contact has been through the publication of articles about the project,
of which there have been but few, in the association’s periodical, and
also through personal contacts with its members. The criteria judged
most important for the selection of host families was variously de-
scribed as (l) the physical conditions present in the home, (2) the type
of agricultural production participated in by the host family, and (3‘)
whether or not the host and his family actually lived on their farm or
ranch. No other criteria concerning the selection of host families
was discovered.

The concern with physical conditions in the host family’s home

was in the nature of providing a situation in which the exchangee might

-46-

live with a minimum degree of discomfort and in a Situation relatively
comparable to that with which he was accustomed in the United States.
This also took into account the burden which the exchangee’s presence
might place upon the host family, i.e. Space to lodge him, and expense
of feeding him. The concern with whether or not the host family actually
lived on its farm or ranch is, of course, related to the stated means of
working towards the goals of the IFYE program, providing that the ex-
changee live with a family and thereby experience this important aspect
of community life.2

In the beginning it appeared that there was considerable concern
manifested in the type ~of-farming engaged in by the host and in the
general region where his farm was located. The concern with this aspect
in the assignment process was the element with which the exchangees .
themselves manifested the greatest amount of interest. Each appeared
to have a rather well formed idea of visiting distinct agricultural regions
in the country on each of their assignments. Although this reason in
itself is understandable when considering the rural background of the
exchangees and their interest in farming, it has a broader significance
when we consider the activities of the boys in the community situation.
Here we shall not discuss this point further, but it will be more thorough-
ly explored in the next chapter.

No detailed nor written procedures were drawn up for describing

 

' 2. During the first year’s program there was apparently encountered
some difficulty in securing host families which actually lived on farms.
This is, of course, a result of the fact that many large land—owners in
Mexico do not reside on their property but live either in a nearby town
or in a larger city. Their landholdings are then managed by a hired ad-
ministrator. The custom of living in a population center and traveling
back and forth between farm and town has been a traditional feature of
Mexican and other Latin American land settlement patterns.

-47-

the criteria for selection of host families, nor did there exist any
systematic plan for carrying out the process of selecting hosts. This
phase of the administration of IFYE was delegated to the president of

the National Association of Harvesters. It was, nevertheless, stated that
the other members of the agency could secure hosts for the exchangees
if they so desired. But, since this activity was defined as the duty of the
National Association of Harvesters, the other two members did not wish
to take on the responsibility themselves.

This phase of the administration of the program encountered dif-
ficulties when, on several occasions, host families were not immediately
available for exchangees at the time when they were to be reassigned.
Two of the 1952-1953 group had to Spend some 16 days in Mexico City
awaiting their re-assignments. In this case the member whose duty it
was to secure hosts could not be contacted personally by the other mem-
bers, and his office staff could offer no assistance. On other occasions
the exchangees, after arriving in the host’s town, found no one there to
meet them. In one instance, after spending two days in a town awaiting
his host, the exchangee was obliged to search him out and explain who
he was and why he was there. It was necessary to convince the host that
he was supposed to live with him for a short period of time. These, of
course, are examples of severe breakdowns in the administration of the
programs. Although they are exceptions rather than typical cases they
do serve to highlight weaknesses in the administrative setup. In another
type of case it was reported that an exchangee was sent to live in a sugar
cane raising area, but instead of living with a Mexican family, as the ob-
jectives of the program call for, he Spent most of his time with an Amer-

ican family, the head of which was an administrator of a local sugar mill.

From the point of view of experiencing what sugar can raising and
processing was like this visit was probably quite profitable for the ex-
changee. However, the objectives of the program are not so much con-
cerned with the exchangees’ gathering technical knowledge about
agricultural production as in observing and experiencing rural life in
general, participating in the daily routine, in the surrounding of typical
rural communities and living with Mexican families. A sugar mill and
its attendant community, plus the experience of living with Americans,
does not present the exchangee with typical life in rural Mexico.
Furthermore the form in which the social life of such a community is
organized does not lend itself readily to the types of activities in which
the exchangee must participate if he is to work towards the accomplish-
ment of the program’s objectives. The same might be said of prolonged
visits with any large corporate agricultural enterprises.

Some of the host selections have apparently been as excellent as
others were poor. The assignment of the exchangees to host families
living in San Rafael, Veracruz, were very well related to the program’s
objectives. Conditions here were such that social interaction with the
townspeople was accessible and relatively easily so. This community
situation will, however, be discussed in detail in Chapter IV.

The lack of systematic procedure for the selection of host families
was obviously a weakness in the program’s administration. Although
certain principles were spoken of repeatedly by the various interested
organizations, nothing was found to indicate that this aspect of the
program had received more than cursory attention. This is probably

partially due to a vague conception of what the exchangees are expected

-49-

to do. This aSpect of the program may be generally considered to be

3 . . . .
inadequate. Problems are manifested in relation to this act1V1ty Wthh

arise from the structure of the agency and from lack of definition of
field objectives. The Selection of host families, for example, was de-
fined at an early stage as a right and a duty of the National Harvesters
Association, and since that time other members of the agency have not
attempted to interfere for it was thought that such interference might
be interpreted negatively by the president of the association. This

duty was poorly performed, however, in several cases and generally
lacked planning which would facilitate the achievement of the program’s
goals. The second major activity of the administrative agency is con-
cerned with the selection of the Mexican exchangees. In order that this
activity be performed efficiently and aligned with the needs of the pro-
gram certain policy must be established and procedures for selecting the
Mexican exchangees put into practice. There was manifested a lack of
well defined policy for the selection of these exchangees, although it
should be kept in mind that only one group of them had participated in
the program. Hence, it is possible that through further experience and

familiarity with the program and its objectives the agency might have

 

‘ 3. Part of the reSponsibility seems to rest with the Mexican airnifistrative
agency and part with the directing body in the United States as a result of
peorly developed field procedure. Although Washington supplied general
objectives plus some specific suggestions for field procedure, it did not
supply sufficient instruction on how the objectives are to be worked towards.
The general condition that an exchangee live with a host family does not
provide sufficient direction to the process. Although the exchangee him-
self may be instructed before his departure from the U.S. as to what things
he is to try to do, and in general ways of doing them, this is apparently

not sufficient direction. The administrative agency could probably improve
the situation by taking care to place the exchangees in sites where these
field techniques may be implemented most easily, as well as giving en-
couragement and advice to the exchangees on the matter.

-50-

developed procedures more perfectly fitted to the needs of the program.
This phase of the activities was also partly a duty of the National
Association of Harvesters. The association was charged with the task
of selecting four boys from among the sons of its members. Criteria
for selection included the requirements that (1) each be a high school
graduate, (2) be between the ages of 20 and 29 years, (3) have some
knowledge of English, and (4) show intention to be associated with
agriculture as a future occupation. All of the boys met the age re-
quirements and the educational requirements. But only one boy spoke
I English well, another considerably less well, and two had only the most
elemental command of the language. All will apparently remain in oc-
cupations connected with agriculture. In addition to these requirements,
the representative of the Allis-Chalmers Company indicated that he had
assumed the task of interviewing the boys in order to determine if they
were, as he phrased it, “good bets” in terms of the objectives of IFYE.
Included among the characteristics given consideration were such things
as the boys’ social status, political ideas, and whether or not they would
be apt to be adversely affected by the exchange experience. This latter
point referred to whether or not the boy, upon returning to his home
and community, would be apt to encounter difficulties of adjustment.
This question arose in the Allis-Chalmers representative’s mind
owing to the experiences he had had with technical exchangees who, after
receiving training in the United States, no longer easily accommodated
themselves to the relatively low status and conditions of the job-sit-
uation to which they had been previously accustomed. This often

resulted in a lost investment for the company since these employees

-51-

4
were more apt to leave it and enter into their own busmesses.

Several important aspects of the selection procedure, however,
were neglected. Among these were (1) impressing the Mexican ex-
changees with their re5ponsibilities, both before leaving Mexico and
after their return from the United States, and (2) determining so far
as possible the exchangees’ leadership potentialities, organizational
memberships, and understanding of the objectives of the program.
These were given but little attention.

Too much reliance seems to have been placed upon the assump-
tion that simply by exchanging persons between two countries better
understanding will thereby be achieved, and good will and more friendly
international relations established. As was shown in this chapter, this
is neither an adequate thesis in its application to the exchangees them-
selves, not to that large group composing the exchangees’ country.

An exchangee who already manifests a degree of friendliness towards
the other country, has a fairly well based knowledge of'some of the
problems which have led to the current tenor of relations between the
countries will be likely to develop an even friendlier and more under-
standing attitude as a result of his foreign visit. On the other hand, an
exchangee who has an underlying negative orientation towards the

country he is to visit will tend to confirm the negative attitudes rather

 

' 4. This is, of course, only one aspect of'an ihvolved and complex social-
psychological problem related to the field of cross-cultural relations.

It is an area which, to the author’s knowledge, has not received sufficient
attention in training programs. More evidence of an awareness of this
phenomena is now manifested in the “Point-Four” training programs. The
Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences and the O.A'.S. Techni-
cal Cooperation Project have shown the greatest awareness of this prob-
lem, and have adjusted their training activities so as to minimize its
occurrence.

-52-

5 .
than shift to more tolerant ones. It seems cruc1al then, that some

means for selecting the exchangees be partially based upon a determina-
tion of pre-existing attitudes, and that final selection be partially based
upon his holding relatively friendly ones. The lack of policy and pro-
cedure relative to this activity are the result both of the fact that the
directive agency in the United States has not given the Mexican admin—
istrative agency specific techniques and procedures for determining
exchangee selection, and to the loose structure of the agency. The vol-
untary nature of the agency, and the lack of training along these lines
may be seen to account for mu-Ch of the lack of attention given the
subject.

The third activity of the agency must logically be concerned with
following -up the activities of the Mexican exchangees once they have-
returned to their home communities. In the United States this phase
of the program is attended to through the vigilance of the Four -H clubs
and their state and national administrative organizations. This activi-
ty has been largely absent from the performance of the Mexican agency.
The only contacts which have occurred between the administrative agency
and the Mexican exchangees upon their return have been a reunion im-
mediately upon their arrival, and a voluntary visit or two to the Ameri-
can Embassy by the exchangees. No provisions were made for follow-

ing -up the activities of these boys systematically upon their return.

 

5. See: Loomis, C.P. and SchdlEr. EA. Acculturation of Fofieign
Students in the United States, in Aglied Anthropology, Spring, 1948
pp. 17-34. In the study reported on in this article there was indica-
tion that-both positively and negatively “valued” attitudes held by a
sample of Latin American technicians upon arrival were reinforced
after a one year training period in the United States.

 

-53-

It is generally not known, for example, whether or not they have made
speeches to groups of people, and if they have done so their content is
unknown. Actually, the only available information on these attitudes
consists of what could be gained from visits with administrators during
reunions immediately following their return. Such occasions would not,
likely reveal deviant or unfavorable attitudes except in unusual cases.
Actually, it was discovered that the two Mexican exchangees from San
Rafael made no public or group addresses after their return from the
United States. They did talk informally to friends about their impres-
sions, and this is a valuable and effective .means of conveying infor-
mation, but no utilization was made of the many group facilities for
communication in the community. What is even more significant is that
they manifested no comprehension of an obligation to communicate their
experiences to others. They appeared to feel that their experiences had
been generally interesting and informative, but that these were personal
experiences and were not necessarily to be communicated to persons other
than close friends and acquaintances. Such a situation reveals both faults
in the administration of the program at the level of selection and orienta-
tion. But is perhaps has greater significance in that it underlines certain
cultural differences occurring between the United States and Mexico.
There was no evidence that the exchangees were consciously avoiding

a duty. On the contrary, they seemed to have been completely unaware
of any implied or explicit duty in this regard. The two exchangees in

the community of San Rafael brought with them no publicity or propa-
ganda material which might facilitate the dissemination of knowledge

about the program’s objectives in general or about relations between

-54-

Mexico and the United States. The only data with which they returned
were in the form of notes on their impressions, and these were of a very
scant and sketchy nature, lending themselves but little to easy communi-
cation.

This phase of the activities of the administrative agency deserves
careful attention. Even agency personnel have made no effort to promote
I this phase of the program. The explanation for this seems to be sug-
gested in the following points.

1. The agency is not organized in such a way as to facilitate any
follow-up on the exchangees activities. AS. has been previously pointed
out, members are occupied with heavy occupational demands. They are
busy, and the work which is done for the IFYE program is done in addi-
tion to their professional work. The funds which would be necessary to
allow a thorough and continuous follow-up procedure are not at present
available, nor is the staff sufficiently trained in the best procedures of
carrying on such an activity.

2. The field policy for the administration of the program is
vaguely defined. Although this activity may have occurred to members
of the administrative agency there was manifested no direct concern with
it by the members with whom the field worker discussed the program.

3. The administrative agency re3ponsible for direction of the
program in the United States has neglected to give sufficient and de-
tailed instructions to the Mexican agency as to the procedures which
should be used to carry through the program from its inception to the
termination. Undoubtedly the lack of such instructions arises from the

type of cooperative arrangement existing between the IFYE project’s

-55-

administrators and the federal government’s departments of agriculture
and state. It is difficult to see how the administrators of the program
in the United States would be justified in such instructions if they would
entail a relatively large expenditure of time, energy, and funds. Yet
without such instructions, which break down the objectives into working
activities, it is also difficult to see how the project can be controlled
and effectively directed towards the accomplishment of its goals.

As has been pointed out, another of the activities of the Mexican
agency is concerned with publicizing and in general making known to the
public the work which has been and is currently being carried On. This
aSpect of the program has been handled relatively well. The press ser-
vices of the American Embassy have been used effectively with the re—
sult that a number of articles have appeared in the large daily news-
papers of Mexico City, and eSpecially in the newsPaper Novedades. The
National Association of Harvesters has published a few articles in its
official journal which have, of course, been directed towards a definitely
rural and agricultural audience. In the author’s opinion some of these
articles have not given an absolutely correct nor a general enough in-
terpretation of the program’s objectives, but this is no fault of the agency.
It would seem that there could be an expansion of the publication phase
of the program, although any great enlargement of these activities would
entail the expenditure of additional funds. Efforts have been made to
secure short interviews for the exchangees with high officials of the
Mexican government, and these seem to have been relatively successful.
It would seem extremely desirable to increase this part of the program

both in Mexico and in the United States, e3pecially with reference to of-

-56-

ficials in the departments of Agriculture, Education, and Cultural
Affairs.

Such publicity procedures on the part of the agency supplement
the efforts of the exchangees working at the community level. The mass
audienCes of journals and newsPapers are reached through this activity,
and thus is accomplished a task which the exchangees could not do alone.
Furthermore, copies of such materials could be used to advantage by
the exchangees while in the local community. They may be shown to
members of the host families and others, and thus serve both to ac-
quaint them with what the program has done and to legitimize the ex-
changees’ presence in the community. This may be of Special importance
in certain places where the American’s presence or any foreigner’s pres-
ence, is open to suSpicion.

The fifth, and last, area of activities of the agency with which
this study is concerned is that of the directing and counseling of the
American exchangees during their visits. As was previously noted, the
necessity of directing the exchangees activities and giving him counsel
will depend upon a number of variables. If the exchangee before arriv—
ing, and during his orientation period, is instructed sufficiently as to
the nature of his mission and what techniques he may use to achieve
his goals, then the role of the field agency is minimized. If he is not
adequately equipped to deal with these problems, then it becomes essen-
tial that the field agency give aid. Although the former course is
preferable, it should not be assumed that there will be no need for
counseling. It is safe to assume that the exchangee will nearly always

be confronted with situations and problems for which he has not been

-57..

prepared owing to the fact that all situations can not possibly be pre-
dicted and allowed for by the orientation agency in the United States.
In such cases the field agency should be prepared to act in the role of
counselor.

The directing and counseling activity of the Mexican administra-
tive agency appeared to offer no more than a bare minimum of the
essential aid needed. Advice was given the exchangees on climatic
conditions existing in given areas of the country,,and books on the
history of Mexico were suggested as general orientation materials.

But no evidence of counseling was uncovered which would lead to the
better integration of the exchangees’ activities into the family and com-
munity situation. The techniques of getting acquainted with persons at
different social levels and of communicating the IFYE objectives seem
never to have been the object of counseling. It appeared to the ob-
server that almost always the members of the agency assumed that the
exchangees’ presence in the community was sufficient to convey the
objects of the program. Partial explanation of this is manifested in

the failure at all levels to recognize and define situations as problem
areas. There was a failure to recognize problems at all levels because
the orientation process in the U.S. apparently did not sufficiently stress
the ways of dissemination of information about the objects of the program.
Nor did it reduce its goals to a level whereby innumerable associated
beliefs and sentiments could be verbalized and so passed on to the host
families and to community members. Furthermore, it did not impress
the exchangee with the necessity of communicating these ideas. Often-

times the exchangees themselves did not manifest any great concern

-53-

over the fact that they were unsuccessful in communicating their ideas.
Likewise, the field agency failed to recognize the basic necessity for
communicating the goals of the program to the hosts and to others in the
community. What has been stated above concerning the American ex-
changees applies equally well to the Mexican exchangees. Since the
situation was not recognized or defined as a possible problem there
were no measures taken to resolve the matter. .

The evidence gathered is suggestive of the following explanation.
Owing partially to the vaguely defined field objectives and techniques
for their implementation there was manifested a strong interest by the
exchangees in agricultural products, methods of cultivation, and other
aspects of agriculture. This over-emphasized interest in the Sphere
of agriculture seems likely to have been partially determined by the
very vague nature of the field objectives. The fact that the exchangees
had pre-existing interests in agriculture would be expected to account
for the concentration of interest in this area rather than some other
aspect of the culture. But by emphasizing agriculture, to the exclusion
of other aSpects, served to obscure the larger interests of the program.

Summary.

 

This chapter dealt with the structure and activities of the adminis-
trative agency and its mode of operations during the two years since it
was established. The origin of the agency was traced to the activities
of several distinct organizations, each with different basic interests.
These organizations were (1) National Four-H Foundation, (2) Allis-
Chalmers Company’s Tractor Division in Mexico, (3) Foreign Agricul-
tural Office of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, (4) Agricultural Coun-

selor’s Office of the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City, and (5) National

-59-

Association of Harvesters (Asociacion Nacional de Cosecheros).

The structure of the agency was essentially informal. A clear-
cut authority structure was lacking, and instead was found a tenuous
system based upon the influence each member could exert on the other
members. No member had the authority to delegate tasks with the ex-
pectation that these be fulfilled. The member’s roles were poorly de—
fined. Even when duties were accepted they were not always performed.
The system of communications showed poor elaboration, eSpecially in
regards to contacts with one of the key members of the agency. No
regular meetings were held, and field objectives were not thoroughly
determined. These conditions led to faulty field performance in much
of the agency’s activities, as well as lowered morale on the part of
the exchangees and members of the agency. The voluntary nature of
the agency, with its demands upon the occupational time of its members,
was seen to account for a considerable portion of the lack of coordina-
tion in the administration of the program. The outside interests of the
members were cited as important factors accounting for their associa-
tion with the program, but did not appear sufficiently relevant to
account for the actual manner in which the program was administered.

The agency’s effectiveness in relation to the achievement of the
program’s goals was found to be considerably reduced by factors asso-
ciated with its structure. On the basis of the description and analysis
modifications of the administrative activities were suggested at
relevant points. The following were among the more important points
noted in terms of their relationship to the achievement of the IFYE

program’s goals in Mexico.

-60-

The over—all goals of the program need to be broken—down into
a series of field objectives, Simple and attainable.

The roles of the members of the agency need to be more pre-
cisely defined.

Modifications need to be made in the procedure of selection
of host families and placement of exchangees with them.
Procedures for the selection and orientation of Mexican ex-
changees need to be elaborated, and Special attention given

to their attitudes towards the United States and their English
language ability as criteria for selection.

More detailed direction and counseling of the exchangees’
activities needs to be provided.

Provisions should be made for following -up the activities

of the Mexican exchangees upon their return from the United

State 5 .

-61-

Chapter IV
OPERATION OF THE PROGRAM AT THE COMMUNITY LEVEL
This chapter will be principally concerned with those aspects of

the social system of the community, which, owing to their particular
forms, may hinder or may be made to serve the interests of the ex-
changee. In any event, they will exist as conditions limiting the acti-
vities of the exchangee, and conditioning the effect of his actions. To
accomplish most successfully the objectives of his mission the exchangee
must, consciously or otherwise, bargain with the pre-existing forms of
the community’s social life. During his brief visit in the community
he is obliged to work within the already established patterns of the
group. He must put to work for himself the forces of the community
which shape its opinions and actions if he is to work towards the im-
plementation of the IFYE program’s objectives.

1. IFYE Goals and the Community.

 

It may be well to re-state here briefly the nature of the ex-
changee’s mission in the community as a frame-of-reference for the
subsequent description of the social organization of San Rafael and the
activities of the exchangees there. The exchangee, during his visit in
any given community, is faced with a two-fold task: that of gaining as
wide a knowledge as possible of the way of life of the people among

whom he lives so that he may impart this to his own people upon his

return; that of disseminating the information, ideas and concepts which
comprise the goals of the program. The principal interests of this
chapter, then, hinge upon the manner in which the community’s life is

organized, and, more Specifically, upon the manner in which certain

-62-

aSpects of it may hinder or may aid the exchangee in obtaining his
goals.

Necessarily, the description and analysis must be hdle within
the limits of this frame-of—reference, and consequently, examination
of many other aspects of the community must be foregone. Much of
what will be noted will be concerned with the avenues of communication
provided by the organization of people into groups and of the values
structuring the behavior of community members. It will be relevant
to examine the extent to which these avenues of communication were
actually utilized by the exchangees, the problems involved in obtaining
access to them, and their relative importance to the exchangees in the
persPective of the IFYE goals. Finally, points at which culture and
character differences suggest explanations of the problems involved
in the implementation of goals and the operation of the exchangees in
the community will be examined.

2. The Geographical SettinLof the Community

 

It is relevant to examine the geographical setting of the commu-
nity owing to the manner in which the Complex of geographic features
have structured the ecological pattern.

a. Location.

 

A warm and humid coastal plain stretches along the Gulf coast of
Mexico. South of the port city of Tampico, at approximately 20 degrees
5 minutes North latitude, this plain is narrowed by the trajectory of
the foothills of the Sierra Oriental to about twenty to thirty miles in
width. The community of San Rafael is located in this area of limited

extension of the coastal plain as shown on Figure l. The town itself is

 

 

,, \ ,lil Lilllllllili J t- I! u All I .14 ‘ l .. .Ilu , I .
1 Pill I . tf 'llllfr.lullll;.lllll lull“ .IJ

I ‘1. r 11.21....filqi-u‘
. I‘

FIGURE I.

LOCATION OF THE STUDY: SAN RAFAEL,
MUNICIPIO OE“ MARTINEZ DE LA TORRE,

STATE OF VERACRUZ, MEXICO

       

GOLFO DE
MEXICO

   

SAN RAFAELC‘
O

mMUNICIPAL DISTRICT OF
MARTINEZ DE LA TORRE

 

SC‘ALE IN KILOHETEIS

 

fit

0 I0 I00

 

 

-63-

no more than five miles from the Gulf of Mexico, and by the paved high-
way, approximately twenty —five miles from the Slopes of the high Sierra
Oriental. Jagged foothills arise before the mountains proper, and these
features serve to give the community both a picturesque setting and an
economic asset in the form of grazing lands. The lowland plain is cut

by numerous rivers and streams, proceeding from the interior moun-
tains, which empty their alluvial deposits into the Gulf of Mexico. The
town of San Rafael is situated on the left bank of one of these many rivers.
At this point in the river’s course it is known as the Rio Nautla, although
it carries other names further upstream.

b. C limate.

 

The climate of the area varies from season to season, yet may be
generally described as semi-tropical. The rainfall is distributed in
two periods, one beginning in September and lasting until about the end
of December, and the other beginning in March and lasting through
April. The fall rainy season provides the greatest amount of precipi-
tation. Frosts seldom, if ever affect this area, and only occasionally
have droughts been recorded. On the other hand, periodic innundations
have occurred, but their effect has generally been less of a destructive
force than a fertilizing one. The scrub forest which once covered the
land has generally been cleared away, but from time to time a mahogany
tree, or some other valuable hard—wood is encountered. The land is
now mostly cleared, and used for cultivation or the grazing of cattle.

In the months of November and December the temperatures are low
enough so that protective covering to the extent of a sweater, jacket or
serapi are used by many of the local inhabitants, In March the temp-

erature commences to rise, reaching uncomfortable heights in May,

Ill-IIII

.—64-

June, and July. Relative humidity is high the year around, the average
being about 80 per cent.
c. Soils.

Soils, of course, vary in quality in the general area as well as
within the geographical limits of the community, but they are usually
classified as among the most highly productive ones in the whole of
the country. The fortuitous combination of high quality soils, flat land,
high temperatures, and sufficient moisture serve to make the area
excellently suited for the production of a variety of tropical and sub-
tropical commercial plants.

d. Transportation and Communication.

 

A hard-surfaced paved highway connects the community with the
capital city of the state and with the largest market for its products,
Mexico City. The latter is some eight hours away by bus service.
Local bus service connects the community with numerous towns located
along the highway in both directions. Automobiles, jeeps, trucks, and
”pick-ups” are the commonest modes of transportation, but horses are
almost the exclusive means of transportation in parts inaccessible to
motorized transport. The burro, so familiar to the rural scene in many
parts of Mexico, is in this region conspicuous by its absence.

e . Population.

 

The town center of the community contains some two thousand
five hundred inhabitants, and the surrounding farms and ranches, which
are integrally related to the life of the center, add another thousand.
San Rafael, in addition to services to its immediate population pro-

vides numerous goods and services for a considerably larger population.

II IIIILIIIIIII.

-65..

It is, in fact, the service center for several thousand persons living
in other nearby communities.

f. Agricultural Production.

 

The community is Situated in an area where the principal agri-
cultural products are corn, bananas, chili, beans, sugar cane, tobacco,
coffee, and cattle. Directly inland from the community and no more than
ten miles away there exists a large sugar cane area, almost entirely
controlled by small land owners who hold 3313i titles. Directly across
the river from the town’s, center are plantations of bananas which are

also held by ejiditarios. Furthermore, past the banana plantations

 

there stretch low plains, often swampy, called vegas. These provide
grazing ground for numerous herds of cattle. In the area of the foot-

hills more cattle are grazed. Tobacco is grown in an inland district

 

near the political center and principal town of the municipio. Coffee
is produced still further inland, on the Slopes of the foothills and I
mountains.

The principal products of the farmers of the community are cattle,
bananas, and corn. Cattle raising is perhaps the most profitable enter-
prise, some families owning herds of two hundred or more. This area
was not a site of great infection by the hoof-and-mouth disease which
broke out in Veracruz in epidemic proportions and necessitated the
slaughter of many thousands of animals. Many of the farmers buy cattle
and fatten them for sale in the Mexico City market. In this way there is
a large turn—over in the number of cattle in the community at any one

time. The other two products, corn and bananas, are those which all

of the farmers raise to some extent, certain ones concentrating on the

-66..

productionsof corn and others on bananas. To a. much more limited
extent chili, papaya, beans, and tomatoes are grown, and these constitute
a significant source of cash income. A few dairy herds are found which
supply the fresh milk consumed in the town center. One farm special-
izes in egg and poultry production. Other livestock is raised in the
community, especially hogs, chickens and turkeys for both home con-

sumption by the farm family, and for sale in the local market.

g. Commerce and Services.

 

Numerous non-agricultural enterprises are to be found in the town
center. There are some forty-five different shops and stores, and a
central market place with permanent stalls. The stores vary from a
large “general Store” of the type found in the traditional rural Ameri-
can community of some fifty years ago to small grocery stores, barber
shops, tailor shops, drug stores, ice cream parlors, restaurants,
saloons, and hardware stores. In addition there are two large dry
goods and clothing stores, and one smaller one. The number, variety,
and merchandise of shops and stores attest to the town’s service-center
function in the local area. Further evidence of this function is the exis-
tence of four local medical doctors, two dentists, and five drug stores.

3 . Historical Background

 

The origin of the community of San Rafael is believed to be unique
among communities in Mexico. It began with the arrival at a nearby
place of a group of French agriculturalists in the early 1830’s. The
original colony struggled along for a number of years under a commu-
nal type of social organization, cooperating in the clearing of land,
planting and harvesting, and sharing the returns of the group labors.

These first settlers, who came from the south of France, had sup-

-67..

posedly been induced to immigrate by exaggerated promises of wealth
and ease of gaining a living. The.colonists established their settlement
across the river and upstream from the present location of San Rafael,
at a point which came to be called Iicaltepec. This town still exists,
although its social and economic importance have declined as those of
San Rafael increased.

a. Economic Growth.

 

The first stage in the historical development of the colony was
that of the foundation of a settlement and then its slow expansion.
Gradually its economic importance came to be felt in tvvo greatly sep-
arated areas. AS a result of the production of the vanilla bean, a cash
crop of high value and limited bulk, profitable European markets,
centered in France, were successfully tapped. This product assumed
such importance that one of the members of the community was appointed
as a vice-consul of France in order to expedite the commercial relations
between the colonists and their home country. The product was of high
quality and produced in such a large quantity that it assumed a position
on the French bourse, being known as I icaltepec vanilla. Concurrently
there developed important commercial and trade relations with the
settlements in the hinterlands. This trade encouraged commercial
exchange of the agricultural products of the low, tropical coastal region,
manufactured products from Europe, and certain products from the high-
lands of Mexico. In the 1850’s the colony is said to have experienced
its most prosperous era.

b. Economic Decline.

 

In the early 1860’s the area suffered a catastrophic innundation

which drowned livestock, and damaged or ruined most of the crops,

.

...

i1

-68..

houses and stores. Following the flood came a contagious disease,
attributed to have been the plague. More than three hundred victims
were claimed by the disease, and this, added to the calamities of the
previous year’s flood, left the community in a state of serious social

and economic disorganization, resulting in the emigration of a portion

of the survivors and leaving only a small group remaining. About this
time the French intervention occurred, and as a result thereof a garri-
son of Mexican troops were installed in the community to guarantee order
and to prevent the colonists from aiding the French. Following the inter-
vention the construction of the Mexico City - Veracruz railroad com-
pleted a cycle of economic decline which began with the flood and epi-
demic, and the ceasing of export trade with France. With the completion
of the railroad the former hinterland no longer looked towards trade

and commerce with just the coastal communities, but began to look in—
creasingly towards trade with the central plateau of the country.

c. San Rafael Founded.

 

With the promulgation of the new immigration and land tenure
laws following the overthrow of the French, the colonists were no longer
legally entitled to own land. At this point, however, a wealthy, and ap-

parently beneficent, Mexican hacendado, who owned a large tract of

 

land on the opposite side of the river from I icaltepec ceded title for
parcels of this land to the colonists. The result of this act was the
establishment of a second colony, the forerunner of the present commu-
nity of San Rafael.

During the late 1860’s, early 1870’s and 1880’s the colony in-

creased with the arrival of numerous French families. Houses sprang

-—u~;.

-69-

up along the river, which was a principal avenue of transportation.
Coffee and vanilla production increased, and by the end of the century

the annual vanilla export totalled over tw0 million pesos in value. The
destination of the export was no longer France, however, but had changed
to the United States.

(1. Recent Changes.

 

The communities of San Rafael and Iicaltepec took on new econ-
omic importance with their increased trade with the U.S. During this
time the town of I icaltepec dominated the social and economic scene.
Even as late as the middle 1930’s Iicaltepec was of more social and
economic importance in the region than San Rafael. After 1940, how-
ever, a modern hard surfaced highway was constructed which linked
the area with the large centers of population and commerce -- Mexico
City, I alapa, Veracruz, and Puebla. With the construction of this
highway, which passed along the left bank of the Nautla River, upon
which San Rafael was situated, this center grew more rapidly than its
neighbor. I icaltepec, on the opposite side of the river from the high-
way, was never connected with this important means of transport by
a bridge. Had a bridge been-built the relative social and economic
importance of the two towns might be quite different today. Actually,
however, San Rafael rapidly became the center of social, economic,
political, educational, and even religious life for the area. Trade,
commerce, and services were transferred to San Rafael, new estab-
lishments founded, and much of the population of I icaltepec (fespecially
the French ethnic elements) moved to San Rafael.

This describes the history of the development of San Rafael.

v...

II

It's hat»:

 

(pf

-70-

It was founded by French agricultural colonists who gained control of
the land resources in an originally sparsely populated area. The land
holdings, however,'were never large, and the commerce was never so
great as to establish large fortunes in the area. In the earlier phases
of development the land holders themselves worked the land. Now,
however, the land owner hires laborers to perform most of the agri-
cultural operations, and relatively few of the owners do actual work
in their fields. San Rafael is now the center of a wide commercial
area, and is a service center for a large population estimated to com-
prise upwards of five thousand people. It is a rich agricultural area
and produces a variety of crops which are sold in the nation’s markets.

4. Religion and the Church

 

Important among the basic social institutions of the community
is the church and the religious configurations of the culture. Religion
and the church in San Rafael deals with orthodox ritual and worship,
although there exists another area of religious belief which is also
concerned with the supernatural, but which in terms of the values of
the dominant group may be considered as unorthodox. The latter is
not widesPread in ‘the immediate community, and only very limited
manifestations of it were found among a few persons with whom the
exchangees had contact. In San Rafael, as in most parts of Mexico,
orthodox worship is largely dominated by the Roman Catholic Church.
In terms of the numbers of adherents, nominally or otherwise, Roman
Catholicism outranks all of the other Christian sects combined, as

well as Judaism. There exists a small group of adherents of the

IIIIIII. ll I-

-71-

Evangelical Church in San Rafael, but for the purposes of the IFYE
study, the latter will be omitted from consideration.

In general form Roman Catholicism in San Rafael does not appear
to differ significantly from that in other non-Indian communities of the
country. All about one finds manifestations of belief in the dogma of
the church, the Virgin Birth, the Holy Trinity, the Holy Sacraments,
etc. The religious fervor of local Catholics has led in recent years
to the construction of a new place of worship. A movement was begun
some two years previous to the study to construct a church building
where the faithful could go for worship.

a. Sex Differentials .

 

A major difference in religious behavior is manifested between
males and females. In San Rafael religion tends to be thought of as
a “woman’s worry”, yet not a man’s. Attendance at mass, confession,
religious celebrations, and activities performed for the direct benefit
of the church are predominantly participated in by females of both
adult and youth status. Men are conspicuously absent from the two
celebrations of the mass on Sundays, as well as at week-day rosarios.
Women, on the other hand, attend these with regularity, and furthermore
exhibit a generally more ”pious” attitude towards these activities.
Whereas women rarely fail to kneel at the appropriate times in cele-
bration of the mass, the men who are occasionally present kneel only

at the elevacion del caliz.

 

Verbalizations by men indicate that they consider religion, or
religious obligations, to be principally the re5ponsibility of women.

Men tend to protest against certain aspects of the ritual of confession,

-72..

basing their principal objections on the rationale that the priest is a
man just as they. Essentially, they divest the priest of the orthodox
supernatural powers ascribed to him by dogma of the Catholic Church.
Males, however, do not object to the participation of females in relig-
ious activities, and some recognize the church’s influence as a source
of social control.

It would be incorrect to interpret the male attitudes and behavior
as anti-religious. Men participate in certain religious activities. Bap-
tisms, marriages, funerals, and to a lesser extent, participation in the
Christmas and Easter ceremonies are cases in point. Nevertheless,
women remain the active bearers and transmitters of religious pre-
cept and example for the community as a whole. Children’s relig-
ious instruction, both formal and informal, is the task of women.

For women the church provides, in addition to its Spiritual re—
lationship with the orthodox supernatural, a situation within which
access to recurrent social intercourse with other women in the com-
munity is available. Since women in the community ordinarily have
less opportunity for social contacts with one another than do men, this
social function of the church for them should not be underestimated.

On the basis of religious and social motivations, and with the
active support of the priest, the adult .women of the community have
formed two religious—connected groups. The young women formed
another. These constituted the only associations to which any large
group of women in the community belonged. The adult women’s

associations are local adaptations of the Sociedad de Damas Catolicas

 

_c_l_e_ _l_a_ Accion Catolica, a movement sponsored by the Catholic church

 

-73-

in the whole of Mexico. The young women’s organization is a branch of
this same movement, but concerned with youth. These organizations,
respectively, are concerned with the solicitation of funds for, and the
care of, the physical property of the church, and the instruction of
children in the catechism.

In part, the adult males’ attitude toward participation in the
ritual of confession may be explainable in terms of the general avoid-
ance of confiding ”personal” information in anyone other than a very
close' friend. Since the priest is not considered as the exclusive, or
even a necessary, mediator between the supernatural and the indivi-
dual, but on the contrary is viewed as a man with common faults and
virtues, these male attitudes fit into a larger pattern. The author sug—
gests that one of the conceptual tools for analysis of this male behavior
is that comprehended by the term dignidad. But this will be taken up
further at a later point in this chapter.

b. Role of the Priest.

 

Spiritual leadership is vested in the priest who is the official
representative of the church, and is charged with the care of the relig-
ious needs of the parochia. He is the only delegate of the church with
whom the community has continuous and frequent contact. Moreover,
his sphere of influence reaches beyond the social and geographical
limits of the community of San Rafael for the parochia which is in his
charge encompasses a number of distinct communities. Rarely are
visits made to the community by other priests or by the bishop.

Owing to the existence of other communities which require his

-74-

ceremonial presence, the priest follows a fixed schedule which allows,
him to visit them on alternate Sundays. Mass, however, is always
celebrated at least once each Sunday in San Rafael. In addition to
celebrating the Sunday mass the priest officiates at numerous other
socio—religious events such as baptisms, marriages, funerals, and
special commemorative masses solicited by family members of the
dead. From time to time he is asked to bless a new store or shop.
In addition to the performance of his strictly ceremonial role, the
priest also is active in the formation of groups for the propagation of
the faith and support of religious works. It was due to his guidance
and influence that the adult women formed the associations already
mentioned. Furthermore, the priest’s home is a gathering place, and
its spacious porches serve for rehearsals of recreational plays per-
formed by local young -people’s groups.

c. Social Attitudes Concerning the Priest.

 

The priest’s relations with youth were observed to be generally
friendly and sociable. No instance was observed where the status of
the priest as a religious leader was put in jeopardy. Deference to the
priest is manifested by the youth in guarded language, the avoidance
of the use of profanity, by standing while in his presence, by the use
of the term “Padre” in address, and by certain postural gestures.
During the rehearsal of plays the priest may coach and take part, and
generally enter into the hilarity of the occasion.

The deference shown the priest by adult women generally is

greater than that shown by youth, and considerably more than that

-75-

shown by adult males. The intimate joking relationship found in reunions
with youth is usually lacking in relations with adult women, although it
may exist in social intercourse with some men. Women generally
present what may be described as ”pious” and ”devout” attitudes,

while men’s attitudes may best be described as “respectful”.

d. Priest’s Secular Interests.

 

The purely secular interests of the priest revolve around an
economic enterprise which he owns. As a young man, and before en-
tering the priesthood, he studied poultry raising during a year’s resi-
dence in the United States. He has been able to successfully develop
a large flock of laying hens, and chickens. The eggs are shipped largely
to markets outside of the community, although the chickens are market—
ed locally. It was not discovered that he took any significant part in
any other secular activity, with the exception of the establishment of a
type of rural agricultural school in a community near San Rafael. So
far as local initiation is concerned, all evidence points to the priest as
occupying the role of leader in the movement for the establishment of
this school. Owing principally to his interest, the women’s church soci-
ety proceeded to seek contributions for the project, and a group of young
persons organized a series of plays, the proceeds of which were donated
to the fund. The main problem was that of providing a building and
equipping it.

Aside from the activities mentioned above the priest did not parti-
cipate in any other secular activities of the community. This is perhaps
due in part to the reaponsibilities of his office and his economic interests,

as well as the short time which he has lived in the community. The history

-76-

of the church, both in the community and in the country, has not been
such as to lend itself greatly to activities in the way of social welfare.

Of importance to our enquiry is the fact that the priest’s interest
in the construction or establishment of the new rural agricultural school
was not grounded in religious values but upon utilitarian values. Em—
phasis in the campaign was not placed upon Christian or Catholic duty
to support the new school project but upon benefits to the community
and to the individual. It was reasoned that the education of the econom-
ically less fortunate youth (the children of economically well-off families
wbuld not be expected to attend the school) would equip the community
with better Skilled labor for the farms, and the youth themselves would
eventually reap economic rewards for their efforts.

The relevance of these observations to the achievement of the
IFYE program goals are viewed as the following. First, the fact that
the priest, a relatively small group of youth and young adults, and an
adult women’s group, were active in the campaign to secure a rural
agricultural school, has thereby: (1) established a precedent which is
favorably oriented towards the IFYE goals and (2) shown that an active
group of community members, including youth, can be mobilized by the
priest fornon-religious activities. Second, it appears highly doubtful
that values derived from the moral-religious system may be expected
to reinforce the goals set by the IFYE program.

5. Family and Kinship

 

It is through the family that the exchangee is introduced to the
life of the community. He lives with, and participates in, the daily

life routine of a particular family. Through this host family he is

-77-

introduced to a large segment of the cultural matrix of which the fam-
ily represents a part. The exchangee has the opportunity of observing
the interaction of family members among themselves and with their
neighbors within the context of a wide range of social situations.

The individuals involved in the family and kinship system focused
on San Rafael are mostly either descendents of the early French col-
onists, or of native Mexicans, or of a mixture of these two groups.

Since the four American exchangees who visited the community lived with
families of the French ethnic group, and the two Mexican exchangees
from San Rafael belong to this group it will be most relevant to discuss
family and kinship in terms of its manifestations among the French-de-
scended group. This is not meant to imply that large differences obtain
between the French-descended group and mestizo Mexican group.
Admittedly there are observable differences between these groups within
the community, but it is probably more accurate to‘attribute these dif-
ferences to social class and status-related factors than to ethnic derived
characteri stic s.

a. Basic Family Unit.

 

The basic family unit in San Rafael consists of parents and children.
It frequently is supplemented, however, by one or more relatives who are
kin of the husband. The elderly parents of the wife would ordinarily be
expected to live with the wife’s brothers. In one of the host families
the unit consisted of husband, wife, and one unmarried son. The other
host family consisted of husband, wife, and five unmarried daughters,
and two unmarried sons. In neither of these families were there living

any kin of the husband or wife. The married sons and daughters of these

-78...

families formed the nucleus of new family units in this kinship line.
Through these marriages and blood relationships the members of the
family units are related to other family household units and to other un-
married individuals. In example of this the Figure 2 shows in simplified
form the partial kin structure of the two host families in San Rafael.
From this figure it may be seen that the two host families are themselves
related through the marriage of certain of their members, and that each
of the families is related to a number of others in the community.

The significance for the exchangee of this complex of inter-rela—
tionships based upon blood and marriage is that it potentially provides
him with a wide range of face-to-face contacts. By being accepted into
the family life of one of the members of the kinship system the exchangee
has potentially at his disposal a large fund of contact resources. He has
the right to visit the family units, to talk with them, and to enter into
considerable social intercourse with them Should he so desire. The
resource is not unlimited, however, and its importance as a tool to be
used should not be exaggerated.

b. Jiffectual Ties Between Members.

 

The web of relationships defined by the kinship system is here
stressed as an important aspect of the organization of the total social
system of the community. Family members in San Rafael are tied to
one another by strong emotional ties. The children look towards their
mother as the source of comfort, carino, and refuge. The mother is
revered beyond all other persons. On the other hand the father is the
object of respect rather than reverence. He is the person from whom

orders proceed, who provides for the family’s physical needs, and gen-

erally directs its activities. He is referred to colloquially as the"‘chief”

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-79-

(9.1. JEEL The emotional relationship between father and son gives the
impression of being more "formalized” or ”austere” than that between
mother and son. Discipline is ordinarily dispensed by the father, and he
is often held up by the mother or other members of the family as a sym-
bol of discipline when one of the younger members violates or threatens
to violate a norm.

The degree of affection and the rights and duties of kinship status
decrease as the distance from the family unit is increased. The system
of rights and duties and the associated emotional content of the rela-
tionships become less stringent as one moves further away from the
father-mother-child unit. Although obligations toward cousins, uncles,
aunts, etc. are numerous and many are obligatory, they are ordinarily
considerably less in number and have less intense emotional states
associated with them.

An aspect of the family and kin relationships which is of consider-
able interest to the exchangee is that each of the members of any given
kinship line are themselves involved in numerous other social relation-
ships in the community. Thus, by establishing a high level of rapport
with members of the host family and its relatives, the exchangee increases
his potential contacts with other persons in the community who are not
related by kinship to the family. Although there is nothing which guaran-
tees that the contacts established in this way will be rewarding and fruit-
ful, there does exist the probability that contacts made through the host
family and its kin will be with persons amicably disposed towards the

exchangee.

-80..

c . Father -Son Relationship.

 

The relations obtaining between father and son are generally
congenial, but are customarily of a subordinate-superordinate nature.
The father is the source of orders concerning the comportment of the
son, and the son avails himself of recourse to the father when decisions
are to be made. Although the son’s behavior and activities are subjected
to direction and censoring from members of the family other than the
father, the father stands as the ultimate authority. The son’s behavior
is corrected by the father, and such correction is always at least nom-
inally acknowledged by the son. In contrast to the modern American
urban family, the father-son relationship here does not present features
of equalitarianism. The father is deferred to by the son, and the father’s
decisions are binding, although this is not to say that his decisions may
not be questioned. Symbolic of the father’s status is the term applied
to him in conversation wherein he is often referred to as _r_n_i_j£_f£ (my
chief).

In the work of the farm or ranch the father-son relationship re-
mains that of inequality, and subordination of the son, with the father
giving orders and the son obeying these or passing them on to the hired
farm laborers. The father provides the active leadership, and without
his approval action is not legitimized. The son, on the other hand,
serves as an active, trusted, and cooperative member of the system.
The aid of the son in the farm enterprise is far more valued by the father
than the aid of an equally intelligent or capable employee. This holds
true even in the case of kin members such as cousins. As long as the

son remains within the family circle and continues to work the land

-31-

owned by his father he is subject to the father’s authority. This holds
true even after marriage of the son. However, once the son has set
himself up in an economic enterprise of his own-~with which the father
often helps by lending funds--the son remains relatively free from the
father’s authority. There is evidence to hypothesize that the father’s
authority is functionally specific to these activities, and those members,
which perpetuate its stability. Since in the community of San Rafael

there have. existed abundant opportunities for a son to achieve economic
independence he is not likely to be overly-long subordinated to the author-
ity of the father. The System of inheritance in real property is such that
upon the father’s death it is divided equally among the surviving members
of the immediate family, irregardless of sex. The form in which the
father’s authority is expressed is usually not harsh nor humiliating.

In general the roles are so internalized that few occasions arise where
the father’s authority is questioned.

The son’s training is directed towards his taking over the man-
agement of the family enterprise, be it a Shop, a farm, or a ranch. He
is made familiar with the enterprise through both working at numerous
jobs which are entailed in carrying it on and through giving orders and
organizing the work of the hired laborers. If he does not enter a pro-
fession or business it is very likely that the son will take over all or
a part of the family enterprise, depending upon the number of Siblings
in the family. Historically, many sons have left the community to seek
economic opportunities in other parts of Mexico, but their activities
upon leaving, so far as the study could determine, have scarcely ever
been in the field of agriculture or ranching. They seem to have usually

gone to urban centers to practice a profession or take part in some

-82..

commercial enterprise.

(1. Mother-Daughter Relationship.

 

We have chosen to discuss the Mother-Daughter relationship in
lieu of the father-daughter relationship owing to the relatively greater
influence which the mother exerts and the greater frequency of contact
between mother and daughter. Although both son and daughter, during
infancy and young childhood are under the care of the mother, it is the
daughter who profits the most from such contacts since She is engaged
in the process of learning many facets of her adult role. The son, on
the other hand, has much less to learn from the mother in this respect.
He is told, of course, that he should behave in certain ways and fre-
quently cautioned not to act as his sister. The fact that the daughter
begins learning and practicing her adult role early, from imitation of
the mother, may explain the observation that young girls appear more
”mature” than boys in this and other communities in which the adult
male status requires longer and more specialized training before it
may be achieved.

The treatment of girls by each of the parents differs from that
accorded boys. In general, the girls are less indulged than are the boys,
but nevertheless they receive a considerable amount of affection from
both parents as young children. As the daughter passes infancy and
childhood and reaches adolescence, more and more attention is paid
to her moral and Spiritual training. It is expected that she learn and
take more seriously her religious training than her brother, while
her formal training in school is considered less important than that of

her brother. Families are often encountered in which a daughter may

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-83..

have attended two or three of the six years of primary school course,
whereas the son will have completed the full six grades. Or it may be
that the son will have completed the secondary school whereas the
daughter has gone no further than the primary school. The aspects of
training stressed in the daughter’s education are such as will prepare
her to enter the adult female status with ease, and be able to function
efficiently in such a role. In the most general outlines this role is that
of wife and mother. To prepare her for such status, and to insure that
she be able to fulfill the duties of it, she is trained in the elementary
tasks which are perhaps best described as ”home making”. This in-
cludes such activities as learning how to Sew, cook, knit, embroider,
and care for the interior and maintain a house. Child care is also an
important focus of attention, learned principally by taking care of
younger siblings or other kin.

In contrast to the son’s personal liberty to pursue youthful ad-
ventures alone or in the company of his peers, the daughter’s activi-
ties are subject to a considerable degree of control. In general, girls
are not allowed the freedom of movement outside of the house which
boys are allowed, and are even expected to take part in. Even before
arriving at the stage where they are considered old enough to partici-
pate in courtship and other cross-sexual social contacts they accompany
their older sisters to dances along with their mothers. Thus they are
made familiar with the socially sanctioned attitudes, gestures, beliefs,
and sentiments associated with social intercourse between the two sexes
during the courtship and precourtship stages. When they do arrive at

courtship age, proper relations with males have usually been taught

-84-

thoroughly enough so that the girl at least overtly performs in accord-
ance with the expectancies of her role.

The culture provides additional insurance that the role be per-
formed appropriately through the institutionalization of chaperonage
and the obligation of securing parental approval (father’s approval)

to participate in the relationship described by the term novia oficial.

 

Under most circumstances a girl of fourteen years of age or more is
not permitted to leave the home unescorted._ During the daytime it is
usually permitted that a girl be in the town center to make purchases

if she is accompanied by one or more of her girl friends, and it is even
permissible for her to leave the house unaccompanied during the day if
her absence is to be brief. However, to leave the immediate community
or to be out alone at night or even with her close female companions

is permitted only under very unusual circumstances. To understand
such restrictions placed upon the daughter’s activity one must view it'
in its cultural perspective.

e. Female Status Related Values.

 

Numerous cultural values may be seen to focus upon these re-
strictions. Furthermore. the restrictions placed upon the girl’s
behavior are by no means entirely externally imposed. It must be
realized that the effectiveness depends in great part upon the inter-
nalization of these values. Probably the single most important value
sustaining the institutionalized restriction of a girl’s behavior is. that
concerned with sexual purity or virginity. The culture strongly stresses
that a girl, to be a suitable marriage partner, must have had no sexual

intercourse before marriage. These values are internalized to a great

-85—

extent by the male. But even though a man may not acknowledge their
validity the force of public opinion, through the medium of gossip,
usually would be sufficient to deter him from marrying a girl who was
known to have had sexual intercourse with another man. This may ex-
plain to some extent the infrequency with which one encounters divorced
or widowed women who have remarried. Similarly, the gossip which
would result from allowing greater liberty to the girl tends to act as a
control over the girl’s behavior. To some extent there probably exists
some real threat to the girl’s person under certain circumstances.

In general, then, the girl’s contacts with boys and men are con-
trolled and restricted to a relatively small number and variety of sanc-
tioned situations. On the other hand, the girl is thrown together with
other girls on numerous occasions and in varying situations, and close
and abiding friendships frequently grow out of these intimate contacts.
AS has been mentioned in another part of this chapter, girls are the
major participants in the campaign and fund raising activities sur-
rounding the election of a queen of the annual carnival. Girls are
trained to conceive of their status as distinct and generally subordinate
to that of the male. Equality of status with the male is not encountered
as a value permeating the local culture. This is suggested as an aspect
of the local culture which is significantly different from the values in
American culture defining the relationships between male and female
statuses. It has considerable relevance to the implementation of the
goals of the IF YE program in that it tends to preclude the association
of the two sexes in the form characteristic of the Four-H club and

other rural mixed-groups in the United States.

-36-

6.’ Education and the School System .

 

The organization of people around the activity of education is, of
course, one of the areas of prime interest to the exchangee. Its most
formalized manifestation is the school. Thus it is important to examine
the educational system and the real groups which are related to it.
Although education as a social process may be perceived as a function
of such other social institutions as the family, the church, and the play
group, we shall here concern ourselves only with education in the school.

The school consists of six class rooms, six teachers, and approx-
imately four hundred pupils distributed among six grades. Allied with
the school is an association composed of the fathers of school children
which contributes to its support.

a. Goals and Content.

 

The nature of education in the primary school is reflected in its
major activities and their content. An examination of these activities
reveals that they are primarily concerned with transmitting certain
segments of cultural information, values, beliefs and sentiments to the
pupil through, the medium of the classroom lecture in which the teacher
plays the leading role. The cultural items whose transmission are sanc-
tioned within the social situation of the school are numerous, but may
be generally classified under two headings. The first is that of the
transmission of culturally approved behavioral norms. This is one of
the large areas of activity with which the school is concerned. This
area comprehends the transmission of such diverse items as social eti-
quette, health habits, cleanliness, rules of games, and especially the

tules of social interaction.

-87...

The second area is concerned with the transmission of specific
information, the content of which must be learned by the pupil if he is
to progress from one grade to another. This area includes the master-
ing of technical processes associated with language, mathematics,
sewing and handicraft techniques, as well as the memorization of the
content of such subjects as history and geography. This second area is
the one which occupies the greatest amount of time of both teachers and
pupils, and it is this area with which most concern is manifested. In
the conception of the layman as well as the teacher the second area is
overtly recognized as the primary function of the school. The first area
usually goes unacknowledged, although it is implicitly assumed by both
parents and teachers.

Probably the most basic cultural items which are transmitted in
this educational process are those associated with language (reading,
writing, and composition) and with elementary mathematics. Frequently
children are taken out of school after mastering these basic mechanics.

,As has been noted in a different part of this chapter, education
isIdifferentially conceived as it applies to boys and girls. Generally.
education of the formal school type is considered more necessary and

appropriate for boys than for girls.

_b;._ Community Control of System.

 

The educational system is organized in such a way that consider-
able control over the local school resides within the community. The
salaries of the school director and the teachers are paid by the state

government which also appoints these persons. On the other hand, the

-88..

school building, its equipment, and maintenance are provided for by
funds collected within the community. Through the association of
parents, voluntary contributions are made for the care and maintenance
of school property. The direction of this is in the hands of the local
school staff. Although the parents’ association is not active insofar as
its individual members are concerned, the officers, and especially the
president, exert Significant leadership in the community. Owing to the
many informal relations existing between members of the association
and the political elements in the state the organization maintains effec-
tive control over the teachers. It is worthwhile noting that control ex-
ercised by the officers of the association is essentially “democratic”,
and arbitrary decisions are consciously avoided.

c. Status of Teacher.

 

The teacher’s occupational status and the manner in which he
plays his role in the educational system, as well as in the community, is
pertinent to our examination. As has been noted, he is dependent upon
two different groups for his status. The state government appoints him
and pays his salary, and when promotions are at hand it is the state which
selects those to be promoted. Promotion may take either of two basic
forms. It may occur through the transfer of a teacher to a better school
system, a larger one, which pays a higher grade of salary, or it may
occur through the raising of the salary of the teacher by reclassifica-
tion. Such promotions are dependent to a considerable extent upon the
performance of the teacher in the local school system. This performance
is judged by a number of criteria, not the least of which is the manifes-

tation of constructive changes in the local school system during the year.

-39-

Thus the number of students enrolled, the size and interest in school
celebrations, and the general support of the school by the community
become objects of considerable concern to the promotion—conscious
teacher. Since the parents’ association is the organization which pro-
vides funds and through which community interest and support must be
gained, the teacher is ever cognizant of its usefulness to him, as well
as of its influence upon his career.

Awareness of their relationship to the association of parents is
manifested in ordinary interaction between teachers and the officers
of the association -- as well as with other members of the community -—
by a Show of deference. The community is praised for its "progressive”
attitudes, allusions are made to how the people are open-minded, can-
did, and helpful, and how it is generally pleasant to be so fortunate as
to live in the community. Open criticism of the community is avoided
by the teachers. At public ceremonies conducted by the school at peri-
odic intervals these views are made manifest. Only upon careful
interrogation or provocation do critical attitudes come to the surface,
and such circumstances are rare. The teacher’s social status in the
community will be discussed at a later point at which time the social
status system structuring the whole community will be described in
some detail. His status is such that considerable stress is brought to
bear upon him, a gadd deal of which is derived from the relationships
revolving around the job.

d. T eacher -Pupil£elationship .

 

The teacher-pupil relationship is also interesting to observe.

In the classroom the teacher is an authoritative figure, alike in some

-90-

respects to the father. Yet observations lead the observer to the con-
clusion that his authority is oftentimes not taken too seriously by the
students. Commands are frequently not obeyed immediately, and

resort to the raising of the voice or the use of sanctioned threats is
commonly encountered. Control over the pupils is then, achieved through
linguistic means. Physical punishment is seldom used. Children are
never struck, nor forced to attempt impossible tasks. The teachers’
authority rests in no small degree upon the symbolic use of the father’s
authority. Thus, in cases where the pupil is especially recalcitrant,

the threat of notifying the father is employed.

The relations between teacher and pupil are generally respectful
and sympathetic. The pupil usually manifests a high degree of respect
for the teacher, and even after finishing school the young boy or man
who has not had extensive advance education continues to regard the
teacher with considerable respect. Although the teacher’s status in the
community is not such that his counsel or advice is sought on general
problems, there exists a certain kind of vague mixture of respect, awe,
and perhaps, feelings of inferiority on the young adult’s part when the
teacher is viewed in the context of the school. On the other hand, the
teacher usually stands in a superordinate, yet sympathetic relationship
to the pupil.

Teaching techniques used in the classroom vary with the teacher,
but in most cases teaching is based upon rote memorization. The sub-
ject matter (content) is more highly stressed than the principles which
it illustrates, and no great attention iS given to the development of

individual capacities in academic work. During the course of the study

sis,

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-91-

of the community it was observed that several of the teachers as well
as the officers of the parents’ association had a definite interest in
organizing the school boys into athletic teams. Although their interests
and efforts had not as yet been implemented, when the study was com-
pleted, such organizational interests are worth noting since they may
serve as precedents assisting the introduction of the goals of the IFYE
program.

e. Teacher, Community and IFYE .

 

The teacher’s contacts with local parents are considerably limited
both in frequency and content. Ordinarily the teacher has relatively
little contact with them, and their wishes, opinions, criticism, etc. are
made known either through the officers of the parents’ association, or
through the universal medium of gossip. The parents’ association does
not meet as a united body at frequent intervals, and does not at all re-
semble the American institution of the Parent-Teachers Association.
Since the teachers form an essential link in the educational process,
their aid in the dessemination of the information which the exchangee
carries is essential to the achievement of the program’s objectives.

The school, as an avenue of communication with the youth of the com-
munity, is in San Rafael the unit most convenient and direct from the
point of view of the exchangee. Here, Six days a week, there are assem-
bled almost four hundred children. Their ages range from Six to fifteen
years. Although all of the community’s children of school age do not all
attend during the full six year course, it is estimated that more than
two-thirds of all of them were in attendance at the school during the

period when this study was conducted. Since the IFYE program is

-92-

principally interested in developing the youth of the community, there
appears no better unit upon which to concentrate than that of the school.

While it is the students of the school who are the objects of the
exchangee’s interest, they may be reached only by passing through the
administrative group charged with the direction of the system. This
group consists in an organization called the Sociedad de Padres de
Familia, and it is headed by a president and a secretary-treasurer.
These two men take the initiative in formulating the associations
plans for aid to the school, and owing to the relations which they and
other members hold within the political sphere, they have a considerable
amount of control over the activities of the teachers and through the
latter over the pupils’ education. It was observed that the teachers
were usually ready to cooperate in the plans set forth by the Sociedad
de Padres, and that considerable deference was shown to the society’s
officers.

By establishing good relations with the teachers of the school and
with the officers of the Sociedad de Padres, the exchangee may reach
a large segment of the youth of the community. With the permission
of these persons it becomes possible to move into the classroom and
contact the assembled students. The field worker, by following such a
procedure, was able to secure the cooperation and interest of the Teach-
ers and the officers of the parents’ association, and thereby use several
hours of classroom time in which to discuss various subjects with the
pupils. The class-room Situation is an appropriate one for the dis-
semination of information, as well as for gathering knowledge about
the way of life of the youth group. Both of these areas are of interest

to the exchangee.

-93-

The exchangee’s task in this area is divided into two principal
phases. He must make contact and establish a high level of rapport with
the administrative group and with the teachers in order to secure their
active support and interest, and then he must present the material which
he wishes to impart to the youth in a manner appropriate to the class-
room situation. The first phase is but a segment of the larger process
of establishing rapport with key persons throughout the community. It
is an exceedingly important phase, however, for the success with which
it is accomplished determines the degree to which he will have access
to the class-room. The second phase, that of presenting IFYE material
to the pupils, implies the preparation of a discourse or a demonstration,
or whatever form deemed appropriate to the occasion. During the course
of the exchangee’s visit in the community there will occur various school
festival days. On many of these days the exchangee will have the oppor-
tunity to speak before the assembled students, and on such occasions he
may present such subjects as will tend to create favorable attitudes
towards the relations of Mexico and the United States, on the value of
youth in the struggle for the maintenance of world peace, and so on.

In addition to the existence of a primary school in the community
of San Rafael, there exists a primary and secondary school in the
neighboring town and county seat. The secondary school in this other
community has an enrollment of approximately eighty“ students, both
boys and girls. Fifteen of these are residents of San Rafael. Depend-
inglupon his time in the community and perhaps upon transportation
available, the exchangee may also utilize these schools effectively in

the furtherance of educational and informational goals.

"l l

II a

-94-

7. Voluntary As sociations

 

The prolificness of voluntary associations is certainly one of the
more obvious characteristics of modern Western Civilization. 'The
multiplicity of these organizations is probably accountable for in part
by what may be considered an enlarged area in the Cultural sphere for

the allowance of alternatives. Of all the societies comprehended by

 

Western Civilization the United States has provided the most fertile
ground for their development. Undoubtedly the rise of such a phenome-
non is related to more specific functions of a culture than the mere
allowance for a wide range of sanctioned behavior. It seems likely

that the development of voluntary associations is related to, the “needs”
of the particular social system and the values prevailing in the culture.
This aspect of American culture has already been discussed in Chap-
ter II. '

In the Social life of San Rafael are encountered both formal and
informal associations, and the interests manifested by these as socia-
tions fall into several different areas, or are related to several different
activities. The major activities around which formal voluntary associa-
tions in San Rafael revolve are economic. There are some five associa-

l
tions which fall logically under the heading of Sindicatos and four which

 

may be classified as producer or production associations. In the poli- '
tical sphere there exists one association, in the school there is another,
and the church has three. All of these are formal associations, and for

the greater part they are voluntary.

 

l. The Spanish termiindicato is in this reference most Elosely trans-
lated as English union. The term is customarily used in Mexico to
designate craft and workers’ organizations.

 

-95-

Significantly, no formal associations are organized around any
other activities than these relatively few. On the other hand, there
exist an almost interminable number of informal associations .of the
congeniality type. In San Rafael congeniality groups are interrelated
through dual or multiple memberships which individuals hold.

Having touched upon the church and school-related associations
in a previous section of this chapter, we shall here limit our discussion
to the economic or occupationally related ones. Afterwards the in-
formal congeniality groups will be examined.

a. Syndical Organizations .

Under the general heading of Sindicatos fall four associations

 

whose principal activities and interests are concerned with working
conditions, wages, and protection against exploitation from other
sources. These associations are essentially labor or craft type unions
of working people.
(1). Sindicato de Trabajadores de ITSA

The association with the largest number of members is the
Sindicato de Trabajadores de ITSA. This is a labor union comprehend-
ing the workers of a paper manufacturing plant located about a mile
and a half from the community’s center. It is composed of approximately
Sixty members, is formally organized at the local level, with a board of
officers with rules and regulations governing the rights and duties of its
members, and holds a sanctioned relationship under the Mexican indus-
trial and labor laws with the manufacturing concern for whom the workers
are erI‘lployed. This union is associated with a national labor organization,

and 1'e<:eived support from this parent organization in its bargaining.

I .» larvae-4!

z

—96-

The organization holds periodic and frequent meetings. Its members
pay monthly dues and elections are held to select officers. A general-
ly “democratic” structure may be observed in its outward forms of
organization.

This association, however, is not integrally related to the other
institutions which form the basis of social structure and organized
activities in the community. In fact, it is highly limited in its inter-
action with the community. Its primary activity is concerned with
relations existing or projected between it and the industrial concern
within whose structure it is incorporated. As would be expected, re—
lations here are not carried on by free interaction of the union mem-
bers and the management of the factory, but rather through negotia-
tions between management and the union’s officers. As an association,
the members do not conceive of it -- nor do others in the community --
as a community organization in the larger sense of the word. It is a
special interest group whose existence depends upon its relationship
with the factory. Membership in the union requires that one hold a
position as employee in the factory. Thus, although this group is the
largest formal or ganization in the community, its significance to the
goals of the IFYE program is slight.

(2.) Union of Cinemagraphic Workers

 

A second formal voluntary association of the syndicate type is
the Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Industria Cinematografista (Union
of Cinemagraphic Industry Workers). The size of membership is small,
there being only nine members, but the work which they perform is
integrated into the life of the community. A considerable amount of

the recreational activity of the community revolves around the two

1...?

I: II:

-97-

movie theaters, hence any difficulties between the theater operators

and those workers leading to a cessation of work would have immediate
repercussions among the populace. This organization is formally struc-
tured, elects officers on a regional basis rather than on a local basis,
holds periodic meetings, and is related to the national union of cinema-
graphic workers. Its interests and activities revolve around the con-
ditions of work, hours, wages, and vacations.

(3.) Market Place Renters’ Association

 

A third formal voluntary association is the Asociacion de Locatarios
del Mercado. This organization is composed of persons who rent or own
stalls in the town’s central market place. It has a formal constitution
with rules and regulations governing the behavior of its members so
far as their activities in the market place are concerned. It also elects
its officers, and holds periodic meetings. Unlike the other organizations
mentioned, this one does not have as its central interests and activities
the wages, hours, and conditions of work of its members. It does abide
by some rules which allude to hours of work and conditions of cleanliness
of the member’s shop, but this is not the association’s main interest or
activity. The members of the organization are not employees, but are
owners and operators of small businesses. The group took form in
response to pressure from the community which was related to particu-
lar circumstances surrounding the market’s establishment. It is a
special interest group of small proprietors joined together to defend
certain rights of a political order.

A certain amount of antagonism is manifested towards the mem-
bers of the organization by the town’s people. Most of the antagonism

stems from two sources: First, the way in which the market was

I IIIIII

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established, and second, the fact that most of the shop keepers in the
market come from outside the community. The political activities with
which the organization is concerned are those of protecting its members
from eviction from the market place, and of controlling the number of
persons who might hold stalls or shops in it. These activities operate
by means of a complicated structure of informal alliances existing be-
tween specific members of the association and politicians in the county
seat. A manifestation of its power was illustrated when it successfully
withstood a locally instigated movement to regain the property upon
which the market is constructed. As a result of this struggle, plus the
fact that most members are strangers to the community, and are oc-
cupied with essentially similar occupations, the group tends to stand
apart from the rest of the community, even though the degree of its
internal cohesion does not appear to be high.

(4.) Taxi Operators’ Union

 

The twenty-two local taxi cab owners form still another associ-
ation of some importance. This group has a formal constitution and
rules governing the activities of its members in the occupations. It
holds periodic meetings, elects a board of officers and is connected
with a state -wide association of taxi owners. Its main interests are
the regulation of competition, and the securing of favorable legisla-
tion concerned with taxes. The general importance of this association
in the community is highly limited. A relatively high degree of in-
group feeling is manifested by the members in relation to the public
and to the local political authority, although disputes between its
members and ”hard feelings” occur from time to time. Most of its

members are men who have lived all of their lives in San Rafael. They

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often verbally express interest in the community. Many of them talk
of ways in which the community could be made a more pleasant place

in which to live, and as a group manifest “hurt feelings at not being
taken into the deliberations of the community’s political group when
decisions concerning the town are made. The evidence of community
interest is not too convincing, however, when one observes that the
association, as such, makes little or no attempt to take part in poli-
tical or other community affairs. Of significance to our following
discussion of social class behavior this association does’not partici—
pate in ,the May Day and other civic ceremonial parades which occur

in the town periodically, whereas the others previously mentioned do.

(5.) Stevedores’ Union

 

A fifth formal association in the community is that formed by the
banana loaders or stevedores’ union. This is composed of some forty
men who load bananas and other products on trucks for transportation
to market. This association has a lengthy history in the community,
and in former times had a relatively large membership. During the
early period of banana exportation when the river served as an outlet
to the Sea this association controlled the jobs of all men who took
part in the loading of cargo on boats or ships. At the present time
there is no loading along the river, and with the introduction of the
truck for transportation labor has been Simplified and reduced to the
extent that fewer men are needed. At one time this association owned
a combination meeting hall and dormitory for workers, and the largest
building in San Rafael. This however, the association lost. At present

its offices are in a small frame structure nearby, symbolizing its

-100-

declining power. Only a few of the members of the association are
local men in origin, and they form a tightly knit group.

This organization has a constitution, elects officers, and has a
body of rules covering the relations between worker and employer.
Historically, the relations between the association and the community
have been clouded by considerable antagonism. At one point some
twelve years ago open violence broke out over the cession of plots of
land to the members of the association. Although the members were
finally successful in securing the land, at least one of their leaders was
killed in the process. Now, (much of the land has reverted to its original
owners, or been sold to others. This event seems to have contributed
toward reinforcing a popular stereotype of the group as ”shiftless” and
ignorant. The members hold low social status positions in the commu-
nity, and they do not associate with persons in the middle or upper
class groups.

(6 .) Other As sociations

 

Only one production type of association in the community, a co-
operative of banana growers, has any local organization. The other
associations, the cattlemen’s, the landowners’, and the farmer’s have
local members but no local organizational structure. These associa-
tions are organized on a regional or national basis. The banana growers’
association, on the other hand, is organized locally. Presently, however,
this association is inactive and holds no periodic meetings. It has be-
come a residual social organism, a product of past economic and
social conditions.

8. Political Organization

 

Political parties seem not to thrive in the social climate of

-101—

San Rafael. There was no locally organized party, although in the
nearby administrative center of the municipio affiliates of the gov-
ernment party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) were found in
the persons of the administrative workers and officers. The agente

municipal and the local representative of the municipal treasury were

 

also supporters of the government party. No evidence was observed
of conflict or antagonism divided along party lines. People generally
did not consider themselves divided along party lines.

a. Administrative Divisions.

 

The formal political authority of the community is vested in
two separate organizations. Its form reflects an attempt to provide
local initiative and responsibility in a general political structure
which is highly centralized. The political organization of the state
is, in turn, divided into numerous minor political areas called

municipios. These divisions are womewhat comparable to the counties

 

in the United States, although the autonomy granted the county is con-
siderably greater than that granted the municipio. The municipio, in

turn, is divided into congregaciones. These, in a rough fashion, may

 

be thought of as comparable to the townships in the United States.
Each municipio has a body of administrative officers, headed by

the presidente municipal, who are elected by the eligible voters resid-

 

ing within the geographic limits of the municipio. The congregacion in
turn nominally elects an agente municipal. This latter officer is re-
sponsible to the head officer of the municipio. The agente municipal
receives no salary or wages for his services.

b. Local Citizens’ Groups.

 

The governmental party system, as it existed in Mexico at the

 

 

-102-

time of the study, tends to greatly restrict the possibility of effective
opposition party competition. Hence, with a centralized governmental
structure and a strong, almost one—party political system supporting

it, little autonomy is possible at the local or community level. The
delegation of a degree of political authority to locally organized citi-
zen’s groups provides a means to overcome, to a certain extent,
limitations placed upon local initiative through the centralized govern-
mental and political party structures, while at the same time conserving
those structures.

These groups are called Iuntas ES Mejoras. They are composed
of local citizens in a congregacion who are nominally selected by all
of the inhabitants, but whose official status derives from appointment
by the governor of the state. These Iuntas are granted the authority
to make voluntary solicitations of funds for the construction of various
public works within the congregacion. Thus, in San Rafael, the Iunta
undertook the paving of several streets, the installation of a sewage
system in parts of the town, aided in the construction of a new church
building, and various other public works. ' To facilitate the works to
which this organization is dedicated the governor of the state has granted
the group the exclusive right to sponsor public dances and festivals for
purposes of fund raising.

c. Local Authority and Power Structure.

 

 

Deriving from the authority delegated to it and resultant powers
which demand compliance with its decisions, it holds the nucleus of poli-
tical power in the community. Its decisions are not subject to referral
to the local inhabitants, nor to the agente municipal, nor to the presidente

municipal. It is directly responsible to the governor of the state.

IIIJ

“ll”?

-103-

Furthermore, since its members are not elected by popular vote of those
it is assumed to represent, but are appointed through recommendations
by local persons with political influence, the membership has the ten-
dency to become a self-perpetuating body. The members are officially
appointed for a period of three years. But reappointment is not unusual,
and the outgoing incumbents can usually designate the persons who take
their places.

The agente municipal in a congregacion possessing a Junta de
Mejoras stands in a relatively weak power position. Such is the case
in the community of San Rafael where the powerful and influential cit-
izens have gained a partial monopoly over the membership of the Junta.
Acting upon certain value premises the membership of the Junta is re-
stricted to those persons in the community who may be “counted on”
to act in accord with the wishes of the strongest economic class. The
rationale for the restriction of membership to those persons who are
'economically “well of ” and preferably native born residents of the
Community is partially based in the negative value placed on the assumed
”radicalness”, “irreSponsibility”, and ”Shiftlessness” of the lower
social-economic classes. It is also based on their assumed ineptness
and ignorance in the Sphere of political and civic undertakings.

This organization’s interests are wideSpread throughout the com-
munity, as has been noted. Through contributions of funds it helps to
support the local school system. Control over the whole area of “pub-
lic improvements” is in its hands. When streets must be repaired,
river embankments improved, sewers increased, or similar questions

arise, they must pass through the Junta for approval. Its powers to

-lO4-

build new projects imply authority over the disposition of private prop-
erty. While the community was under study there arose a case in which
the Junta prepared plans to construct a new market place on the site
where a privately owned hotel was located. Without notifying the owner
of the site, a full set of plans was drawn up, and the Junta in a private
session made the decision to purchase the property at a fixed price.
Only after a whole series of events in which the Junta deliberated
alone and came to its independent decisions did it notify the owner of
the desired site of its intentions. The Junta’s influence is further felt
in the sphere of public recreation and entertainment wherein its per-
mission must be received to arrange to hold a public dance, festival,
gambling, cock-fight, or any other remunerative sort of entertainment.
In actuality the Junta controls nearly all public events. The main fes—
tivals, the Christmas and New Years dances, the campaigns, cere-
monies and dances of the 14th of July, and the community’s saint’s
day festival are all organized and executed under the Junta’s direction,
and the costs and proceeds are also taken care of by the Junta.

Of all of the organizations in the community, the Junta is the
one which wields the most effective political power. The members of
the Junta are selected from a limited segment of the population of
the community through the decisions made by those who are already
incumbents, and these decisions seem to be based in a class or status
group ideology. They are based upon values held by the upper level
status group, and tend to stand in contra-distinction to those of the

lower status groups .

-105-

9. Social Status and Stratification

It is not difficult to observe and verify many evidences of the
differential treatment given to individuals composing the San Rafael
community. Some Show distinct deference to others, and the various
divisions based on this deference are seen to coalesce. People regu-
larly frequent the same group of acquaintances. One seldom, if ever,
sees the town’s “leading citizen” sit down at the same table for a
drink with a group of farm laborers, although he oftentimes may be in—
vited to do so. Too, certain places are frequented by particular kinds
of people. In casual conversations, individuals will speak of certain
community members as belonging to _lf:_1_ sociedad, or of being M.

Those who are referred to as members of the sociedad or of being ricos,

in their turn, speak of other people as being pobre, clase baja (with vocal

 

intonation) and generally imply invidious distinctions which exist between
these people and themselves.

Through verbal and postural behavior, one soon comes to under-
stand that the community of San Rafael is no utopia of equality in the
eyes of its own members. Clearly, the people manifest beliefs that
some of their number occupy superior positions in society to others.
Some feel that this superiority is justified, while others feel that their
attributed inferiority is unjustified. People attribute the differentials of
superiority and inferiority to personal or hereditary traits, to individual
initiative, to economic fortunes, to education, and to a host of other fac-
tors. Undoubtedly all of these. play roles of varying importance in the
dynamics of the stratification system. It is interesting to observe,
however, that those who occupy positions which are considered superior,

in general, tend to hold different rationalizations for their superiority

-I 1
_

~r

-106-

than are attributed to them by those who occupy inferior positions.
Likewise the superior positioned individual differently conceives of

of the juStification for being inferior than does the inferior person him-
self.

a. Major Strata in System.

 

At least three and perhaps four different strata may be identi-
fied in the community of San Rafael, and these may be considered as
arranged in hierarchial form. In terms of the persons occupying posi-
tions at different strata levels, we are confronted with the problem of
trying to identify them. Since the system operates in its most general
terms without reference to the particular individual, but rather in ref -
erence to the criteria which define the status, our tasknbecomes that of
attempting to describe the status-relevant criteria. Thus, for example,
a farm laborer is not brought into the intimate family circle of a farm
owner and allowed to court the farm owner’s daughter, no matter how
pleasing a personality, he as an individual may have, or no matter how
excellent a farm laborer he may be. However, for these very qualities
he may be considerably more esteemed than his fellow farm laborers,
and he may be accorded considerably more personal attentions, kind—
nesses, and so forth, than the others. He may receive advancements
in jobs, and may even experience a degree of mobility within his own
status group or across status lines.

b. Status Determining Criteria.

 

The most generally consistent status-determining criterion in
San Rafael is that of occupation. In San Rafael, one’s occupation
cannot for long remain a secret. It becomes quite evident that a peon

is not a landowner, and that a landowner is not a peon. These two

..

I! I. t wry

- 107

distinctions are, in fact, the most basic ones in the stratification sys-
tem, and most easily identifiable. Generally speaking, then, the ag-
gregate of persons engaged in farm labor, in menial tasks, such as
those of domestic servants compose the lower stratum, regardless

of any other criteria which may serve to modify social status. At the
other extreme are to be found the largest land and cattle holders and
the few professionals of the community. In terms of numbers this is

a much smaller group than the lower one. Considerably above the farm
laborer group is to be found a class of artisans, barbers, tailors, and
butchers who, although of higher status than the farm laborers, do not
occupy positions as high as the town’s larger merchants, professionals

or farmers.

5:; Description of Stratification System.

 

If we conceive of the stratification system of the community as
being composed of a hierarchy of strata, and arranged in the form of
a pyramid, it will perhaps aid in the following discussion. In the Fig:
ure 3 we have attempted to show graphically the position of the strata
and their hierarchical arrangement.

The highest stratum (I) shows the position of the large landowners,
cattlemen, a few of the town merchants, and the community’s profes-
sional men. This group includes the conjugal families of the man also.
All of these persons and their families occupy the uppermost status
positions in the community.

The next stratum (II) has been divided into three parts,by dotted
lines. Part A symbolized the position of the community’s farmers who
are less prominent, prosperous, and active. It includes all of the farm

and ranch families of the community who are land owners, from the

wwmcuo u.

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Sonorpswm. use unouommposnwu.

HH. Asv segues use manH mans

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avenue use «you woononur
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// assssw undouonm.

-108-

least ”well off” to just below the very wealthy group in the stratum above.
None of these people fall in the status group below. Included at this same
general status level are to be found the town’s smaller merchants, the
owners of the grocery stores, the hardware stores, the moving picture
theaters, etc. They are, however, to be distinguished from the farm
group for numerous reasons which will be discussed shortly. This dis—
tinction is shown by the dotted line separating A from B. Still within this
middle status group (C) are to be found the community’s artisans, the
shoemakers, barbers, tailors, motion picture machine operators, and
others. These are shown in the figure to be associated with the town
center where their basic life activities are carried on, and their position
in relation to the rest of Stratum II is shown as generally subordinate to
the town’s merchants and the farmers.

Below Stratum II is found the largest number of people in the com-
munity. Stratum III is composed of the farm laborers, domestic help,
servants in public places, vendors, etc. Although no di stinctions of rank
are indicated in the figure within this stratum, it is not to be assumed
that this is one mass of undifferentiated persons.

Certain distinctions in relative status were discovered to be present
among members of this stratum. For instance, the tractor operator generally
held a higher status than the farm laborer who worked with a hoe. But his
higher status in relation to the ether farm laborers was not such that it
raised him above the general level of this group. Neither he nor his
fellows pictured him as occupying the statuh level of his farmer patron.
At the very lowest level of this status group, or perhaps forming still

a fourth status group, are to be found the prostitutes residing in the com-

4.7
s

a

-109-

munity. They are mentioned here for they form a Significant number
in terms of population, there being more than thirty, and around them
are performed a number of important social activities. They occupy
the lowest level of the social strata, but they are the focus of various
social activities.

In the case of some persons it is difficult to place them exactly
in the stratification system without expanding it to a detailed ranking
of each and every individual in the community. This is believed neither
desirable to attempt for our purposes, nor does the author believe that
highly detailed categorizations are possible in a community like San
Rafael. An instance of this inability to place precisely certain occu-
pations is found in the case of the gambler. Such an occupation holds
considerable prestige, yet owing toiother cultural values impinging on
it, it does not fit comfortably into the middle group, nor into any of
the others.

d. Interaction Between Strata.

 

In general, contacts of an intimate nature tend to occur within the
limits of status groups. Members of status group II tend to participate
in informal and leisure time activities with other members of the same
status level. Similarly, the same rule holds for each of the status groups,
as well as for those sub-divisions which have been noted as existing
within the status level II. The rural people tend to interact more with
other rural people of their own status level than they do with the town’s
people of the same level. The tendency is also manifested at the level
of the community’s highest status level. However, at this level the number
of persons involved is restricted and there is considerable interaction and

contact between these persons and those of status level II. These upper

-110-

level status people are also involved in a large number of personal
contacts with persons living outside the immediate community. The
professionals especially have numerous contacts with other profes-
sionals in nearby communities and in distant urban centers.

The agriculturalists and merchants who fall in status level I also
interact with numerous persons and groups outside of the community.
The two most prosperous families in the village have close personal
relations with national political figures, are members of national or-
ganizations, and generally are known to associate with persons of rel—
atively high prestige outside of the community. The members of status
level II, however, tend to have a large proportion of their inter-personal
contacts within the community. This is even more characteristic of
those in status level III. A further characteristic of status level I iS
that its members tend to isolate themselves from the rest of the com-
munity in various ways. They tend to enter into contact with persons of
lower social status with an attitude of reserve. Much of the behavior of
the professionals could be characterized as ”aloof” and manipulative
when in contact‘ with persons of other status levels. This does not hold
true in contacts which involve feelings of friendship or kinship.

It was stated that the members of the three status levels mani-
fest a tendency to interact in those activities which may be described
as ihvolving “intimate” contacts with other members of the same status
level. What is meant, then, when referring to contacts of an ”intimate”
nature? One means of explanation is to examine some of the commonly
occurring situations or events in the community, after which some of

the important aspects of this type of contact situation will be examined.

‘1'

“-4.

-111-

(l) Contact-type Situation A.

 

One of the important social situations or events of the community
is the public dance sponsored by the Junta de Majoras. At these dances,
which nominally are open to the general public, large numbers of the
community’s young people are in attendance. Upon first glance one’s
impression of interaction at the dance is that people mingle freely with
one another with no reference to discrimination other than personal
preference. However, upon closer scrutiny it may be observed that
certain definite patterns of differential interaction exist. This pattern
is discernible at all of the public dances in the community. No individual
male is free to ask any girl for a dance, but only certain boys may ask
certain girls. Sons and daughters of the upper status level agricultural-
ists, merchants and professional men dance with one another, sit at one
anothers’ tables, and restrict the majority of their social interaction
at the dance to themselves. Sometimes, of course, the beauty or attrac-
tiveness of a girl from the lower ranks of status level II will attract the
attention of upper class young males.

Although these dances are sponsored by the Junta with money col-
lected from the community at large, and are considered to be open to
the public, members of social status level III participate on only very
special occasions. Hired farm laborers are especially conspicuous by
their absence since they form a numerically significant segment of the
population. Their absence may be partially explained, and often is, in
terms of such rationalizations as the prohibitive cost of the entrance fee,
high cost of drinks, and even the lack of appropriate clothing. These, how-

ever, do not explain their absence entirely.

JII

IIIIf

-112-

It is found upon investigation among this lower status group that
their inattendance is accounted for partially by the attitudes they them-
selves manifested towards the upper status groups and by the attitudes
that the upper status group manifested towards them. They perceive
the dance Situation not as a public social occasion, but as an event to
which only 1935-13-35. are welcome. They seldom or never conceive of
the dance as open to themselves. Young males have offered the informa-
tion that if they were to attend the dance that they would not be able to
dance with the girls who please them. They ”think” that they are the
equals of anyone at the dance, but they know that they would not be
treated as such. The dance, then, provides one of the most readily
observable situations where social discrimination occurs.

(2) Contact-type Situation B.

 

Another type of social situation, to illustrate our point further,
in which participation is based upon one’s status level is that of the
informal drinking or card playing group. In situations where men sit
at a bar during the evening, one may also observe the operation of the
selective mechanism of social status. Similar patterns to those of the
dance are to be observed here. Only men of approximately the same
social status sit down to drink together. Even more strictly, only men
of equal social status ever play the game of cubilete together while
drinking. This rule tends to be modified under certain conditions.
For instance, when an upper status person is accompanied by a lower
status person who is his personal friend, the lower status person will
be invited to participate in the group gathering. Ordinarily, however,
the lower status person will tend to retire and not fully enter into the.

group’ s activitie s .

II...I. il

~113-

The essential similarity of these two types of situations, the dance
and the drinkers’ group, is that access is gained to full participation in
either on the basis of equality of social status. Interaction and contact
is preferably restricted to social equals where patterns of behavior are
mutually understood and may be anticipated. For the young women and
men attending the public dance a Significant part of the pattern of behav-
ior and expectancy revoles around courtship and prospects of marriage.
For the other group, expectancies are related to the exchange of emotional
and other experiences.

(3) On hteractiogin General.

 

A further observation concerning the contacts between people of ‘
different status levels is that while upper status level groups tend to
reject lower status people from entrance into contact with them, lower
Status level groups tend to welcome, to a limited extent, participation
of upper status people in their activities. This was observed in the
drinking group. Upper status persons usually tried to prevent a lower
status person from participating and the reverse was ture of a group of
lower status persons. An interesting observation of this situation is not
only division of the group into strata but also that a single and inte—
grated social status system encompasses the members of the community.

Interaction between members of different status groups, especially
in the context of economic activities, is essential to the operation of the
social system of the community. Contact between persons of different
social status levels occurs continuously through employer-employee
economic relationships. The farmer must maintain contact with his

workers or the farm enterprise will,suffer. The store owner must

-ll4-

have contacts with his customers irregardless of their social status

if his business is to prosper. The professional, the doctor or the
dentist, must have contacts with people of all social strata in a com-
munity the size of San Rafael. These things do not of course hold true
for all communities, for we may witness exclusive catering in urban
centers by doctors, dentists, merchants, and others. The majority of
contacts occurring between people of different status levels are within
the patterns dictated by other institutional arrangements of the commu-
nity. Daily life in the small town of San Rafael, of course, precludes
that one be completely isolated from any status group. Women must do
their marketing, men do business, trade, and commerce.

e. Status-Related Ideology and Knowledge.

 

One of the most revealing aspects of the stratification system of
the community is that many people know the names of only a small num-
ber of the population. Names of the highest level status group are, of
course, known most widely while, moving to the other end of the scale,
few of the farm laborer group are known by name beyond their own circle
of friends.

(1) Status Group III: Self-Conception.

 

How do the members of the different status levels conceive of
themselves, and how do they conceive of the others in the community?
.We Shall try to illustrate some of the rationale of status differentiation
as encountered in San Rafael. Those persons who rank at the bottom
level of the stratification system--farm laborers, vendors, servants--

conceive of themselves generally as ggnte humilde (humble people),

 

with little education and training who have to work hard and long hours

-115—

to earn a meager living. They usually credit themselves with being re-
ligious, honest, and exploited by’the upper classes. Members of this
level tended to find difficulty in verbalizing the distinctions which they
actually make in real situations of contact with persons of higher status.
They tended, at the verbal level, to consider all those above them as
being massed into one large group.

(2) Status Group III: Conception of Others.

 

Those persons who are recognized as ranking above them are

commonly referred to as 105 ricos or as being members of la sociedad.

 

Other terms, such as patron, agricultor, ganadero, also conveyed a
status symbolism. These latter terms are part of the local terminol-
ogy used to designate particular statuses in the economic system. The
first two terms, los ricos and la sociedad, are fully charged social status
terms. Many of the lower status persons manifest both envy and antag-
onism toward the upper status persons, although this manifestation
occurs principally at the verbal level of expression. As noted above,
however, even though those of the higher social status level appear to be
grouped together in the verbalized imagery of the lower status member,
differentiation is observable at the level of interaction. More deference
is accorded those persons who occupy the highest status level in the
community than is accorded persons in the middle group.

(3) Status Groups; and II: Conception of Others.

 

From the point of view of those persons occupying higher status
positions in the community, the members of the lower status level are
viewed in a variety of ways. They are thought of as being unclean,

shiftless, uncultured, gente baja, gente de la calle. Similar to the farm

 

 

-116-

laborer’s use of the terms patron or ganadero the terms peon and mozo

 

also carry social status reference. When one asks a middle or upper
status person who a farm laborer is, and receives the response, ES un

mozo de Fulano de tal, this response is descriptive of more than the

 

farm laborer’s position in the economic structure. It is also indicative
of the man’s social status. While the members of the lower status group
tend to envy those of the upper status groups, the members of the upper
status groups tend to manifest the polar opposite point of view. They
tend to disdain the way of life of the lower status group members.

The members of the middle status group tend to conceive of persons
existing both above their positions in society and below them. They
make clearer distinctions between persons as to the status positions
which they occupy in comparison with their own. Their view of the
lower status persons has been described above. They disdain them, and
to a limited extent manifest a degree of fear of them. Their attitudes
towards those who occupy the upper status positions in the community
are considerably different. The professional men are thought of with
a great amount of respect and are considered as being more fortunate
in life. On the other hand, the few large farmers, ranchers, and mer—
chants are thought of to some extent as usurpers, and are not considered
as their ”betters”. This attitude is especially often encountered among
the farmers who, from the fact of long residence in the community, can
remember that both they and their fathers were not so long ago on a
much more equal plane. On the other hand, the merchant group—-rel—
atively recently arrived—-tends to more overtly acknowledge the super-
ordinate status of the large farmer and rancher. The ordinary middle

status merchant has never known the upper status farmer or rancher in

-ll7-

any other context. This, then, completes the brief outline of the social
status system encountered in San Rafael.

10. Imagery of the United States and Americans

 

Part of the objectives of the IFYE program are concerned with
the development of “better” and ”friendlier” international relations.
It is expected that the exchange program will contribute to the furthering
of “good” international relations through the medium of the exchangees.
The American exchangees are supposed to set a prime example of Ameri-
can society and culture before the eyes of the rural inhabitants of the
countries which they visit. Likewise, the exchangees coming from for-
eign countries are supposed to contribute to the rural American’s under-
standing and appreciation of other peoples and cultures.

a. Collection of Data.

 

 

It was suggested that the American exchangee visiting a foreign
country will usually encounter pre—existing attitudes towards the United
States and Americans. Here we shall describe the composite of these
attitudes as encountered in the community of San Rafael. The data on
which the following material is based were collected principally through
informal conversations, in which the Mexican participants often became
highly affectually involved, and also through the use of several informants
from the different social strata.

An attempt was made near the end of the author’s visit in the com-
munity to obtain "objective” corroboration of the material collected
through conversations and informants. Thus, a questionnaire was
designed which was based principally upon the aspects of the imagery
of the American and the United States as encountered in the data pre-

viously collected. This questionnaire was submitted to 106 inhabitants

-118-

'of the community of San Rafael. Care was exercised to collect a pro-
portion of questionnaires from each of the three principal status groups,
but for operational reasons it was not possible to secure a sample ac-
curately based upon the distribution of population among these three
groups. It is believed that the data collected in this study by the ques-
tionnaire have rather tenuous value so far as revealing a more accurate
picture of the imagery than the conversations and interviews yielded.
Among the important reasons accounting for the belief in the tenuous
value of this questionnaire data are the following: (1) There was indi-
cation that many people consciously tried to give answers which would
be least offensive to the American; (2) Linguistic differences tended to
reduce comprehension of the questions on the part of the less educated;
(3) Unfamiliarity with answering questionnaires tended to disrupt some
p’er son’s continuity of thought; and (4) Suspicion of the motive for trying
to gather answers to such questions, and of the ultimate disposition of the
questionnaires was evidently existent on the part of some of the respond—
ents, and it is believed that on many questions this resulted in a tendency
to modify the “true” expression of attitudes. Nevertheless, the data
gathered in the questionnaire are presented in Appendix A, and are be-
lieved to be somewhat useful as suggestive of the climate of opinion in
San Rafael in May, 1953. It is certainly worth noting that the que stion—
naire data tend to corroborate the data gathered through informal con—
versations and informants.
b. Contacts between Mexico and U.S.
The historical contacts between the United States and Mexico have

been numerous and their effect apparently has been important in the

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-ll9-

formation of a composite image of the American. Some of the factors
which seem to have influenced the Mexican’s imagery readily come to
mind. Mexican armies have been defeated in battles by American
armies. Large expanses of territory have been ceded to the United
States by Mexico as the result of wars and purchase. The United States
has intervened in Mexican internal affairs by the use of military forces.
The expanding American economy has tended to give the impression of
dominating specific aspects of the Mexican national economy. By its
geographical proximity to Mexico the generally larger, wealthier, and
more powerful United States has contributed to the formation of an
imagery which is in many respects not ”favorable” to her. The many
cultural differences existing between the two countries have probably
played major roles in the formation of the imagery.

It seems likely that the internal development of Mexico, and es-
pecially the rise of strong nationalism during and since the Mexican
Revolution, has had a significant effect upon this imagery. There is
ready evidence that the imagery is continually reinforced by means of
the newspapers in their manner of treatment of relations between the
two countries. The primary school plays a major role in introducing
the child to the sanctioned (by government) climate of opinion and inter-
pretation of ”facts” concerning relations between the two countries.
Probably the existence of elements in the population which are highly
nationalistic serve as perpetuators of, especially, the negative attitudes.
Our attempt here is not to exhaust the examination of factors accounting
for the existence, and kind, of imagery obtaining in Mexico, but merely

to preface our remarks on the attitudes encountered among persons

1‘

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-120-

residing in San Rafael.

c. Part Image: (1) Technique, Organization, Wealth.

 

The inhabitants of San Rafael tend to think of Americans as persons
highly versed in technical skills and organization, and as an orderly and
efficient people. This is generally encountered throughout many parts
of the world as an aSpect of the imagery of the Americans. They are
imagined as wealthy people, and most believe that the American is a
harder worker than the Mexican. Many also conceive of Americans as
primarily motivated by economic considerations. These aSpects of the
imagery may probably be evaluated as favorable in terms of Mexican
premises. They are positively evaluated by Mexicans and many feel it
would be advantageous for Mexicans to adopt such traits.

(2) Relifigiosity.

 

Certain other aspects of the image of the American are unfavor-
able. They are thought to be less religious than Mexicans, and Protes-
tantism is not highly respected. Negative attitudes toward Protestantism
are shown in frequent verbalizations concerning the few who live in the
local community. They are referred to jokingly as crazy people (locos),
and their religious ceremonies are considered ludicrous. Jokes which
depreciate Protestantism are also encountered.

(3) Emotional Expres Sign.

 

Many people believe that Americans do not have the capacity to
experience a deep emotional life. They feel that Mexicans live much
more intensely than Americans. It is thought that Americans do not de—
velop or experience intense emotions of love, anger, and hatred, that they
are “an easy going people”. It isthought that Americans do not develop

deep attachments in their personal relationships, and the relatively higher

-121-

frequency of divorces in the United States is cited in example. The
experience of deep emotions and lasting personal attachments are very
highly valued in Mexican culture. The image of the American as lacking
in this regard is a negative evaluation of American culture.

(4) Feelings of Superiority.

 

Americans are thought of as albof, reserved, and disdainful of
Mexicans and their culture. This is especially interesting since
Americans tend to consider themselves as out-going and condescending.

It is believed that they feel themselves superior to Mexicans, and this
produces a strong reaction of resentment. Owing to this belief they are
extremely critical of behavior which tends to connote superiority on the
part of Americans. Since aloofness or reservedness is closely associated
with superiority, a person acting with reserve runs the risk of having his
behavior interpreted as superior or disdainful. The exchangees’ limited
interaction with persons in the community, and their reserved behavior

in certain face-to-face situations tended to be interpreted as a manifes-
tation of feelings of superiority.

Suspiciousness of strangers is manifested in the community. This
is accentuated when the stranger is an American. There exists a general
feeling that Americans are apt to try “to put something over on us”.

This aspect of the image seems to be especially associated with Americans
in the abstract, as a group of people ”north of the border”, who avail
themselves of opportunities to profit from the Mexican’s lack of foresight.

(5) Dominance and Interference.

 

It is thought that the United States dominates, or trys to dominate,

Latin America in general. People believe that the United States holds

-122-

colonies in different parts of the Americas,.and Cuba and Panama are
often pointed to by educated people as American colonies. Those who
admit that the United States does not participate in direct political dom-
ination believe that through economic manipulation she achieves a com-
parable effect. The United States is believed to have fomented and
supported revolutionary movements in Mexico in the past, and this is
Spoken of with resentment. Throughout Mexico there is a considerable
amount of cynicism concerning domestic politics. Related to this atti-
tude toward domestic politics is a not infrequently encountered belief
that the United States plays an important role in the determination of
national political issues. This seems to be another facet of the gen—
erally encountered belief that the United States trys to interfere in
Mexico’s internal affairs. A few individuals in the community mani-

fe sted the belief that the United States may have intentions of launching
a military invasion of Mexico. These latter are, however, extreme and
infrequently encountered beliefs, but they do demonstrate the extent to
which the image of the U.S. can be unfavorable.

d. Factors Relevant to Mode of Perception.

 

Besides the content of the imagery of the United States and the
American certain other aspects of the form of perception are highly
relevant to note. Although it would be difficult at this stage of formu-
lation to defend the following statements on the grounds of empirical
evidence, the author believes it, nevertheless, important to specify
certain impressions concerning the modes of perception of the people

of San Rafael on the basis that they are suggestive of important factors

structuring relations between these people and Americans.

-123-

First, we postulate the manifestation of a mode of response which

may be tentatively termed inferiority-aggression. By this is meant that

 

when inferiority feelings, feelings of insufficiency or reduced security
are elicited there is manifested a response typified by aggressiveness.
If this be so, and to the extent to which it may hold true, it is further
suggested that the matrix of the phenomenon be searched for in cultural
values describing the expected behavior and in the basis of the individual’s
security. system in the social structure. At least one Mexican writer
has approached this postulate of Mexican character from an exclusively
psychological viewpoint, yet the author finds insufficient basis in this
person’s work to consider it definitive even so far as its psychological
implications are concerned.2

This concept of a mode of behavior is believed relevant to the
discussion of Mexican-American relations (even though it is presumed
to have broader implications) owing to the tendency on the part of some
Mexicans to perceive Americans and the U.S. as domineering, or trying
to dominate Mexico. The form of aggression manifested in response to-
the situation need not necessarily be physical, and probably in most con-
crete situations would tend to be verbal. Given such a tendency in response
behavior on the part of the Mexican, it becomes imperative that the Amer-
ican exchangee adopt behavior which will tend to minimize its manifes-
tation. Obviously this response mode is conditioned by restraining
factors in the social structure and by the impingement of a congeries

of inhibiting values.

 

' 2,; Ramos, Samuel. ___ElPerfil deT, Hombre y la Cultura enMex—ico. Coleccion
Austral, Espasa-Calpe Argentina, S.A.,Buenos AireS—Mexico, l§5l. First
published in Mexico in 1934.

 

—124—

Second, it is important to note that “change”, as a value —premise
in the local culture, does not fit into the same constellation as it does in
American culture. “Change” is regarded much more cynically here than
in America. It is not necessarily associated with a progression towards
the “good”, as it tends to be in the United States. If this be so, then the
changes implied by the IFYE program may be expected to have less ap-
peal to the Mexican rural person than for the American. It is in reference
to Mexico’s greatest experience in change, the Revolution, that cynical
attitudes regarding the efficacy of "change” are encountered. Although
few Mexicans would be expected to deny the general ”good” brought
about by the Revolution, many are actually encountered who do not con-
sider the experience and worth of this most imposing concrete example
of implemented ”change” as overwhelmingly “good”. If it were possible
to characterize limited aspects of Mexican and American behavior in
terms of cynicism, then this writer believes that Mexican behavior would
be characterized by a greater degree of cynicism than American.

Third, people in the community of San Rafael tend to perceive ac-
tions at the individual level, at the level of the economic enterprise, and
at the level of government as a unified and consistent expression of Amer-
ican attitudes and intentions towards Mexico. They, in effect, lump
together aspects of American society so that action occurring at one level
tends to be perceived as characteristic of all levels. Thus, the predatory
action of an American owned fishing boat in Mexican waters is interpreted
in some quarters having control of mass communication media as
“piracy” and as typical of yanqui behavior towards the Mexican people.

Simultaneously, this behavior is associated with the United States

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-125-

government as though the latter had lent official sanction to the unlawful
actions of the fishermen. Similarly, the International Farm Youth
Exchange Project is associated with the United States government. This
leads to the supposition that it may be expected that the prestige of the
IFYE program will depend in no small part upon the prevalence of a
generally favorable opinion climate in regards to the United States.

The last point to be mentioned here concerns the mode of response
in the face-to—face Situation with Americans as it differs from the re-
sponse to Americans in the abstract. Although considerable unfavorable
attitudes towards the American and the United States are encountered
when considered in the abstract, these do not tend to persist as strong
negative elements conditioning the relations occurring between the com-
munity member and the exchangee once a minimum level of rapport has
been established. Under conditions of face-to-face contact the stereo-
typic biases tend to be minimized when the American is perceived as
making an effort to adapt his behavior to the norms of the community.
The negative elements of the imagery are brought into dynamic relation-
ship principally when rapport breaks down or previous to its establish-
ment. Thus, when the exchangee’s behavior is commendable in terms of
the values prevailing locally the biases against the stereotyped American
remain static elements structuring the interactive Situation. But when
the exchangee’s behavior is perceived as denying the worth of the locally
prevailing values, then the Stereotypic biases may be expected to assume
dynamic roles in the situation. So far as the exchangee’s behavior is
concerned, this implies that he must make a special effort to conform to

the norms obtaining in the community, otherwise his behavior may be

.'

-126-

expected to call into play the negative biases of the people holding un-
favorable stereotypes of the American.
11. The Exchangees in the Community
Having now examined the major aspects of the community which
were most relevant to the implementation of the IFYE program’s goals
and the activities of the exchangees some final comments need to be
made concerning the interaction of the exchangees in the community.

a. Host Families.

 

Two families in the community served as hosts at different peri-
ods during the year 1952 to four American exchangees. One of these
families owned several prosperous farms in the local and nearby area
and several hundred cattle. . In terms of local standards it was one of
the most prosperous agricultural families in the community. This family
ranked in the highest level of the local social status system. Its mem-
bers were of French descent, and in fact, the head was a French citizen

until the advent of the Mexican Revolution. He was in many respects,
an ”influential” person in San Rafael. He had never visited the United
States, and spoke no English. He did speak French fluently in addition,
of course, to Spanish. The major part of his time is spent in attending
to the administration of his economic interests.

The other host family in San Rafael was also one of the community’s
relatively prosperous and large farm families, though not so prosperous
as the first mentioned. He owned several large farms on which bananas
were grown, as well as chili, beans, and cash crops. He occupied an
upper status position in the community, but was considerably less “influ-

ential” in community affairs than the first. He was also descended from

 

.n 1 u».

-127-

French colonists, and spoke French fluently. The major part of his
active life was connected with the administration of his economic hold-
ings. He spoke no English, nor had he ever visited the United States.
He had a family of five daughters and two sons. The daughters, his
younger son, and his wife lived in a city some miles away where the
children attended a private high school. Another son aided his father
in administering the work of the farms and cattle. The son of this fam—
ily was among the first group of Mexican exchangees to visit the United
States in 1952-1953.

b. Interaction in the Community.

 

These, then, are the characteristics of the two host families with
which the exchangees stayed. We need to observe their interaction
with these families, and also see to what extent this was connected to
or integrated into the activities of the rest of the community. We may
begin by pointing out that nearly all of the activities in which the ex-
changees participated was in some way connected with the two host
families. The boys arose in the morning and accompanied the hosts on
their visits to their farms. They went out on horseback trips to tend the
cattle. They did odd jobs around the farms, and helped in some of the
planting operations. They drove tractors, jeeps, and trucks, and went
on errands for the families. Nearly all of their time was occupied with
these farm-related activities. As a result of the amount of time spent
connection with agricultural activities, and of the interest which the ex-
changees manifested in this aspect of'community life, they were able
to gain a considerable amount of knowledge and insight into the farming

practices of the community. The first two exchangees in the community

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-128-

seemed to be particularly interested in technical agriculture, and most
of the knowledge and experience which they gained in the field was
through a member of the host family.

Through opportunities provided by living with the host families
the exchangees met many other persons in the community and especial-
ly relatives of their hosts. Several dinners were given in their honor,
at which ten or more people were present. They participated in a rel-
atively large number of social situations, but the intensity of this inter-
action was low. They were able to reach only a very elemental level
of rapport with these people. The most important barrier in these
contacts was language, and hence the inability to communicate with the
people. The exchangees did not speak Spanish, except for a few phrases,
and the community members, in general, obviously did not speak English.
A few in the community did speak English, but their presence was lacking
in the vast majority of social situations in which the exchangees parti-
cipated. The fact that the exchangees failed to speak the language of the
people among whom they lived proved to be one of the most severe
problems with which they were faced, and with which the IF YE program
as a whole is confronted. Although the exchangees were able to enter
into social contacts with many people in the community, they were unable
to develop a high level of rapport in these contacts. They had most
friendly and cordial relations established with the host families, especi-
ally with the host fathers with whom they spent most of their time. But
owing to the language barrier they were never able to enter into full

interaction even with these persons.

l ,v 455» iP-t !

-129-

c. Factors Accounting for Limited Interaction.

 

As a partial explanation of the over-emphasized interest manifested
by the exchangees in agriculture we are impressed with three factors.
First, the exchangees were intensely interested in agriculture in general.
This was partially the reason why they were chosen to participate in the
IFYE program. Second, the broader field objectives of the IFYE program
either .were not sufficiently impressed upon them during their orientation
period, or they were not presented with a generalized plan of field objec-
tives. Third, they were not prepared to carry on communications at the
level of verbal interaction. The combination of these three factors may
be seen to have led towards a concentration of interest and activity in the
field of agriculture, and a consequent restriction of interest and activity
in other aspects of community life. Being well based in technological
aspects of agriculture we may assume that the difficulties of communi-
cation were considerably reduced. They could learn much about such
essentially technological processes merely by observation, especially
since they already possessed a great deal of personal experience in this
field. With a minimum of verbal communication the exchangees gained at
least some knowledge about agriculture.

In the area of social life, other than that related to agricultural
technology, it was much more difficult to gain someunder standing without
the use of language. It becomes obvious why the exchangee was unable
to carry out the objectives of the IFYE program concerned with informing
the local people and introducing interest in its goals. It was clearly not

possible for an exchangee to explain such abstract ideas, as for example,

-l30-

the need for world peace or the role which youth can play in the struggle
to preserve democracy.

The importance of the communication factor is emphasized in the
reactions to speeches made by the exchangees at a farewell banquet
given for them at the end of their visit. These speeches were given in
English and translated into Spanish by a Mexican journalist who had been
invited to the occasion. The point of interest is that there resulted a
general consensus among those who attended that they had finallybegun
to understand the purpose of the boys’ visit in the community. For the
first time even relatives of the host families had a comprehensive
presentation of the EYE program goals.

Questioning of the hosts and the exchangees revealed that few
ideas and little information was imparted which could be linked with the
objectives of better understanding of the United States or the creation of
better and friendlier international relations. This, of course, refers to
education or information at the verbal level, and does not obviate the pos-
sibility that some changes were introduced by other means. There was
some evidence that as a result of congenial living together some change
and favorable attitudes did result on the part of the host families. However,
on the other hand, some unfavorable stereotypes were reinforced among
other people as a result of some aspects of the exchangees’ behavior.

The exchangees did not participate in a wide range of social situa-
tions in the community. Such important community institutions as the
school and the church were not objects of attention, nor were the facilities

offered for contact with different segments of the community utilized.

l“ Ill

-l3l-

The church and the social organizations connected with it were not the
objects of any concentrated effort, and thus, some of the most important
avenues of communication and interaction with females was not utilized.
The largest gathering of youth to be found in the community is that en-
countered in the daily class meetings of the school children. Here, over
four hundred children were assembled six days each week. The large
possibilities for the dissemination of information among them .were over-
looked.

A further important handicap to the exchangees’ activities was that
they were generally restricted in their interaction to persons of middle
or upper social status positions. Some contact was made with farm
laborers, of course, through contact in the work situation. This was
valuable experience, and should have contributed substantially to an
understanding of the life-ways of this segment of the community. How-
ever, little or no contact was had with lower status persons in non-work
situations. The general pattern of leisure, for example, of the lower
status person differs markedly from that of the groups with which the
exchangees were associated. Thus, any impressions the exchangees
may have had of the lower status people were not based upon personal
experience through participation or observation. Here again the barrier
of language is viewed as crucial.

Perhaps the significance of language was even more important in
situations involving lower rather than upper status persons, since the
former is generally more apt to register a certain amount of suspicion
of the stranger and especially of the foreigner. By restricting théir acti-

vities principally to interaction with the host families the exchangees’

 

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-l32-

impressions and knowledge of the community were proportionately re-
stricted. Information which they took with them upon leaving the commu-
nity was over-weighted in favor of the upper status groups. The atti-
tudes which were conveyed to the exchangees--limited as they were,
owing to the language barrier--were the result of association with only
a numerically limited segment of the community. This is especially
important to note because the community differs considerably from the
typical American rural farm community where activity and other social
differences are not so pronounced between the various groups. The
”way of life" of the Mexican peon differs greatly from that of his
patron, a fact that may be given but little importance by one who

knows only the life-style of the patron.

The exchangees seem to have had no contacts with the several
voluntary associations in the community. Those interviewed were ac-
quainted with some of the members of the taxi owners association,
but were not aware that there was an association nor that they held
periodic meetings. The potentialities for the dissemination of informa-
tion among the group composing the merchants of the town’s market
evidently was not observed by the exchangee, in fact, contacts between
the exchangees and this group were highly limited.

(1. Informal Relations .

 

Probably the greatest oversight on the part of the exchangees was
that they did not succeed in establishing the kind of informal relations
with people in the community which lead to a relatively free interchange
of incidental knowledge. They did not succeed in establishing the level

of rapport which would have led to participation in a considerable

.->IL

..

 

-l33-

number of type-situations which are basic to life in the community.
Owing to the fact that they devoted most of their time to agricultural
interests they did not enter into the activities of the many groups of
young men which congregate in the town at different times of the day,
and especially in the evenings. Proper contacts with these groups would
have provided the exchangees with the most dependable channels for
learning the ways and ideas of male youth. Rapport with them would
also have provided the means for disseminating information about the
United States, the place of youth in contributing to world peace, and the
other objectives of the IFYE program. ‘ In one of the town bars, for ex—
ample, the exchangee could find not only the youth of the community but
also many adult men. '

Participation in the activities of the informal group, be they men
sitting at a table drinking beer or standing on the street corner convers-
ing, is, from the point of view of effective communications, one of the
very best informative situations which one could have encountered in the
community. For various reasons the exchangees did not participate to
any great extent in these informal group activities. It is perhaps impor-
tant to state that to enter the “inner ‘circle” of many of these informal
groups there is a ceremony which one must pass through. One must pass
what in effect constitutes an informal initiation rite. Such an initiation
may consist only of having one’s glass filled every time the other mem-
bers of the group do, or it may involve a rather tedious period of inter.-
rogation and similated attempts at provocation. Although requiring

patience such initiations are usually simple, harmless, and of short

duration, after which one passes to the status of a companion.

 

‘1!

-134-

In the case of the exchangees, they were usually too tired after
a full day in the field to spend several hours in town at night in what,
at first sight, might have appeared to be no more than idle talk. Sec-
ond, owing to their personally held values derived from their cultural
origina the exchangees were not accustomed to some of the “ritual”
connected with_initiation. For instance, the drinking of large amounts of
intoxicants was not a custom of the exchangees, and this is almost
inevitably one of the acts through which the stranger must pass in order
to gain entrance to the group. The second step in the initiation might
likely be to invite the exchangee to visit one of the town’s less reputable
house of entertainment. Neither of these two acts are compatible with
the values held by the exchangees. They are, in fact, negatively evaluated
by the Four —H movement of which the exchangees are among the most
outstanding representatives. Since these groups are essentially con-
geniality groups a stranger must prove his own congenial tendencies
by submitting to their initiation rite. This illustrates some of the
problems which emerge as the result of contact between two different
cultural groups. They are problems which may have no absolute solu-
tion, but at least should be recognized prior to the exchangees’ arrival
in the community.

e. Formal Relations.

 

The Society of School Fathers was headed by two men who had
shown considerable interest in the welfare of all of the community‘s
children, regardless of their social status. These two men could
have been enlisted by the exchangees as leaders in youth work, although

they were not contacted. Other individuals in the community served

 

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-l35-

a potential leadership function in relation to youth, many of whom
would have been interested in participating in a youth-oriented pro-
gram. They did not hold formal positions in the community's organ-
ized groups, but they held relatively high positions in the social status
structures.

The most important organization in the community from the
point of view of its range of authority and influence was the Junta de
Mejoras. Its members all held high social status positions in the com-
munity and had a considerable amount of personal influence. One of the
host fathers was a member of the group currently holding office. This
organization showed great possibilities for providing material and mor-
al aid towards the formation of rural youth groups. For most practical
purposes it may be considered to control the distribution of available
community funds. To have enlisted its services in a youth-directed
program would have automatically brought many other people into the
effort also.

In conclusion, we may say that the exchangees‘ roles in the com-
munity were essentially passive. They did not take positive steps
towards the dissemination of knowledge about the IFYE program. They
did not integrate their activities so as to take advantage of the influence
"of informal, formal, or institutionalized groups existing in the commu—
nity. Contacts with the community’s leaders were not systematically
exploited, and contact with them was a matter of accident rather than
design.

Several factors may be noted as accounting for the passive roles
which the exchangees assumed while in the community. Of foremost

importance in this respect was the fact that they could not speak Spanish.

. l
I

ff

-136-

Although they evidently did make some progress in their ability to
speak the language, it was still at a very elementary level by the time
they left the community. As a result it was not possible for them to
effectively convey the information, ideas, concepts, and values which
are implied by the program’s goals. It is also important to note that
one’s ability to speak the language of a people, or inability to do so, has
an effect upon the attitude manifested towards the exchangees. Where
the exchangee speaks the language, even though only haltingly in the be-
ginning, it may be expected to produce generally favorable dispositions
on the part of the inhabitants. The second factor of major importance
was the lack of field plans. The exchangees did not come to the com-
munity prepared to take an active role in promoting the objectives of
the IFYE program. There seemed to have been little training or brief-
ing in what they should do and how to do it.

In appraising the behavior of the exchangees in the San Rafael
community it would be well to call attention to a situational factor
sometimes referred to as “cultural shock”. It occurs when an indivi—
dual from one culture moves into a different one and, as the result of
inability to predict behavior on the part of thelocal inhabitants, suffers
varying degrees of disorientation and frustration. Modes of reaction to
this state vary, although a common one is withdrawal or retirement to
a familiar area of behavior. This is believed to partially account for
the emphasis placed upon agriculture by the exchangees, since this was
an area in which they could feel some security even in a state of general
isolation. The phenomenon of cultural shock is grounded in value differ-

ences as well as differences in patterns of expected behavior. As a re-

-l37-

sult, numerous situations may be differently interpreted by the ex-
changees and the community members. The exchangees’ values
differed sufficiently from those of the young Mexican men so that
they avoided participation in certain of the latter’s activities. What
was justifiable on the basis of recreational pleasure by the Mexican
young men was condemned on the basis of moral principle by the

exchangees.

-l38-

Chapter V

Summary and Conclusions

 

This study of the International Farm Youth Exchange Project in
Mexico attempted to describe its operation and effectiveness by examin-
ing it through the use of sociological and anthropological methods.

The principal areas selected for investigation were those of the structure
and activities of the administrative agency, and the structure of the com-
munity which had had most contact with the IFYE exchangees. It was
assumed that an investigation of these two areas would reveal problems
the program had encountered, allow an assessment of its effectiveness,
and lead to statements concerning its revision or modification.

Major Factors Structuring the Operation of the Program.

 

The major problems encountered by the IFYE program in Mexico
may be concisely summarized in terms of the major factors structuring
its operations. These are categorized for discussion purposes under the
topical headings of social and cultural factors, individual factors, and
administrative factors. It is not meant that these categories be taken
as mutually exclusive. It seems obvious that, for example, factors of
cultural derivation become relevant in any ”concrete” situation owing
to their expression through the actions, perceptions, and evaluations,
etc. of individual actors.

A. Social and Cultural Factors.

 

1. Language. The study concludes that, of all the factors
structuring the operations of the IFYE program, the language factor

was most crucial. The exchangees did not speak Spanish, the dominant

av

-139-

language of the inhabitants of San Rafael and of the majority population
in Mexico. Much of the ineffectiveness of the program was traced to
this difference in communications systems.

2. Values and norms. At some points it was noted that local

 

cultural values relevant to moral behavior differed considerably from
American values. A range of behavior which was favorably evaluated in
the local culture was unfavorably evaluated by the exchangees. This was
seen to have been particularly relevant to the restriction of the exchangees’
behavior in reference to participation in a range of youth activities. Re-
ligious values in the local culture were noted to be highly specific. That
is, they were not generally applied to behavior occurring outside of the
institution of religion. Thus, their usefulness as a source of support

for the achievement of the secular ends of the‘IFYE program was viewed
as highly limited. “Change” as a value in the local culture was found to
have different associations from that in American culture. Rather than
being associated generally with a progression towards the “good”, it
was noted that it was a more cynical attitude. “Equality”, an important
value in American culture, was found to have but a limited importance
as a value applied to behavior in general. On the other hand, the value-
premise of ”individuality" would be more characteristic as an element
structuring behavior in the local culture. In terms of emphasis given

to these latter values, "individuality” is more highly stressed. It was
implicitly assumed that the values characterizing American culture which '
were set forth in Chapter II serve to support the goals of the IFYE pro-
gram and aid in their articulation. It was inferred that the absence of

these values in the local culture, and the existence of other values

—l40-

would be expected to reduce the support of the program in the local
culture and to hinder the acceptance or articulation of the IFYE goals.
Instances were cited where empiric evidence tended to strongly support
these assumptions.

Religious-connected norms. The local culture prescribed that feznales

 

be the carriers of religious virtues and knowledge as well as perform the
activities sanctioned by the dominant religious institution. On the other
hand, the norms for males were less precisely defined, and men were
allowed more freedom for alternate behavior. Certain norms prescribed
for male behavior in non-religious activity tended to minimize active male
participation in religious activity. Thus, the only groups organized around
church-connected activities were composed exclusively of females. For
the IFYE program this had the significance of providing access to a size-
able group of females organized in a formal group. These church-con-
nected female groups were the only ones in which women and girls in

the community belonged. No avenue of access to males was provided by
religious -connected norms.

Status-connected norms. The norms relating persons of different

 

social status levels were found relevant to the implementation of the
IFYE goals. The form of observance of status differences restricted
contact between members of different strata to formal modes and re—
duced communications between them. Relatively strong cleavages
between strata characterized these relationships. This was illustrated
through an examination of the status-related imagery. Except for the
highest stratum, there was little manifestation of status-group solidar-

ity. The life-ways of the members of the lower level differ considerably

‘hl -r\

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-141;

from those of the middle and upper levels. Thus, the implementation of
the IFYE goals was made more difficult both as to the dissemination of
information and the securing of an understanding of the behavior, atti—
tudes, aspirations, and needs, etc. of the total community.

Family and kinship norms. The interaction patterns in the family

 

and kinship system provided the exchangees with the greatest amount of
contact with persons in the community. Although this occurred princi-
pally within the ranks of the middle status group, it nonetheless was
relevant to the achievement of the exchangees‘ goals of gaining knowledge
about life -ways. Family and kin interact with considerable frequency and
in highly intimate fashion in the local culture. The kinship system pro-
vided avenues for the dissemination of information. The influence which
an exchangee could expect to exert on a host or on other members of the
host’s generation is likely to be slight. The pattern of superordination—
subordination characterizing the relationship between father and son, and
the normative pattern of authority within the family (in which the father
consistently originates to the son) tend toward the minimization of the
extent to which the exchangee might influence the host and the host’s
generation.

Sex-connected norms. Males and females associate legitimately

 

only within (culturally) well defined situations. These situations differ
considerably from those in which association in American culture is
sanctioned. They are considerably more limited in terms of frequency.
Casual association is largely proscribed. No formal peer groups en-
compassed both sexes, and owing to the impingement of a cluster of

sex-related values such association is discouraged. In terms of the

 

-l42-

IFYE goals this is highly relevant in that it tends to preclude the or—
ganization of groups including members of both sexes.

Attitudes towards U.S. and Americans. The attitudes held by

 

people in the community of San Rafael concerning Americans and the
United States were found to bear a relationship to their perception of
behavior on the part of the exchangees. There were found a number
of unfavorable attitudes concerning the United States and Americans.
There was also encountered a tendency to link together American
individual, group, and institutional expressions. Empirical evidence
tended to show that the IFYE program and its goals were associated
with official United States representations. Thus, it was inferred
that as the prestige and degree of affection of the United States varies
according to the climate of local and national opinion the prestige and
affection of the IFYE program and its goals will rise or fall accordingly.
The unfavorable stereotypic biases concerning the American and
the United States were seen to be applicable principally when these
were considered in the abstract. Their importance in interactive sit-
uations involving community members and exchangees was most apt
to be felt at only two points, i.e., before rapport was established or
after rapport breaks down. Thus, community members with whom
rapport had not been established tended to perceive the exchangees
through the framework of their stereotypic biases. The exchangees,
although unaware of the nature of the imagery held by community
members, were aware that their actions would likely be subject to
scrutiny and criticism and attempted to behave in what they perceived

as an unoffensive manner.

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-l43—

B. Individual factors.

 

1. Learning. The sheer burden of learning the meanings of
many aspects of life going on around the exchangees in their new cultural
setting necessarily structured their behavior. Such simple decisions,
for one thoroughly acquainted with the culture, as whether to respond
positively or negatively to a verbal or postural gesture tended to in-

hibit their behavior and restrict their range of activities.

2. Cultural shock. The disorientation resulting from the change

 

of cultural milieux was noted as an element instrumental in inhibiting
the exchangees’ behavior in a wide range of social activities, and in
directing their attentions to the field of agriculture. In the activities
surrounding agriculture they were able to find security in a segment
of culture with which they had considerable familiarity 'as well as a
basic and long-standing interest.

C. Administrative factors.

 

1. Failure to define field objectives. The goals of the pro-

 

gram at the level of field operations were found to be poorly defined.
The members of the field administration agency and the exchangees
possessed only very generalized ideas of what the over-all goals of
the program were. The specification of objectives to be implemented
in the field, however, was found lacking. This is viewed as an impor-
tant factor, second only to the language barrier, contributing to the in-
effectiveness of the IFYE program in Mexico. It created an ambigu-
ous situation in which the exchangees were thrust while visiting
communities, and is viewed as contributing ’toward the concentration

of the exchangees’ interests and activities principally in one segment

er

-l44-

of culture, i.e., agriculture. In addition to these, the failure to define
field objectives is viewed as a basic barrier to the future efficient
operation of the program since it tends to obviate the periodically
needed evaluations which aid administrators in adjusting activities

to changed conditions.

2. Loosely organized field agency. The field agency charged

 

with the administration of the IFYE program in Mexico was loosely
organized. Members’ roles were not well defined, lines of authority
were ambiguous in regards to certain important activities, and the
communications system showed poor elaboration. The factors which
were viewed as accounting for these characteristics of the field agency
were seen to be principally those of the occupational interests of the
members. Their contributions of time, energy, and funds to the admin-
istration of the IFYE program were all of a voluntary nature, and were
made in addition to the duties performed in their occupational roles.

3. Procedure for selection of Mexican exchangees. The

 

procedure for the selection of Mexican exchangees showed consider-
able room for improvement. The principal handicaps in the procedure
used were that: (l) attention was not paid to the pre-existing attitudes
which the candidates held concerning the United States and Americans,
and (2) the necessity of possessing a basic working knowledge of English
was not strictly adhered to. The importance of the language factor was
discussed in connection with the American exchangees, and, of course,
holds the same significance in relation to the Mexican exchangees.

That attention to the pre-exi sting attitudes of the Mexican exchangees

is deemed relevant to the basis of their selection stems from evidence

.e

-l45-

tending to indicate that negative attitudes are often confirmed as the
result of cross-cultural experience rather than drifting towards a
change to positive attitudes.

4. Follow-up activities. Owing especially to the factors

 

cited in regard to the agency members’ occupational interests, suffi-
cient attention was not given to following -up the activities of the Mex—
ican exchangees upon their return to their home communities. The
loss of contact with the exchangees prevented the administrative
agency from evaluating the effectiveness of the exchange experience
for the boys, and, of course, precluded the securing of knowledge con-
cerning their activities in relation to the dissemination of information
about the IFYE goals.

On Ba sic As sumptions .

 

The question raised at the beginning of this study, of whether or
not the assumptions underlying the achievement of international under-
standing through exchange programs are valid, can only be partially and
inconclusively answered as a result of this analysis.

The study uncovered evidence showing that stereotypic images of
the United States and Americans were not altered by the exchangees’
presence in the local community. It further showed that the exchangees’
behavior tended to be interpreted through the framework of the local
inhabitant s ’ pre -exi sting stereotype s .

It was also shown that the lack of direction and organization which
detracted from the achievement of the EYE goals was in part due to
placing too much faith in the efficacy of the simple personal contact

situation.

-l46-

On the other hand, there seems to be little doubt but what the ex-
changees ended their exchange experience with a fuller appreciation
of Mexicans in general and of many facets of Mexican culture. The
same may be said of the Mexican exchangees in regard to their experi-
ence in the United States.

The results of this and other empirical studies on the impact and
effectiveness of cross—cultural contacts and education, indicate that in
some cases at least the cross-cultural experience does not lead to
more tolerant attitudes towards other cultures and people.

Perhaps the most significant conclusion is a methodological one.
At this stage, then, we would say that in order to understand how effective
an exchange program, conducted on a cross—cultural basis, is, it is nec-
essary to examine the exchangee‘s own culture, his position in his own
society, and the stresses which occur when the exchangee attempts to
articulate norms derived from the foreign culture. No matter how ef—
fectively an individual or group of exchangees’ attitudes are modified
by the exchange experience, they are still faced with pressures for
conformance to the prevailing norms in their own society. It must be
recognized that in most cases the pressure for conformance to the
local or national norms will be vastly stronger and more persistent
than the attraction to articulate the norms of the foreign culture.

Irnplications for the EYE Program.

 

Criticisms of the EYE program as it operated in Mexico which
have grown out of this study do not imply that it met with total failure.
To the contrary, many points were observed wherein its goals were in

the process of being implemented. The length of time during which it

-l47-

had been in operation in Mexico (two years) was short, and it could
hardly be expected that far reaching results could already have been
attained. But precisely because of the newness of the program it was
important to critically examine the directions it had taken in order to
allow for relatively easy modification before these directions became
“solidified”.

It is believed that the following suggestions for modification of
the program, when successfully implemented, will lead more directly
to the achievement of its goals. First, it seems essential that the ex-
changees possess a basic working knowledge of the language of the
country which they visit. This is applicable to all the cooperating
countries where English is not the dominant language. It likewise ap-
plies to the exchangees from foreign countries who visit the United
States. The American exchangees visiting Mexico whould have a mini-
mum command of Spanish before arrival, and the Mexican exchangees
should have a command of English. A basic working knowledge does
not mean that the exchangees should necessarily speak the foreign
language fluently. They should, however, have a relatively good com-
mand of its basic mechanics, and some conversational ability. The
study showed that one of the most important barriers to the achievement
of the program’s objectives was the inability of the exchangees to com-
municate with the people. By possessing a working knowledge of the
language upon arrival the exchangees would likely progress rapidly
towards fluency, simultaneously gain more insight into the culture, and
be better equipped to disseminate information about the IFYE objectives.

It seems essential that this criteria should be highly weighted in the

-l48-

selection of the exchangee candidates. Candidates who do not possess
a basic working knowledge of the language should not be accepted.

Second, the exchangees would profit more from a longer stay in
the first community which they visit. Their visit in the first host com-
munity is generally stressful, and poses many problems which may not
be expected to recur in other communities. It is during this time that
they begin to make progress in conversational ability, and begin to
evaluate the new situation. As a considered estimate the exchangees
should remain on their first location for three months. This time seems
adequate, in the perspective of the total length of the exchange experi-
ence, for meeting the problems involved in the exchangees’ introduction
to the new culture and allow them to gain some understanding of the
community. After this three months’ visit in the first host community
it would be advisable to shift them to three or four other locations during
shorter periods. Since their entire visit is limited to about five and a
half months, this would mean that their other assignments would be
limited to approximately two weeks duration each. A total of five
assignments, in varying regions of the country should allow sufficient
variation to give the exchangees insight into regional differences.

Third, it would be advisable to select two or more ”experimental”
communities in which each of the exchangees could visit. By selecting
two communities, and having each of the exchangees visit them several
conditionscould be met simultaneously. The community repeatedly
would be made aware of the program’s nature, and as succeeding groups
of exchangees visited it their presence would become a part of the expec-

tancies of its inhabitants. Each exchangee might add to the work done

-149-

by those before him, and there would exist the possibility of institut-
ing a well defined program for the dissemination of information and
for the accumulation of knowledge. By having each of the exchangees
visit the community they could afterwards compare notes, and one’s
observations could supplement another’s. A concentration of effort on
two communities would provide the basis for a more precise evaluation
of the program’s effectiveness.

Fourth, field objectives should be more precisely defined. The
orientation period in the United States and in Mexico should stress
that the exchangees try to play more active roles in the communities
which they visit. They should be impressed with the necessity of con-
tacting both formal and informal groups. They should be instructed to
engage in as much interaction with community members as possible.
The importance of giving attention to agricultural practices should be
placed in proper perspeCtive with other aspects of community life.
Agriculture should not be made to absorb such a large amount of time
and effort. They should try to learn about non-agriculturaloccupations
and activities also. The exchangees should be instructed to gather in-
formation, and impressions, about religious, social, and recreational
life. They ought to engage in and observe leisure time activities of the
community’s different secial classes. Especial attention should be
paid to the habits, customs, games, recreation and general interests
of the community’s youth. The problems with which youths are con-
fronted as they approach manhood and their felt needs should be ob-

served and noted.

Fifth, the administration of the program has been hampered by

-150-

the loosely structured and voluntary nature of the agency charged with
this activity. The persons responsible for its administration recognized
the limitations placed upon them by their occupational duties, and there
was indication that some initiative had been taken to stimulate interest
in a domestic (Mexican) sponsoring agency which could administer the
program. The establishment of such an agency seems essential to the
future success of the program in Mexico. Such an agency, if properly
staffed and organized, could make a very substantial contribution to

the implementation of the program’s goals.

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IOM OOH OOHcOpOOO O OOOOQOEOO cam

. . . OOOOOHHOEOOpHoz OHOOHHOO OHL
IOQHSOOE OH OOQSS HOO hOnmE OH Om

. O O O O O 0 O O I I 0 new MOCQOmez
OOH OSO OOLOOOOOQOOO OOE OocOOH
upmswmpmoz OOH GOO .HOpOcOw OH cm

.:H

.MH

.NH

.HH

.OH

OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH

mw.4mm

HOOOO

H m m
I OH OH
I w a
I Q N.
I OH OH
H O a
I ON ON
I HH NH
wfl.dmwm mW.aHmm
OOSOQO OOH
Oz IOHQO om
IOOp 02

s O OH OH
O OH O m
H H O OH
3 O a O
O O OH OH
O O O O
O OH OH
O O N. O
OIOO OIJH
02 HO
OSO O50
OOHo OOho

m OH
@0., ON
HH OH
:m mm
mm mm
Om Om
mm :m
OH OH
wuqolm

OH OH
O O

HO :O
O: Hm
OO HO
OO :O
mm mm
OO sO
Ow.4mm

OOOHOOOOOOOO O OHnOpOOO OOOOSQ OOc
IOOHKOZ OOAOESOOOO OOH OOcOHOOcOO
OOCOOHLOEOOpnoz OOH .HOQOOOO OH cm

.OOOOOHsz OOHHnsmOm OH O OpHomOnO
3O :00 LHOO>OH .Db.mm OOH OOOOOQ

. . . . . .OOOHNOS OSO OOOOpHOOOOc
OSO O pOnOE .Db.mm OOH COOQOHOO

. . . . OGOHoONHHH>HO OH OO thcOo
HO .Db.mm OOH COO OOOHHO5poO OH cm

. . . . . .OOHHOCHEOO cHO OQOOHKOS
OHnOsm HO OOOSOO .bb.mm OOH GOOOOQ

O O O O O 0 O I 0 O O O meOHUCfl MOH
OO OOpOpoOMOOOQ oEOO OOAOOOOOHSO
Icoo OOH O LOQOOHOOOO OOOSQ Om

. . . . . . . OOOHOOE OO OOOHOHHOQ
OOcOHoOspHO OOH .Db.mm OOH cOOHOOQ

. . . OOOOHOQ Oonpo O OOSOO COO OO
IOOSO OQOO>OAQ nOoOO OO .Db.mm OOH
OO OOHOcOch OH OO .HOOOOOO OH cm

H.O.Ocoov O xHOOOOOO

.NN

.HN

.ON

.OH

.OH

.OH

.OH

.mH

Ill " I

 

OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
mw.4mm
HOOOB

l I m w
H m CH HH
H H OH OH
O O OO Om
I OH om

.wn .02 .m: .02

AO3OGO COH

Oz ICHQO Ow
ICOp 02

:H

mm

OH

OH

OO

OH

OH

.wI.wmm

oz
OSO
OOho

O OH OO OO o: O:
O O OO OO HO OO
O O OO OO OO OO
O OH OO OO O: OO
OH OH OH OH OO HO
H H OO OO O OH
.w1.4mm mw.4HmH mw.dmmm
HO 02 HO
OSO
OOpo

H.O_pcoov O xHOsOOOO

OOOOO
Oososs OoO: OO OOGOHOO>OH OOH OOQ
.Db.mm OOH Oppcoo OCOOHNOE OHOOsm
HO Onoc%_o poocOp OH>OOOp OpcOHm
. . . . . . . OOOHKOE OO OOHoONHH
IH>HO OH O OOOOOOOQ HO OOCOOHLOEO
IOppOz OOH cOpocmH .HOOOCOO OH cm
. . . . . . .OOOCOOHQOEOOppOz OOH
OO OOSOOQOOO OOOQ OO>HpoE OOQOO
IHxOE OOH cOcOHp OOOHHOSpoO OH cm
0 O O O O O O O O O meCGOIfiNmE mOH
OSO OOQOOHOOEOOmez OOH OOOOOGHQ O
OOOHOSE oEOo OSOHOQO OOCOE COOOHB

O.Db .mm OOH OO

OCHAOQOO HO coo OOOOLOOO OOuOnp
OOHNOz OO OOOOOOHOOAQ OOH OOOOHB
. . . . . . OOOCOQOOHOAQ GOHOHHOO
OH OOOOOOO OOHsz OOOQ OcOsn OHOOO

.Om

.OO

.OO

.OO

.rm

.OO

.1. III

p

OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
OOH OOH
Oldmm
H¢BOB

I m m
I OO :O
.wl .02 .w1 .02
OOZOCO OOH
Oz ICHQO Om
IcOp oz

  

O O O O
:H .O H O :
O O O O
O O H H
O O O. O
OI 4% OI 4%
02 HO
OSO OSO
OOOO OOLO

 

Olin;
I .I v

c . . . . I V
N l . IfOOOiIIDn‘I it!“, .i.‘ ' :1”

H: O:
O: ::
OO OO
O: ::
O OH
OI 4%.
oz

 

OO OO
O OO
:O OO
OO :O
OO OO
OI 4mm
HO

A.O.pcoov O NHOQOQQO

. . . . . . . OOOOOB CO OOMOOOOQ
OOH GOOHOOH ODO OpCOHEOpOmp HO
Omem GOnm 2O OOOOHOHOOSO OpOm

. OOOOOOHOOEOOpmoz OOH OSO OOOOO
IOOOQOOO OOE OOCOOHNOS OOH com

0 I O o Q 0 O O 0 O O O O mepmlfi
IHOHOOQEH OHOQ a: .Db.mm OOH com

. . . . . OOOOOOHOHOOSO OOOHOHOO
Ompcoo OHOQ 5O OOOQOOOO 0:5 OQOQ

. OOOHOOHOO Osoo OOOHLOE¢ OOH OO
OOOHOQ OOHpO> .Db.mm OOH OOOOHB

.Om

.Om

.Hm

.OO

.Om

II qt "

—156-

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bates, E. S. Touring in 1600: A Study in the Development of Travel 33 a
Means 9_f Education. ‘Constabl—an 3 Company, London. 19“.

 

 

Daly, Lloyd W. Roman Study Abroad, in American Journal_o_f_ Philology,
Vol. 71. pp. 40-58. 1950.

 

Gorer, G. The American People. Viking Press, New York. 1948.

 

Haskins, Charles H. The Rise of Universities. Henry Holt and Company,
New York. 1923. “—

 

 

Kluckhohn, C. and Leighton, D. The Navaho. Harvard University Press,
Cambridge. 1946.

 

Linton, R. The Study of Man. Appleton-Century-Crofts, New York. 1936.

 

Linton, R. (ed.) The Science of Man 11.1. the World Crisis. Columbia
University Press, New York-r945.

 

Loomis, C.P., et al. Rural Social Systems and Adult Education. Michigan
State College Press, East Lansmg, I953.

 

Loomis, C P. and Beegle, J'.A. Rural Social Systems. Prentis Hall, Inc.,
New York. 1950.

 

Loomis, C.P. and Schuler, E.A. Acculturation of Foreign Students in the
United States, in Applied Anthropology, Spring, 1948. pp. 17-34.

 

 

Mead, M. And Keep Your Powder Dry. Morrow, New York. 1942.

Metraux, Guy S. Exchan e of Persons: The Evolution of Cross-Cultural
Education. Pamp et 0. ,‘S'omal Science Research C'B'uncil. New York.
June, I ;52.

 

Opler, M. Themes as Dynamic Forces in Culture. American Journal _o_f
Sociology, Vol. 51, No. 3.1945. pp. 198- 206.

 

 

Ramos, Samuel. El Perfil del Hombre y la Cultura en Mexico. Coleccion

Austral, Espasa-C'Elpe Argentina, SA. Buenos Eire-s-LMexmo. 1951.

 

Reusch, I. and Bateson, G. Communications: The Social Matrix o_f_' _P__sy-
chiatry. W W. Norton and Co., New York. 1951.

 

Spicer, E. H. (ed. ) Human Problems in Technological Change. Russell
Sage Foundation, New Y or.lE I952. —

 

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